latimes--2020-09-15--We mailed 100 letters to test the Postal Service. The verdict: Spotty at best, dismal at worst

The letter — filled with stickers for a 5-year-old boy named William — was mailed at the post office in the Los Angeles community of Sylmar on Aug. 22 .
It was sent first class , at a cost of 55 cents , and with a promise , according to the U.S .
Postal Service website , of “ delivery in 1-3 business days.
” The plain white envelope arrived at its destination , a ranch-style house in Austin , Texas , 11 days later .
Another letter , mailed from Malibu to the San Francisco suburb of Millbrae , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for three days and wasn ’ t delivered for an additional four days after that .
And a letter sent from the Alhambra post office to a residence in Washington , D.C. , took four days to get to the mail processing center in the capital , and three more days elapsed before it reached its final destination .
The slow mail service from Los Angeles to cities near and far was just one of the findings of a Los Angeles Times effort to test , in a small but revealing way , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it comes under increasing scrutiny due to deep cuts by the Trump administration .
The Times survey , which tracked 100 letters sent between Aug. 21 and 24 to multiple destinations within California and beyond , showed that postal performance in the summer of 2020 is spotty at best , dismal at worst .
There is no single snag in the complex postal delivery system .
Instead , multiple choke points can slow a letter ’ s journey .
In the worst cases , the postal system fails in more than one way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ times against the advertised figure from the Postal Service , which says first-class letters should arrive at their destination in one to three business days .
Gaare Davis , president of the American Postal Workers Union , California , said the Postal Service has had a goal of delivering first-class letters within the state in two business days and in three business days to Austin , Atlanta and Washington .
• Half of the 20 letters sent to the San Francisco Bay Area arrived late , taking four to five business days to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 40 letters sent to Atlanta and Washington were marked as arriving on time .
Ten arrived within four to five business days ; eight were never marked in the Postal Service ’ s certified mail tracking system as delivered , although they did end up arriving at some point .
• One letter sent to Texas never arrived ; another took eight business days to land , out of 20 letters sent to Austin .
• Overall , 75 % of the letters sent by The Times that should have arrived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time .
This rate is substantially lower than the Postal Service ’ s most recent performance metric , which shows a 92.4 % on-time delivery rate in April , May and June .
The Times survey found that it is possible for first-class mail to arrive far quicker than the official standards , but it didn ’ t happen all that often .
Of the 60 letters sent to Texas and the East Coast , just 12 were scanned as arriving within three calendar days .
In response to questions about The Times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ramirez said in an email that the agency continues to “ identify and address some ongoing service issues in certain areas.
” But she stressed that “ service performance improved across all major mail categories in the weeks prior to Postmaster General [ Louis ] DeJoy ’ s testimony on Aug. 24 , and this trend has continued through August , returning to early July levels.
” Ramirez did not respond to any specific finding and would not discuss whether the slow performances were related to the recent cutbacks .
But Davis called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they should be brought to the attention of Congress , particularly to the House Oversight Committee , which grilled DeJoy on Aug. 24 about cost-cutting measures that led to current postal delays .
The changes in service have left customers waiting for prescription drugs and landlords waiting for rent checks , and created chaos in the Los Angeles processing center .
DeJoy “ is the current problem , ” Davis said .
“ He took the [ sorting ] machines out .
If the mail was running fine before he took over and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problem now ?
It sure ain ’ t the employees .
The employees are doing their jobs with the tools provided.
” DeJoy , a major donor to President Trump , started as postmaster general in mid-June .
The Postal Service , starting in July , dismantled sorting machines , slashed employee overtime pay and began strictly enforcing truck schedules , which workers say caused further disruptions .
The ensuing uproar caused DeJoy on Aug. 18 to say he would suspend some of the operational changes until after the presidential election , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be restored .
DeJoy has acknowledged significant slowdowns in service .
“ We had some delays in the mail , ” he said in Senate testimony on Aug. 21 .
“ Our recovery process in this should have been a few days , and it ’ s amounted to be a few weeks.
” But he also vowed that the possible flood of mail-in ballots — an expected increase tied to fears of standing in long lines during the COVID-19 pandemic — will be handled appropriately .
“ As we head into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this committee and the American public that the Postal Service is fully capable and committed to delivering the nation ’ s election mail securely and on time , ” he said .
“ This sacred duty is my No .
1 priority between now and election day.
” The degradation of first-class mail is not exactly a new phenomenon ; California has lost more processing plants than any other state between about 2006 and 2012 , said Phil Warlick , the union ’ s legislative director .
In 2015 , the Postal Service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that most mail once delivered overnight is now delivered in two days .
That shift largely ended the overnight first-class mail delivery service once enjoyed by people sending letters within the same metro region .
The worsening delays worry Ola Steenhagen , a 74-year-old from Porter Ranch who was protesting in front of the Granada Hills post office on Aug. 22 , waving a sign that said , “ Save our Post Office !
” It was a Saturday , the same day the House held a rare weekend session and voted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beleaguered agency $ 25 billion .
Trump tweeted that the measure was a “ money wasting HOAX.
” Steenhagen ’ s husband is a veteran who receives his medication in the mail .
Inhalers that help him breathe have been arriving weeks late .
The couple vote by mail and are worried about the effect of postal problems on the coming election .
“ I ’ m worried about everybody , ” she said .
“ I ’ m worried about the farmworkers , the people who might be able to vote and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mail their vote .
And their kids who can vote , but it ’ s not easy.
” This is how The Times ’ survey worked : From Aug. 21 , when DeJoy was grilled by a Senate committee , to Aug. 24 , when he testified before the House , The Times mailed 100 letters to five destinations .
The first-class letters were sent from 20 post offices all around Los Angeles County , from Lancaster in the north to Long Beach in the south , from as far west as Malibu @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They were sent from pricey spots , such as Beverly Hills , and from Boyle Heights , a working-class Eastside neighborhood with high poverty rates .
The destinations included Arcadia , in the San Gabriel Valley northeast of downtown Los Angeles ; Millbrae ; Austin ; Atlanta ; and Washington , D.C .
Among the bottlenecks The Times ’ survey revealed were inexplicably long travel times , lengthy waits at the processing center in the destination city and unexplained stretches of time between leaving that facility and landing in the recipient ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Los Angeles County had dramatically different levels of service ; mail sent from Compton fared about the same as that sent from Pasadena .
Three distribution centers that process outgoing mail for L.A. County also had no systemic delays in sorting departing letters , according to The Times ’ survey .
Of the letters sent to the Bay Area , most spent less than three hours in the sorting facilities in Los Angeles , Santa Clarita and Santa Ana .
But arrival cities are a different story entirely .
Mail delivered to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that sent to Austin or Atlanta .
The processing center that serves the Washington , area was a destination bottleneck .
The three letters The Times sent that lingered longest between destination processing center and final recipient were all headed to a residence in the capital .
It took three days for all three letters to get from the Washington processing center to the residence , even though it was just one mile away .
Letters sent to Millbrae were slowed by multiple choke points in the system : one during the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ processing center in San Francisco , and a third at the local post office .
In one vivid example illustrating the slow California service , it took nearly three times as long for a letter mailed in Malibu to reach the San Francisco distribution center as it took for a letter mailed in Pomona to reach the distribution center in Washington .
The Postal Service can be speedy .
Seven of the 20 letters sent from Los Angeles County to the residence in Millbrae arrived within two calendar days .
These envelopes spent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facility in San Francisco .
However , just as many letters took a full week to make that same trip .
The transit time alone between L.A. County and the Bay Area was between 2½ and 4½ days for a drive that takes less than seven hours in traffic that ’ s coronavirus-light .
The letters then spent between one and four days at the San Francisco sorting facility before being sent to the post office in Millbrae .
There was still one more stop .
And at this point , the journey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slowest letters were marked as out for delivery and en route to their final destination at 8:36 a.m. on Aug. 27 .
But it took them more than a day to get from the Millbrae post office to a residence within the tiny city , which is less than four square miles in size , arriving on Aug. 28 at 10:05 a.m .

The letter — filled with stickers for a 5-year-old boy named William — was mailed at the post office in the Los Angeles community of Sylmar on Aug. 22. It was sent first class, at a cost of 55 cents, and with a promise, according to the U.S. Postal Service website, of “delivery in 1-3 business days.”
The plain white envelope arrived at its destination, a ranch-style house in Austin, Texas, 11 days later.
Another letter, mailed from Malibu to the San Francisco suburb of Millbrae, sat in a Los Angeles processing center for three days and wasn’t delivered for an additional four days after that.
And a letter sent from the Alhambra post office to a residence in Washington, D.C., took four days to get to the mail processing center in the capital, and three more days elapsed before it reached its final destination.
The slow mail service from Los Angeles to cities near and far was just one of the findings of a Los Angeles Times effort to test, in a small but revealing way, the reliability of the Postal Service as it comes under increasing scrutiny due to deep cuts by the Trump administration.
Advertisement
The Times survey, which tracked 100 letters sent between Aug. 21 and 24 to multiple destinations within California and beyond, showed that postal performance in the summer of 2020 is spotty at best, dismal at worst.
There is no single snag in the complex postal delivery system. Instead, multiple choke points can slow a letter’s journey. In the worst cases, the postal system fails in more than one way.
The Times measured its letter delivery times against the advertised figure from the Postal Service, which says first-class letters should arrive at their destination in one to three business days. Gaare Davis, president of the American Postal Workers Union, California, said the Postal Service has had a goal of delivering first-class letters within the state in two business days and in three business days to Austin, Atlanta and Washington.
Among the findings:
• Half of the 20 letters sent to the San Francisco Bay Area arrived late, taking four to five business days to be delivered.
• Only about half of the 40 letters sent to Atlanta and Washington were marked as arriving on time. Ten arrived within four to five business days; eight were never marked in the Postal Service’s certified mail tracking system as delivered, although they did end up arriving at some point.
• One letter sent to Texas never arrived; another took eight business days to land, out of 20 letters sent to Austin.
• Overall, 75% of the letters sent by The Times that should have arrived within two business days actually arrived on time. This rate is substantially lower than the Postal Service’s most recent performance metric, which shows a 92.4% on-time delivery rate in April, May and June.
The Times survey found that it is possible for first-class mail to arrive far quicker than the official standards, but it didn’t happen all that often. Of the 60 letters sent to Texas and the East Coast, just 12 were scanned as arriving within three calendar days.
In response to questions about The Times’ findings, Postal Service spokeswoman Evelina Ramirez said in an email that the agency continues to “identify and address some ongoing service issues in certain areas.”
Advertisement
But she stressed that “service performance improved across all major mail categories in the weeks prior to Postmaster General [Louis] DeJoy’s testimony on Aug. 24, and this trend has continued through August, returning to early July levels.” Ramirez did not respond to any specific finding and would not discuss whether the slow performances were related to the recent cutbacks.
But Davis called the findings “unacceptable” and said they should be brought to the attention of Congress, particularly to the House Oversight Committee, which grilled DeJoy on Aug. 24 about cost-cutting measures that led to current postal delays.
The changes in service have left customers waiting for prescription drugs and landlords waiting for rent checks, and created chaos in the Los Angeles processing center.
DeJoy “is the current problem,” Davis said. “He took the [sorting] machines out. If the mail was running fine before he took over and before COVID, what’s the problem now? It sure ain’t the employees. The employees are doing their jobs with the tools provided.”
DeJoy, a major donor to President Trump, started as postmaster general in mid-June. The Postal Service, starting in July, dismantled sorting machines, slashed employee overtime pay and began strictly enforcing truck schedules, which workers say caused further disruptions.
Advertisement
The ensuing uproar caused DeJoy on Aug. 18 to say he would suspend some of the operational changes until after the presidential election, but he also said the cutbacks would not be restored.
DeJoy has acknowledged significant slowdowns in service. “We had some delays in the mail,” he said in Senate testimony on Aug. 21. “Our recovery process in this should have been a few days, and it’s amounted to be a few weeks.”
Postmaster General Louis DeJoy arrives to testify before a House Oversight and Reform Committee hearing on the Postal Service on Aug. 24. (Tom Brenner / Associated Press)
But he also vowed that the possible flood of mail-in ballots — an expected increase tied to fears of standing in long lines during the COVID-19 pandemic — will be handled appropriately.
“As we head into the election season, I want to assure this committee and the American public that the Postal Service is fully capable and committed to delivering the nation’s election mail securely and on time,” he said. “This sacred duty is my No. 1 priority between now and election day.”
The degradation of first-class mail is not exactly a new phenomenon; California has lost more processing plants than any other state between about 2006 and 2012, said Phil Warlick, the union’s legislative director.
In 2015, the Postal Service changed its first-class service mail standards so that most mail once delivered overnight is now delivered in two days. That shift largely ended the overnight first-class mail delivery service once enjoyed by people sending letters within the same metro region.
The worsening delays worry Ola Steenhagen, a 74-year-old from Porter Ranch who was protesting in front of the Granada Hills post office on Aug. 22, waving a sign that said, “Save our Post Office!”
Advertisement
Ola Steenhagen, 74, from Porter Ranch, protests outside the Granada Hills post office on Aug. 22. (Maria LaGanga / Los Angeles Times)
It was a Saturday, the same day the House held a rare weekend session and voted to block Postal Service changes and give the beleaguered agency $25 billion. Trump tweeted that the measure was a “money wasting HOAX.”
Steenhagen’s husband is a veteran who receives his medication in the mail. Inhalers that help him breathe have been arriving weeks late. The couple vote by mail and are worried about the effect of postal problems on the coming election.
“I’m worried about everybody,” she said. “I’m worried about the farmworkers, the people who might be able to vote and won’t have the services to mail their vote. And their kids who can vote, but it’s not easy.”
This is how The Times’ survey worked: From Aug. 21, when DeJoy was grilled by a Senate committee, to Aug. 24, when he testified before the House, The Times mailed 100 letters to five destinations.
Advertisement
The first-class letters were sent from 20 post offices all around Los Angeles County, from Lancaster in the north to Long Beach in the south, from as far west as Malibu to as far east as Pomona. They were sent from pricey spots, such as Beverly Hills, and from Boyle Heights, a working-class Eastside neighborhood with high poverty rates.
The destinations included Arcadia, in the San Gabriel Valley northeast of downtown Los Angeles; Millbrae; Austin; Atlanta; and Washington, D.C.
Among the bottlenecks The Times’ survey revealed were inexplicably long travel times, lengthy waits at the processing center in the destination city and unexplained stretches of time between leaving that facility and landing in the recipient’s mailbox.
None of the departure neighborhoods in Los Angeles County had dramatically different levels of service; mail sent from Compton fared about the same as that sent from Pasadena.
A USPS processing and distribution center in the City of Industry on May 14. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Three distribution centers that process outgoing mail for L.A. County also had no systemic delays in sorting departing letters, according to The Times’ survey. Of the letters sent to the Bay Area, most spent less than three hours in the sorting facilities in Los Angeles, Santa Clarita and Santa Ana.
But arrival cities are a different story entirely. Mail delivered to Washington took markedly longer to arrive than that sent to Austin or Atlanta.
Advertisement
The processing center that serves the Washington, area was a destination bottleneck. The three letters The Times sent that lingered longest between destination processing center and final recipient were all headed to a residence in the capital.
It took three days for all three letters to get from the Washington processing center to the residence, even though it was just one mile away.
Letters sent to Millbrae were slowed by multiple choke points in the system: one during the time in transit, another at the destination processing center in San Francisco, and a third at the local post office.
In one vivid example illustrating the slow California service, it took nearly three times as long for a letter mailed in Malibu to reach the San Francisco distribution center as it took for a letter mailed in Pomona to reach the distribution center in Washington.
The Postal Service can be speedy. Seven of the 20 letters sent from Los Angeles County to the residence in Millbrae arrived within two calendar days. These envelopes spent only about four hours at the sorting facility in San Francisco.
However, just as many letters took a full week to make that same trip. The transit time alone between L.A. County and the Bay Area was between 2½ and 4½ days for a drive that takes less than seven hours in traffic that’s coronavirus-light.
The letters then spent between one and four days at the San Francisco sorting facility before being sent to the post office in Millbrae.
Advertisement
There was still one more stop. And at this point, the journey got even stranger.
Most of the slowest letters were marked as out for delivery and en route to their final destination at 8:36 a.m. on Aug. 27.
But it took them more than a day to get from the Millbrae post office to a residence within the tiny city, which is less than four square miles in size, arriving on Aug. 28 at 10:05 a.m.
The distance? Just a quarter-mile.
About 1,400 feet.
A five-minute walk.


latimes--2020-09-15--Black women again turn to midwives, some fearing coronavirus in hospitals

From the moment she learned she was pregnant late last year , TaNefer Camara knew she didn ’ t want to have her baby in a hospital bed .
A mother of three and part-time lactation consultant at Highland Hospital in Oakland , Camara already knew a bit about childbirth .
She wanted to deliver at home , surrounded by her family , into the hands of an experienced female birth worker , as her female ancestors once did .
And she wanted a Black midwife .
It took the COVID-19 pandemic to get her husband onboard .
“ Up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ You ’ re crazy .
We ’ re going to the hospital , ’ ” she said .
As the pandemic has laid bare healthcare inequities , more Black women are looking to home birth as a way to not only avoid the coronavirus but to shun a system that has contributed to African American women being three to four times more likely to die of childbirth-related causes than white women , regardless of income or education .
Researchers argue that the roots of this disparity — one of the widest in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long-standing social inequities , from lack of safe housing and healthy food to inferior care provided at the hospitals where Black women tend to give birth .
“ It feels like we are needed , ” said midwife Kiki Jordan , who co-owns Birthland , a prenatal practice that opened early this year in a 400-square-foot storefront in Oakland ’ s Temescal neighborhood , targeting low-income women of color .
Since the pandemic hit in March , she said , the practice ’ s clientele has more than tripled .
Images of hospitals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flurry of new interest among women of all races in home births , which account for just over 1 % of deliveries in the United States .
Birth centers and midwives who attend home births say they ’ ve been swamped by new clients since the pandemic .
“ Every midwife I ’ m talking to has seen their practice double or sometimes triple in the wake of COVID , ” said Jamarah Amani , a Florida midwife and co-founder of the National Black Midwives Alliance .
Many Americans think of giving birth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or as a quixotic practice of privileged white women , akin to cloth diaper services and home-cooked baby food .
But the growing interest in home births in recent years has fueled a Black midwifery movement that harks back to a venerable , if long-forgotten , tradition in the United States .
Jordan ’ s practice is now 98 % Black , “ something I ’ ve never seen before , ” she said .
She provides pre- and postnatal care regardless of where women plan to deliver , though the majority of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American infants are more than twice as likely to die as white infants , and the risks to baby and mother extend across social class .
Tennis superstar Serena Williams ’ harrowing 2018 account of her near-death postpartum experience with a blood clot in her lungs and a cascade of life-threatening complications was a sobering reminder that even wealth and fame are no protection from being dismissed or mistreated during one of the most vulnerable moments of a woman ’ s life .
At least three Black women have died in childbirth since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was hit hard early on by the coronavirus .
One of those women , 26-year-old Amber Isaac , had reportedly tried to switch to a home or birth-center delivery after not getting an in-person appointment with her obstetrician as providers abruptly switched to telemedicine in the wake of the shutdown .
For Katrina Ayoola , 29 , avoiding unnecessary medical interventions that researchers say can lead to dangerous maternal complications was a key reason for switching to a home birth .
As the coronavirus hit last spring , when Ayoola was around five @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she was already frustrated with her obstetricians in Martinez , Calif. She didn ’ t like their system of rotating providers , to whom she felt she constantly had to reexplain herself .
The last straw was being told to shop for a home blood pressure monitor .
They were sold out everywhere .
“ I ended up canceling what would have been an online appointment , and I haven ’ t heard from them since , ” said Ayoola .
“ I did not feel cared for.
” On Aug. 1 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Fairfield with her husband , Daré , and her mother at her side , following a 29-hour labor supervised by Jordan and her partner , Anjali Sardeshmukh .
“ At the hospital , I ’ d probably have had a C-section , ” said Ayoola , who described her home birth as “ an amazing , empowering experience , ” worth every penny of the out-of-pocket $ 4,500 the couple paid for it — a discount , based on their insurance and income , from Birthland ’ s typical $ 6,500 fee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poor people to access out-of-hospital births .
Medicaid , the federal-state health insurance program that covers many low-income pregnant women , pays for home births in only a handful of states .
Since 2015 , these have included California , but reimbursement is low , and bureaucratic requirements make it difficult for most midwives to accept Medi-Cal , California ’ s Medicaid program .
A quarter of U.S. states do not even offer midwife licenses , making the practice of home birth effectively illegal .
Jordan led a free-standing birth center in San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to accept Medi-Cal when it opened in 2016 .
She and a handful of other Black midwives around the country are leading the effort to make out-of-hospital births more accessible to low-income women , a group that could particularly benefit from community-based midwifery , according to a 2018 study .
Many of these birth workers are struggling to break even , but that ’ s nothing new .
In past generations , Black midwives sometimes walked miles and stayed days with laboring women , massaging their feet , cooking , babysitting and reading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few dollars or a chicken , according to historical accounts .
Immigrants and African Americans dominated midwifery during much of this country ’ s history , and in the South , enslaved women passed from mother to daughter childbirth techniques and remedies brought from West Africa starting in the 1600s .
In certain rural pockets , Black midwives continued to deliver babies for poor Black and white families alike , even into the last century , as modern obstetrics regulated traditional birth attendants virtually out of existence .
Midwives delivered half the babies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over 10 % by the 1930s , as physicians launched a campaign to promote hospital birth as safe and hygienic , while dismissing midwives as “ relics of barbarism.
” But in recent years , with hospital birth the norm , the United States has registered the poorest birth outcomes in the industrialized world .
The numbers have worsened during the past 25 years even as they ’ ve improved in most of the world , largely because of the disproportionate toll on African Americans .
California has led the effort to reverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate by 55 % between 2006 and 2013 , though the disparity for Black mothers has persisted .
Researchers have documented countless instances of pregnant African American women being ignored , drug-tested without permission or sutured without pain medication .
There is a growing consensus among medical researchers and social scientists that discrimination can result in toxic stress that causes maternal complications or premature births .
Respectful , holistic prenatal care can improve outcomes , said Jennie Joseph , a British-trained midwife .
Her prenatal clinic in Florida , which serves mostly low-income @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low rates of maternal complications and premature and low-birth-weight babies .
Joseph believes it matters less where a woman gives birth than how she is treated during the previous nine months .
Most of her clients deliver in hospitals .
Groups like Amani ’ s are encouraging more midwives of color to penetrate what she calls the profession ’ s “ old girls ’ network.
” Just 2 % of American midwives are Black , and research has shown that Black patients tend to do better with Black providers .
There is evidence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
California now has about half a dozen licensed Black midwifery practices , including three that have opened in the San Francisco Bay Area since 2017 .
Camara said she wanted to support them : She has had supportive , competent white birth attendants in the past , “ but it wasn ’ t the same , ” she said .
“ This is returning to what we did before.
” At around 6 a.m. on a Saturday in mid-August , as a heat wave gripped the Bay Area , she phoned Jordan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Barely two hours later , the midwives helped her give birth to her son Esangu — 8 pounds , 6 ounces — on her hands and knees on her living room floor .
This story was produced by KHN ( Kaiser Health News ) , which publishes California Healthline , an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation .
KHN is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente .

Midwife Kiki Jordan examines TaNefer Camara during a routine postnatal visit about a week after the birth of her son Esangu. In centuries past, Black midwives often functioned as spiritual advisers and parenting teachers as well as birth attendants.
From the moment she learned she was pregnant late last year, TaNefer Camara knew she didn’t want to have her baby in a hospital bed.
A mother of three and part-time lactation consultant at Highland Hospital in Oakland, Camara already knew a bit about childbirth. She wanted to deliver at home, surrounded by her family, into the hands of an experienced female birth worker, as her ancestors once did. And she wanted a Black midwife.
It took the COVID-19 pandemic to get her husband onboard.
“Up until then, he was like, ‘You’re crazy. We’re going to the hospital,’” she said.
As the pandemic has laid bare healthcare inequities, more Black women are looking to home birth as a way to not only avoid the coronavirus but also to shun a system that has contributed to Black women being three to four times more likely to die of childbirth-related causes than white women, regardless of income or education. Researchers argue that the roots of this disparity — one of the widest in women’s healthcare — lie in long-standing social inequities, from lack of safe housing and healthy food to inferior care provided at the hospitals where Black women tend to give birth.
Advertisement
“It feels like we are needed,” said midwife Kiki Jordan, who co-owns Birthland, a prenatal practice that opened early this year in a 400-square-foot storefront in Oakland’s Temescal neighborhood, targeting low-income women of color.
Since the pandemic hit in March, she said, the practice’s clientele has more than tripled.
Images of hospitals inundated with COVID-19 patients have sparked a flurry of new interest among women of all races in home births, which account for just over 1% of deliveries in the United States. Birth centers and midwives who attend home births say they’ve been swamped by new clients since the pandemic began.
“Every midwife I’m talking to has seen their practice double or sometimes triple in the wake of COVID,” said Jamarah Amani, a Florida midwife and co-founder of the National Black Midwives Alliance.
Many Americans think of giving birth at home as backward and scary, or as a quixotic practice of privileged white women, akin to cloth diaper services and home-cooked baby food.
But the growing interest in home births in recent years has fueled a Black midwifery movement that harks back to a venerable, if long-forgotten, tradition in the United States.
Jordan’s practice is now 98% Black, “something I’ve never seen before,” she said. She provides pre- and postnatal care regardless of where women plan to deliver, though the majority of her clientele choose home births.
Advertisement
Black infants are more than twice as likely to die as white infants, and the risks to baby and mother extend across social class.
Tennis superstar Serena Williams’ harrowing 2018 account of her near-death postpartum experience with a blood clot in her lungs and a cascade of life-threatening complications was a sobering reminder that even wealth and fame are no protection from being dismissed or mistreated during one of the most vulnerable moments of a woman’s life.
At least three Black women have died in childbirth since March in New York City, which was hit hard early on by the coronavirus. One of those women, 26-year-old Amber Isaac, had reportedly tried to switch to a home or birth-center delivery after not getting an in-person appointment with her obstetrician as providers abruptly switched to telemedicine in the wake of the shutdown.
For Katrina Ayoola, 29, avoiding unnecessary medical interventions that researchers say can lead to dangerous maternal complications was a key reason for switching to a home birth. As the coronavirus hit in the spring, when Ayoola was around five months pregnant with her first baby, she was already frustrated with her obstetricians in Martinez, Calif. She didn’t like their system of rotating providers, to whom she felt she constantly had to reexplain herself. The last straw was being told to shop for a home blood pressure monitor. They were sold out everywhere.
“I ended up canceling what would have been an online appointment, and I haven’t heard from them since,” Ayoola said. “I did not feel cared for.”
On Aug. 1, Ayoola delivered her son Oluwatayo at home in Fairfield with her husband, Daré, and her mother at her side, following a 29-hour labor supervised by Jordan and her partner, Anjali Sardeshmukh.
“At the hospital, I’d probably have had a C-section,” said Ayoola, who described her home birth as “an amazing, empowering experience,” worth every penny of the out-of-pocket $4,500 the couple paid for it — a discount, based on their insurance and income, from Birthland’s typical $6,500 fee.
Cost is a major barrier for poor people to access out-of-hospital births. Medicaid, the federal-state health insurance program that covers many low-income pregnant women, pays for home births in only a handful of states. Since 2015, these have included California, but reimbursement is low, and bureaucratic requirements make it difficult for most midwives to accept Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program. A quarter of U.S. states do not even offer midwife licenses, making the practice of home birth effectively illegal.
Jordan led a free-standing birth center in San Rafael that was the first in California to accept Medi-Cal when it opened in 2016. She and a handful of other Black midwives around the country are leading the effort to make out-of-hospital births more accessible to low-income women, a group that could particularly benefit from community-based midwifery, according to a 2018 study.
In the 1930s, the school then known as Florida A&M College began offering a training program for Southern midwives — mostly older African American women — to accommodate a new state law requiring licensure for traditional birth attendants. Many historians believe the legislation was aimed at eradicating midwifery. Shown are midwife trainees in Tallahassee, circa 1935. (Florida Memory
)
Many of these birth workers are struggling to break even, but that’s nothing new.
In past generations, Black midwives sometimes walked miles and stayed days with laboring women, massaging their feet, cooking, babysitting and reading from the Bible in exchange for a few dollars or a chicken, according to historical accounts. Immigrants and Black Americans dominated midwifery during much of this country’s history, and in the South, enslaved women passed from mother to daughter childbirth techniques and remedies brought from West Africa starting in the 1600s.
In certain rural pockets, Black midwives continued to deliver babies for poor Black and white families alike, even into the last century, as modern obstetrics regulated traditional birth attendants virtually out of existence. Midwives delivered half the babies in the nation in 1900 and just over 10% by the 1930s, as physicians launched a campaign to promote hospital birth as safe and hygienic, while dismissing midwives as “relics of barbarism.”
A Florida midwife holds twins in this undated photo. Black midwives in the South continued delivering babies for disadvantaged women in rural communities until well into the 1970s, despite a campaign by modern gynecologists to portray them as superstitious and unfit. (Florida Memory)
But in recent years, with hospital birth the norm, the United States has registered the poorest birth outcomes in the industrialized world. The numbers have worsened during the last 25 years even as they’ve improved in most of the world, largely because of the disproportionate toll on Black Americans.
California has led the effort to reverse that trend, cutting its maternal death rate by 55% between 2006 and 2013, though the disparity for Black mothers has persisted.
Researchers have documented countless instances of pregnant Black women being ignored, drug-tested without permission or sutured without pain medication.
There is a growing consensus among medical researchers and social scientists that discrimination can result in toxic stress that causes maternal complications or premature births. Respectful, holistic prenatal care can improve outcomes, said Jennie Joseph, a British-trained midwife. Her prenatal clinic in Florida, which serves mostly low-income women of color, has had consistently low rates of maternal complications and premature and low-birth-weight babies.
Joseph believes it matters less where a woman gives birth than how she is treated during the previous nine months. Most of her clients deliver in hospitals.
Groups like Amani’s are encouraging more midwives of color to penetrate what she calls the profession’s “old girls’ network.” Just 2% of American midwives are Black, and research has shown that Black patients tend to do better with Black providers.
There is evidence that their numbers are growing with demand. California now has about half a dozen licensed Black midwifery practices, including three that have opened in the Bay Area since 2017.
Camara said she wanted to support them: She has had supportive, competent white birth attendants in the past, “but it wasn’t the same,” she said. “This is returning to what we did before.”
About 6 a.m. on a Saturday in mid-August, as a heat wave gripped the Bay Area, she phoned Jordan to tell her she was having contractions. Barely two hours later, the midwives helped her give birth to her son Esangu — 8 pounds, 6 ounces — on her hands and knees on her living room floor.
This story was produced by KHN (Kaiser Health News), which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation. KHN is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.


latimes--2020-09-15--'Evasive' Bobcat fire became a dangerous menace without burning any homes

More than a week after the Bobcat fire ignited in the rugged terrain of the Angeles National Forest , it has emerged as an unusual menace that has evaded fire crews and terrorized local communities — despite burning no homes and causing no injuries .
The fire has contributed to days of terrible air quality in Los Angeles , with “ mesquite-like ” smells and a “ powdery layer of haze ” amid smoke advisories from the South Coast Air Quality Management District .
It also has managed to outwit firefighters , even in the absence of powerful Santa Ana @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last week .
Instead , officials say , the Bobcat fire ’ s power lies in two factors : its location and an inadequate supply of firefighters .
But climate experts warn there are larger factors at play .
“ This fire was man-made on many levels , ” said Bill Patzert , a climatologist who spent several decades at the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory in La Cañada Flintridge .
Record heat , population growth , fossil fuels and other factors related to climate change have contributed not only to the state ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but also to the particular challenges of the Bobcat fire .
“ It took decades to build this disaster , ” Patzert said .
“ This didn ’ t come out of nowhere.
” By Monday night , the fire had burned more than 38,000 acres , according to the and the containment level dropped from 6 % to 3 % .
“ It has been evasive , ” Angeles National Forest spokesman Andrew Mitchell said Monday .
“ Where we ’ re trying to catch it , it ’ s still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the blaze have been pushed back by two weeks , to Oct. 30 , much to the disappointment of residents in the nearby foothill communities .
Parts of Pasadena , Altadena , Monrovia , Bradbury and Duarte have been contending with for more than a week , while some neighborhoods in Arcadia and Sierra Madre were ordered to evacuate Sunday when winds shifted .
“ It ’ s completely terrain-driven at this point , ” Mitchell said .
“ The area where the fire is situated hasn ’ t burned in 60 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of dried vegetation can act as fuel for a hungry fire .
“ Here ’ s the ecological bottom line , ” fire ecologist Richard Minnich said .
“ The more burns in a given area , the smaller and more manageable fires will be in the future.
” The blaze has also changed direction several times .
Last week , it appeared to be into the northeastern portion of the forest .
On Monday , it was creeping south and west again , toward Mt .
Wilson and the Chantry Flat area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of deep concern is the 116-year-old Mt .
Wilson Observatory .
“ While we hope the Observatory makes it through relatively unscathed , the battle could go either way , ” Sam Hale , chairman of the Mount Wilson Institute Board of Trustees , wrote Monday .
“ We cherish the historic telescopes on the mountain that revolutionized humanity ’ s understanding of the Cosmos and hope they will be safe.
” David Cendejas , superintendent of the complex that houses 18 of the observatory ’ s astronomical wonders , watched as flurries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He and several other staffers spent the morning introducing more than three dozen firefighters to the emergency systems and backup electric generators strategically located on the property , which is perched on a 5,710-foot mountain shaded by pines and oak forests .
They included a water tank connected to a high-pressure pump built in 1970 and last used when the observatory was rescued from the snarling flames of the in 2009 after a firefight that lasted five days and four nights .
As billowing columns of smoke turned the sky orange and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engines were girding for the arrival of the flames , which would trigger a screeching blare from large horns on the observatory ’ s gleaming white dome .
“ We ’ re not going anywhere , ” Capt .
Keith Stires with the Los Angeles County Fire Department said .
“ We are committed here.
” Beyond the worried neighborhoods and beloved observatories , the Bobcat fire is threatening the Cogswell Dam , which along with San Gabriel Reservoirs in the San Gabriel Mountains above Azusa is providing water for firefighters .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Santa Anita Dam , less than a mile above Arcadia .
“ We ’ re approaching winter storm season , and that infrastructure is critical to protect downstream communities from potential flooding , ” said Kerjon Lee , a spokesman for the agency .
The Bobcat fire is one of more than two dozen blazes burning in California , and resources are stretched thin .
Although nearly 900 personnel have been assigned to the fire in the San Gabriel Mountains , officials say it isn ’ t enough .
“ The amount @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for this size of fire , ” Mitchell said .
“ And we ’ re spread thin throughout the state.
” Patzert said that although fire has always been part of the natural ecology of California , mass migration to the West Coast led to the development of areas that might otherwise have been less populous .
( The state ’ s population has nearly quadrupled since 1950 , according to the “ We ’ ve moved into areas where classically , we never built , because they were burn zones , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this great megalopolis of 20 million people [ in Southern California ] , you create your own heat.
” Last month proved to be the state ’ s and temperatures have spiked even higher in September .
“ We were set up for fire up and down the entire state , ” Patzert said .
“ Northern California had a dry winter , and these heat waves in August really set us up .
It just dried everything out.
” Conditions were so ripe for ignition that six of the largest fires on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And although the Bobcat fire has not yet claimed a structure or a life , many Angelenos , faced with another day of hazardous air , are beginning to despair .
“ It ’ s a boxed-in feeling , ” said Carole J. McCoy , an artist who lives in North Hollywood .
“ Not being able to go outside , because I have asthma and allergies , takes away the one thing that was a sense of freedom and peace.
” McCoy was one of many L.A. residents who relied on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ orders issued amid the COVID-19 pandemic .
But coronavirus , too , has proved no match for the fire : Smoke was so strong in parts of eastern L.A. that three coronavirus testing sites — the Pomona Fairplex , the San Gabriel Valley airport and Panorama City — will be closed Tuesday because of unhealthy air .
“ You could make a list of factors here that all came together , ” Patzert said of the myriad explanations for the Bobcat fire .
“ Some call it a perfect storm , but I @ @ @ @ @ @ @

The Bobcat fire continues to blaze in the mountains above Monrovia. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
A worker installs a street camera along North Azusa Avenue as smoke covers the sky from the Bobcat fire. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
Claudia Alcaino walks her dogs along Highland Oaks Drive as crews continue to battle the Bobcat fire in the nearby Angeles National Forest. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
A line of California fire engines head to the flaming Santa Anita Canyon as the Bobcat fire burns near Arcadia. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
A firefighting helicopter refills in a reservoir on Grand View Ave. as crews continue to battle the Bobcat fire. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Mormon Lake, Ariz. Hotshot Squad team member Jessy Twin looks over charred hillsides after clearing brush. Twin said his crew is on their sixth day of cutting line. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Los Angeles County firefighters, using only hand tools, keep flames from jumping a fire break in the Angeles National Forest north of Monrovia. (David McNew / Getty Images)
A Coulson 737 firefighting tanker jet drops fire retardant to slow Bobcat fire at the top of a major run up a mountainside in the Angeles National Forest. (David McNew / Getty Images)
Firefighters keep watch from an overlook on Mt. Wilson as the Bobcat fire burns in the Angeles National Forest near Pasadena. (Mario Tama / Getty Images)
Firefighters look on from Sawpit Canyon as a controlled fire burns on a hillside overlooking the San Gabriel Valley. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Curious deer look on as firefighters watch the progress of the Bobcat fire as it continues to burn in the Angeles National Forest. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Flames from a control burn are used to reduce fuel near homes in Monrovia as the Bobcat fire continues to burn in the Angeles National Forest. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Road Runners hand crew from the Angeles National Forest walk single file as they head for breakfast at the Bobcat fire command post at the Santa Fe Dam Recreation Park in Irwindale. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times)
After spending night at camp Pasadena, firefighters Christina Terrazas, left, and Jason Van Vlymen have their breakfast standing next to their fire truck. Hundreds of firefighters from different agencies fighting Bobcat Fire in San Gabriel mountains above Arcadia, Monrovia and Duarte camp overnight in Santa Fe Dam Recreation Park in Irwindale. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times)
Los Angeles County firefighters standing on outlook as they monitor the Bobcat fire burning in a canyon near the Mt. Wilson Observatory in Angeles National Forest. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times)
Flames crest a hill a few miles from Juniper Hills Rd. as the Bobcat fire advances north into the Antelope Valley. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
A fire engine drives into air thick with smoke along Juniper Hills Rd. as the Bobcat fire advances north into the Antelope Valley. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
LaVerne engine 761 arrives to offer defense as the Bobcat fire burns near homes in Monrovia. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
The LA County Fire Camp 9 hand crew rests on Big Pines Highway after working the north flank of the Bobcat fire near Mile High. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Castle Snider, 8, looks on as flames from a control burn are used to reduce fuel near homes in Monrovia as the Bobcat fire continues to burn in the Angeles National Forest. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Bear Divide Hotshots cover a U.S. Forestry Department information center Sept. 19 in Wrightwood to protect it from the Bobcat fire. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
A smokey sunset as the Bobcat Fire continues to burn in the Angeles National Forest. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Mike Gregoryan is frustrated as he is asked to leave his home on Cruthers Creek as Bobcat fire closes in on structures. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
A house on Cima Mesa Road in Juniper Hills burns Sept. 18 as the Bobcat fire continues to rage. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
A statue sits on top of a house that burned to the ground in Juniper Hills. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
The view from Big Pines Highway as the Bobcat fire continues to burn in the Angeles National Forest. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Horses are spooked by the approaching Bobcat fire on 106th Street in Juniper Hills on Sept. 18. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
The Bobcat fire continues to burn in the Angeles National Forest as seen from the Evergreen Cemetery in Los Angeles on Sept. 21. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
Smoke and ash filter the sunset looking west from Angeles Crest Highway as the Bobcat fire continues to burn. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Blue Ridge Hot Shots crew members from Arizona join forces with firefighters from Northern and Southern California on a backfire operation north of Mt. Wilson on Angeles Crest Highway. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
More than a week after the Bobcat fire ignited in the rugged terrain of the Angeles National Forest, it has emerged as an unusual menace that has evaded fire crews and threatened local communities — despite burning no homes and causing no injuries.
The fire has contributed to days of terrible air quality in Los Angeles, with residents reporting “mesquite-like” smells and a “powdery layer of haze” amid smoke advisories from the South Coast Air Quality Management District.
It also has managed to outwit firefighters, even in the absence of powerful Santa Ana winds that failed to materialize as predicted last week. Instead, officials say, the Bobcat fire’s power lies in two factors: its location and an inadequate supply of firefighters.
But climate experts warn there are larger factors at play.
“This fire was man-made on many levels,” said Bill Patzert, a climatologist who spent several decades at the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory in La Cañada Flintridge.
California Extraordinary heat, rare summer snow brought unprecedented West Coast firestorms To understand why so many fires are burning out of control in the West, you have to go back to Labor Day — and the freak snowstorm that hit Colorado.
Record heat, population growth, fossil fuels and other factors related to climate change have contributed not only to the state’s unprecedented fire season, Patzert said, but also to the particular challenges of the Bobcat fire.
“It took decades to build this disaster,” Patzert said. “This didn’t come out of nowhere.”
By Monday night, the fire had burned more than 38,000 acres, according to the U.S. Forest Service, and the containment level dropped from 6% to 3%.
“It has been evasive,” Angeles National Forest spokesman Andrew Mitchell said Monday. “Where we’re trying to catch it, it’s still jumping out a bit.”
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Containment estimates for the blaze have been pushed back by two weeks, to Oct. 30, much to the disappointment of residents in the nearby foothill communities. Parts of Pasadena, Altadena, Monrovia, Bradbury and Duarte have been contending with evacuation notices for more than a week, while some neighborhoods in Arcadia and Sierra Madre were ordered to evacuate Sunday when winds shifted.
Mormon Lake Hotshot Squad leader Jessy Twin, looks over charred hillsides after clearing brush near Chantry Flat Rd. near Santa Anita Dam as crews continue to battle the Bobcat fire. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times)
“It’s completely terrain-driven at this point,” Mitchell said. “The area where the fire is situated hasn’t burned in 60, 70 years.”
That decades-long buildup of dried vegetation can act as fuel for a hungry fire.
“Here’s the ecological bottom line,” fire ecologist Richard Minnich said. “The more burns in a given area, the smaller and more manageable fires will be in the future.”
The blaze has also changed direction several times. Last week, it appeared to be moving deeper into the northeastern portion of the forest. On Monday, it was creeping south and west again, toward Mt. Wilson and the Chantry Flat area in Santa Anita Canyon.
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One area of deep concern is the 116-year-old Mt. Wilson Observatory.
“While we hope the Observatory makes it through relatively unscathed, the battle could go either way,” Sam Hale, chairman of the Mount Wilson Institute Board of Trustees, wrote Monday. “We cherish the historic telescopes on the mountain that revolutionized humanity’s understanding of the Cosmos and hope they will be safe.”
David Cendejas, superintendent of the complex that houses 18 of the observatory’s astronomical wonders, watched as flurries of ash fell like snow Monday afternoon. He and several other staffers spent the morning introducing more than three dozen firefighters to the emergency systems and backup electric generators strategically located on the property, which is perched on a 5,710-foot mountain shaded by pines and oak forests.
They included a water tank connected to a high-pressure pump built in 1970 and last used when the observatory was rescued from the snarling flames of the Station fire in 2009 after a firefight that lasted five days and four nights.
A fire fighting helicopter refills in a reservoir on Grand View Ave. as crews continue to battle the Bobcat fire smoldering in the nearby Angeles National Forest. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times)
As billowing columns of smoke turned the sky orange and gray Monday afternoon, firefighters in 12 engines were girding for the arrival of the flames, which would trigger a screeching blare from large horns on the observatory’s gleaming white dome.
“We’re not going anywhere,” Capt. Keith Stires with the Los Angeles County Fire Department said. “We are committed here.”
Beyond the worried neighborhoods and beloved observatories, the Bobcat fire is threatening the Cogswell Dam, which along with San Gabriel Reservoirs in the San Gabriel Mountains above Azusa is providing water for firefighters. On Monday afternoon, flames also were approaching the Santa Anita Dam, less than a mile above Arcadia.
“We’re approaching winter storm season, and that infrastructure is critical to protect downstream communities from potential flooding,” said Kerjon Lee, a spokesman for the agency.
The Bobcat fire is one of more than two dozen blazes burning in California, and resources are stretched thin. Although nearly 900 personnel have been assigned to the fire in the San Gabriel Mountains, officials say it isn’t enough.
“The amount of personnel we have is very low for this size of fire,” Mitchell said. “And we’re spread thin throughout the state.”
Patzert said that although fire has always been part of the natural ecology of California, mass migration to the West Coast led to the development of areas that might otherwise have been less populous. (The state’s population has nearly quadrupled since 1950, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.)
“We’ve moved into areas where classically, we never built, because they were burn zones,” Patzert said. “When you create this great megalopolis of 20 million people [in Southern California], you create your own heat.”
Last month proved to be the state’s hottest August on record, and temperatures have spiked even higher in September.
“We were set up for fire up and down the entire state,” Patzert said. “Northern California had a dry winter, and these heat waves in August really set us up. It just dried everything out.”
Conditions were so ripe for ignition that six of the largest fires on record in California are burning right now.
And although the Bobcat fire has not yet claimed a structure or a life, many Angelenos, faced with another day of hazardous air, are beginning to despair.
“It’s a boxed-in feeling,” said Carole J. McCoy, an artist who lives in North Hollywood. “Not being able to go outside, because I have asthma and allergies, takes away the one thing that was a sense of freedom and peace.”
McCoy was one of many L.A. residents who relied on time outdoors as a respite from stay-at-home orders issued amid the COVID-19 pandemic. But coronavirus, too, has proved no match for the fire: Smoke was so strong in parts of eastern L.A. that three coronavirus testing sites — the Pomona Fairplex, the San Gabriel Valley airport and Panorama City — will be closed Tuesday because of unhealthy air.
“You could make a list of factors here that all came together,” Patzert said of the myriad explanations for the Bobcat fire. “Some call it a perfect storm, but I call it a perfect disaster.”


latimes--2020-09-15--Corruption is a hot topic at City Hall. Here's how council candidates plan to fight it

As candidates face off this fall for two seats on the Los Angeles City Council , a debate has entered both campaigns : What ’ s the best way to root out corruption at City Hall ?
Federal investigators have alleged that real estate developers bribed city officials in exchange for help with their projects .
The probe has cemented long-standing suspicions for many about pay-to-play practices at City Hall — and spurred the candidates in the Nov. 3 election to offer new proposals for tackling corruption .
Behind those proposals lie some thorny questions : Should L.A. take big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ size of the City Council ?
Should it reform the institutions it already has , like the Ethics Commission , created decades ago as an in-house watchdog ?
And can any reform really stop someone bent on breaking the law ?
The issue has taken on added urgency in recent months , with authorities arresting Councilman Jose Huizar and securing a guilty plea from former Councilman Mitchell Englander .
The probe is ongoing .
Councilman David Ryu , who is fighting to keep his seat in a district stretching from Silver Lake to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new office of anti-corruption — an inspector general — to watch over the city ’ s planning and development decisions .
He wants to scale back the power of council members to override decisions by planning commissioners .
And he is pushing to prevent council members from voting on issues involving their own campaign contributors .
“ It ’ s unfortunate that it had to take FBI probes and investigations and arrests to get this far , ” said Ryu , who is running for his second term .
The corruption probe , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ a real opportunity for change.
” Ryu says his record on reform makes him the best positioned to fight corruption .
In December , after years of delays , he prodded his colleagues to grudgingly pass restrictions on political donations from developers , who are among the biggest contributors to city politicians .
His opponent , former nonprofit executive Nithya Raman , contends that Ryu has not been effective at pushing through more meaningful proposals to fight corruption , including one that would prohibit any contributor that is not a human being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other groups — from making donations to candidates for mayor , council and other city offices .
Ryu has failed to mobilize the public to pressure his colleagues to enact such changes , she argued .
“ When he cites his record on these issues , he ’ s often citing a record of failure , ” Raman said , arguing that the restrictions on developer donations passed by the council were “ riddled with loopholes.
” Ryu argued that criticism of his efforts was a sign of progress .
When he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people laughed and said that it was impossible , ” he said .
Going from that to “ ‘ it doesn ’ t go far enough ’ is a tremendous step forward , ” Ryu said .
Both Raman and Ryu want taxpayers to fully finance the campaigns of eligible city candidates , a proposal that has previously stalled at City Hall .
And Raman , like Ryu , has pledged not to accept donations from real estate developers .
But Raman has also sworn off donations from corporations and other groups and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the walk ” by doing the same .
Raman has also criticized Ryu ’ s proposal to create a new anti-corruption office , arguing that Los Angeles already has an Ethics Commission with a similar mission but city leaders have failed to fund it properly .
“ L.A .
is notorious for offices not talking to each other and not functioning well , ” she said .
“ There ’ s a danger of a proliferation of departments tasked with the same outcome.
” Those concerns are shared by attorney Grace Yoo , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wesson in a district that stretches from Koreatown to the Crenshaw Corridor .
Yoo , who unveiled an anti-corruption platform in July , argues that an inspector general ’ s office for planning decisions would simply create more bureaucracy .
A better strategy , Yoo said , is to give the agencies charged with finding fraud and corruption — the Ethics Commission and the City Controller ’ s office — the funding and independence they need .
Yoo , who is waging an underdog campaign against County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas , said that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Council have controlled how much money goes to those agencies , leaving them at the mercy of those politicians .
To make each office truly autonomous , voters should establish minimum funding levels for those offices that the mayor and council can not cut , she said .
Yoo , who ran unsuccessfully for the seat in 2015 , said the mayor and other L.A. city politicians should no longer have the power to choose the people who sit on the five-member Ethics Commission .
The job of selecting those commissioners should be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she said .
“ L.A .
City Hall has allowed the fox to watch the hen house , ” Yoo said in a statement .
“ That ’ s why we ’ ve had two councilmen arrested in the last six months , after years of corrupt and illegal acts.
” Ridley-Thomas , who is looking to return to the council after nearly 20 years , is also calling for changes at the Ethics Commission , saying the agency should have its own independent lawyer and the power to send reform proposals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current system , any ballot measure proposed by the commission can not be sent to voters without the council ’ s sign-off .
“ Providing this power to the commission would reduce potential political influence — so that those making the decisions at City Hall are not the ones also creating the rules , ” he said in an email .
Ridley-Thomas , who has spent nearly three decades in city , county and state offices , also supports Ryu ’ s idea of a new anti-corruption office .
But he cautioned that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , broad authority , and the ability to trigger prosecutions.
” One reason that previous reforms have failed to root out the kind of corruption outlined in the ongoing federal probe , he said , is that laws were “ irrelevant ” to public officials who attempted to profit from their positions .
“ What we need to do is increase the risk of getting caught , ” he said .
Another idea that has gained attention among candidates and watchdog groups is expanding the council .
Rob Quan , an organizer with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that smaller council districts would lead to more competitive elections , which he described as the city ’ s “ best check against corruption.
” Ryu supports increasing the size of the council from 15 members to at least 25 , while Raman wants the council to have at least 30 members .
Yoo said she would favor such a move if the council ’ s costs remained the same — and it resulted in better representation .
But Ridley-Thomas has been deeply skeptical , saying voters aren ’ t interested in having @ @ @

L.A. City Council candidate Grace Yoo, center, seated with her opponent, Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas, left, says ethics commissioners should not be selected by politicians.
As candidates face off this fall for two seats on the Los Angeles City Council, a debate has entered both campaigns: What’s the best way to root out corruption at City Hall?
Federal investigators have alleged that real estate developers bribed city officials in exchange for help with their projects. The probe has cemented long-standing suspicions for many about pay-to-play practices at City Hall — and spurred the candidates in the Nov. 3 election to offer new proposals for tackling corruption.
Behind those proposals lie some thorny questions: Should L.A. take big, bold strokes, like expanding the size of the City Council? Should it reform the institutions it already has, like the Ethics Commission, created decades ago as an in-house watchdog? And can any reform really stop someone bent on breaking the law?
The issue has taken on added urgency in recent months, with authorities arresting Councilman Jose Huizar and securing a guilty plea from former Councilman Mitchell Englander. The probe is ongoing.
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Councilman David Ryu, who is fighting to keep his seat in a district stretching from Silver Lake to Sherman Oaks, has called for a new office of anti-corruption — an inspector general — to watch over the city’s planning and development decisions. He wants to scale back the power of council members to override decisions by planning commissioners. And he is pushing to prevent council members from voting on issues involving their own campaign contributors.
“It’s unfortunate that it had to take FBI probes and investigations and arrests to get this far,” said Ryu, who is running for his second term. The corruption probe, he added, is giving the city “a real opportunity for change.”
Councilman David Ryu, seen here in 2015 when he was sworn in, is fighting to keep his seat representing a district that stretches from Sherman Oaks to Silver Lake. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times)
Ryu says his record on reform makes him the best positioned to fight corruption. In December, after years of delays, he prodded his colleagues to grudgingly pass restrictions on political donations from developers, who are among the biggest contributors to city politicians.
His opponent, former nonprofit executive Nithya Raman, contends that Ryu has not been effective at pushing through more meaningful proposals to fight corruption, including one that would prohibit any contributor that is not a human being — such as corporations, labor unions and other groups — from making donations to candidates for mayor, council and other city offices.
Ryu has failed to mobilize the public to pressure his colleagues to enact such changes, she argued.
“When he cites his record on these issues, he’s often citing a record of failure,” Raman said, arguing that the restrictions on developer donations passed by the council were “riddled with loopholes.”
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Ryu argued that criticism of his efforts was a sign of progress. When he first called for fundraising restrictions, “people laughed and said that it was impossible,” he said.
Going from that to “‘it doesn’t go far enough’ is a tremendous step forward,” Ryu said.
Both Raman and Ryu want taxpayers to fully finance the campaigns of eligible city candidates, a proposal that has previously stalled at City Hall. And Raman, like Ryu, has pledged not to accept donations from real estate developers.
Los Angeles City Council candidate Nithya Raman is seeking to unseat Councilman David Ryu. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
But Raman has also sworn off donations from corporations and other groups and said Ryu isn’t “walking the walk” by doing the same. Raman has also criticized Ryu’s proposal to create a new anti-corruption office, arguing that Los Angeles already has an Ethics Commission with a similar mission but city leaders have failed to fund it properly.
“L.A. is notorious for offices not talking to each other and not functioning well,” she said. “There’s a danger of a proliferation of departments tasked with the same outcome.”
Those concerns are shared by attorney Grace Yoo, who is running to replace Councilman Herb Wesson in a district that stretches from Koreatown to the Crenshaw Corridor. Yoo, who unveiled an anti-corruption platform in July, argues that an inspector general’s office for planning decisions would simply create more bureaucracy.
A better strategy, Yoo said, is to give the agencies charged with finding fraud and corruption — the Ethics Commission and the City Controller’s office — the funding and independence they need.
Yoo, who is waging an underdog campaign against County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas, said that for decades, the mayor and City Council have controlled how much money goes to those agencies, leaving them at the mercy of those politicians. To make each office truly autonomous, voters should establish minimum funding levels for those offices that the mayor and council cannot cut, she said.
Yoo, who ran unsuccessfully for the seat in 2015, said the mayor and other L.A. city politicians should no longer have the power to choose the people who sit on the five-member Ethics Commission. The job of selecting those commissioners should be assigned to a panel of retired judges, she said.
“L.A. City Hall has allowed the fox to watch the hen house,” Yoo said in a statement. “That’s why we’ve had two councilmen arrested in the last six months, after years of corrupt and illegal acts.”
L.A. County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas attends a candidate forum in January 2020. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
Ridley-Thomas, who is looking to return to the council after nearly 20 years, is also calling for changes at the Ethics Commission, saying the agency should have its own independent lawyer and the power to send reform proposals directly to the ballot. Under the current system, any ballot measure proposed by the commission cannot be sent to voters without the council’s sign-off.
“Providing this power to the commission would reduce potential political influence — so that those making the decisions at City Hall are not the ones also creating the rules,” he said in an email.
Ridley-Thomas, who has spent nearly three decades in city, county and state offices, also supports Ryu’s idea of a new anti-corruption office. But he cautioned that it needs “serious staffing, independence, broad authority, and the ability to trigger prosecutions.”
One reason that previous reforms have failed to root out the kind of corruption outlined in the ongoing federal probe, he said, is that laws were “irrelevant” to public officials who attempted to profit from their positions.
“What we need to do is increase the risk of getting caught,” he said.
Another idea that has gained attention among candidates and watchdog groups is expanding the council. Rob Quan, an organizer with the advocacy group Unrig LA, argued that smaller council districts would lead to more competitive elections, which he described as the city’s “best check against corruption.”
Ryu supports increasing the size of the council from 15 members to at least 25, while Raman wants the council to have at least 30 members.
Yoo said she would favor such a move if the council’s costs remained the same — and it resulted in better representation. But Ridley-Thomas has been deeply skeptical, saying voters aren’t interested in having more politicians.


latimes--2020-09-14--South L.A. activists seek dialogue with Sheriff's Department after deputy shooting inflames tensions

In the wake of Saturday night ’ s shooting of two L.A. County Sheriff ’ s Department deputies in Compton , several activists have come forward to denounce the violence and urge the department to engage in more dialogue with the community .
Najee Ali , an activist at the forefront of ongoing protests around the Aug. 31 fatal shooting of Dijon Kizzee , and LaWanda Hawkins , the founder of Justice for Murdered Children , a group that represents families of homicide victims , stood Monday morning outside St. Francis Medical Center in Lynwood to deliver a reconciliatory message @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforcement .
“ We don ’ t support shooting .
We don ’ t support the murder of anybody , ” Ali told a group of reporters .
“ At the end of the day , we ’ re not against the Sheriff ’ s Department .
We ’ re not against law enforcement .
We are simply against police abuse , police racial profiling , police mistreatment of Black and brown residents within the city.
” Both deputies , one a 31-year-old mother of a 6-year-old boy and the other a 24-year-old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ near the Compton Metro station in what authorities have described as an ambush .
They were listed in stable condition , and authorities are looking for the gunman who was captured on video firing into their patrol car .
Officials have not offered a motive for the attack , which came in the midst of tense nightly protests near the South L.A. sheriff ’ s station to condemn the deputy shooting last month of Dijon Kizzee , 29 , in Westmont .
Some of the demonstrations have escalated into violent clashes with deputies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve sustained injuries from projectiles fired by officials .
Sheriff ’ s officials , however , have not linked Saturday ’ s shooting to the protests .
Compton and South L.A. communities have had to contend with a spate of recent violence involving the Sheriff ’ s Department .
Last Thursday , detectives from the Operation Safe Streets Bureau also killed a man who they said opened fire on them as they served a search warrant in Compton , the Sheriff ’ s Department said .
Ali and Hawkins referenced videos that have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the deputies .
On Saturday night , some demonstrators showed up at St. Francis Medical Center , with one identifying himself as a member of an activist group called the Africa Town Coalition .
Videos capture at least one person in the crowd yelling , “ I hope they ... die.
” Ali said the activists “ don ’ t represent our community , our movement , our struggle for justice , ” and Hawkins pleaded with residents to help identify the shooter .
“ What happened to those deputies should never have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should call in immediately , ” she said .
During a separate Monday news conference , County Supervisor Kathryn Barger also condemned the actions of the group outside the hospital .
She said she supports peaceful protest but that a line had been crossed .
“ The events of this weekend have made it clear to me that the anti-law enforcement rhetoric expressed by many elected officials , community leaders and others has created a toxic environment amid the time of civil unrest , ” she said .
“ Not only is this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ serve and protect us , but the communities that they are trying to protect.
” Experts , though , have warned that such assumptions are misguided and that protests are a response to problems , not the cause .
“ That ’ s a really , really important thing to point out , because you absolutely will get people who will spin this into meaning that these protests are causing problems , ” Dr. Sarah Vinson , a forensic psychiatrist and associate professor of psychiatry at Morehouse School of Medicine , told The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Zion Church Family in Compton , which has about 3,000 families , said he believes there ’ s a climate of mistrust in law enforcement that hasn ’ t been addressed by officials .
“ There is a lot of hurt in our community that is now spawning a lot of hatred , and it ’ s unjustifiable , but you can understand how we got there , ” he said .
For months , Fisher has been pushing for the Compton sheriff ’ s station to support the creation of an advisory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community concerns to officials .
“ The community is hearing nothing , ” he said .
“ The community is demanding answers , and all they ’ re getting from law enforcement is , ‘ It ’ s under investigation.
’ ” The Sheriff ’ s Department did not respond to a request for comment .
Before approaching a group of sheriff ’ s officials outside the hospital with a bouquet of flowers to deliver to the injured deputies , Ali called on the department to fire deputies in Compton and elsewhere in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cliques known for an aggressive policing style .
He asked for “ honest dialogue ” between the community and the department .
“ I would not be a leader if I did not hold both sides accountable , ” he said .
Times staff writers Laura Nelson and Kevin Rector contributed to this report .

Community activist Najee Ali gives L.A. County sheriff’s Sgt. Larry Villareal flowers and a “get well” balloon outside the St. Francis Medical Center in Lynwood on Monday for the two deputies who were recovering from being shot in Compton.
In the wake of Saturday night’s shooting of two L.A. County Sheriff’s Department deputies in Compton, several activists have come forward to denounce the violence and urge the department to engage in more dialogue with the community.
Najee Ali, an activist at the forefront of ongoing protests around the Aug. 31 fatal shooting of Dijon Kizzee, and LaWanda Hawkins, the founder of Justice for Murdered Children, a group that represents families of homicide victims, stood Monday morning outside St. Francis Medical Center in Lynwood to deliver a reconciliatory message amid rising tensions between residents and law enforcement.
“We don’t support shooting. We don’t support the murder of anybody,” Ali told a group of reporters. “At the end of the day, we’re not against the Sheriff’s Department. We’re not against law enforcement. We are simply against police abuse, police racial profiling, police mistreatment of Black and brown residents within the city.”
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Both deputies, one a 31-year-old mother of a 6-year-old boy and the other a 24-year-old man, were shot in the head near the Compton Metro station in what authorities have described as an ambush. They were listed in stable condition, and authorities are looking for the gunman who was captured on video firing into their patrol car.
Officials have not offered a motive for the attack, which came in the midst of tense nightly protests near the South L.A. sheriff’s station to condemn the deputy shooting last month of Dijon Kizzee, 29, in Westmont. Some of the demonstrations have escalated into violent clashes with deputies, and protesters have said they’ve sustained injuries from projectiles fired by officials.
Sheriff’s officials, however, have not linked Saturday’s shooting to the protests.
Compton and South L.A. communities have had to contend with a spate of recent violence involving the Sheriff’s Department.
Last Thursday, detectives from the Operation Safe Streets Bureau also killed a man who they said opened fire on them as they served a search warrant in Compton, the Sheriff’s Department said.
Ali and Hawkins referenced videos that have surfaced showing people celebrating the shooting of the deputies. On Saturday night, some demonstrators showed up at St. Francis Medical Center, with one identifying himself as a member of an activist group called the Africa Town Coalition. Videos capture at least one person in the crowd yelling, “I hope they ... die.”
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Ali said the activists “don’t represent our community, our movement, our struggle for justice,” and Hawkins pleaded with residents to help identify the shooter.
“What happened to those deputies should never have happened, and those who know anything should call in immediately,” she said.
During a separate Monday news conference, County Supervisor Kathryn Barger also condemned the actions of the group outside the hospital. She said she supports peaceful protest but that a line had been crossed.
“The events of this weekend have made it clear to me that the anti-law enforcement rhetoric expressed by many elected officials, community leaders and others has created a toxic environment amid the time of civil unrest,” she said. “Not only is this dangerous for those who are working to serve and protect us, but the communities that they are trying to protect.”
Experts, though, have warned that such assumptions are misguided and that protests are a response to problems, not the cause.
“That’s a really, really important thing to point out, because you absolutely will get people who will spin this into meaning that these protests are causing problems,” Dr. Sarah Vinson, a forensic psychiatrist and associate professor of psychiatry at Morehouse School of Medicine, told The Times.
Pastor Michael Fisher of Greater Zion Church Family in Compton, which has about 3,000 families, said he believes there’s a climate of mistrust in law enforcement that hasn’t been addressed by officials.
“There is a lot of hurt in our community that is now spawning a lot of hatred, and it’s unjustifiable, but you can understand how we got there,” he said.
For months, Fisher has been pushing for the Compton sheriff’s station to support the creation of an advisory council composed of civilians that would relay community concerns to officials.
“The community is hearing nothing,” he said. “The community is demanding answers, and all they’re getting from law enforcement is, ‘It’s under investigation.’”
The Sheriff’s Department did not respond to a request for comment.
Before approaching a group of sheriff’s officials outside the hospital with a bouquet of flowers to deliver to the injured deputies, Ali called on the department to fire deputies in Compton and elsewhere in the county who are part of tattooed cliques known for an aggressive policing style.
He asked for “honest dialogue” between the community and the department.
“I would not be a leader if I did not hold both sides accountable,” he said.
Times staff writers Laura Nelson and Kevin Rector contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-09-14--LAUSD will have a new admission requirement when it reopens: A negative COVID-19 test

When schools finally reopen , Los Angeles public school students and their parents will face one new admissions requirement : a negative coronavirus test .
All 80 school districts in Los Angeles County are closed to the general student population until at least November .
But when the time comes , a coronavirus test will be a crucial part of the reopening process in the state ’ s largest school district , Los Angeles Unified .
Families that do not agree can stick with online-only instruction .
“ We are going out and we ’ re testing all of our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” said school board President Richard Vladovic , speaking Monday at the testing site set up at Harry Bridges Span School in Wilmington .
“ That ’ s essential as we prepare to return to schools.
” Vladovic said the district ’ s ambitious testing plan gives him hope that campuses could reopen soon in some form .
Long Beach Unified , the county ’ s second-largest district , announced last week that the general student population would not return to campuses until January .
Besides mandatory testing , L.A. Unified is incorporating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up a website that will provide detailed information about coronavirus outbreaks at an individual campus and even each classroom .
L.A. schools Supt .
Austin Beutner said in an interview Monday that the groundbreaking initiative has to not only help make schools safe , but make them feel safe , which is why parents — and the public — will be able to look up a school and learn the number of positive cases to date and the number of active cases broken down by grade and by the small “ cohorts ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ together once a campus is able to reopen .
Students or staff would not be identified .
But parents could learn , for example , about a new case among the 12 first-graders in a particular cohort .
In that example , the public web page would note : “ All families of students in Cohort 1A are notified to stay home and students in 1A will participate in online learning until health guidelines allow their return.
” “ If the rest of the school doesn ’ t know where the occurrence was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ environment where people feel it ’ s safe to come back , ” Beutner said .
The online information also would allow parents to learn about what ’ s going on at L.A. Unified schools around them , such as how many schools nearby are open or closed and test results in the school community by age .
The age range starts at newborn to 5 and goes up to 71-plus , because the goal is to include information about infections among all family members .
Families would not be identified .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearly 500,000 K-12 students , 75,000 staff members and thousands of preschool and adult school students .
The district ‘ s partners include UCLA , Stanford , Johns Hopkins University , Microsoft , Anthem Blue Cross and HealthNet , among others — with a price tag of roughly $ 300 per student over a year , about $ 150 million .
The district has received hundreds of millions of dollars in coronavirus-related aid but released few details of how the testing would be paid for .
County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials , expressed skepticism about the benefits of widespread school-based testing — unless it were done every other day with a fast turnaround for results .
Better , she said , to focus on preventive measures and targeted testing and contact tracing .
The district plan includes those elements .
As of Monday , schools in Los Angeles County are permitted to open to serve small groups of students with special needs , such as students with disabilities and students learning English .
But the process for bringing students back involves extensive safety @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notably the teachers union .
And most public schools in the county , including L.A. Unified , do not appear ready to immediately bring back any groups of students for instruction .
As part of the L.A. Unified testing ramp up , more than 5,000 staff members and their children were tested late last week .
Seven tests came back positive , six adults and one child , Beutner said Monday .
The first group to be tested includes employees working at schools and some of their children .
The first students are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for one-on-one , in-person tutoring , which will take place outside , but on campus .
Beutner added that , over the next several weeks , all staff and students will be provided with an initial , baseline test .
After this , “ there will be periodic testing based on advice from epidemiologists.
” The district also will provide testing for household members of students or staff who test positive or who show symptoms .
In this way , the L.A. Unified initiative will feed into the larger county health program .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ build up to 5,000 tests per day this week , with the goal of soon reaching as many as 20,000 per day .

A sample of a school “report card” for coronavirus cases that L.A. Unified hopes to use as part of its testing program.
When schools finally reopen, Los Angeles public school students and their parents will face one new admissions requirement: a negative coronavirus test.
All 80 school districts in Los Angeles County are closed to the general student population until at least November. But when the time comes, a coronavirus test will be a crucial part of the reopening process in the state’s largest school district, Los Angeles Unified. Families that do not agree can stick with online-only instruction.
“We are going out and we’re testing all of our employees and all of our students,” said school board President Richard Vladovic, speaking Monday at the testing site set up at Harry Bridges Span School in Wilmington. “That’s essential as we prepare to return to schools.”
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Vladovic said the district’s ambitious testing plan gives him hope that campuses could reopen soon in some form. Long Beach Unified, the county’s second-largest district, announced last week that the general student population would not return to campuses until January.
Besides mandatory testing, L.A. Unified is incorporating an unusual degree of transparency — setting up a website that will provide detailed information about coronavirus outbreaks at an individual campus and even each classroom.
LAUSD Supt. Austin Beutner announces a testing and contact tracing program. (Gabriella Angotti-Jones / Los Angeles Times)
L.A. schools Supt. Austin Beutner said in an interview Monday that the groundbreaking initiative has to not only help make schools safe, but make them feel safe, which is why parents — and the public — will be able to look up a school and learn the number of positive cases to date and the number of active cases broken down by grade and by the small “cohorts” of students who will spend the day together once a campus is able to reopen.
Students or staff would not be identified. But parents could learn, for example, about a new case among the 12 first-graders in a particular cohort. In that example, the public web page would note: “All families of students in Cohort 1A are notified to stay home and students in 1A will participate in online learning until health guidelines allow their return.”
“If the rest of the school doesn’t know where the occurrence was, you’re not creating an environment where people feel it’s safe to come back,” Beutner said.
The online information also would allow parents to learn about what’s going on at L.A. Unified schools around them, such as how many schools nearby are open or closed and test results in the school community by age. The age range starts at newborn to 5 and goes up to 71-plus, because the goal is to include information about infections among all family members. Families would not be identified.
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The district’s massive undertaking will involve nearly 500,000 K-12 students, 75,000 staff members and thousands of preschool and adult school students. The district‘s partners include UCLA, Stanford, Johns Hopkins University, Microsoft, Anthem Blue Cross and HealthNet, among others — with a price tag of roughly $300 per student over a year, about $150 million.
The district has received hundreds of millions of dollars in coronavirus-related aid but released few details of how the testing would be paid for.
California School campuses in affluent areas plan to open quicker than those in poor Latino ones San Diego County has gotten the green light to reopen schools, and Orange County officials believe they’ll soon be allowed to follow. But the picture on a school district level is far more complicated.
County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer, in a call Thursday with county school officials, expressed skepticism about the benefits of widespread school-based testing — unless it were done every other day with a fast turnaround for results. Better, she said, to focus on preventive measures and targeted testing and contact tracing. The district plan includes those elements.
As of Monday, schools in Los Angeles County are permitted to open to serve small groups of students with special needs, such as students with disabilities and students learning English. But the process for bringing students back involves extensive safety measures and negotiations with employee groups, notably the teachers union. And most public schools in the county, including L.A. Unified, do not appear ready to immediately bring back any groups of students for instruction.
As part of the L.A. Unified testing ramp up, more than 5,000 staff members and their children were tested late last week. Seven tests came back positive, six adults and one child, Beutner said Monday. The first group to be tested includes employees working at schools and some of their children. The first students are likely to be those referred by teachers for one-on-one, in-person tutoring, which will take place outside, but on campus.
Beutner added that, over the next several weeks, all staff and students will be provided with an initial, baseline test. After this, “there will be periodic testing based on advice from epidemiologists.”
The district also will provide testing for household members of students or staff who test positive or who show symptoms. In this way, the L.A. Unified initiative will feed into the larger county health program. Beutner said that the district hopes to build up to 5,000 tests per day this week, with the goal of soon reaching as many as 20,000 per day.