latimes--2020-02-13--California won't be a kingmaker on Super Tuesday. But it's the gatekeeper to the final stretch

California voters are about to discard and qualify some candidates for the sprint to the Democratic presidential nomination .
Until now , the race has been a slow marathon .
But with Iowa and New Hampshire out of the way and Nevada and South Carolina coming soon ( Feb. 22 and 29 , respectively ) , candidates must kick into overdrive .
On Super Tuesday — March 3 — California and 13 other states will hold presidential primaries .
They include such wide-ranging states as Alabama , Colorado , Massachusetts , Minnesota , North Carolina , Texas and Virginia .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ convention delegates — 415 pledged to candidates on election day , plus 79 unpledged so-called superdelegates to be added later for a total of 494 .
By the end of Super Tuesday , more than a third of all convention delegates will have been pledged nationally .
And two-thirds will have been chosen by the end of March .
— Whether Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont can remain a front-runner .
Much of the Democratic establishment — especially moderates — are having anxiety attacks over the prospect of the self-described democratic socialist carrying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump .
Sanders is too leftist for the battleground states that Democrats must carry to oust Trump , they contend .
Liberal Gov .
Gavin Newsom didn ’ t put it that way in a recent interview on ABC ’ s “ The View , ” but he acknowledged some fellow Democratic governors are nervous .
“ I was just at the National Governor ’ s Assn.
, and this is not comfortable for me to say , ” Newsom said , “ but … there ’ s deep anxiety [ about ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders ascendancy with the Elizabeth Warren wing of the party and the prospects … that [ Michael R. ] Bloomberg moves into that and you ’ re at a place of civil war .
“ It ’ s not my point of view , per se , but it ’ s the anxiety that is spoken very much universally , but not publicly yet.
” Civil war is what party primaries are all about .
But what ’ s making party leaders and moderate Democrats anxious about Sanders is that his so-called socialist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ costs Democrats not only the presidency , but also majority control of the U.S. House .
“ When you look back at when Franklin Roosevelt created Social Security , he was attacked as being a socialist , ” says Rafael Navar , California director for Sanders .
“ Social Security became one of America ’ s most favorable programs.
” Sanders is by far the best organized candidate in California .
He has opened 22 offices and has 105 paid staffers , plus many thousands of eager volunteers , especially on college campuses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to take on Trump , ” Navar asserts .
“ The antidote for the Trump base is equal energy on our side.
” — Whether moderate former South Bend , Ind .
Mayor Pete Buttigieg can keep challenging Sanders for the lead in a large state with large populations of black and Latino voters .
There were few voters of color in Iowa and New Hampshire , where Buttigieg essentially tied for first and finished a close second , respectively .
In California , a January poll of likely voters didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fourth , at 7 % , behind Sanders , Massachusetts Sen. Warren and former Vice President Joe Biden in a poll by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies .
Buttigieg was favored by only 4 % of Latinos and 3 % of blacks .
But he attracted 11 % of Asians .
This survey , however , was taken before Americans actually started voting and the running positions changed dramatically .
Warren and Biden stumbled badly .
Buttigieg sprinted to the front .
And Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar took a surprising big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how all that is affecting voters ’ thinking about electability .
The former vice president needs a huge victory in South Carolina to retain any semblance of electability , his original selling point as a candidate .
He ’ s supposed to be the favorite candidate of black voters .
But in the California poll , he received only 12 % of the black vote and 18 % Latino support .
Sanders had 31 % and 38 % , respectively .
Biden isn ’ t exciting anybody .
And he needs a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Klobuchar can continue her leap toward the top .
It ’ s going to get tougher for the Midwesterner because she ’ s low on money and will need a barrel load to compete competitively in Super Tuesday states .
But she certainly must have already worked herself onto anyone ’ s shortlist for vice president .
The answer is probably yes .
She ’ s also short on money , and Sanders is winning the liberal vote .
— Whether Bloomberg can become the moderate alternative .
The mega-billionaire has already spent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in excess of $ 300 million nationally , mostly on TV ads .
California has not been friendly to very rich , self-funded candidates running for high office .
But the Bloomberg camp points out that this rich candidate is different : He has actually been elected to office , three times as New York mayor .
One strong supporter is Antonio Villaraigosa , former Los Angeles mayor and state Assembly speaker .
Bloomberg donated $ 2 million to Villaraigosa ’ s unsuccessful gubernatorial bid against Newsom in the 2018 primary .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he endorsed the fellow former mayor .
“ I ’ m appreciative , ” he told me , “ but my decision was based on my working with him for eight years .
He ’ s a uniter , not a divider , at a time we have a divider-in-chief in the White House .
And he gets things done.
” On Super Tuesday , California won ’ t be a kingmaker — or a queenmaker .
But it will be a gatekeeper to the sprint track .

California voters are about to discard and qualify some candidates for the sprint to the Democratic presidential nomination.
Until now, the race has been a slow marathon. But with Iowa and New Hampshire out of the way and Nevada and South Carolina coming soon (Feb. 22 and 29, respectively), candidates must kick into overdrive.
On Super Tuesday — March 3 — California and 13 other states will hold presidential primaries. They include such wide-ranging states as Alabama, Colorado, Massachusetts, Minnesota, North Carolina, Texas and Virginia.
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California will offer by far the most convention delegates — 415 pledged to candidates on election day, plus 79 unpledged so-called superdelegates to be added later for a total of 494.
By the end of Super Tuesday, more than a third of all convention delegates will have been pledged nationally. And two-thirds will have been chosen by the end of March.
Californians will help decide:
— Whether Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont can remain a front-runner.
Much of the Democratic establishment — especially moderates — are having anxiety attacks over the prospect of the self-described democratic socialist carrying the party banner in November against President Trump. Sanders is too leftist for the battleground states that Democrats must carry to oust Trump, they contend.
Liberal Gov. Gavin Newsom didn’t put it that way in a recent interview on ABC’s “The View,” but he acknowledged some fellow Democratic governors are nervous.
“I was just at the National Governor’s Assn., and this is not comfortable for me to say,” Newsom said, “but … there’s deep anxiety [about] what is potentially emerging as a Bernie Sanders ascendancy with the Elizabeth Warren wing of the party and the prospects … that [Michael R.] Bloomberg moves into that and you’re at a place of civil war.
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“It’s not my point of view, per se, but it’s the anxiety that is spoken very much universally, but not publicly yet.”
Civil war is what party primaries are all about. But what’s making party leaders and moderate Democrats anxious about Sanders is that his so-called socialist ideas could be a red flag that costs Democrats not only the presidency, but also majority control of the U.S. House.
“When you look back at when Franklin Roosevelt created Social Security, he was attacked as being a socialist,” says Rafael Navar, California director for Sanders. “Social Security became one of America’s most favorable programs.”
Sanders is by far the best organized candidate in California. He has opened 22 offices and has 105 paid staffers, plus many thousands of eager volunteers, especially on college campuses.
“Bernie is the best bet to take on Trump,” Navar asserts. “The antidote for the Trump base is equal energy on our side.”
— Whether moderate former South Bend, Ind. Mayor Pete Buttigieg can keep challenging Sanders for the lead in a large state with large populations of black and Latino voters.
There were few voters of color in Iowa and New Hampshire, where Buttigieg essentially tied for first and finished a close second, respectively.
In California, a January poll of likely voters didn’t look good for Buttigieg. He was fourth, at 7%, behind Sanders, Massachusetts Sen. Warren and former Vice President Joe Biden in a poll by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies. Buttigieg was favored by only 4% of Latinos and 3% of blacks. But he attracted 11% of Asians.
This survey, however, was taken before Americans actually started voting and the running positions changed dramatically. Warren and Biden stumbled badly. Buttigieg sprinted to the front. And Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar took a surprising big leap.
Super Tuesday will tell us how all that is affecting voters’ thinking about electability.
— Whether Biden is toast.
The former vice president needs a huge victory in South Carolina to retain any semblance of electability, his original selling point as a candidate.
He’s supposed to be the favorite candidate of black voters. But in the California poll, he received only 12% of the black vote and 18% Latino support. Sanders had 31% and 38%, respectively.
Biden isn’t exciting anybody. And he needs a lot more money to compete.
— Whether Klobuchar can continue her leap toward the top.
It’s going to get tougher for the Midwesterner because she’s low on money and will need a barrel load to compete competitively in Super Tuesday states.
But she certainly must have already worked herself onto anyone’s shortlist for vice president.
— Whether Warren is a goner.
The answer is probably yes. She’s also short on money, and Sanders is winning the liberal vote.
— Whether Bloomberg can become the moderate alternative.
The mega-billionaire has already spent more than $30million in California and in excess of $300 million nationally, mostly on TV ads.
California has not been friendly to very rich, self-funded candidates running for high office. But the Bloomberg camp points out that this rich candidate is different: He has actually been elected to office, three times as New York mayor.
One strong supporter is Antonio Villaraigosa, former Los Angeles mayor and state Assembly speaker. Bloomberg donated$2 million to Villaraigosa’s unsuccessful gubernatorial bid against Newsom in the 2018 primary. But Villaraigosa insists that isn’t why he endorsed the fellow former mayor.
“I’m appreciative,” he told me, “but my decision was based on my working with him for eight years. He’s a uniter, not a divider, at a time we have a divider-in-chief in the White House. And he gets things done.”
On Super Tuesday, California won’t be a kingmaker — or a queenmaker. But it will be a gatekeeper to the sprint track.


latimes--2020-02-13--Arrest made after fire guts Tustin apartment building

Authorities Wednesday arrested a man on suspicion of setting a fire that tore through an Orange County apartment building , gutting dozens of apartments , collapsing the roof and displacing about 100 tenants .
Patrick Andrew Ceniceros , 59 , of Tustin was arrested Wednesday night on suspicion of arson , Tustin Police Lt. Andrew Birozy said .
“ Just thank God that we ’ re not booking him for murder , ” given the potentially deadly blaze , he added .
It wasn ’ t immediately clear whether Ceniceros had an attorney who could speak on his behalf .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ raged through the two-story building in the Chatham Village apartment complex about 3 a.m. Wednesday , the Orange County Fire Authority said .
Residents said police officers pounded on doors and told people there was a fire .
“ We were sleeping , you know , it was in the middle of the night .
Out of nowhere this loud noise of knocking — boom , boom , boom on the door .
‘ Get out , the apartment ’ s on fire , ’ ” resident Heidi Murillo told KABC-TV Channel 7 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fire .
No first responders were injured .
About 120 firefighters put out the blaze after five hours , and 38 of the 40 apartments burned , authorities said .
About 100 people were displaced , and many huddled in blankets in the predawn cold .
American Red Cross volunteers set up a care center for the displaced residents .
Birozy said Ceniceros was arrested after he came to the front counter of the police station and offered to speak to detectives .
“ He just showed up saying he wanted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ He made some incriminating statements that led us to believe he was involved in arson at that complex.
“ Ceniceros had some connection to the building but it wasn ’ t immediately clear whether he was a resident , Birozy added .
There was no immediate word on the motive , he said .

Firefighters check for hot spots after a fire early Wednesday at a two-story apartment complex in Tustin.
Authorities Wednesday arrested a man on suspicion of setting a fire that tore through an Orange County apartment building, gutting dozens of apartments, collapsing the roof and displacing about 100 tenants.
Patrick Andrew Ceniceros, 59, of Tustin was arrested Wednesday night on suspicion of arson, Tustin Police Lt. Andrew Birozy said.
“Just thank God that we’re not booking him for murder,” given the potentially deadly blaze, he added.
It wasn’t immediately clear whether Ceniceros had an attorney who could speak on his behalf.
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Two people suffered smoke inhalation as flames raged through the two-story building in the Chatham Village apartment complex about 3 a.m. Wednesday, the Orange County Fire Authority said.
Residents said police officers pounded on doors and told people there was a fire.
“We were sleeping, you know, it was in the middle of the night. Out of nowhere this loud noise of knocking — boom, boom, boom on the door. ‘Get out, the apartment’s on fire,’” resident Heidi Murillo told KABC-TV Channel 7.
The roof collapsed 25 minutes into the fire. No first responders were injured.
About 120 firefighters put out the blaze after five hours, and 38 of the 40 apartments burned, authorities said.
About 100 people were displaced, and many huddled in blankets in the predawn cold. American Red Cross volunteers set up a care center for the displaced residents.
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Birozy said Ceniceros was arrested after he came to the front counter of the police station and offered to speak to detectives.
“He just showed up saying he wanted to talk to us,“ Birozy said. “He made some incriminating statements that led us to believe he was involved in arson at that complex.“
Ceniceros had some connection to the building but it wasn’t immediately clear whether he was a resident, Birozy added.
There was no immediate word on the motive, he said.


latimes--2020-02-12--15 indicted for involvement in L.A. drug-trafficking ring

Law enforcement officers arrested 11 people Wednesday that prosecutors allege were part of a long-running drug trafficking ring that sold heroin , methamphetamine and cocaine across Los Angeles County .
The 20-count indictment charges 15 people with conspiracy to distribute controlled substances and alleges a series of illegal activities over the past four years .
Wednesday ’ s arrests included two of the organization ’ s alleged ringleaders : Gabriel Ortega , a 42-year-old Lynwood resident known to the group as “ Nightowl , ” and Raul Sanchez , or “ Rawlo , ” 39 , of Alhambra .
From @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Lincoln Heights , Ortega organized the movement of drugs and money , and also sold narcotics , according to court records .
Others in the group would act as couriers of drugs and money , authorities said .
Ortega twice sold about 440 grams of meth for $ 2,800 to a confidential source who was acting at the direction of law enforcement , according to the indictment .
On March 21 , 2018 , Sanchez allegedly coordinated the delivery of about 11 pounds of cocaine , 9 pounds of heroin and 15 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Alhambra .
He also allegedly possessed three unregistered “ ghost guns , ” one .45-caliber Glock pistol and ammunition at the storage facility , according to prosecutors .
Frequently speaking over the phone in code , group members moved drugs and money across the county , including from locations in Agoura Hills , Alhambra , Monterey Park , El Monte , Paramount and Southgate , authorities said .
Through their investigation , law enforcement seized about eight kilograms of cocaine , five kilograms of heroin , 10 kilograms of meth , 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and more than $ 200,000 in suspected drug proceeds , according to the U.S. attorney for the Central District of California .
When one of the group members , Stephen Patino , was arrested on Jan. 12 , 2018 in San Diego , authorities said he had about $ 65,000 in drug money in the dashboard of the truck he was driving .
Law enforcement seized the money .
Patino later called Sanchez and told him , “ They took everything , ” according to court records .
In addition to the conspiracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of knowingly and intentionally possessing with intent to distribute controlled substances .
Sanchez , who previously was convicted in Los Angeles Superior Court of four separate drug possession charges , also has been charged with being a felon in possession of firearms and ammunition .
If convicted on all counts , the defendants would face a statutory maximum sentence of life in federal prison and mandatory minimum sentences of at least 10 years in federal prison .

Law enforcement officers arrested 11 people Wednesday that prosecutors allege were part of a long-running drug trafficking ring that sold heroin, methamphetamine and cocaine across Los Angeles County.
The 20-count indictment charges 15 people with conspiracy to distribute controlled substances and alleges a series of illegal activities over the past four years.
Wednesday’s arrests included two of the organization’s alleged ringleaders: Gabriel Ortega, a 42-year-old Lynwood resident known to the group as “Nightowl,” and Raul Sanchez, or “Rawlo,” 39, of Alhambra.
From his home in Lynwood and a storefront in Lincoln Heights, Ortega organized the movement of drugs and money, and also sold narcotics, according to court records. Others in the group would act as couriers of drugs and money, authorities said. Ortega twice sold about 440 grams of meth for $2,800 to a confidential source who was acting at the direction of law enforcement, according to the indictment.
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On March 21, 2018, Sanchez allegedly coordinated the delivery of about 11 pounds of cocaine, 9 pounds of heroin and 15 pounds of meth to a storage facility in Alhambra. He also allegedly possessed three unregistered “ghost guns,” one .45-caliber Glock pistol and ammunition at the storage facility, according to prosecutors.
Frequently speaking over the phone in code, group members moved drugs and money across the county, including from locations in Agoura Hills, Alhambra, Monterey Park, El Monte, Paramount and Southgate, authorities said.
Through their investigation, law enforcement seized about eight kilograms of cocaine, five kilograms of heroin, 10 kilograms of meth, 10 firearms, hundreds of rounds of ammunition and more than $200,000 in suspected drug proceeds, according to the U.S. attorney for the Central District of California.
When one of the group members, Stephen Patino, was arrested on Jan. 12, 2018 in San Diego, authorities said he had about $65,000 in drug money in the dashboard of the truck he was driving. Law enforcement seized the money. Patino later called Sanchez and told him, “They took everything,” according to court records.
In addition to the conspiracy charge, Ortega and Sanchez face charges of knowingly and intentionally possessing with intent to distribute controlled substances.
Sanchez, who previously was convicted in Los Angeles Superior Court of four separate drug possession charges, also has been charged with being a felon in possession of firearms and ammunition.
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If convicted on all counts, the defendants would face a statutory maximum sentence of life in federal prison and mandatory minimum sentences of at least 10 years in federal prison.


latimes--2020-02-12--Magnitude 4.0 earthquake hits near Hollister, Calif.

A magnitude 4.0 earthquake was reported Wednesday evening at 7:33 p.m. Pacific time 10 miles from Hollister , Calif. , according to the U.S. Geological Survey .
The earthquake occurred 14 miles from Soledad , 15 miles from Salinas , 17 miles from Prunedale and 23 miles from Gilroy .
In the last 10 days , there have been no earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby .
An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in California and Nevada , according to a recent three-year data sample .
The earthquake occurred at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you feel this earthquake ?
Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS .
Even if you didn ’ t feel this small earthquake , you never know when the Big One is going to strike .
Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit .
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot , a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS .
A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published .
If you ’ re interested in learning more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of frequently asked questions .

The location and shaking intensity of a magnitude 4.0 earthquake that struck Wednesday evening near Hollister, Calif.
A magnitude 4.0 earthquake was reported Wednesday evening at 7:33 p.m. Pacific time 10 miles from Hollister, Calif., according to the U.S. Geological Survey.
The earthquake occurred 14 miles from Soledad, 15 miles from Salinas, 17 miles from Prunedale and 23 miles from Gilroy.
In the last 10 days, there have been no earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby.
An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in California and Nevada, according to a recent three-year data sample.
The earthquake occurred at a depth of 4.9 miles. Did you feel this earthquake? Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS.
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Even if you didn’t feel this small earthquake, you never know when the Big One is going to strike. Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit.
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot, a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS. A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published. If you’re interested in learning more about the system, visit our list of frequently asked questions.


latimes--2020-02-12--Man sues Archdiocese of Los Angeles, Cardinal Mahony and ex-priest at center of abuse scandal

A 32-year-old man filed a lawsuit Wednesday against the Archdiocese of Los Angeles , Cardinal Roger Mahony and an ex-priest who was returned to parish duties even after admitting to molesting children .
Mahony went on to reassign Michael Baker to several other Roman Catholic parishes , where he abused more boys , many of them immigrants .
The lawsuit is one of the first cases filed against Mahony , formerly the Archbishop of Los Angeles , since California enacted legislation last year that sets aside the state statute of limitations and provides more time for victims of childhood sexual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been accused of molesting at least 23 men as young boys during his decades in the priesthood .
He was convicted in 2007 of abusing two boys and sentenced to 10 years in prison .
Wednesday ’ s lawsuit was filed by a man identified only as John Doe , who alleges he was repeatedly sexually abused from about age 6 to 10 , between 1993 and 1997 , at St. Columbkille Church in South Los Angeles .
Baker had confided to Mahony in 1986 that he had molested two boys .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ who led the nation ’ s largest archdiocese .
It was the Baker case that more than any other incident led to his downfall and semi-exiled retirement .
In 2013 , his successor , Archbishop Jose Gomez , relieved Mahony of all public duties over his mishandling of clergy sexual abuse after the release of thousands of documents that revealed the extent of his knowledge .
“ This case represents one more sordid example of the efforts of Cardinal Mahony to hide and enable assault on children by a serial pedophile priest , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law firm was part of massive litigation that saw the Archdiocese pay out more than $ 700 million in settlements .
“ Many victims were denied access to the courts since the 1990s by California ’ s outdated statute of limitations , ” he added .
The archdiocese issued a statement Wednesday saying Baker deceived an array of people .
“ The Archdiocese has expressed deep regret for the mistakes made in handling the case of former priest , Michael Baker , and has implemented many changes and reforms in the thirty years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and ministries continue to be safe places for all in our communities.
” The new state legislation is expected to renew mass litigation against the Catholic Church and other institutions with knowledge of abusers ’ histories .
Mahony , who retired in 2011 , has blogged and sought to represent immigrant causes , but he remains a controversial figure .
The internal church records showed that in a note to the Cardinal , Baker first broached his need to talk , after Mahony appealed for priests to report inappropriate behavior .
“ During @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with an invitation to talk to you about the shadow that some of us might have .
I would like to take you up on the invitation , ” Baker wrote .
Baker would later tell The Times that Mahony did not press him for the identities of his victims .
Mahony transferred Baker to a New Mexico treatment facility .
Police were not notified and no effort was made to contact the victims .
Mahony returned Baker to ministry in the Los Angeles Archdiocese in 1987 .
Mahony informed Baker that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a child .
The lawsuit claims that Baker violated this directive on no less than three documented occasions , all of which were observed by Los Angeles Archdiocesan personnel .
Baker remained in ministry until 2000 , when he was defrocked .
In 2002 , as the clergy abuse scandal came to the public ’ s attention , it was revealed the archdiocese secretly paid $ 1 million to Baker ’ s victims .
In 2007 , Baker pleaded guilty to a dozen counts of molestation against two boys .
He was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was released in 2011 because of credit for time served .
Subsequent lawsuits against the Archdiocese lead four men to receive a $ 9.9 million in 2013 as part of an agreement to settle their legal actions against Baker .

Former Catholic priest Michael Baker, right, at his sentencing in December 2007. At the time, the Los Angeles Archdiocese, where much of his abuse occurred, was issuing checks to hundreds of alleged abuse victims.
A 32-year-old man filed a lawsuit Wednesday against the Archdiocese of Los Angeles, Cardinal Roger Mahony and an ex-priest who was returned to parish duties even after admitting to molesting children.
Mahony went on to reassign Father Michael Baker to several other Roman Catholic parishes, where he was accused of abusing more boys, many of them immigrants.
The lawsuit is one of the first cases filed against Mahony, formerly the archbishop of Los Angeles, since California enacted legislation last year that sets aside the statute of limitations and provides more time for victims of childhood sexual abuse to seek civil damages.
Baker has been accused of molesting at least 23 boys during his decades in the priesthood. He was convicted in 2007 of abusing two boys and sentenced to 10 years in prison.
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Wednesday’s lawsuit was filed by a man identified only as John Doe, who alleges he was repeatedly sexually abused from about age 6 to 10, between 1993 and 1997, at St. Columbkille Church in South Los Angeles. Baker confided to Mahony in 1986 that he had molested two boys.
Mahony was a well-regarded and powerful figure who led the nation’s largest diocese. It was the Baker case that more than any other incident led to his downfall and semi-exiled retirement. In 2013, his successor, Archbishop José Gomez, relieved Mahony of all public duties over his mishandling of clergy sexual abuse after the release of thousands of documents that revealed the extent of his knowledge.
“This case represents one more sordid example of the efforts of Cardinal Mahony to hide and enable assault on children by a serial pedophile priest,” said attorney John Manly, whose law firm was part of massive litigation that saw the archdiocese pay out more than $700 million in settlements. “Many victims were denied access to the courts since the 1990s by California’s outdated statute of limitations.”
In a statement Wednesday, the archdiocese said Baker deceived an array of people.
“The Archdiocese has expressed deep regret for the mistakes made in handling the case of former priest, Michael Baker, and has implemented many changes and reforms in the thirty years since to ensure that parishes, schools and ministries continue to be safe places for all in our communities,” it said.
The new state legislation is expected to renew mass litigation against the Catholic Church and other institutions with knowledge of abusers’ histories.
Mahony, who retired in 2011, has blogged and sought to represent immigrant causes, but he remains a controversial figure.
Internal church records showed that in a note to the cardinal, Baker first broached his need to talk after Mahony appealed for priests to report inappropriate behavior.
“During the priest retreat … you provided us with an invitation to talk to you about the shadow that some of us might have,” Baker wrote. “I would like to take you up on the invitation.”
At a spiritual retreat in late December 1986, Baker made a full confession.
Baker would later tell The Times that Mahony did not press him for the identities of his victims.
Mahony transferred Baker to a New Mexico treatment facility. Police were not notified and no effort was made to contact the victims. Mahony returned Baker to ministry in the Los Angeles Archdiocese in 1987.
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Mahony informed Baker that he was not permitted to be left alone with a child. The lawsuit claims that Baker violated this directive on no less than three documented occasions, all of which were observed by archdiocesan personnel.
Baker remained in ministry until 2000, when he was defrocked. In 2002, as the clergy abuse scandal came to the public’s attention, it was revealed the archdiocese secretly paid $1 million to Baker’s victims.
In 2007, Baker pleaded guilty to a dozen counts of molestation against two boys. He was sentenced to 10 years in prison but was released in 2011 because of credit for time served.
Subsequent lawsuits against the archdiocese led four men to receive a $9.9 million in 2013 as part of an agreement to settle their legal actions against Baker.


latimes--2020-02-12--Students sue Delta after jet fuel dump over Whittier high school

Three students from Pioneer High School in Whittier have filed a lawsuit against Delta Air Lines after one of its planes dumped jet fuel over their campus and other suburbs of Los Angeles County .
The lawsuit , filed on behalf of the students by two law firms , is the second filed against the airline since Jan. 14 , when Delta Flight 89 released up to 15,000 gallons of jet fuel over cities and schools across the county .
The three students suffered an array of symptoms such as skin irritation , nausea and emotional distress after they were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the lawsuit .
They accused Delta of being negligent and are seeking compensation for emotional distress as well as medical and attorney fees .
A representative for Delta Air Lines could not be reached for comment .
But in a previous statement to The Times , the company said : “ We deeply regret any impact this may have had on you and your families .
We mean it when we say we are an airline led by our values … and we will continue to work with community leaders to assist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Shanghai-bound plane had been in the air for only a few minutes when it abruptly veered off course , turning north over the Pacific Ocean toward Malibu .
The jetliner would eventually make an emergency landing back at Los Angeles International Airport just 25 minutes after takeoff , but not before making an emergency fuel dump to shed weight .
Most of the cities and schools affected by the jet fuel dump were in southeast L.A. County , a region divided into 27 cities and unincorporated neighborhoods with mostly working-class Latino and immigrant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parts of South Los Angeles , South Gate , Downey , Whittier and Cudahy .
A total of 60 patients were treated .
Twenty children and 11 adults from Park Avenue Elementary School in Cudahy were treated for minor injuries .
Anger over the fuel dump reached a new level when it was revealed that air traffic control had asked Delta Flight 89 if it needed to make an emergency fuel dump , only for the pilot to decline it and then less than 20 minutes later release fuel as the flight made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rarely dump fuel , but when they do , it ’ s typically over water or at higher altitudes so the fuel can atomize and disperse before it hits the ground .
The Delta fuel drop struck a nerve in Cudahy , a small working-class and immigrant community that has been no stranger to environmental problems .
The city is one of Los Angeles County ’ s smallest but densest .
About 24,000 people are squeezed into 1.2 square miles along the cargo-truck-choked 710 Freeway corridor .
In 2015 , when the Exide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ town of Vernon was shut down after spewing arsenic and lead into southeast L.A. communities , Cudahy was one of those most affected .
Though the city doesn ’ t lie in the 1.7-mile Exide cleanup zone , blood samples from children in Cudahy tested positive for high amounts of lead .
Twenty years before the Jan. 14 Delta fuel dump , Park Avenue Elementary students saw the school ’ s ground bubbling up .
It turned out the school had been built on toxic waste .
Officials discovered the playground was contaminated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students were bused to schools outside Cudahy .
Days after the fuel dump , four Park Avenue teachers filed lawsuits against the company , saying they suffered emotional and physical distress because the pilot didn ’ t follow protocol .
The South Coast Air Quality Management District also slapped the company with a notice of violation and said that it could face civil penalties for causing a public nuisance .
Attorneys for the three students at Pioneer High School said the jet fuel incident could have been avoided had the pilot followed protocols @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and its flight crew for Flight 89 had a duty to notify air traffic control of any need or intent to dump jet fuel during a flight , and were aware of or should have been aware that the aircraft was too low to safely dump fuel , ” Matthew McNicholas , an attorney for the plaintiffs , said .
“ This incident brings into question whether this negligence extends into Delta ’ s policies and protocols .
”

Three students from Pioneer High School in Whittier have filed a lawsuit against Delta Air Lines after one of its planes dumped jet fuel over their campus and other suburbs of Los Angeles County.
The lawsuit, filed on behalf of the students by two law firms, is the second filed against the airline since Jan. 14, when Delta Flight 89 released up to 15,000 gallons of jet fuel over cities and schools across the county.
The three students suffered an array of symptoms such as skin irritation, nausea and emotional distress after they were exposed to the jet fuel, according to the lawsuit. They accused Delta of being negligent and are seeking compensation for emotional distress as well as medical and attorney fees.
A representative for Delta Air Lines could not be reached for comment. But in a previous statement to The Times, the company said: “We deeply regret any impact this may have had on you and your families. We mean it when we say we are an airline led by our values … and we will continue to work with community leaders to assist those affected by Flight 89.”
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The Shanghai-bound plane had been in the air for only a few minutes when it abruptly veered off course, turning north over the Pacific Ocean toward Malibu. The jetliner would eventually make an emergency landing back at Los Angeles International Airport just 25 minutes after takeoff, but not before making an emergency fuel dump to shed weight.
Most of the cities and schools affected by the jet fuel dump were in southeast L.A. County, a region divided into 27 cities and unincorporated neighborhoods with mostly working-class Latino and immigrant populations. Among the areas hit were parts of South Los Angeles, South Gate, Downey, Whittier and Cudahy.
A total of 60 patients were treated. Twenty children and 11 adults from Park Avenue Elementary School in Cudahy were treated for minor injuries.
Anger over the fuel dump reached a new level when it was revealed that air traffic control had asked Delta Flight 89 if it needed to make an emergency fuel dump, only for the pilot to decline it and then less than 20 minutes later release fuel as the flight made its way back to LAX.
Pilots rarely dump fuel, but when they do, it’s typically over water or at higher altitudes so the fuel can atomize and disperse before it hits the ground.
The Delta fuel drop struck a nerve in Cudahy, a small working-class and immigrant community that has been no stranger to environmental problems. The city is one of Los Angeles County’s smallest but densest. About 24,000 people are squeezed into 1.2 square miles along the cargo-truck-choked 710 Freeway corridor.
In 2015, when the Exide battery recycling plant in the nearby industrial town of Vernon was shut down after spewing arsenic and lead into southeast L.A. communities, Cudahy was one of those most affected. Though the city doesn’t lie in the 1.7-mile Exide cleanup zone, blood samples from children in Cudahy tested positive for high amounts of lead.
Twenty years before the Jan. 14 Delta fuel dump, Park Avenue Elementary students saw the school’s ground bubbling up. It turned out the school had been built on toxic waste. Officials discovered the playground was contaminated by petroleum. For eight months, students were bused to schools outside Cudahy.
Days after the fuel dump, four Park Avenue teachers filed lawsuits against the company, saying they suffered emotional and physical distress because the pilot didn’t follow protocol. The South Coast Air Quality Management District also slapped the company with a notice of violation and said that it could face civil penalties for causing a public nuisance.
Attorneys for the three students at Pioneer High School said the jet fuel incident could have been avoided had the pilot followed protocols and raised other issues.
“Delta and its flight crew for Flight 89 had a duty to notify air traffic control of any need or intent to dump jet fuel during a flight, and were aware of or should have been aware that the aircraft was too low to safely dump fuel,” Matthew McNicholas, an attorney for the plaintiffs, said. “This incident brings into question whether this negligence extends into Delta’s policies and protocols.”
Times staff writer Alejandra Reyes-Velarde contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-02-12--State officials see merit in extra protections for Southern California mountain lions

State officials on Wednesday concluded that several cougar clans in Central and Southern California may warrant listing as threatened under the state Endangered Species Act , a step that could limit highway construction and development on thousands of acres of real estate .
Mountain lions are not a threatened species in California , but the determination submitted to the state Fish and Game Commission points out that six isolated and genetically distinct mountain lion populations from Santa Cruz to the U.S.-Mexico border make up a subpopulation that is threatened with extinction .
The California Department of Fish and Wildlife reviewed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a petition submitted by the Center for Biological Diversity and the nonprofit Mountain Lion Foundation , which argued that the populations constitute an “ evolutionary significant unit ” that should be listed as state endangered .
“ California ’ s mountain lions are being poisoned by rodenticides , hit by cars and legally shot with depredation permits , ” said J.P. Rose , an attorney at the Center for Biological Diversity .
“ As sprawl development has fragmented their habitat , inbreeding could wipe out isolated mountain lion populations if nothing is done @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state officials agree that the status quo is unacceptable , ” he added , “ and we urge California to quickly finalize protections for these iconic animals.
” The state commission is expected to vote April 15 on whether to formally grant the populations status under the state Endangered Species Act .
If the commission agrees , the California Department of Transportation would not be allowed to build or expand highways in core mountain lion habitat without implementing adequate measures to ensure habitat linkages and safe passage under or over them .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be limited in mountain lion habitats within a region covering roughly a third of the state .
The protection , if approved , will probably send stakeholders on all sides rushing to state courts and the Legislature .
There is no reliable estimate of how many mountain lions roam California today .
But a rough estimate of 6,000 big cats statewide are legally classified as a “ specially protected species ” by the Department of Fish and Wildlife .
The concept of an “ evolutionarily significant unit , ” or ESU , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S .
Fish and Wildlife Service listed California ’ s Central Coast population of coho salmon as federally endangered .
A year ago , the southern Sierra Nevada population of the Pacific fisher became the first ESU mammal listed as a state threatened species .
In the meantime , the number of mountain lions in Southern California continues to plummet in the Santa Ana , San Gabriel , San Bernardino , Santa Monica , Santa Cruz and Tehachapi mountains .
The greatest concern for the long-term health of mountain lions in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of landscape connectivity between ranges and large blocks of open space on private land , according to an environmental review of land management plans conducted by the U.S. Forest Service .
Mountain lion advocates say local governments are adding to this fragmentation .
The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors a year ago approved a proposal to develop 1,330 acres near the community of Castaic .
That came despite concerns by the Santa Monica Mountains Conservancy that it would degrade a wildlife linkage between Angeles National Forest and Los Padres National Forest .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposed 12,000-acre Centennial development on the unincorporated northern fringe of the county , overlooking objections that it would sever a habitat linkage between Highway 14 and Interstate 5 .
On Monday , the Santa Monica Mountains National Recreation Area announced that a young mountain lion it had monitored since 2017 had been killed under a law allowing property owners to slay big cats that hurt livestock or pets , if other deterrents have failed .
The 4- or 5-year-old lion , identified as P-56 , was believed to be the father of four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 101 Freeway in the western area of the Santa Monica Mountains .
In response to that killing , Joseph T. Edmiston , executive director of the Santa Monica Mountains Conservancy , has offered to personally reimburse livestock owners for losses attributable to lion predation in the region .
On Wednesday , Los Angeles city leaders said they want to halt the issuance of depredation permits , which allow lethal action against cougars .
Statewide , an estimated 100 “ nuisance ” mountain lions are eliminated annually under such permits , officials said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ threatened , Rose said , it would “ likely constrain the issuance of depredation permits to kill mountain lions in protected populations.
” Traffic also takes a significant toll .
In the Santa Monicas , the 101 Freeway exists as a near impenetrable barrier to gene flow for a group of about 10 mountain lions .
In the Santa Anas , the 15 Freeway limits the movement of a family of 20 cougars .
Since National Park Service biologists began researching pumas in the Santa Monicas in 2002 , motorists have struck and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ predators in the study area , federal officials said .
“ These amazing animals face huge threats that could wipe out key populations , ” said Tiffany Yap , a biologist at the Center for Biological Diversity .
“ We urge the state to finalize these protections quickly so mountain lions can thrive in California for generations to come .
”

State officials on Wednesday concluded that several cougar clans in Central and Southern California may warrant listing as threatened under the state Endangered Species Act, a step that could limit highway construction and development on thousands of acres of real estate.
Mountain lions are not a threatened species in California, but the determination submitted to the state Fish and Game Commission points out that six isolated and genetically distinct mountain lion populations from Santa Cruz to the U.S.-Mexico border make up a subpopulation that is threatened with extinction.
The California Department of Fish and Wildlife reviewed the species’ status in response to a petition submitted by the Center for Biological Diversity and the nonprofit Mountain Lion Foundation, which argued that the populations constitute an “evolutionary significant unit” that should be listed as state endangered.
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“California’s mountain lions are being poisoned by rodenticides, hit by cars and legally shot with depredation permits,” said J.P. Rose, an attorney at the Center for Biological Diversity. “As sprawl development has fragmented their habitat, inbreeding could wipe out isolated mountain lion populations if nothing is done.
“We’re elated that state officials agree that the status quo is unacceptable,” he added, “and we urge California to quickly finalize protections for these iconic animals.”
The state commission is expected to vote April 15 on whether to formally grant the populations status under the state Endangered Species Act.
If the commission agrees, the California Department of Transportation would not be allowed to build or expand highways in core mountain lion habitat without implementing adequate measures to ensure habitat linkages and safe passage under or over them.
In addition, large-scale commercial and residential development could be limited in mountain lion habitats within a region covering roughly a third of the state.
The protection, if approved, will probably send stakeholders on all sides rushing to state courts and the Legislature.
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There is no reliable estimate of how many mountain lions roam California today. But a rough estimate of 6,000 big cats statewide are legally classified as a “specially protected species” by the Department of Fish and Wildlife.
California voters banned mountain lion hunting in 1990.
The concept of an “evolutionarily significant unit,” or ESU, is not new. In 2005, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service listed California’s Central Coast population of coho salmon as federally endangered. A year ago, the southern Sierra Nevada population of the Pacific fisher became the first ESU mammal listed as a state threatened species.
In the meantime, the number of mountain lions in Southern California continues to plummet in the Santa Ana, San Gabriel, San Bernardino, Santa Monica, Santa Cruz and Tehachapi mountains.
The greatest concern for the long-term health of mountain lions in the national forests of Southern California is loss of landscape connectivity between ranges and large blocks of open space on private land, according to an environmental review of land management plans conducted by the U.S. Forest Service.
Mountain lion advocates say local governments are adding to this fragmentation. The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors a year ago approved a proposal to develop 1,330 acres near the community of Castaic. That came despite concerns by the Santa Monica Mountains Conservancy that it would degrade a wildlife linkage between Angeles National Forest and Los Padres National Forest.
Similarly, the board recently approved the proposed 12,000-acre Centennial development on the unincorporated northern fringe of the county, overlooking objections that it would sever a habitat linkage between Highway 14 and Interstate 5.
On Monday, the Santa Monica Mountains National Recreation Area announced that a young mountain lion it had monitored since 2017 had been killed under a law allowing property owners to slay big cats that hurt livestock or pets, if other deterrents have failed.
The 4- or 5-year-old lion, identified as P-56, was believed to be the father of four offspring and was living south of the 101 Freeway in the western area of the Santa Monica Mountains.
In response to that killing, Joseph T. Edmiston, executive director of the Santa Monica Mountains Conservancy, has offered to personally reimburse livestock owners for losses attributable to lion predation in the region. On Wednesday, Los Angeles city leaders said they want to halt the issuance of depredation permits, which allow lethal action against cougars.
Statewide, an estimated 100 “nuisance” mountain lions are eliminated annually under such permits, officials said.
If the state listed the cougars as threatened, Rose said, it would “likely constrain the issuance of depredation permits to kill mountain lions in protected populations.”
Traffic also takes a significant toll. In the Santa Monicas, the 101 Freeway exists as a near impenetrable barrier to gene flow for a group of about 10 mountain lions. In the Santa Anas, the 15 Freeway limits the movement of a family of 20 cougars.
Since National Park Service biologists began researching pumas in the Santa Monicas in 2002, motorists have struck and killed more than 17 of the large predators in the study area, federal officials said.
“These amazing animals face huge threats that could wipe out key populations,” said Tiffany Yap, a biologist at the Center for Biological Diversity. “We urge the state to finalize these protections quickly so mountain lions can thrive in California for generations to come.”


latimes--2020-02-12--A coronavirus ward? How U.S. hospitals are preparing for this new threat

U.S. hospitals are stocking up on gowns and goggles and holding refresher courses in infection control amid a growing outbreak of a novel strain of coronavirus that has already killed more than 1,360 people in China .
Since it began spreading last year , the coronavirus known as 2019-nCoV has prompted the World Health Organization to declare a global health emergency , U.S. officials to strongly advise against travel to China and some experts to predict a worldwide pandemic .
In the United States , just 14 people have been diagnosed with the coronavirus so far , though officials say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hundreds of people have already shown up at American healthcare facilities with symptoms of the virus , forcing staff to don face masks and put patients in isolation rooms while awaiting test results .
In addition to the 14 people confirmed to have the virus in the U.S. , 413 others have been tested for it ; 347 tested negative , and results are still pending for 66 , according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
The virus ’ symptoms , such as fever and cough , resemble those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the height of its season in the U.S .
So far , the virus does not appear to be any more contagious than the flu or a cold , though scientists are learning more as cases mount .
Because of the ever-evolving situation , the CDC is recommending that doctors and hospitals adopt a “ cautious approach ” when treating coronavirus patients in their facilities .
This is how that approach would play out if you visited a hospital to be treated for the coronavirus .
Patients suspected of having the coronavirus are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ placed in a separate room away from other patients while they await treatment .
Because the virus can travel up to six feet in the air when someone coughs or sneezes , the CDC recommends maintaining at least that distance between the patient and all others to prevent the spread of infection .
“ If you have traveled to China , please let us know immediately , even before you walk into a crowded waiting room , ” said Dr. Brian Lee , emergency department medical director at St. Joseph Hospital in Orange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minds.
” A doctor then interviews the patient about their symptoms and travel history .
Patients must meet specific criteria to qualify for testing , including travel to China in the last 14 days .
Patients are typically admitted to the hospital for treatment while they await results of the test , which is usually done through a nasal swab .
In some cases , patients with mild illness can self-quarantine at home .
Admitted patients are placed in “ negative pressure ” rooms , which keep air from seeping out into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from these special rooms is eventually released outside instead of being recirculated through the hospital .
Such rooms are typically used for patients with diseases such as tuberculosis and measles .
They are standard in hospitals , unlike the special chambers some facilities set up to handle Ebola cases in 2014 .
“ To the patient , it looks exactly like any other treatment room , ” said Dr. Michael Mesisca , emergency department medical director at Riverside University Health System Medical Center .
The Riverside hospital , which has been receiving people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has tested patients for the coronavirus but has had no tests come back positive , he said .
All healthcare personnel who interact with infected patients wear gowns , gloves , goggles and masks .
Though the coronavirus isn ’ t believed to be more contagious than the flu , scientists don ’ t know everything about it yet .
“ We ’ re using what the CDC likes to call an abundance of caution , ” said Dr. Shira Doron , an infectious disease specialist at Tufts Medical Center .
In San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Samaritan Hospital were put on two-week leave after public health officials determined they had contact with a confirmed coronavirus patient .
With suspected and confirmed coronavirus patients , staff members who can enter the room are limited to the patient ’ s doctor and nurse .
Staffers keep a log of everyone who enters the room .
Patients aren ’ t allowed visitors and are encouraged to communicate with their loved ones by phone or video chat .
Hospital workers don ’ t typically wear face shields or goggles when treating flu patients @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too different from caring for people with seasonal influenza .
Many other diseases that hospitals regularly treat require these precautions , Doron said .
“ This isn ’ t something very out of the ordinary for us , ” she said .
There aren ’ t any treatments specific to this novel coronavirus , so doctors do what they can to alleviate a patient ’ s symptoms , which could include administering IV fluids and monitoring lung function .
More severe cases may need to be put on a ventilator to help them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change a patient ’ s treatment plan because doctors are already treating the symptoms , they say .
Hearing that coronavirus patients are in the hospital can be scary for other patients and their families .
Last week at Rady Children ’ s Hospital San Diego , a 3-year-old girl and her father were admitted as suspected coronavirus cases after they fled China last week .
Both have since been cleared and discharged .
Dr. Nicholas Holmes , the hospital ’ s chief operating officer , said staff members emphasized that they were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possible to limit the spread of the virus .
He said they also reminded patients and their families that the flu is a bigger concern than coronavirus .
“ We always have to address those concerns for parents , ” he said .
“ It ’ s really educating the families about what coronavirus is , as well as what are the other infectious diseases in the community at large.
” Lee , of St. Joseph Hospital , agreed that the flu remains a larger threat than coronavirus for Americans and requires more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seek treatment .
“ Our main ask to the public is : Don ’ t panic , ” he said .

Dr. Brian Lee, emergency department medical director at St. Joseph Hospital in Orange, said influenza still commands more hospital resources than the new coronavirus.
U.S. hospitals are stocking up on gowns and goggles and holding refresher courses in infection control amid a growing outbreak of a novel strain of coronavirus that has already killed more than 1,360 people in China.
Since it began spreading last year, the coronavirus known as 2019-nCoV has prompted the World Health Organization to declare a global health emergency, U.S. officials to strongly advise against travel to China and some experts to predict a worldwide pandemic.
In the United States, just 14 people have been diagnosed with the coronavirus so far, though officials say they expect those numbers to rise. Hundreds of people have already shown up at American healthcare facilities with symptoms of the virus, forcing staff to don face masks and put patients in isolation rooms while awaiting test results.
In addition to the 14 people confirmed to have the virus in the U.S., 413 others have been tested for it; 347 tested negative, and results are still pending for 66, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The virus’ symptoms, such as fever and cough, resemble those of the flu, which is in the height of its season in the U.S.
Advertisement
So far, the virus does not appear to be any more contagious than the flu or a cold, though scientists are learning more as cases mount. Because of the ever-evolving situation, the CDC is recommending that doctors and hospitals adopt a “cautious approach” when treating coronavirus patients in their facilities.
A view of St. Joseph Hospital in Orange. Hospitals are stocking up on gowns and goggles and holding refresher courses in infection control amid the coronavirus outbreak. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
This is how that approach would play out if you visited a hospital to be treated for the coronavirus.
Step 1: Triage
Patients suspected of having the coronavirus are required to wear face masks and be placed in a separate room away from other patients while they await treatment. Because the virus can travel up to six feet in the air when someone coughs or sneezes, the CDC recommends maintaining at least that distance between the patient and all others to prevent the spread of infection.
“If you have traveled to China, please let us know immediately, even before you walk into a crowded waiting room,” said Dr. Brian Lee, emergency department medical director at St. Joseph Hospital in Orange. “We can’t read minds.”
A doctor then interviews the patient about their symptoms and travel history. Patients must meet specific criteria to qualify for testing, including travel to China in the last 14 days.
Patients are typically admitted to the hospital for treatment while they await results of the test, which is usually done through a nasal swab. In some cases, patients with mild illness can self-quarantine at home.
Step 2: ‘Negative pressure’ isolation rooms
Admitted patients are placed in “negative pressure” rooms, which keep air from seeping out into the rest of the hospital. The air from these special rooms is eventually released outside instead of being recirculated through the hospital.
Advertisement
Such rooms are typically used for patients with diseases such as tuberculosis and measles. They are standard in hospitals, unlike the special chambers some facilities set up to handle Ebola cases in 2014.
“To the patient, it looks exactly like any other treatment room,” said Dr. Michael Mesisca, emergency department medical director at Riverside University Health System Medical Center.
The Riverside hospital, which has been receiving people quarantined at March Air Reserve Base, has tested patients for the coronavirus but has had no tests come back positive, he said.
A coronavirus health advisory is posted in the emergency room at St. Joseph Hospital in Orange. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Step 3: Keeping staff safe
All healthcare personnel who interact with infected patients wear gowns, gloves, goggles and masks. Though the coronavirus isn’t believed to be more contagious than the flu, scientists don’t know everything about it yet.
“We’re using what the CDC likes to call an abundance of caution,” said Dr. Shira Doron, an infectious disease specialist at Tufts Medical Center.
In San Jose, five healthcare workers at Good Samaritan Hospital were put on two-week leave after public health officials determined they had contact with a confirmed coronavirus patient.
With suspected and confirmed coronavirus patients, staff members who can enter the room are limited to the patient’s doctor and nurse. Staffers keep a log of everyone who enters the room. Patients aren’t allowed visitors and are encouraged to communicate with their loved ones by phone or video chat.
Hospital workers don’t typically wear face shields or goggles when treating flu patients, but otherwise the precautions are not too different from caring for people with seasonal influenza. Many other diseases that hospitals regularly treat require these precautions, Doron said.
“This isn’t something very out of the ordinary for us,” she said.
Step 4: Treating the patient
There aren’t any treatments specific to this novel coronavirus, so doctors do what they can to alleviate a patient’s symptoms, which could include administering IV fluids and monitoring lung function. More severe cases may need to be put on a ventilator to help them breathe.
Positive test results do not change a patient’s treatment plan because doctors are already treating the symptoms, they say.
Step 5: Calming other patients
Hearing that coronavirus patients are in the hospital can be scary for other patients and their families.
Last week at Rady Children’s Hospital San Diego, a 3-year-old girl and her father were admitted as suspected coronavirus cases after they fled China last week. Both have since been cleared and discharged.
Dr. Nicholas Holmes, the hospital’s chief operating officer, said staff members emphasized that they were following proper hygiene protocol and doing everything possible to limit the spread of the virus. He said they also reminded patients and their families that the flu is a bigger concern than coronavirus.
Dr. Brian Lee, center, emergency department medical director at St. Joseph Medical Center in Orange. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
“We always have to address those concerns for parents,” he said. “It’s really educating the families about what coronavirus is, as well as what are the other infectious diseases in the community at large.”
Lee, of St. Joseph Hospital, agreed that the flu remains a larger threat than coronavirus for Americans and requires more hospital resources as influenza patients continue to seek treatment.
“Our main ask to the public is: Don’t panic,” he said.


latimes--2020-02-12--Think you know where California is? Think again, says a Mexican activist

Cuauhtemoc Morgan Hernandez loves the breathtaking beaches and rugged desert landscape of the skinny Mexican peninsula known throughout the world as “ Baja.
” Just don ’ t let him hear you call it that .
Yes , his home state is Baja California Sur .
But hundreds of years ago , it was simply California , the first place on Earth to have that name .
To Morgan , a bespectacled 53-year-old journalist in the beach city of San Jose del Cabo , it feels like a historic injustice that the name is now claimed by the 31st U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ launched a long-shot campaign to persuade the leaders of Baja California Sur to lop off the Baja and lose the Sur .
“ It ’ s time to return to our original name : California , ” he wrote in a May petition to lawmakers in which he dismissed Baja as a “ mutilation ” pushed by corporate interests to sell the region to tourists .
The state legislature has paid little heed to his petition .
But he ’ s had some luck convincing fellow citizens .
Several local media outlets have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s full name in their articles , and a group of local historians has endorsed Morgan ’ s cause .
It is by no means a mass movement , but Morgan ’ s idea is gaining traction .
That is because the battle , it turns out , is about much more than just a name .
In recent decades , the state has become so packed with Americans that real estate prices are set in dollars instead of pesos .
Its booming tourism industry has attracted tens of thousands of itinerant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who bring with them their own food , music and other cultural traditions .
“ It ’ s a fight to recover our identity , ” Morgan said .
“ If we lose the name California , we lose our history.
” The exact origin of the name California was long disputed , with some historians claiming that it was derived from the Latin phrase calida fornax , which means hot furnace .
The consensus among academics today is that it came from a 16th century novel , “ The Adventures of Esplandián @ @ @ @ @ @ @ de Montalvo , which described an island called California known for its natural riches and a tribe of powerful , Amazon-like women .
Historians say that Spanish conquistadors familiar with that book used the name California for the first time around 1535 , when they landed on the peninsula and began the first in a series of violent confrontations with local tribes .
According to Mexican historian Carlos Lazcano , the name California wasn ’ t applied to what is now the American state until 85 years later .
For a long time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the whole region — from the southern tip of the peninsula to what is now the Oregon border .
Catholic missionaries who arrived in the 1700s to convert the native population eventually divided the territory in two , calling the northern part Alta California , and the southern peninsula Baja California .
The United States took Alta California in the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo , which ended the Mexican-American War .
Two years later , Alta California dropped the Alta and became a state .
Baja California was one Mexican territory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into two parts that eventually gained statehood .
The northern part kept the name Baja California , while the southern part eventually became Baja California Sur .
The region long remained sparsely populated , a place where many residents felt forgotten by the federal government .
The population began to grow thanks to waves of immigrants , including thousands of Chinese who couldn ’ t enter the U.S. because of xenophobic immigration policies .
Verónica Castillo-Muñoz , a history professor at UC Santa Barbara , said the region ’ s identity has always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who come there from other places .
“ Even for people who claim to be from Baja California , their parents often came from somewhere else , ” she said .
In Morgan ’ s case , he was born at the top of the peninsula , in the border city of Mexicali , to parents from the state of Michoacan .
Eventually the family moved south to the city of La Paz , where Morgan ’ s father founded a newspaper and became so transfixed with the history and beauty of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his daughters California .
The region had long been a tourist destination for Americans drawn to its beaches and world-famous sportfishing .
Bing Crosby , Clark Gable and Dwight D. Eisenhower all vacationed there .
But in the 1970s , development kicked into overdrive .
The government enticed American hotel chains to build on the beaches , and mega-resorts soon spread along the coast .
Baja California Sur regularly boasted one of the best economies in Mexico — it currently posts economic growth six times the national average .
The region ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Baja — to market the region to American and other tourists .
Calling it Baja California Sur might confuse them .
Almost immediately , there was a backlash .
In 1982 , state lawmakers considered fining businesses that referred to the region as just Baja , instead of using the state ’ s complete name .
Ultimately they voted against that plan .
The rapid increase in development didn ’ t sit well with some locals .
The glut in jobs attracted people from around Mexico , especially those from poor southern states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who had been living in the region longer complained that the newcomers didn ’ t care to integrate .
Many simply made their money and went home .
Documentary filmmaker Gabriel Fonseca Verdugo fondly remembers childhood camping trips to the beach with his family every Easter week in the 1960s and 1970s .
The long strip of hotels makes it difficult for locals to access the beach today .
Demand for fresh-caught fish is so high among tourists , many residents can no longer afford it .
“ Once all the tourism development @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a destination , ” Fonseca said .
“ The idea of this place as a community disappeared.
” Several times a year , Fonseca accompanies a local historian to area public schools , where they educate students about the state ’ s past .
On a recent morning , he and Morgan met for coffee and molletes — hunks of bread smothered with beans and cheese — in the historic square of San Jose del Cabo and swapped stories about the region ’ s history .
At a time of growing nativism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t want to appear intolerant .
His desire to reclaim the name California is about honoring the past , he said , and not about trying to make people feel unwelcome .
Fonseca said he supports the name change but more importantly just wants a sense of community restored .
He recalled Hurricane Odile , the 2014 storm that hammered the region .
“ People needed each other ’ s help then , ” he said .
“ But neighbors didn ’ t even know each other ’ s names.
” As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fill with the lunchtime crowd .
Both locals and sun-beaten tourists taking a break from the beach crowded the historic adobe buildings that have been converted into restaurants , pharmacies and souvenir shops .
Morgan enumerated some of the questions he ’ s fielded about the California proposal — and explained his answers .
What should the Mexican state above him be called ?
Why should the region revert to a name given by Spanish conquerors , instead of one honoring the traditions of the peninsula ’ s native peoples ?
There were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different names , and it wouldn ’ t be fair to choose just one .
And then there is the question he hears most .
If the lower peninsula regained the name California , what would happen to the American state ?
Brazil , Colombia , Peru and Venezuela all have states or regions named Amazonas , and there is no confusion .
Morgan thinks residents of the Golden State would eventually adjust if Baja California Sur also became plain old California .
“ Over time , ” he said , “ they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as California , Mexico .
”

Cuauhtemoc Morgan Hernandez loves the breathtaking beaches and rugged desert landscape of the skinny Mexican peninsula known throughout the world as “Baja.”
Just don’t let him hear you call it that.
Yes, his home state is Baja California Sur. But hundreds of years ago, it was simply California, the first place on Earth to have that name.
To Morgan, a bespectacled 53-year-old journalist in the beach city of San Jose del Cabo, it feels like a historic injustice that the name is now claimed by the 31st U.S. state.
And so last year he launched a long-shot campaign to persuade the leaders of Baja California Sur to lop off the Baja and lose the Sur.
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“If we lose the name California, we lose our history,” says journalist Cuauhtemoc Morgan Hernandez, pictured outside one of the oldest buildings in downtown San Jose del Cabo, Mexico. (Meghan Dhaliwal / For The Times)
“It’s time to return to our original name: California,” he wrote in a May petition to lawmakers in which he dismissed Baja as a “mutilation” pushed by corporate interests to sell the region to tourists.
The state legislature has paid little heed to his petition. But he’s had some luck convincing fellow citizens.
Several local media outlets have begun using California instead of the state’s full name in their articles, and a group of local historians has endorsed Morgan’s cause.
It is by no means a mass movement, but Morgan’s idea is gaining traction. That is because the battle, it turns out, is about much more than just a name.
In recent decades, the state has become so packed with Americans that real estate prices are set in dollars instead of pesos. Its booming tourism industry has attracted tens of thousands of itinerant workers from other parts of Mexico, who bring with them their own food, music and other cultural traditions.
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“It’s a fight to recover our identity,” Morgan said. “If we lose the name California, we lose our history.”
Constantino Garcia stands in front of his souvenir shop in downtown Cabo San Lucas with his children. Garcia came from Guerrero state 30 years ago, and all of his children were born in Baja California Sur, Mexico. (Meghan Dhaliwal / For The Times)
The exact origin of the name California was long disputed, with some historians claiming that it was derived from the Latin phrase calida fornax, which means hot furnace.
The consensus among academics today is that it came from a 16th century novel, “The Adventures of Esplandián” by the Castilian author Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, which described an island called California known for its natural riches and a tribe of powerful, Amazon-like women.
Historians say that Spanish conquistadors familiar with that book used the name California for the first time around 1535, when they landed on the peninsula and began the first in a series of violent confrontations with local tribes.
According to Mexican historian Carlos Lazcano, the name California wasn’t applied to what is now the American state until 85 years later.
For a long time, the Spanish used California to refer to the whole region — from the southern tip of the peninsula to what is now the Oregon border.
Catholic missionaries who arrived in the 1700s to convert the native population eventually divided the territory in two, calling the northern part Alta California, and the southern peninsula Baja California.
The United States took Alta California in the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which ended the Mexican-American War. Two years later, Alta California dropped the Alta and became a state.
Baja California was one Mexican territory until 1930, when it was split into two parts that eventually gained statehood. The northern part kept the name Baja California, while the southern part eventually became Baja California Sur.
The region long remained sparsely populated, a place where many residents felt forgotten by the federal government.
A horse eats wild brush off the roadside near Cerritos beach in Baja California Sur, Mexico. (Meghan Dhaliwal / For The Times)
The population began to grow thanks to waves of immigrants, including thousands of Chinese who couldn’t enter the U.S. because of xenophobic immigration policies.
Verónica Castillo-Muñoz, a history professor at UC Santa Barbara, said the region’s identity has always been complex and heavily influenced by people who come there from other places.
“Even for people who claim to be from Baja California, their parents often came from somewhere else,” she said.
In Morgan’s case, he was born at the top of the peninsula, in the border city of Mexicali, to parents from the state of Michoacan.
Eventually the family moved south to the city of La Paz, where Morgan’s father founded a newspaper and became so transfixed with the history and beauty of his adopted home that he named one of his daughters California.
The region had long been a tourist destination for Americans drawn to its beaches and world-famous sportfishing. Bing Crosby, Clark Gable and Dwight D. Eisenhower all vacationed there.
But in the 1970s, development kicked into overdrive.
The government enticed American hotel chains to build on the beaches, and mega-resorts soon spread along the coast. Baja California Sur regularly boasted one of the best economies in Mexico — it currently posts economic growth six times the national average.
Tourists stroll on Medano Beach in Cabo San Lucas, Baja California Sur. (Meghan Dhaliwal / For The Times)
The region’s boosters adopted a catchy new term — Baja — to market the region to American and other tourists. Calling it Baja California Sur might confuse them.
Almost immediately, there was a backlash. In 1982, state lawmakers considered fining businesses that referred to the region as just Baja, instead of using the state’s complete name. Ultimately they voted against that plan.
The rapid increase in development didn’t sit well with some locals.
The glut in jobs attracted people from around Mexico, especially those from poor southern states such as Guerrero and Oaxaca. Mexicans who had been living in the region longer complained that the newcomers didn’t care to integrate. Many simply made their money and went home.
Documentary filmmaker Gabriel Fonseca Verdugo fondly remembers childhood camping trips to the beach with his family every Easter week in the 1960s and 1970s.
The long strip of hotels makes it difficult for locals to access the beach today. Demand for fresh-caught fish is so high among tourists, many residents can no longer afford it.
Gabriel Fonseca Verdugo, a documentary filmmaker, stands by a wall in San Jose del Cabo, Mexico, that he estimates is at least 200 years old. (Meghan Dhaliwal / For The Times)
“Once all the tourism development arrived, people started selling this place as a destination,” Fonseca said. “The idea of this place as a community disappeared.”
Several times a year, Fonseca accompanies a local historian to area public schools, where they educate students about the state’s past.
On a recent morning, he and Morgan met for coffee and molletes — hunks of bread smothered with beans and cheese — in the historic square of San Jose del Cabo and swapped stories about the region’s history.
At a time of growing nativism worldwide, Morgan said, he doesn’t want to appear intolerant. His desire to reclaim the name California is about honoring the past, he said, and not about trying to make people feel unwelcome.
Fonseca said he supports the name change but more importantly just wants a sense of community restored. He recalled Hurricane Odile, the 2014 storm that hammered the region.
“People needed each other’s help then,” he said. “But neighbors didn’t even know each other’s names.”
As they talked, the square began to fill with the lunchtime crowd. Both locals and sun-beaten tourists taking a break from the beach crowded the historic adobe buildings that have been converted into restaurants, pharmacies and souvenir shops.
Morgan enumerated some of the questions he’s fielded about the California proposal — and explained his answers.
What should the Mexican state above him be called?
Alta California.
Why should the region revert to a name given by Spanish conquerors, instead of one honoring the traditions of the peninsula’s native peoples?
There were multiple tribes in the region who used different names, and it wouldn’t be fair to choose just one.
And then there is the question he hears most.
If the lower peninsula regained the name California, what would happen to the American state?
Brazil, Colombia, Peru and Venezuela all have states or regions named Amazonas, and there is no confusion.
Morgan thinks residents of the Golden State would eventually adjust if Baja California Sur also became plain old California.
“Over time,” he said, “they’ll just come to know it as California, Mexico.”


latimes--2020-02-13--In this L.A. City Council election, Kevin de León is the underdog turned big dog

Two years ago , former California state Senate leader Kevin de León waged a longshot campaign to unseat U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein , a Democratic Party veteran .
That bid was unsuccessful .
But this year , De León is anything but the underdog in the race to replace Los Angeles City Councilman Jose Huizar , who is stepping down because of term limits and whose office was raided by the FBI .
In his campaign to represent a district stretching from downtown to Eagle Rock , De León is supported by organized labor , the L.A. County Democratic Party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has already spent more than half a million dollars on consultants , staff and other expenses .
On the stump , De León peppers his speeches with career highlights : organizing the 1994 march against Proposition 187 , championing bills in the state Legislature to protect immigrants and force a transition to renewable energy , and engaging in public battles over policy with then-U.S. Atty .
Gen. Jeff Sessions .
But De León ’ s top rivals portray him as an outsider .
They argue that someone from the community should oversee the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of homeless people in the city , is crisscrossed by multiple freeways and blighted by broken sidewalks and trash .
With high turnout expected for the March 3 primary election , possibly led by younger voters , the question is whether the district will go for a big-name politician in De León or a lower-profile local candidate .
Others vying for Huizar ’ s seat include Cyndi Otteson , a former Eagle Rock Neighborhood Council vice president ; Raquel Zamora , a high school counselor ; Mónica García , a school board member @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of an educational nonprofit — all of whom are less well known than the former Senate leader .
Canvassing in Boyle Heights on a recent afternoon , Otteson knocked on the door of a home with a De León sign and launched into a speech outlining her experience as a mother of two young children and her endorsement from the union representing Los Angeles teachers .
While De León has Sacramento experience , she told The Times later , “ I have the right kind of experience , which is in local government.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ how she worked on the neighborhood council to halt the installation of a controversial cellphone tower .
Otteson has proposed sweeping changes at City Hall , including moving to publicly financed elections and expanding the 15-member City Council to better represent L.A. 's 4 million residents .
At debates , Otteson sells herself by announcing that she ’ s not “ a man or a career politician , ” and she urges voters to elect the district ’ s first female council member .
Keith Smith , associate professor of political science at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s not surprising that candidates are highlighting their differences with the former state legislator .
But De León ’ s perceived advantages also may mean little to voters .
“ It ’ s a weird moment to be an insider candidate , especially within the Democratic Party , ” Smith said .
“ There ’ s a sense that it ’ s better to be perceived as an outsider.
” At a packed campaign event at a Mexican restaurant in El Sereno last month , De León strode from table to table @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As attendees lined up for free tacos , Hugo Garcia , president of a local environmental justice organization , introduced him as a politician who stood with the community to fight the development of a multimillion-dollar gated community in El Sereno .
“ You know who I am , you know my record , ” De León told the crowd .
“ It ’ s been controversial for many folks , but that ’ s OK. Because the decisions that I make are driven by my values.
” A Los Angeles native , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first in the Assembly , then in the Senate , where he was president pro tem — from 2006 until 2018 , representing neighborhoods in the council district .
In an interview , he shrugged off the attacks against him , but said “ experience matters ” and that he wouldn ’ t be “ shamed ” for his years spent in office .
He pointed to his endorsement from the Heart of L.A. Democratic Club , which supports candidates who are feminists , as an example of the diversity of his base @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some families .
Hillside Village resident Ray Rios , who serves as president of the local homeowners association , planted two signs supporting De León on the family lawn .
His wife , Ruth , planted a sign for Zamora , however .
Ray Rios said De León ’ s political experience will make it easier for him to navigate City Hall .
“ I think we can work with him more effectively , ” he said .
But Ruth , he said , wants a “ fresh person from the community.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restaurant in Boyle Heights , has criticized De León for refusing to sign a pledge promising that he would serve a full term if elected .
Some voters bitterly recall when Antonio Villaraigosa — then a former state Assembly member— ran for the same City Council seat in 2002 and said he would serve a full four years .
But he broke that promise , running for mayor and winning .
At a debate earlier this month in Eagle Rock , Zamora said she was tired of the seat “ being used and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” she said , and it has been “ a springboard for other elected officials and it has to stop.
” In 2018 , the FBI raided Huizar ’ s City Hall office and home , but no arrests have been made and no charges have been filed .
With Huizar unable to seek reelection , the incident hasn ’ t become a dominant issue in the race .
Instead , homelessness is the major topic .
Jimenez , who hasn ’ t reported raising any money for his campaign , says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that coordinates homeless services .
Otteson has proposed a more “ humane ” approach to conducting city clean-ups of homeless encampments — one that doesn ’ t punish those who live there .
She also wants to create drop-in centers for homeless people .
Zamora , who shares a joint endorsement with Otteson from the teachers union and served on a city commission focused on poverty , wants to use school parking lots for “ safe parking ” programs and allow homeless students to shower at school .
De León often reminds voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dollars for homeless housing as a state legislator — money that ’ s now flowing to cities .
He wants to cut housing costs by using prefabricated materials and has proposed having the city manage rental properties to reduce evictions .
García is pitching an emergency grant program to help Angelenos cover their rent and another citywide bond to pay for the construction of new housing .
She also has vowed to add more police officers to the district , if elected , and boost city funding for parks and libraries .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ García is the longest serving current member .
During her tenure , she has seen graduation rates rise , but also disappointing levels of achievement among students .
She is typically opposed by the teachers union and backed by supporters of charter schools and the largest union representing nonteaching employees , but that support hasn ’ t translated into outside spending for her council campaign .
Labor organizations have been sending out mailers and calling residents to tell them to vote for De León .
García ’ s campaign , meanwhile , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ series of online videos casting him as a “ disappointment.
” “ Certainly the establishment and the elite have chosen who they are with , ” García said , alluding to De León .
“ But the question remains : Who inspires people to vote ?
”

Cyndi Otteson, left, Kevin de León and Raquel Zamora take part Feb. 5 in a forum of candidates running for the L.A. City Council.
Two years ago, former California state Senate leader Kevin de León waged a longshot campaign to unseat U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein, a Democratic Party veteran.
That bid was unsuccessful. But this year, De León is anything but the underdog in the race to replace Los Angeles City Councilman Jose Huizar, who is stepping down because of term limits and whose office was raided by the FBI.
In his campaign to represent a district stretching from downtown to Eagle Rock, De León is supported by organized labor, the L.A. County Democratic Party and Mayor Eric Garcetti — and he has already spent more than half a million dollars on consultants, staff and other expenses.
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On the stump, De León peppers his speeches with career highlights: organizing the 1994 march against Proposition 187, championing bills in the state Legislature to protect immigrants and force a transition to renewable energy, and engaging in public battles over policy with then-U.S. Atty. Gen. Jeff Sessions.
But De León’s top rivals portray him as an outsider. They argue that someone from the community should oversee the district, which has the highest number of homeless people in the city, is crisscrossed by multiple freeways and blighted by broken sidewalks and trash.
With high turnout expected for the March 3 primary election, possibly led by younger voters, the question is whether the district will go for a big-name politician in De León or a lower-profile local candidate.
Others vying for Huizar’s seat include Cyndi Otteson, a former Eagle Rock Neighborhood Council vice president; Raquel Zamora, a high school counselor; Mónica García, a school board member; and John Jimenez, the founder of an educational nonprofit — all of whom are less well known than the former Senate leader.
L.A. City Council candidate Cyndi Otteson, center, canvasses with her team in Boyle Heights. (Gabriella Angotti-Jones/Los Angeles Times)
Canvassing in Boyle Heights on a recent afternoon, Otteson knocked on the door of a home with a De León sign and launched into a speech outlining her experience as a mother of two young children and her endorsement from the union representing Los Angeles teachers.
While De León has Sacramento experience, she told The Times later, “I have the right kind of experience, which is in local government.” Otteson, for instance, recounted how she worked on the neighborhood council to halt the installation of a controversial cellphone tower.
Otteson has proposed sweeping changes at City Hall, including moving to publicly financed elections and expanding the 15-member City Council to better represent L.A.’s 4 million residents.
At debates, Otteson sells herself by announcing that she’s not “a man or a career politician,” and she urges voters to elect the district’s first female council member.
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Keith Smith, associate professor of political science at University of the Pacific, said it’s not surprising that candidates are highlighting their differences with the former state legislator. But De León’s perceived advantages also may mean little to voters.
“It’s a weird moment to be an insider candidate, especially within the Democratic Party,” Smith said. “There’s a sense that it’s better to be perceived as an outsider.”
At a packed campaign event at a Mexican restaurant in El Sereno last month, De León strode from table to table, embracing longtime friends and supporters. As attendees lined up for free tacos, Hugo Garcia, president of a local environmental justice organization, introduced him as a politician who stood with the community to fight the development of a multimillion-dollar gated community in El Sereno.
“You know who I am, you know my record,” De León told the crowd. “It’s been controversial for many folks, but that’s OK. Because the decisions that I make are driven by my values.”
A Los Angeles native, De León served in the Legislature — first in the Assembly, then in the Senate, where he was president pro tem — from 2006 until 2018, representing neighborhoods in the council district.
In an interview, he shrugged off the attacks against him, but said “experience matters” and that he wouldn’t be “shamed” for his years spent in office. He pointed to his endorsement from the Heart of L.A. Democratic Club, which supports candidates who are feminists, as an example of the diversity of his base of support.
The election has divided some families. Hillside Village resident Ray Rios, who serves as president of the local homeowners association, planted two signs supporting De León on the family lawn. His wife, Ruth, planted a sign for Zamora, however.
Ray Rios said De León’s political experience will make it easier for him to navigate City Hall. “I think we can work with him more effectively,” he said. But Ruth, he said, wants a “fresh person from the community.”
Zamora, who helps run a family restaurant in Boyle Heights, has criticized De León for refusing to sign a pledge promising that he would serve a full term if elected. Some voters bitterly recall when Antonio Villaraigosa — then a former state Assembly member— ran for the same City Council seat in 2002 and said he would serve a full four years. But he broke that promise, running for mayor and winning.
At a debate earlier this month in Eagle Rock, Zamora said she was tired of the seat “being used and abused.” There has been “corruption,” she said, and it has been “a springboard for other elected officials and it has to stop.”
In 2018, the FBI raided Huizar’s City Hall office and home, but no arrests have been made and no charges have been filed. With Huizar unable to seek reelection, the incident hasn’t become a dominant issue in the race. Instead, homelessness is the major topic.
Jimenez, who hasn’t reported raising any money for his campaign, says he wants to investigate the city-county agency that coordinates homeless services.
Otteson has proposed a more “humane” approach to conducting city clean-ups of homeless encampments — one that doesn’t punish those who live there. She also wants to create drop-in centers for homeless people.
Zamora, who shares a joint endorsement with Otteson from the teachers union and served on a city commission focused on poverty, wants to use school parking lots for “safe parking” programs and allow homeless students to shower at school.
De León often reminds voters that he worked to secure billions of dollars for homeless housing as a state legislator — money that’s now flowing to cities. He wants to cut housing costs by using prefabricated materials and has proposed having the city manage rental properties to reduce evictions.
L.A. school board member and City Council candidate Mónica García. (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)
García is pitching an emergency grant program to help Angelenos cover their rent and another citywide bond to pay for the construction of new housing.
She also has vowed to add more police officers to the district, if elected, and boost city funding for parks and libraries.
On the school board for 14 years, García is the longest serving current member. During her tenure, she has seen graduation rates rise, but also disappointing levels of achievement among students. She is typically opposed by the teachers union and backed by supporters of charter schools and the largest union representing nonteaching employees, but that support hasn’t translated into outside spending for her council campaign.
Labor organizations have been sending out mailers and calling residents to tell them to vote for De León. García’s campaign, meanwhile, has been targeting his political record with a series of online videos casting him as a “disappointment.”
“Certainly the establishment and the elite have chosen who they are with,” García said, alluding to De León. “But the question remains: Who inspires people to vote?”