latimes--2020-01-05--Gavin Newsom's ambitious and uneven first year as California governor

Few California governors have entered office with a more ambitious agenda than Gov .
Gavin Newsom , whose ascension to the job one year ago was marked by a sense of urgency , an insistence that the times demanded a leader who would multitask in a way his predecessors had not .
“ People ’ s lives , freedom , security , the water we drink , the air we breathe — they all hang in the balance , ” Newsom said in his inauguration speech last January .
“ The country is watching us .
The world is waiting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us .
And we will seize this moment.
” As his first year draws to a close , the 52-year-old Democrat can point to a string of high-profile victories in service of a progressive agenda and fortifying California ’ s political resistance to President Trump .
But those achievements are only part of the story .
Less known outside of Sacramento is that Newsom has struggled with what some critics believe is an undisciplined and impatient governing style .
And even many of those who agree with the governor worry the turbulence could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s most pressing issues : the homeless crisis , access to affordable healthcare and the increasingly unattainable “ California Dream.
” The Times spoke with more than two dozen people at the state Capitol who were intimately involved in many of the issues , including legislators and their aides , advocates and lobbyists .
While many commended the governor for taking on difficult issues , some who strongly supported his 2018 campaign for governor and his pro-government approach to solving the state ’ s problems also offered critiques .
Some of those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the governor , fearing repercussions should they be named .
The governor has sought to temper expectations for his rookie year , noting that , given the breadth and severity of homelessness and other critical issues endemic to California , there was only so much he could do in such a short time .
But Newsom ’ s critics and fans alike have accused him of taking on too much , which , combined with a chaotic decision-making process , may have stifled his effectiveness .
“ I expected sort of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found the decisions he made , the statements he made , more erratic than expected , ” said Kathryn Phillips , director of Sierra Club California .
Through a spokesman , Newsom declined to be interviewed for this story .
In a recent interview with USA Today , he acknowledged concerns about the frenzy of his first year in office .
“ If today ’ s critique is we ’ re swinging at a lot of pitches , absolutely , that is fair criticism , ” Newsom said .
With California ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grip on the Legislature , Newsom was blessed with the flush tax revenues and the political solidarity necessary to make major strides .
Newsom and lawmakers touted more victories in 2019 than any other year in recent memory .
And a poll by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California released in November found that 48 % of likely voters approved of the way he is doing his job — 33 % disapproved , slightly better than Gov .
Jerry Brown ’ s approval numbers after his first year in office , when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offset a $ 27-billion deficit .
Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins ( D-San Diego ) dismissed concerns that Newsom took on too many problems , saying she prefers asking colleagues to slow down rather than speed up .
“ I guess I see him as really energetic , couldn ’ t wait to take his job , ready to go , ” Atkins said .
“ And I think we got more done this year than I ever imagined .
And it was a hard year for many reasons : the issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just getting used to the transition.
” Newsom used executive authority to carry out some of his most consequential actions , including a decision in March to impose a moratorium on death row executions .
The Democratic governor also halted the approval of new hydraulic fracturing in the state , launched an effort to consolidate the state ’ s purchase of prescription drugs to lower costs and irked Trump by pulling many of California ’ s National Guard troops from their duties near the U.S.-Mexico border .
Other issues were thrust upon him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the state ’ s largest electrical utility filed for bankruptcy — a process that prompted him to champion politically challenging legislation to stabilize the industry and create a multi-billion dollar fund for utilities to pay future wildfire claims .
There was less he could do to prevent other crises , such as sweeping blackouts that left millions in the dark this fall , the Ridgecrest earthquakes and a mass shooting at the Gilroy Garlic Festival , which occurred within a matter of weeks in July .
Allan Zaremberg , the president and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Commerce , said almost all governors are defined by their response to natural disasters , economic downturns or other unforeseen events .
And while Newsom publicly hammered Pacific Gas & Electric for the prolonged power outages and has issued new directives to state regulators to be tougher on the troubled utility , some believe he remains largely untested as the state ’ s chief executive .
“ The real test will come when the economy tanks and more crises and natural disasters happen , ” Zaremberg said .
Newsom may have also struggled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shadow .
With nearly a half-century in California politics and as the longest-serving governor in state history , Brown possessed an unusual familiarity with the complex inner workings of Sacramento and delicate power-sharing dynamic with the Legislature .
And Brown served in the twilight of his political career , freed from any designs on higher office , so he could afford to dismiss criticism of his fiscal caution and insistence on limiting his administration to a narrower , more achievable policy agenda .
“ One of the problems was the incredible difference between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon ( D-Lakewood ) said .
“ With Gavin , to the extent that there ’ s a perception that he ’ s a little more scattered , he ’ s interested in a wider range of issues than Jerry was.
” While Brown got by with a relatively lean staff in his last year , Newsom added more than three dozen positions and increased his office ’ s total budget to $ 24.5 million — a sharp contrast to the resources used in his eight-year tenure as California ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long and weighty to-do list to the governor ’ s office , but with little experience in how to shepherd that agenda through the Assembly and Senate , where leaders are equally strong-willed about their own political priorities .
A top advisor to Newsom told the New York Times in June that , before joining the administration , he had urged the new governor to focus his attention on a smaller spread of issues .
Both Atkins and Rendon said they communicate more frequently with Newsom than they did with Brown .
Many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Capitol have the governor ’ s cellphone number and regularly exchange text messages with him on a variety of issues , a level of access that may have also made it more difficult for his staff to keep track of his commitments .
“ There were times during the year that I was really irritated , but in retrospect , it probably should have been expected , ” Rendon said .
“ This is my first time working with a new governor .
It ’ s my first time dealing with that turnover.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ pushed back on the Newsom administration ’ s plan to tinker with gas tax funding .
Some Democrats in the Legislature felt frustrated by a lack of clear communication from the governor ’ s office at different times throughout the year .
To some extent , turmoil is typical of any new administration .
But those close to the governor ’ s office said the learning curve felt steeper this year because most of Newsom ’ s staff was new to Sacramento — some were holdovers from his gubernatorial campaign with limited or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never worked for him before .
Some in the Capitol felt frustrated that the administration ’ s flubs , at times , overshadowed important legislative achievements .
Newsom held a news conference in May to announce that his budget would eliminate the state sales tax on diapers and menstrual products but failed to mention to the public and the lawmakers behind the legislation that the reprieve would last just two years .
On a Friday in late August , the governor and legislative leaders announced a deal to cap rent increases statewide — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Realtors ’ lobby in a feel-good moment for lawmakers who had spent years working to address the issue .
But the celebration was short-lived : The following Tuesday , Newsom publicly backed out of an agreement to sign a bill to limit vaccination exemptions for schoolchildren minutes after the legislation passed through the Assembly , inspiring deep frustrations in the Legislature .
( He later signed a modified version of the legislation . )
“ For a year in , it still has a chaotic , ‘ the left hand doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ kind of feel to it , ” said a top legislative staffer , who asked for anonymity to speak candidly about working with the governor ’ s administration .
Nathan Ballard , a former aide to Newsom during his time as mayor of San Francisco , said it isn ’ t unusual for the governor to change his mind , similar to what he did on the vaccine proposal , one of the year ’ s most contentious pieces of legislation .
“ He has this questing , ceaselessly curious and hard-driving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s Gavin Newsom ’ s policymaking style .
He ’ s always tinkering with policy until the last minute to always get it right.
” But the governor also may have undervalued the importance of give-and-take with the Legislature .
When asked in May how he would convince reluctant lawmakers to impose a new tax to pay for clean water in distressed communities , Newsom seemed unworried about the negotiations .
“ I ’ m not consumed by process , I ’ m consumed by outcome .
Judge us on what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Weeks later , the water tax proposal was all but dead .
In its place , the governor agreed to pay for the program with revenue from California ’ s cap-and-trade program , which requires companies to buy permits to release emissions into the atmosphere — an unusual arrangement that could inspire others to turn to the multi-billion dollar fund for efforts with only a tangential connection to climate change .
Lobbyists , advocates and Capitol staffers privately complained about poor communication , and confusion over where the governor stands and to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I think there ’ s quite a few people who are still trying to get a great understanding of how this governor ’ s office works and how they make decisions , but I think overall he is much more proactive on the issues of the day than previous governors have been , ” said Andrew Acosta , a Democratic political strategist .
Newsom ’ s first year in Sacramento was aided greatly by the political dexterity he ’ s honed over nearly three decades in public office , most notably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics is seen as a blood sport .
But there were missteps .
The Newsom administration opened itself up to criticism for over hyping announcements , an effort some in the Capitol speculate was motivated by an unspoken desire to pad the governor ’ s resume for a future presidential campaign .
Newsom has denied any White House ambitions .
“ The blunders came by wanting press hits so badly to show that he ’ s leading on the national stage , ” said a top legislative staffer who asked for anonymity to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s office inaccurately claimed that his raising of the LGBTQ Pride flag above the Capitol dome in June was a first in state history .
Days before he took the oath of office in January , Newsom announced that his family was moving into the historic governor ’ s mansion in the heart of downtown Sacramento — omitting any mention that the living arrangements would be temporary until they took up residence in a six-acre , $ 3.7-million Fair Oaks compound they had already purchased .
And there were some embarrassing mistakes that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In July , Newsom vetoed an under-the-radar bill to allow some Bay Area communities to place a sales tax increase on their local ballot that would exceed an existing cap on local levies .
One of those communities , Emeryville , had plans to ask voters for additional tax revenue to pay for child care services for low-income residents .
But Newsom ’ s veto message wrongly insisted that community leaders had plenty of existing tax authority and didn ’ t need more help from Sacramento .
Even some of Newsom ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only did they point out the error in the veto , but they had heard no objections to the bill from the governor until the decision was made public .
“ The governor vetoing AB 618 presented some unexpected roadblocks and challenges that , in my opinion , were avoidable with adequate communication , ” said John Bauters , an Emeryville city councilman .
In the weeks that followed , there was confusion and frustration as administration officials tried to quietly distance themselves from the veto .
Days before lawmakers adjourned for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bay Area communities new taxing authority again went to Newsom ’ s desk .
This time , he signed it into law .
Bauters said getting behind the premise of both efforts — that local leaders often know what ’ s best for their communities — should have been an easy one for the new governor .
“ The state should not interfere , ” Bauters said .
“ And Gavin Newsom , as the former mayor of San Francisco , should know that better than anyone.
” Some of Newsom ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor have been the most critical .
Phillips of the Sierra Club said she was surprised by what she called Newsom ’ s lack of focus given that he is one of California ’ s most seasoned politicians .
Sierra Club California endorsed Newsom for governor and Phillips praised him for providing funding to supply clean water in polluted , disadvantaged communities and for temporarily halting new hydraulic fracturing in the state .
But Phillips and a number of other influential environmental advocates lashed out at Newsom after he vetoed a bill that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ endangered species protections and water-pumping restrictions for the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta that are under threat by the Trump administration .
The veto marked the first public rift between Newsom and Atkins , who carried the bill and said she was disappointed by his decision .
“ I think he ended up the year looking like a rank amateur , ” Phillips said of Newsom ’ s decision , one of his last actions of the legislative year .
“ People were very disappointed.
” On the campaign trail , Newsom cast himself as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing crisis and said his administration would spur the construction of 3.5 million new homes by 2025 .
He later softened his lofty commitment , which he now calls a “ stretch goal.
” At the end of his first year , there are few signs the state is making the progress Newsom had promised .
Lobbyist Stephanie Roberson of the California Nurses Assn.
, which gave Newsom one of his first major endorsements , feels that he has failed to live up to his promise to deliver single-payer healthcare — or at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bring “ Medicare for all ” to California .
Still , Newsom ’ s supporters remain hopeful that , given his political skills and time left in office , his results may one day match his campaign rhetoric , Roberson said .
“ The nurses aren ’ t happy .
Newsom ran as a healthcare governor .
He didn ’ t run on incrementalism , ” Roberson said .
“ It ’ s going to take political will .
He said he has that political will .
We need to cash that in @ @

Few California governors have entered office with a more ambitious agenda than Gov. Gavin Newsom, whose ascension to the job one year ago was marked by a sense of urgency, an insistence that the times demanded a leader who would multitask in a way his predecessors had not.
“People’s lives, freedom, security, the water we drink, the air we breathe — they all hang in the balance,” Newsom said in his inauguration speech last January. “The country is watching us. The world is waiting on us. The future depends on us. And we will seize this moment.”
As his first year draws to a close, the 52-year-old Democrat can point to a string of high-profile victories in service of a progressive agenda and fortifying California’s political resistance to President Trump. But those achievements are only part of the story. Less known outside of Sacramento is that Newsom has struggled with what some critics believe is an undisciplined and impatient governing style. And even many of those who agree with the governor worry the turbulence could disrupt his ability to fix the state’s most pressing issues: the homeless crisis, access to affordable healthcare and the increasingly unattainable “California Dream.”
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The Times spoke with more than two dozen people at the state Capitol who were intimately involved in many of the issues, including legislators and their aides, advocates and lobbyists. While many commended the governor for taking on difficult issues, some who strongly supported his 2018 campaign for governor and his pro-government approach to solving the state’s problems also offered critiques. Some of those allies asked for anonymity to speak freely about the governor, fearing repercussions should they be named.
The governor has sought to temper expectations for his rookie year, noting that, given the breadth and severity of homelessness and other critical issues endemic to California, there was only so much he could do in such a short time. But Newsom’s critics and fans alike have accused him of taking on too much, which, combined with a chaotic decision-making process, may have stifled his effectiveness.
“I expected sort of a steadier, more methodical governor. I found the decisions he made, the statements he made, more erratic than expected,” said Kathryn Phillips, director of Sierra Club California.
Through a spokesman, Newsom declined to be interviewed for this story. In a recent interview with USA Today, he acknowledged concerns about the frenzy of his first year in office.
“If today’s critique is we’re swinging at a lot of pitches, absolutely, that is fair criticism,” Newsom said.
With California’s booming economy and Democrats’ continued iron grip on the Legislature, Newsom was blessed with the flush tax revenues and the political solidarity necessary to make major strides. Newsom and lawmakers touted more victories in 2019 than any other year in recent memory. And a poll by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California released in November found that 48% of likely voters approved of the way he is doing his job — 33% disapproved, slightly better than Gov. Jerry Brown’s approval numbers after his first year in office, when he slashed funding for state programs to offset a $27-billion deficit.
Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins (D-San Diego) dismissed concerns that Newsom took on too many problems, saying she prefers asking colleagues to slow down rather than speed up.
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“I guess I see him as really energetic, couldn’t wait to take his job, ready to go,” Atkins said. “And I think we got more done this year than I ever imagined. And it was a hard year for many reasons: the issues, multiple issues, in addition to just getting used to the transition.”
Newsom used executive authority to carry out some of his most consequential actions, including a decision in March to impose a moratorium on death row executions. The Democratic governor also halted the approval of new hydraulic fracturing in the state, launched an effort to consolidate the state’s purchase of prescription drugs to lower costs and irked Trump by pulling many of California’s National Guard troops from their duties near the U.S.-Mexico border.
Other issues were thrust upon him. Three weeks after Newsom took office, the state’s largest electrical utility filed for bankruptcy — a process that prompted him to champion politically challenging legislation to stabilize the industry and create a multi-billion dollar fund for utilities to pay future wildfire claims. There was less he could do to prevent other crises, such as sweeping blackouts that left millions in the dark this fall, the Ridgecrest earthquakes and a mass shooting at the Gilroy Garlic Festival, which occurred within a matter of weeks in July.
Allan Zaremberg, the president and chief executive of the California Chamber of Commerce, said almost all governors are defined by their response to natural disasters, economic downturns or other unforeseen events. And while Newsom publicly hammered Pacific Gas & Electric for the prolonged power outages and has issued new directives to state regulators to be tougher on the troubled utility, some believe he remains largely untested as the state’s chief executive.
“The real test will come when the economy tanks and more crises and natural disasters happen,” Zaremberg said.
Newsom may have also struggled to step out of Brown’s shadow. With nearly a half-century in California politics and as the longest-serving governor in state history, Brown possessed an unusual familiarity with the complex inner workings of Sacramento and delicate power-sharing dynamic with the Legislature. And Brown served in the twilight of his political career, freed from any designs on higher office, so he could afford to dismiss criticism of his fiscal caution and insistence on limiting his administration to a narrower, more achievable policy agenda.
“One of the problems was the incredible difference between Jerry Brown and Gavin Newsom,” Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Lakewood) said. “With Gavin, to the extent that there’s a perception that he’s a little more scattered, he’s interested in a wider range of issues than Jerry was.”
While Brown got by with a relatively lean staff in his last year, Newsom added more than three dozen positions and increased his office’s total budget to $24.5 million — a sharp contrast to the resources used in his eight-year tenure as California’s lieutenant governor. He brought a long and weighty to-do list to the governor’s office, but with little experience in how to shepherd that agenda through the Assembly and Senate, where leaders are equally strong-willed about their own political priorities.
A top advisor to Newsom told the New York Times in June that, before joining the administration, he had urged the new governor to focus his attention on a smaller spread of issues.
Both Atkins and Rendon said they communicate more frequently with Newsom than they did with Brown. Many of the 120 legislators in the state Capitol have the governor’s cellphone number and regularly exchange text messages with him on a variety of issues, a level of access that may have also made it more difficult for his staff to keep track of his commitments.
“There were times during the year that I was really irritated, but in retrospect, it probably should have been expected,” Rendon said. “This is my first time working with a new governor. It’s my first time dealing with that turnover.”
Rendon and members of his caucus pushed back on the Newsom administration’s plan to tinker with gas tax funding. Some Democrats in the Legislature felt frustrated by a lack of clear communication from the governor’s office at different times throughout the year.
To some extent, turmoil is typical of any new administration. But those close to the governor’s office said the learning curve felt steeper this year because most of Newsom’s staff was new to Sacramento — some were holdovers from his gubernatorial campaign with limited or no state government experience and others had never worked for him before.
Some in the Capitol felt frustrated that the administration’s flubs, at times, overshadowed important legislative achievements.
Newsom held a news conference in May to announce that his budget would eliminate the state sales tax on diapers and menstrual products but failed to mention to the public and the lawmakers behind the legislation that the reprieve would last just two years.
On a Friday in late August, the governor and legislative leaders announced a deal to cap rent increases statewide — a historic move that bucked the powerful Realtors’ lobby in a feel-good moment for lawmakers who had spent years working to address the issue. But the celebration was short-lived: The following Tuesday, Newsom publicly backed out of an agreement to sign a bill to limit vaccination exemptions for schoolchildren minutes after the legislation passed through the Assembly, inspiring deep frustrations in the Legislature. (He later signed a modified version of the legislation.)
“For a year in, it still has a chaotic, ‘the left hand doesn’t know what the right hand is doing’ kind of feel to it,” said a top legislative staffer, who asked for anonymity to speak candidly about working with the governor’s administration.
Nathan Ballard, a former aide to Newsom during his time as mayor of San Francisco, said it isn’t unusual for the governor to change his mind, similar to what he did on the vaccine proposal, one of the year’s most contentious pieces of legislation.
“He has this questing, ceaselessly curious and hard-driving personality,” Ballard said. “It’s Gavin Newsom’s policymaking style. He’s always tinkering with policy until the last minute to always get it right.”
But the governor also may have undervalued the importance of give-and-take with the Legislature. When asked in May how he would convince reluctant lawmakers to impose a new tax to pay for clean water in distressed communities, Newsom seemed unworried about the negotiations.
“I’m not consumed by process, I’m consumed by outcome. Judge us on what we do,” Newsom replied sharply.
Weeks later, the water tax proposal was all but dead. In its place, the governor agreed to pay for the program with revenue from California’s cap-and-trade program, which requires companies to buy permits to release emissions into the atmosphere — an unusual arrangement that could inspire others to turn to the multi-billion dollar fund for efforts with only a tangential connection to climate change.
Lobbyists, advocates and Capitol staffers privately complained about poor communication, and confusion over where the governor stands and to whom they should speak about certain issues.
“I think there’s quite a few people who are still trying to get a great understanding of how this governor’s office works and how they make decisions, but I think overall he is much more proactive on the issues of the day than previous governors have been,” said Andrew Acosta, a Democratic political strategist.
Newsom’s first year in Sacramento was aided greatly by the political dexterity he’s honed over nearly three decades in public office, most notably in San Francisco, a town where politics is seen as a blood sport.
But there were missteps. The Newsom administration opened itself up to criticism for over hyping announcements, an effort some in the Capitol speculate was motivated by an unspoken desire to pad the governor’s resume for a future presidential campaign. Newsom has denied any White House ambitions.
“The blunders came by wanting press hits so badly to show that he’s leading on the national stage,” said a top legislative staffer who asked for anonymity to speak freely about governor.
Newsom’s office inaccurately claimed that his raising of the LGBTQ Pride flag above the Capitol dome in June was a first in state history. Days before he took the oath of office in January, Newsom announced that his family was moving into the historic governor’s mansion in the heart of downtown Sacramento — omitting any mention that the living arrangements would be temporary until they took up residence in a six-acre, $3.7-million Fair Oaks compound they had already purchased.
And there were some embarrassing mistakes that couldn’t easily be undone.
In July, Newsom vetoed an under-the-radar bill to allow some Bay Area communities to place a sales tax increase on their local ballot that would exceed an existing cap on local levies. One of those communities, Emeryville, had plans to ask voters for additional tax revenue to pay for child care services for low-income residents. But Newsom’s veto message wrongly insisted that community leaders had plenty of existing tax authority and didn’t need more help from Sacramento.
Even some of Newsom’s most passionate supporters were shocked. Not only did they point out the error in the veto, but they had heard no objections to the bill from the governor until the decision was made public.
“The governor vetoing AB 618 presented some unexpected roadblocks and challenges that, in my opinion, were avoidable with adequate communication,” said John Bauters, an Emeryville city councilman.
In the weeks that followed, there was confusion and frustration as administration officials tried to quietly distance themselves from the veto. Days before lawmakers adjourned for the year, a second attempt to give Bay Area communities new taxing authority again went to Newsom’s desk. This time, he signed it into law.
Bauters said getting behind the premise of both efforts — that local leaders often know what’s best for their communities — should have been an easy one for the new governor.
“The state should not interfere,” Bauters said. “And Gavin Newsom, as the former mayor of San Francisco, should know that better than anyone.”
Some of Newsom’s strongest supporters in his 2018 campaign for governor have been the most critical. Phillips of the Sierra Club said she was surprised by what she called Newsom’s lack of focus given that he is one of California’s most seasoned politicians. Sierra Club California endorsed Newsom for governor and Phillips praised him for providing funding to supply clean water in polluted, disadvantaged communities and for temporarily halting new hydraulic fracturing in the state.
But Phillips and a number of other influential environmental advocates lashed out at Newsom after he vetoed a bill that would have allowed California to preserve Obama-era endangered species protections and water-pumping restrictions for the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta that are under threat by the Trump administration. The veto marked the first public rift between Newsom and Atkins, who carried the bill and said she was disappointed by his decision.
“I think he ended up the year looking like a rank amateur,” Phillips said of Newsom’s decision, one of his last actions of the legislative year. “People were very disappointed.”
On the campaign trail, Newsom cast himself as the leader who would finally address the housing crisis and said his administration would spur the construction of 3.5 million new homes by 2025. He later softened his lofty commitment, which he now calls a “stretch goal.” At the end of his first year, there are few signs the state is making the progress Newsom had promised.
Lobbyist Stephanie Roberson of the California Nurses Assn., which gave Newsom one of his first major endorsements, feels that he has failed to live up to his promise to deliver single-payer healthcare — or at least launch a more substantive effort to bring “Medicare for all” to California.
Still, Newsom’s supporters remain hopeful that, given his political skills and time left in office, his results may one day match his campaign rhetoric, Roberson said.
“The nurses aren’t happy. Newsom ran as a healthcare governor. He didn’t run on incrementalism,” Roberson said. “It’s going to take political will. He said he has that political will. We need to cash that in.”
Times staff writer John Myers contributed to his report.


latimes--2020-01-05--Skeletal remains of Japanese American incarcerated at Manzanar found in mountains

In the treeless , boulder-strewn Williamson Bowl near California ’ s second-tallest mountain , Giichi Matsumura stopped to paint .
It was Aug. 2 , 1945 , in the waning days of World War II .
The 46-year-old Japanese American man from Santa Monica had been incarcerated with his family for three years at the Manzanar War Relocation Center and had set out with a group of men who left camp to go fishing near Mt .
Williamson , 14,380 feet above sea level .
When Matsumura stopped , the group kept moving .
But a freak summer blizzard moved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cave , hoping Matsumura had returned to camp .
He had not .
His body , found by hikers a month later , was buried beneath a pile of rocks .
He was memorialized in a Buddhist ceremony at Manzanar .
His widow never could reach the grave .
For 74 years , the grave was lost to time and elevation .
Like so much from the closing days of the war , it became a fading memory held by aging survivors of the camp who rarely spoke of the tragedies they endured @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sheriff ’ s Office and the National Park Service announced that they had used DNA to positively identify Matsumura ’ s body , which was found by hikers in October .
Authorities retrieved his skeleton this fall by helicopter , and an official with the Inyo County coroner ’ s office said on Saturday that authorities are hoping to meet soon with his family and return the body .
“ We were pretty shocked to hear that his grave had been rediscovered , ” said Bernadette Johnson , superintendent of the Manzanar National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hard to reach.
” Matsumura ’ s death and the loss of his grave for so many years is one of the enduring tragedies of the U.S. government ’ s incarceration of 120,000 people of Japanese descent — two-thirds of whom were , like him , American citizens .
“ I think we try to focus so much on the success stories , that , despite this horrible thing happening to them , this community was resilient ; it was able to recover , ” said Emily Anderson , project curator for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the flip side to that story is there were a lot of people who didn ’ t make it out , who were devastated because they were traumatized .
They endured systemic racism and injustice .
To expect a group to survive resiliently , unscathed , is unreasonable.
” For each individual family who experienced a death during the incarceration , “ that loss was immeasurable , ” she said .
Matsumura ’ s daughter , Kazue , was 10 when her father disappeared .
In a 2018 oral history for the National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was terrified to suddenly be alone , in her 40s , with four children .
She stopped eating .
And when they couldn ’ t find him , “ she had black hair , and it turned white all of a sudden , ” Kazue Matsumura told interviewers .
Matsumura ’ s body was found by a lake in Williamson Bowl for the first time on Sept. 3 , 1945 , by a couple from nearby Independence , according to the National Park Service .
A party of six hiked to the area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a sheet to cover her husband ’ s body .
The Buddhist Church held a funeral for Matsumura at Manzanar , and his family left camp a month later to return to Santa Monica , where they had lived before their forced eviction in 1942 , authorities said .
Her mother worked two or three jobs at a time to feed her children , Kazue Matsumura told the Park Service .
At the widow ’ s request , the family returned to Manzanar several times after the war .
They grieved not being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ That was very hard , because it ’ s so high and we can ’ t get up there , ” Kazue Matsumura said .
“ And to this day , it seems like he ’ s not passed away .
It seems like he ’ s gone someplace because I didn ’ t see his body.
” Ito Matsumura , the widow , was 102 when she died in 2005 .
Her headstone in Woodlawn Cemetery in Santa Monica includes Giichi ’ s name .
Cory Shiozaki , a documentarian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Club ” told the story of prisoners who escaped the camp at night to climb into the Sierra Nevada to fish for trout , said Matsumura had begged to tag along with the fishing group .
The anglers — led by Amos Hashimoto , who had lived in the Japanese fishing village on Terminal Island — knew the war was winding down and wanted to take one last fishing trip to the far side of Mt .
Williamson .
Initially , they didn ’ t want Matsumura , who was much more skilled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ join , Shiozaki said .
“ Amos kind of looked at him and felt he wasn ’ t in very good physical condition to make this very difficult hike , ” Shiozaki said .
“ They had to enter a 12,000-foot passage , Shepherd ’ s Pass .
...
But he was so persistent , finally Amos relented and allowed him to join.
” Fishermen had been venturing out of the camp for years , Shiozaki said .
When it opened in 1942 , security was heavy , with armed guards in towers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But yet , there were incarcerees who said , ‘ I need to get out of this place to feel whole again , ’ ” Shiozaki said .
They would sneak out , “ kind of like in ‘ Hogan ’ s Heroes , ’ and wait until the moment the searchlight passed and sneak under the barbed-wire fences.
” Sometimes they took their tackle and bait .
As they climbed , they found tree branches to fashion into poles .
Within a year and a half , Shiozaki said , security was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
By the time Matsumura and his party set out , the government ’ s exclusion order had been lifted and people were able to leave the camp , which closed later that year .
But like other families incarcerated during the war who had no home or business to return to , the Matsumuras continued living at Manzanar .
On the mountain , besieged by the sudden snowstorm , the fishermen took refuge in a small cave , hoping Matsumura made it back to camp .
They organized several search parties .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ sweater .
His wife confirmed it was his .
When the hikers from Independence passed through a month later , they noticed a branch protruding from some rocks , which seemed strange since they were above the tree line , Shiozaki said .
There , they found Matsumura ’ s decaying remains .
“ The fishing party became the search party .
The search party became the burial party , ” Shiozaki said .
They fashioned a rock cairn , left a Japanese epitaph , and took hair and nail clippings from Matsumura @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wife , the filmmaker said .
Shiozaki , 70 , of Gardena , made his film because so many people outside the West Coast have never heard of the incarcerations .
His own parents were Nisei — the children of Japanese immigrants — and , like many others , didn ’ t speak about their imprisonment for decades .
His mother was sent to a camp in Utah .
His father was sent to Idaho .
Shiozaki learned about the incarcerations in a college history class .
“ I was clueless until I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ They never talked about it .
I was very adamant and confronted my dad and said this was horrible .
That set me on the path to become a filmmaker .
... .
Things like this shouldn ’ t ever happen again.
” Shiozaki also happens to be a licensed fishing guide in the Eastern Sierra .
He began his film about the fishermen of Manzanar after seeing a portrait of an internee holding a string of six golden trout — which he recognized as specimens from high-altitude lakes .
Anderson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said there is a growing urgency to telling stories like those of the fishermen and Matsumura as the number of aging survivors of the camps dwindles .
She hopes that people who learn about him will research this dark chapter of American history , which too often is forgotten , she said .
“ I hope people will take this not as an idiosyncratic , romantic story , ” she said , “ but as an opportunity to understand the broader historical context .
“ We see the relevance and importance of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened to them , but because their constitutional rights were violated and that ’ s something that could happen to any marginalized group .
”

This undated photo shows Giichi Matsumura during his incarceration at an internment camp for people of Japanese ancestry in Manzanar, Calif., during World War II. (Matsumura Family/National Park Service via AP)
In the treeless, boulder-strewn Williamson Bowl near California’s second-tallest mountain, Giichi Matsumura stopped to paint.
It was Aug. 2, 1945, in the waning days of World War II. The 46-year-old Japanese American man from Santa Monica had been incarcerated with his family for three years at the Manzanar War Relocation Center and had set out with a group of men who left camp to go fishing near Mt. Williamson, 14,380 feet above sea level.
When Matsumura stopped, the group kept moving. But a freak summer blizzard moved in. The fishermen hid in a cave, hoping Matsumura had returned to camp. He had not.
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His body, found by hikers a month later, was buried beneath a pile of rocks. He was memorialized in a Buddhist ceremony at Manzanar. His widow never could reach the grave.
For 74 years, the grave was lost to time and elevation. Like so much from the closing days of the war, it became a fading memory held by aging survivors of the camp who rarely spoke of the tragedies they endured.
Last week, the Inyo County Sheriff’s Office and the National Park Service announced that they had used DNA to positively identify Matsumura’s body, which was found by hikers in October.
Authorities retrieved his skeleton this fall by helicopter, and an official with the Inyo County coroner’s office said on Saturday that authorities are hoping to meet soon with his family and return the body.
“We were pretty shocked to hear that his grave had been rediscovered,” said Bernadette Johnson, superintendent of the Manzanar National Historic Site. “It is extremely hard to reach.”
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Matsumura’s death and the loss of his grave for so many years is one of the enduring tragedies of the U.S. government’s incarceration of 120,000 people of Japanese descent — two-thirds of whom were, like him, American citizens.
“I think we try to focus so much on the success stories, that, despite this horrible thing happening to them, this community was resilient; it was able to recover,” said Emily Anderson, project curator for the Japanese American National Museum.
“But the flip side to that story is there were a lot of people who didn’t make it out, who were devastated because they were traumatized. They endured systemic racism and injustice. To expect a group to survive resiliently, unscathed, is unreasonable.”
For each individual family who experienced a death during the incarceration, “that loss was immeasurable,” she said.
This 1945 photo shows a memorial service for Giichi Matsumura at the internment camp for people of Japanese ancestry in Manzanar, Calif., during World War II. (Toyo Miyatake Studio via AP) (AP)
Matsumura’s daughter, Kazue, was 10 when her father disappeared. In a 2018 oral history for the National Park Service, she said her mother was terrified to suddenly be alone, in her 40s, with four children.
She stopped eating. And when they couldn’t find him, “she had black hair, and it turned white all of a sudden,” Kazue Matsumura told interviewers.
Matsumura’s body was found by a lake in Williamson Bowl for the first time on Sept. 3, 1945, by a couple from nearby Independence, according to the National Park Service. A party of six hiked to the area to bury him. Ito Matsumura sent a sheet to cover her husband’s body.
The Buddhist Church held a funeral for Matsumura at Manzanar, and his family left camp a month later to return to Santa Monica, where they had lived before their forced eviction in 1942, authorities said. Her mother worked two or three jobs at a time to feed her children, Kazue Matsumura told the Park Service.
At the widow’s request, the family returned to Manzanar several times after the war. They grieved not being able to visit Matsumura’s grave.
“That was very hard, because it’s so high and we can’t get up there,” Kazue Matsumura said. “And to this day, it seems like he’s not passed away. It seems like he’s gone someplace because I didn’t see his body.”
Ito Matsumura, the widow, was 102 when she died in 2005. Her headstone in Woodlawn Cemetery in Santa Monica includes Giichi’s name.
Cory Shiozaki, a documentarian whose 2012 film “The Manzanar Fishing Club” told the story of prisoners who escaped the camp at night to climb into the Sierra Nevada to fish for trout, said Matsumura had begged to tag along with the fishing group.
(Los Angeles Times)
The anglers — led by Amos Hashimoto, who had lived in the Japanese fishing village on Terminal Island — knew the war was winding down and wanted to take one last fishing trip to the far side of Mt. Williamson. Initially, they didn’t want Matsumura, who was much more skilled at watercolor painting than fishing, to join, Shiozaki said.
“Amos kind of looked at him and felt he wasn’t in very good physical condition to make this very difficult hike,” Shiozaki said. “They had to enter a 12,000-foot passage, Shepherd’s Pass. ... But he was so persistent, finally Amos relented and allowed him to join.”
Fishermen had been venturing out of the camp for years, Shiozaki said. When it opened in 1942, security was heavy, with armed guards in towers with machine guns and searchlights.
“But yet, there were incarcerees who said, ‘I need to get out of this place to feel whole again,’” Shiozaki said. They would sneak out, “kind of like in ‘Hogan’s Heroes,’ and wait until the moment the searchlight passed and sneak under the barbed-wire fences.”
Sometimes they took their tackle and bait. As they climbed, they found tree branches to fashion into poles.
Within a year and a half, Shiozaki said, security was relaxed. The armed guards were removed.
By the time Matsumura and his party set out, the government’s exclusion order had been lifted and people were able to leave the camp, which closed later that year. But like other families incarcerated during the war who had no home or business to return to, the Matsumuras continued living at Manzanar.
On the mountain, besieged by the sudden snowstorm, the fishermen took refuge in a small cave, hoping Matsumura made it back to camp. They organized several search parties.
During one search, they found a sweater. His wife confirmed it was his.
When the hikers from Independence passed through a month later, they noticed a branch protruding from some rocks, which seemed strange since they were above the tree line, Shiozaki said. There, they found Matsumura’s decaying remains.
“The fishing party became the search party. The search party became the burial party,” Shiozaki said.
They fashioned a rock cairn, left a Japanese epitaph, and took hair and nail clippings from Matsumura’s body to return to his wife, the filmmaker said.
Shiozaki, 70, of Gardena, made his film because so many people outside the West Coast have never heard of the incarcerations. His own parents were Nisei — the children of Japanese immigrants — and, like many others, didn’t speak about their imprisonment for decades.
His mother was sent to a camp in Utah. His father was sent to Idaho. Shiozaki learned about the incarcerations in a college history class.
“I was clueless until I was in college,” Shiozaki said. “They never talked about it. I was very adamant and confronted my dad and said this was horrible. That set me on the path to become a filmmaker. .... Things like this shouldn’t ever happen again.”
Shiozaki also happens to be a licensed fishing guide in the Eastern Sierra. He began his film about the fishermen of Manzanar after seeing a portrait of an internee holding a string of six golden trout — which he recognized as specimens from high-altitude lakes.
Anderson, from the Japanese American National Museum, said there is a growing urgency to telling stories like those of the fishermen and Matsumura as the number of aging survivors of the camps dwindles.
She hopes that people who learn about him will research this dark chapter of American history, which too often is forgotten, she said.
“I hope people will take this not as an idiosyncratic, romantic story,” she said, “but as an opportunity to understand the broader historical context.
“We see the relevance and importance of this story not just because something bad happened to them, but because their constitutional rights were violated and that’s something that could happen to any marginalized group.”


latimes--2020-01-05--L.A. to curb developer donations, but some fear corporate contributions could mask source of giving

Real estate developers pushing to get new projects approved at Los Angeles City Hall will be banned , under a new law , from giving campaign contributions to the council members vetting their projects .
But Los Angeles leaders have held off on another change that critics say is needed : Barring donors from giving through limited liability companies and other business entities that can make it difficult to tell who is donating .
Doing so , they argue , would prevent prohibited donors from using LLCs to camouflage their campaign contributions .
Banned donors are not legally permitted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be tougher for the city and watchdogs to detect them .
Los Angeles allows political donors to give not only as individuals , but also through companies and other groups .
But some corporate entities don ’ t have to publicly reveal who owns them , leaving it unclear to the public who is giving the money .
In some cases , donors have funneled money through such companies to evade restrictions on campaign contributions .
Members of the Ethics Commission have repeatedly raised the issue amid concerns about donor transparency .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ donations from groups , allowing people to give only as individuals .
If the city doesn ’ t adopt a “ people only ” system , real estate developers could violate the new restrictions without being easily detected , by continuing to give through LLCs , argued Sean McMorris , who heads the local chapter of Represent.Us , which focuses on combating corruption .
“ It ’ s obscuring the source of the money.
” Ethics Commission staffers argued that allowing people to give only as individuals would also prevent moneyed donors from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how much they can give — a problem that has arisen hundreds of times in city audits and probes .
Some donors have given the maximum both in their own names and that of an LLC they control .
Two and a half years ago , real estate investor Leeor Maciborski was fined $ 17,000 for exceeding city limits on political donations after he wrote checks through more than a dozen LLCs linked to apartment buildings in East Hollywood and Los Feliz .
The Times had highlighted the donations nearly two years earlier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LLC money .
“ The public needs to see who is actually making a contribution — that ’ s the bottom line , ” said Wayne Williams , a board member with the California Clean Money Campaign , which backed the proposed ban on such donations .
But some council members balked at the idea of totally barring donations from groups when it was last discussed at City Hall .
Councilman Bob Blumenfield said he would be willing to ban donations from LLCs to boost transparency , but argued that the city shouldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and advocacy groups by barring them from giving to campaigns .
Donations from unions or groups like the League of Conservation Voters are “ an expression of many voices , ” Blumenfield said .
Members of unions might still give as individuals , but “ I don ’ t know if they ’ re giving me a check because they care about union issues or they just like what I do for the community.
” Councilman Paul Krekorian echoed those concerns , saying that while he wanted to tackle the problem of donations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I would not support something that would prevent the Sierra Club from making a contribution to me based on my exceptional record ... .
No public policy interest is served.
” Blumenfield said he also feared more money would go to “ the dark world of independent expenditures.
” Even if campaign donations from groups were barred , groups could keep giving as much as they want to independent expenditure committees , which are prohibited from coordinating with candidates but can raise unlimited amounts to back them .
Unions such as IBEW @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Department of Water and Power , routinely fund such committees , which are not subject to the $ 800 or $ 1,500 limit on contributions .
The DWP union gave $ 800 to John Lee in a runoff this summer , but chipped in $ 30,000 to an independent committee that it sponsored , which spent over $ 300,000 to back Lee and oppose his rival .
The idea of prohibiting donations from groups was never formally rejected , but it hasn ’ t moved forward so far : City attorneys , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would require changing the City Charter , did not include it when they drafted a proposed ordinance enacting other reforms recommended by the Ethics Commission .
“ If the council wishes to explore this charter amendment , we can report on the substance of the matter , ” the city attorney ’ s office wrote in a September report .
Councilman David Ryu , who championed the new restrictions on developer donations , said he recently tried to put forward a proposal to take the next steps toward banning “ non-individual ” donations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support to introduce it .
Krekorian said he had been willing to cosponsor the proposal in order to kick off discussions , but “ if we couldn ’ t get anyone else to sign on , we needed to do more groundwork.
” He said he might put forward another , narrower proposal in the future .
Both Ryu and Krekorian argued that restricting LLCs would make it easier for candidates to adhere to the new rules on developer donations : Ryu , who has sworn off developer donations in his own campaigns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ companies tied to developers .
His deputy campaign manager , Daniel Eyal , said that “ when the donation comes from a business entity or LLC , it adds another layer of difficulty ” to figuring out if the money is tied to a developer pursuing projects in Los Angeles .
Barring such donations is “ a no-brainer for the sake of transparency and disclosure , ” Ryu said , calling it “ a discussion I hope we can continue having .
”

Real estate developers pushing to get new projects approved at Los Angeles City Hall will be banned, under a new law, from giving campaign contributions to the council members vetting their projects.
But Los Angeles leaders have held off on another change that critics say is needed: Barring donors from giving through limited liability companies and other business entities that can make it difficult to tell who is donating.
Doing so, they argue, would prevent prohibited donors from using LLCs to camouflage their campaign contributions. Banned donors are not legally permitted to give through such entities, but it could be tougher for the city and watchdogs to detect them.
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Los Angeles allows political donors to give not only as individuals, but also through companies and other groups. But some corporate entities don’t have to publicly reveal who owns them, leaving it unclear to the public who is giving the money. In some cases, donors have funneled money through such companies to evade restrictions on campaign contributions.
Members of the Ethics Commission have repeatedly raised the issue amid concerns about donor transparency. In February, the commission recommended barring donations from groups, allowing people to give only as individuals.
If the city doesn’t adopt a “people only” system, real estate developers could violate the new restrictions without being easily detected, by continuing to give through LLCs, argued Sean McMorris, who heads the local chapter of Represent.Us, which focuses on combating corruption. “It’s obscuring the source of the money.”
Ethics Commission staffers argued that allowing people to give only as individuals would also prevent moneyed donors from using companies to sidestep city limits on how much they can give — a problem that has arisen hundreds of times in city audits and probes. Some donors have given the maximum both in their own names and that of an LLC they control.
Two and a half years ago, real estate investor Leeor Maciborski was fined $17,000 for exceeding city limits on political donations after he wrote checks through more than a dozen LLCs linked to apartment buildings in East Hollywood and Los Feliz. The Times had highlighted the donations nearly two years earlier as an example of the murkiness of LLC money.
“The public needs to see who is actually making a contribution — that’s the bottom line,” said Wayne Williams, a board member with the California Clean Money Campaign, which backed the proposed ban on such donations.
Advertisement
But some council members balked at the idea of totally barring donations from groups when it was last discussed at City Hall. Councilman Bob Blumenfield said he would be willing to ban donations from LLCs to boost transparency, but argued that the city shouldn’t squelch the voice of unions and advocacy groups by barring them from giving to campaigns.
Donations from unions or groups like the League of Conservation Voters are “an expression of many voices,” Blumenfield said. Members of unions might still give as individuals, but “I don’t know if they’re giving me a check because they care about union issues or they just like what I do for the community.”
Councilman Paul Krekorian echoed those concerns, saying that while he wanted to tackle the problem of donations from LLCs and other opaque entities, “I would not support something that would prevent the Sierra Club from making a contribution to me based on my exceptional record.... No public policy interest is served.”
Blumenfield said he also feared more money would go to “the dark world of independent expenditures.” Even if campaign donations from groups were barred, groups could keep giving as much as they want to independent expenditure committees, which are prohibited from coordinating with candidates but can raise unlimited amounts to back them.
Unions such as IBEW Local 18, which represents workers at the Department of Water and Power, routinely fund such committees, which are not subject to the $800 or $1,500 limit on contributions. The DWP union gave $800 to John Lee in a runoff this summer, but chipped in $30,000 to an independent committee that it sponsored, which spent over $300,000 to back Lee and oppose his rival.
The idea of prohibiting donations from groups was never formally rejected, but it hasn’t moved forward so far: City attorneys, who cautioned that banning groups from giving would require changing the City Charter, did not include it when they drafted a proposed ordinance enacting other reforms recommended by the Ethics Commission.
“If the council wishes to explore this charter amendment, we can report on the substance of the matter,” the city attorney’s office wrote in a September report.
Councilman David Ryu, who championed the new restrictions on developer donations, said he recently tried to put forward a proposal to take the next steps toward banning “non-individual” donations, but couldn’t get enough support to introduce it.
Krekorian said he had been willing to cosponsor the proposal in order to kick off discussions, but “if we couldn’t get anyone else to sign on, we needed to do more groundwork.” He said he might put forward another, narrower proposal in the future.
Both Ryu and Krekorian argued that restricting LLCs would make it easier for candidates to adhere to the new rules on developer donations: Ryu, who has sworn off developer donations in his own campaigns, has ended up returning money from companies tied to developers.
His deputy campaign manager, Daniel Eyal, said that “when the donation comes from a business entity or LLC, it adds another layer of difficulty” to figuring out if the money is tied to a developer pursuing projects in Los Angeles.
Barring such donations is “a no-brainer for the sake of transparency and disclosure,” Ryu said, calling it “a discussion I hope we can continue having.”


latimes--2020-01-04--Amid rising tensions with Iran, hundreds rally against war in downtown L.A.

An anti-war march and demonstration was held Saturday in downtown Los Angeles calling on the U.S. not to go to war with Iran and to pull troops out of the Middle East .
The demonstration held in Pershing Square came in response to the recent U.S. killing of a top Iranian commander in Baghdad , which has increased tensions between the United States and Iran .
At least 200 people held up signs such as “ No War or sanctions on Iran ... ” and “ U.S .
out of Iraq.
” Protesters also marched through downtown Los Angeles , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstration was just one of many held around the world Saturday as part of an anti-war movement .
In Los Angeles , the event was put together by the ANSWER Coalition , Code Pink and Veterans for Peace .
“ For all who believe in peace , for all who are opposed to yet another catastrophic war , now is the time to take action , ” a statement from the coalition read .
No arrests were reported by the Los Angeles Police Department , one of many law enforcement agencies that have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gen. Qassem Suleimani , the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps ’ elite Quds Force , a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization .
Iran vowed revenge for Suleimani ’ s death .
“ While there is no credible threat to Los Angeles , LAPD ... will continue to communicate with state , local , federal and international law enforcement partners regarding any significant intel that may develop , ” the department said on Twitter .
“ This Department is committed to ensuring the safety of our vibrant and diverse community , and we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you see something.
” Suleimani was killed in a U.S. airstrike at Baghdad ’ s international airport Friday .
The deputy head of Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces , an Iran-backed paramilitary force , was also killed .
The Pentagon said that Suleimani “ was actively developing plans to attack American diplomats and service members in Iraq and throughout the region.
” But the specific targets were unclear and officials declined to describe the evidence that backed up their assessment .
“ This strike was aimed at deterring future Iranian attack plans , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Defense .

An anti-war march and demonstration was held Saturday in downtown Los Angeles calling on the U.S. not to go to war with Iran and to pull troops out of the Middle East.
The demonstration held in Pershing Square came in response to the recent U.S. killing of a top Iranian commander in Baghdad, which has increased tensions between the United States and Iran. At least 200 people held up signs such as “No War or sanctions on Iran...” and “U.S. out of Iraq.”
Protesters also marched through downtown Los Angeles, chanting “No more war.”
The demonstration was just one of many held around the world Saturday as part of an anti-war movement. In Los Angeles, the event was put together by the ANSWER Coalition, Code Pink and Veterans for Peace.
“For all who believe in peace, for all who are opposed to yet another catastrophic war, now is the time to take action,” a statement from the coalition read.
72 degrees at the Pershing Square protest #NoWarInIran pic.twitter.com/kFzXGz8YDV — Blake Alexander (@BAMTrades) January 4, 2020
No arrests were reported by the Los Angeles Police Department, one of many law enforcement agencies that have been on alert since the killing of Gen. Qassem Suleimani, the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ elite Quds Force, a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization. Iran vowed revenge for Suleimani’s death.
“While there is no credible threat to Los Angeles, LAPD...will continue to communicate with state, local, federal and international law enforcement partners regarding any significant intel that may develop,” the department said on Twitter. “This Department is committed to ensuring the safety of our vibrant and diverse community, and we ask every Angeleno to say something if you see something.”
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Kathleen Schwartz and her umbrella join the protest. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
Suleimani was killed in a U.S. airstrike at Baghdad’s international airport Friday. The deputy head of Iraqi Popular Mobilization Forces, an Iran-backed paramilitary force, was also killed.
The Pentagon said that Suleimani “was actively developing plans to attack American diplomats and service members in Iraq and throughout the region.” But the specific targets were unclear and officials declined to describe the evidence that backed up their assessment.
“This strike was aimed at deterring future Iranian attack plans,” according to a statement by the Department of Defense.


latimes--2020-01-04--Japanese Hospital — symbol of defiance of racism — honored in Boyle Heights

Before Pearl Harbor and the nationalist hysteria that led to the internment of tens of thousands of Japanese Americans during World War II , there was a thriving community of Japanese immigrants in Los Angeles ’ Boyle Heights neighborhood .
Japanese churches in the neighborhood , a section of Evergreen Cemetery and a Japanese language school all have roots in that period before the war in 1941 .
So does the former Japanese Hospital , built to serve a community of immigrants who were routinely denied entry into public health institutions .
On Saturday members of the Japanese American community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two-story stucco building at First and Fickett Streets , which was declared a historic-cultural monument by the Los Angeles City Council in 2016 .
The group of about 30 included volunteers from the Little Tokyo Historical Society , representatives from the Boyle Heights Historical Society and City Council District 14 , and Japanese Angelenos who were born or treated at the hospital .
They cheered upon the unveiling of a sign on a lamppost out front , which read , “ Immigrant Japanese doctors prevailed in 1928 U.S. Supreme Court Case.
” “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decided to stand up for their civil rights and their community to build this institution , ” said Kristen Hayashi , a historian with the Japanese American National Museum .
In the early 1900s Japanese immigrants in Los Angeles struggled to be accepted both as doctors and patients at mainstream hospitals .
Turner Street Hospital in Little Tokyo , staffed by Japanese healthcare professionals for the care of Japanese patients , opened around 1915 .
It was there that Kikuwo Tashiro , a Japanese doctor and immigrant , began practicing after arriving in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after a devastating influenza outbreak and with the Japanese American population growing , it was clear to Tashiro and others that a bigger facility was needed .
He and four other Japanese American doctors pooled their savings to create a Japanese hospital .
But when they sought incorporation from the state , they were denied based on a 1911 treaty between the U.S. and Japan and alien land laws , according to the Little Tokyo Historical Society ’ s application for historic-cultural status .
Tashiro sued , eventually winning his case at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorney J. Marion Wright .
The 69-room facility opened on December 1 , 1929 , the result of $ 129,000 in private donations .
It was designed by Japanese architect Yos Hirose in the Streamline Moderne style , a subtype of Art Deco that was sleeker and less ornamental , according to the application .
Hirose was himself instrumental in shaping Japanese institutions in Los Angeles , designing the Koyasan Buddhist Temple in Little Tokyo and Tenrikyo Junior Church of America as well .
During World War II , the Japanese Hospital was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but after the war it reverted to its original owners .
The hospital moved to a larger , more modern site in Lincoln Heights in 1962 , and the building later became a convalescent home , which it still is today .
Paula Miura was born at the Boyle Heights building in the 1950s .
( She declined to give her exact age . )
Though her family lived in West Los Angeles , they came all the way east to have the delivery done by a Japanese doctor .
“ I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Miura said .
“ Having a Japanese American doctor ... people understand the way you think.
” Miura , who is a sansei , or a third-generation Japanese American , said she still finds comfort in going to a Japanese dentist .
Bill Watanabe , 75 , who founded the Little Tokyo Historical Society , was born in an internment camp at Manzanar .
His parents , Japanese-speaking farmers who lived in Pacoima before and after the war , brought him to the hospital when he was six years old to have his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ San Fernando ] Valley there was nothing for Japanese , ” Watanabe said .
Watanabe said the building represents an important part of local Japanese-American history .
He said anti-Japanese sentiment and outright racism persist today , but he hopes people who walk by the building will pay attention to the word “ prevail ” on the sign .
“ It conveys a message that this country has flaws but it ’ s still a country where people can fight for their rights and prevail , ” he said .

President of the Little Tokyo Historical Society Michael Okamura speaks during the unveiling of a sign to commemorate the rich history of the former Japanese Hospital in Boyle Heights.
Before Pearl Harbor and the nationalist hysteria that led to the internment of tens of thousands of Japanese Americans during World War II, there was a thriving community of Japanese immigrants in Los Angeles’ Boyle Heights neighborhood.
Japanese churches in the neighborhood, a section of Evergreen Cemetery and a Japanese language school all have roots in that period before the war in 1941. So does the former Japanese Hospital, built to serve a community of immigrants who were routinely denied entry into public health institutions.
On Saturday members of the Japanese American community gathered to celebrate the significance of the two-story stucco building at First and Fickett Streets, which was declared a historic-cultural monument by the Los Angeles City Council in 2016. The group of about 30 included volunteers from the Little Tokyo Historical Society, representatives from the Boyle Heights Historical Society and City Council District 14, and Japanese Angelenos who were born or treated at the hospital.
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They cheered upon the unveiling of a sign on a lamppost out front, which read, “Immigrant Japanese doctors prevailed in 1928 U.S. Supreme Court Case.”
Shawn Iwaoka, Collections Assistant at the Japanese American National Museum, prepares for the unveiling of a sign commemorating the former Japanese hospital. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
“It was immigrants who were brave and decided to stand up for their civil rights and their community to build this institution,” said Kristen Hayashi, a historian with the Japanese American National Museum.
In the early 1900s Japanese immigrants in Los Angeles struggled to be accepted both as doctors and patients at mainstream hospitals. Turner Street Hospital in Little Tokyo, staffed by Japanese healthcare professionals for the care of Japanese patients, opened around 1915. It was there that Kikuwo Tashiro, a Japanese doctor and immigrant, began practicing after arriving in Los Angeles.
By the 1920s, after a devastating influenza outbreak and with the Japanese American population growing, it was clear to Tashiro and others that a bigger facility was needed. He and four other Japanese American doctors pooled their savings to create a Japanese hospital. But when they sought incorporation from the state, they were denied based on a 1911 treaty between the U.S. and Japan and alien land laws, according to the Little Tokyo Historical Society’s application for historic-cultural status.
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Tashiro sued, eventually winning his case at the U.S. Supreme Court with the help of attorney J. Marion Wright.
The 69-room facility opened on December 1, 1929, the result of $129,000 in private donations. It was designed by Japanese architect Yos Hirose in the Streamline Moderne style, a subtype of Art Deco that was sleeker and less ornamental, according to the application. Hirose was himself instrumental in shaping Japanese institutions in Los Angeles, designing the Koyasan Buddhist Temple in Little Tokyo and Tenrikyo Junior Church of America as well.
During World War II, the Japanese Hospital was leased to nearby White Memorial Hospital, but after the war it reverted to its original owners. The hospital moved to a larger, more modern site in Lincoln Heights in 1962, and the building later became a convalescent home, which it still is today.
Paula Miura was born at the Boyle Heights building in the 1950s. (She declined to give her exact age.) Though her family lived in West Los Angeles, they came all the way east to have the delivery done by a Japanese doctor.
“I think it was a comfort issue,” Miura said. “Having a Japanese American doctor... people understand the way you think.”
Miura, who is a sansei, or a third-generation Japanese American, said she still finds comfort in going to a Japanese dentist.
Bill Watanabe, 75, who founded the Little Tokyo Historical Society, was born in an internment camp at Manzanar. His parents, Japanese-speaking farmers who lived in Pacoima before and after the war, brought him to the hospital when he was six years old to have his tonsils removed.
“In the [San Fernando] Valley there was nothing for Japanese,” Watanabe said.
Watanabe said the building represents an important part of local Japanese-American history. He said anti-Japanese sentiment and outright racism persist today, but he hopes people who walk by the building will pay attention to the word “prevail” on the sign.
“It conveys a message that this country has flaws but it’s still a country where people can fight for their rights and prevail,” he said.


latimes--2020-01-04--Gusty north to northeasterly winds trigger high-wind warnings in Southern California mountains

Strong , potentially damaging winds are expected across the Southern California mountains from Sunday afternoon through midday Monday or into Tuesday , the National Weather Service said .
Winds in the local mountains , including the higher peaks of the Santa Monica Mountains , may gust in excess of 60 to 65 mph .
High-wind warnings in most areas take effect Sunday afternoon or evening .
They remain in effect until 3 a.m. Monday in Santa Barbara County , Monday afternoon in Ventura and Los Angeles counties , and into Tuesday in Orange , Riverside , San Bernardino and San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are possible , although red flag warnings are unlikely because fuel moisture is high after recent storms .
Winds could cause downed tree limbs and local power outages in addition to difficult driving conditions , especially for high-profile vehicles , the weather service said .
Northerly winds will increase in most areas Sunday morning , although some areas may see increases as early as Saturday night .
Winds will peak Sunday afternoon into Monday morning .
Some strong winds will reach the valleys and parts of the coast south of Point Conception .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Santa Ana winds on Monday morning , when they will begin to diminish in Santa Barbara County .
Winds are likely to gust to about 50 mph in the mountains of L.A. and Ventura counties , and 30 to 40 mph in the valleys .
Relative humidity will drop to about 10 % to 20 % .
Temperatures will remain cool inland , but the downslope winds will promote noticeable warming , particularly at the coast , where highs will be in the low- to mid-70s .
Valleys will be a little cooler @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Offshore winds blowing from inland areas toward the coast will persist into Tuesday , but will begin to diminish , which will result in slightly cooler temperatures at the beaches .
Wind advisories may need to be extended into Tuesday , especially for the mountains and valleys .

High-wind warnings show where gusts in excess of 60 mph are possible Sunday afternoon into Monday morning.
Strong, potentially damaging winds are expected across the Southern California mountains from Sunday afternoon through midday Monday or into Tuesday, the National Weather Service said. Winds in the local mountains, including the higher peaks of the Santa Monica Mountains, may gust in excess of 60 to 65 mph.
High-wind warnings in most areas take effect Sunday afternoon or evening. They remain in effect until 3 a.m. Monday in Santa Barbara County, Monday afternoon in Ventura and Los Angeles counties, and into Tuesday in Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino and San Diego counties.
Elevated fire weather conditions are possible, although red flag warnings are unlikely because fuel moisture is high after recent storms.
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Winds could cause downed tree limbs and local power outages in addition to difficult driving conditions, especially for high-profile vehicles, the weather service said.
Northerly winds will increase in most areas Sunday morning, although some areas may see increases as early as Saturday night. Winds will peak Sunday afternoon into Monday morning. Some strong winds will reach the valleys and parts of the coast south of Point Conception.
Winds will shift and become traditional northeasterly Santa Ana winds on Monday morning, when they will begin to diminish in Santa Barbara County. Winds are likely to gust to about 50 mph in the mountains of L.A. and Ventura counties, and 30 to 40 mph in the valleys. Relative humidity will drop to about 10% to 20%.
Winds circulating around high pressure in the Great Basin seek and find passes through the mountains on their way toward lower pressure at the coast. (Paul Duginski / Los Angeles Times)
Temperatures will remain cool inland, but the downslope winds will promote noticeable warming, particularly at the coast, where highs will be in the low- to mid-70s. Valleys will be a little cooler, but will still be above average.
Offshore winds blowing from inland areas toward the coast will persist into Tuesday, but will begin to diminish, which will result in slightly cooler temperatures at the beaches.
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Wind advisories may need to be extended into Tuesday, especially for the mountains and valleys.


latimes--2020-01-04--Reporters from around the world get a look at Mars 2020 mission rover at Jet Propulsion Laboratory

The Mars 2020 mission rover is set to launch from the Kennedy Space Center in July .
But excitement is already starting to build for NASA ’ s $ 2.5-billion project , which will continue to explore the potential for life on the Red Planet .
On Friday , more than 50 journalists from around the world donned protective suits , hoods and booties before entering the clean room at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory in La Cañada Flintridge to get a glimpse of the 7-foot high , 9-foot wide and 10-foot long robotic rover .
Ben Riggs , a mechanical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the vehicle will remain protected throughout its shipment to Cape Canaveral .
“ It ’ s always encased , ” Riggs said .
“ When the vehicle gets moved , it gets on a flat truck bed that ’ s been specially modified to handle the vehicle .
It ’ s normally stowed a little bit more compact and effectively double bagged.
” JPL ’ s team of scientists and engineers take great measures each day to protect the rover from any organic particulates — human hair , skin — to ensure that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t want to bring any Earth microbes or have any elements on the vehicle that give us false science returns , ” Riggs said .
“ We want to make sure that when we ’ re caching those samples that they ’ re pristine and from Mars.
” The rover will remain in an entirely controlled environment through its launch into space and until it arrives and is released onto Jezero Crater , a river delta on Mars , in early 2021 .
Like many river deltas on Earth , Jezero @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offer an array of samples to test , said planetary geologist Emily Lakdawalla .
“ It was later buried , and the wind has taken away a lot of the sediment that was there before , so it ’ s been exhumed , like one would exhume a body , ” Lakdawalla said .
“ The cool thing about it is that it ’ s been unburied at different levels so the Rover is going to be able to drive up to various locations inside the delta and be able to see it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ descends into Mars ’ atmosphere , the “ flying gas can ” slows from 200 mph to 2 mph in less than a minute via eight Mars Lander engines that produce 700 pounds of thrust apiece and a parachute , said Ray Baker , the flight systems manager for this mission .
The last step of the rover ’ s deposit is severing the three nylon ropes that connect the rover to its transport , known as “ umbilical bridles.
” Baker , who also helped send the Curiosity rover to Mars in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work he has done for the 2020 mission lays the groundwork for future scientists and engineers — including his daughter and son who attend Paradise Canyon Elementary school in La Cañada .
“ We used to say the sky is the limit .
For them , the solar system isn ’ t even the limit , ” Baker said .
“ It ’ s normal for them that we ’ re going and exploring this other planet , and they ’ re thinking beyond that .
It ’ s exciting to me that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do something even greater than what we ’ re trying to do today.
” Mechanical engineer Zach Ousnamer said he and his team used pieces of technology created by labs all over the world to create the Mars 2020 mission , a rover with an unprecedented scientific payload .
Finding life on another planet , he said , “ would be a global architectural shift in kind of the next big thing .
It doesn ’ t really get bigger than that .
”

Reporters tour the Spacecraft Assembly Facility room where NASA’s 2020 mission rover is being built at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory in La Cañada Flintridge.
The Mars 2020 mission rover is set to launch from the Kennedy Space Center in July.
But excitement is already starting to build for NASA’s $2.5-billion project, which will continue to explore the potential for life on the Red Planet.
On Friday, more than 50 journalists from around the world donned protective suits, hoods and booties before entering the clean room at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory in La Cañada Flintridge to get a glimpse of the 7-foot high, 9-foot wide and 10-foot long robotic rover.
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Ben Riggs, a mechanical engineer working on the rover, said the vehicle will remain protected throughout its shipment to Cape Canaveral.
“It’s always encased,” Riggs said. “When the vehicle gets moved, it gets on a flat truck bed that’s been specially modified to handle the vehicle. It’s normally stowed a little bit more compact and effectively double bagged.”
JPL’s team of scientists and engineers take great measures each day to protect the rover from any organic particulates — human hair, skin — to ensure that its findings are credible.
“We don’t want to bring any Earth microbes or have any elements on the vehicle that give us false science returns,” Riggs said. “We want to make sure that when we’re caching those samples that they’re pristine and from Mars.”
The rover will remain in an entirely controlled environment through its launch into space and until it arrives and is released onto Jezero Crater, a river delta on Mars, in early 2021.
Like many river deltas on Earth, Jezero Crater is a geological depository that will offer an array of samples to test, said planetary geologist Emily Lakdawalla.
“It was later buried, and the wind has taken away a lot of the sediment that was there before, so it’s been exhumed, like one would exhume a body,” Lakdawalla said. “The cool thing about it is that it’s been unburied at different levels so the Rover is going to be able to drive up to various locations inside the delta and be able to see it from the inside.”
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As the rover descends into Mars’ atmosphere, the “flying gas can” slows from 200 mph to 2 mph in less than a minute via eight Mars Lander engines that produce 700 pounds of thrust apiece and a parachute, said Ray Baker, the flight systems manager for this mission. The last step of the rover’s deposit is severing the three nylon ropes that connect the rover to its transport, known as “umbilical bridles.”
Baker, who also helped send the Curiosity rover to Mars in 2011, said he hopes that the work he has done for the 2020 mission lays the groundwork for future scientists and engineers — including his daughter and son who attend Paradise Canyon Elementary school in La Cañada.
“We used to say the sky is the limit. For them, the solar system isn’t even the limit,” Baker said. “It’s normal for them that we’re going and exploring this other planet, and they’re thinking beyond that. It’s exciting to me that their imaginations think it’s possible to do something even greater than what we’re trying to do today.”
Mechanical engineer Zach Ousnamer said he and his team used pieces of technology created by labs all over the world to create the Mars 2020 mission, a rover with an unprecedented scientific payload.
Finding life on another planet, he said, “would be a global architectural shift in kind of the next big thing. It doesn’t really get bigger than that.”
O’Neil writes for Times Community News.


latimes--2020-01-04--Homeless man arrested in fatal stabbing at downtown L.A. restaurant

A homeless man suspected of stabbing to death a fellow diner at a downtown Los Angeles Mexican restaurant on New Year ’ s Day has been arrested , police said .
A civilian called police around 4 p.m. , after learning about the crime , to report seeing the suspect inside the downtown Central Library , located at 630 W. 5th Street , police said .
Officers quickly responded and took the suspect , identified as Devan Lampkin , 49 , into custody without incident , according to the Los Angeles Police Department .
Lampkin was wanted for the stabbing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the two got into an argument inside Margarita ’ s Place , located at 103 E. 7th , about 8:35 a.m. Wednesday , police said .
Relatives said Garcia was an avid musician .
Surveillance video from inside the restaurant released by police showed the attack , then Lampkin calmly pick up his belongings off the counter and walk away .
Lampkin lived at a homeless shelter and was being held on $ 2 million bail , police said .
The case will be presented to the Los Angeles County District Attorney @ @ @ @ @ @

A homeless man suspected of stabbing to death a fellow diner at a downtown Los Angeles Mexican restaurant on New Year’s Day has been arrested, police said.
A civilian called police around 4 p.m., after learning about the crime, to report seeing the suspect inside the downtown Central Library, located at 630 W. 5th Street, police said.
Officers quickly responded and took the suspect, identified as Devan Lampkin, 49, into custody without incident, according to the Los Angeles Police Department.
Lampkin was wanted for the stabbing death of Homer Garcia, 56, after the two got into an argument inside Margarita’s Place, located at 103 E. 7th, about 8:35 a.m. Wednesday, police said.
Relatives said Garcia was an avid musician.
Surveillance video from inside the restaurant released by police showed the attack, then Lampkin calmly pick up his belongings off the counter and walk away.
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Lampkin lived at a homeless shelter and was being held on $2 million bail, police said.
The case will be presented to the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office next week.


latimes--2020-01-04--Small plane crashes near freeway in Santa Clarita, killing one

A single-engine plane crashed near the 14 Freeway in Santa Clarita early Saturday , killing the pilot , authorities said @ @ @ @ @ after 10 a.m. near the freeway ’ s northbound Newhall Avenue off-ramp , said Sgt @ @ @ @ @ California Highway Patrol .
“ From witnesses it sounded like smoke was coming from his @ @ @ @ @ like he was trying to find a place to make an emergency landing , ” @ @ @ @ @ was the only occupant of the aircraft , he said .
One lane of the @ @ @ @ @ as emergency crews responded .
The cause of the crash remains under investigation .

FAA investigators inspect the scene where a single-engine plane crashed Saturday morning near the 14 Freeway in Santa Clarita. The pilot, who was the sole occupant of the aircraft, died.
A single-engine plane crashed near the 14 Freeway in Santa Clarita early Saturday, killing the pilot, authorities said.
The crash occurred shortly after 10 a.m. near the freeway’s northbound Newhall Avenue off-ramp, said Sgt. Perry Haggard of the California Highway Patrol.
“From witnesses it sounded like smoke was coming from his engine, so it looks like he was trying to find a place to make an emergency landing,” Haggard said.
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The pilot was the only occupant of the aircraft, he said.
One lane of the northbound freeway was temporarily closed as emergency crews responded.
The cause of the crash remains under investigation.