latimes--2020-08-26--How L.A. doctors plan to include more people of color in COVID-19 vaccine trial

The patients at Dr. Eric Daar ’ s hospital are at high risk for becoming seriously ill from COVID-19 , and he ’ s determined to make sure they ’ re part of the effort to fight the disease .
He also hopes they can protect themselves in the process .
As Daar and his colleagues at Harbor-UCLA Medical Center begin enrolling 500 volunteers in a trial to test a COVID-19 vaccine produced by AstraZeneca , they will try to ensure that most , if not all , of them are people over 65 , those with chronic illnesses and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They know it won ’ t be easy .
“ It ’ s a priority and obligation to make sure our community is well-represented in these trials , ” said Daar , an infectious diseases specialist who dropped his other research projects to focus on a COVID-19 vaccine .
The safety-net hospital in Torrance serves patients in the South Bay who are predominantly Black , Latino and Pacific Islander .
Many live in crowded homes and make their livings doing “ essential ” work that exposes them to the virus : they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cleaners , day laborers , bus drivers and sanitation workers .
“ If you don ’ t have a community represented in the trial , it ’ s hard to extrapolate your results to the community , ” said Daar ’ s colleague , Dr. Katya Corado .
“ We want to find something to protect our patients and loved ones.
” Latino and Black residents in the United States are nearly three times more likely to be diagnosed with COVID-19 and nearly five times more likely to be hospitalized with the disease @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in particular have been disproportionately stricken by the virus .
Eight of 10 COVID-19 deaths nationwide are in people over 65 , according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
Historically , Black and Latino patients have been less likely to be included in clinical trials for disease treatment , despite federal guidelines that encourage minority and elder participation .
The National Institutes of Health and the Food and Drug Administration have urged infectious disease researchers to focus on these vulnerable populations in the large phase 3 trials that will test @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a public teaching hospital that is owned and operated by Los Angeles County , is one of roughly 100 sites across the country testing the AstraZeneca vaccine candidate , which was developed in collaboration with Oxford University in Britain .
Phase 3 trials for vaccine candidates produced by Moderna and Pfizer are already underway .
Each of the three companies is seeking to recruit 30,000 people — 20,000 of whom will get the vaccine and 10,000 a placebo — to test whether the vaccine prevents COVID-19 .
According to the AstraZeneca trial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 15 to 20 visits to the hospital during the course of the two-year trial .
For each visit , they ’ ll receive up to $ 100 .
The Harbor-UCLA team is reaching out to prospective participants by distributing leaflets to clinics and community organizations , and by creating targeted social media campaigns , Daar said .
The hospital will offer car services to bring them to their appointments .
USC ’ s Keck School of Medicine is also participating in the AstraZeneca trial , and has placed a recruitment site in Vernon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The city south of downtown Los Angeles is home to many factories and meatpacking plants where workers have experienced high rates of coronavirus infection .
Recruitment of high-risk patients in other COVID-19 trials so far has been mixed .
Moderna , which began the first phase 3 trial on July 27 , announced Friday that 18 % of its 13,000-plus enrollees so far were of Black , Latino or Native American heritage — a high percentage as clinical trials go , but only about one-third of the goal set by NIH officials .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ disease and hospitalization in minority groups are due both to health conditions — such as under-treated diabetes and heart disease — and to higher exposure in workplaces and crowded housing .
Environmental factors like polluted neighborhoods could also have an impact .
While there ’ s little evidence that vaccines affect Black or Latino people differently than white people , the subject hasn ’ t really been studied , said Dr. Akilah Jefferson Shah , an allergist/immunologist and bioethicist at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences .
That ’ s another reason @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in trials , she said .
“ We know now there are subgroup responses to drugs by sex , but no one figured it out until they started including women in these studies , ” Jefferson Shah said .
“ Race is not genetic .
It ’ s a social construct .
But there are genetic variants more prevalent in certain populations .
We won ’ t know until we look.
” Enrolling a diverse group of patients will also help build trust in and uptake of a COVID-19 vaccine , Corado said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research , just 25 % of Blacks and 37 % of Hispanics said they would definitely seek out the vaccine , compared with 56 % of whites .
In July , the UCLA vaccine team began holding weekly Zoom meetings with about 25 activists and clergy members to learn what people in their communities were saying about the vaccine , and to get tips on how to design educational materials for the trial .
What they ’ ve heard suggests they ’ ll have an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the community council , HIV activist Dontá Morrison , noted that people frequently say on social media that the vaccine is designed to spread COVID-19 as part of a plot to get rid of black voters .
( None of the vaccines contains infectious coronavirus . )
“ It may seem far-fetched , but those are the conversations because we have an administration that has not shown itself to be trustworthy , ” Morrison said .
He noted that the first challenge Harbor-UCLA recruiters face is convincing community leaders , particularly clergy members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Church leaders worry they ’ ll be blamed for supporting the trial if the vaccine ends up making their congregants sick , he said .
If done right , the trial could build trust in medical science while helping minorities help themselves — and the rest of us — find a way out of the current mess , Morrison said .
Dr. Raphael Landovitz , a doctor and research scientist at the Ronald Reagan UCLA Medical Center in Westwood , which is also participating in the trial , agreed .
“ We ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a chance — if we succeed — to take back some power and control in this situation that has made so many of us feel so powerless , ” he said .
Arthur Allen writes for , a nonprofit news service covering health issues .
It is an editorially independent program of the and is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente .

Doctors at Harbor-UCLA Medical Center will seek out patients of color and members of other high-risk groups when they test a COVID-19 vaccine candidate produced by AstraZeneca.
The patients at Dr. Eric Daar’s hospital are at high risk for becoming seriously ill from COVID-19, and he’s determined to make sure they’re part of the effort to fight the disease.
He also hopes they can protect themselves in the process.
As Daar and his colleagues at Harbor-UCLA Medical Center begin enrolling 500 volunteers in a trial to test a COVID-19 vaccine produced by AstraZeneca, they will try to ensure that most, if not all, of them are people over 65, those with chronic illnesses and members of underserved racial and ethnic groups.
They know it won’t be easy.
“It’s a priority and obligation to make sure our community is well-represented in these trials,” said Daar, an infectious diseases specialist who dropped his other research projects to focus on a COVID-19 vaccine.
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The safety-net hospital in Torrance serves patients in the South Bay who are predominantly Black, Latino and Pacific Islander. Many live in crowded homes and make their livings doing “essential” work that exposes them to the virus: they’re orderlies, cooks, house cleaners, day laborers, bus drivers and sanitation workers.
“If you don’t have a community represented in the trial, it’s hard to extrapolate your results to the community,” said Daar’s colleague, Dr. Katya Corado. “We want to find something to protect our patients and loved ones.”
Latino and Black residents in the United States are nearly three times more likely to be diagnosed with COVID-19 and nearly five times more likely to be hospitalized with the disease. In Los Angeles County, Latinos in particular have been disproportionately stricken by the virus.
Eight of 10 COVID-19 deaths nationwide are in people over 65, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Historically, Black and Latino patients have been less likely to be included in clinical trials for disease treatment, despite federal guidelines that encourage minority and elder participation.
The National Institutes of Health and the Food and Drug Administration have urged infectious disease researchers to focus on these vulnerable populations in the large phase 3 trials that will test how well vaccines prevent COVID-19.
Advertisement
Harbor-UCLA, a public teaching hospital that is owned and operated by Los Angeles County, is one of roughly 100 sites across the country testing the AstraZeneca vaccine candidate, which was developed in collaboration with Oxford University in Britain. Phase 3 trials for vaccine candidates produced by Moderna and Pfizer are already underway. Each of the three companies is seeking to recruit 30,000 people — 20,000 of whom will get the vaccine and 10,000 a placebo — to test whether the vaccine prevents COVID-19.
According to the AstraZeneca trial protocol, patients will have to make 15 to 20 visits to the hospital during the course of the two-year trial. For each visit, they’ll receive up to $100.
The Harbor-UCLA team is reaching out to prospective participants by distributing leaflets to clinics and community organizations, and by creating targeted social media campaigns, Daar said. The hospital will offer car services to bring them to their appointments.
USC’s Keck School of Medicine is also participating in the AstraZeneca trial, and has placed a recruitment site in Vernon to help reach more vulnerable populations. The city south of downtown Los Angeles is home to many factories and meatpacking plants where workers have experienced high rates of coronavirus infection.
Recruitment of high-risk patients in other COVID-19 trials so far has been mixed. Moderna, which began the first phase 3 trial on July 27, announced Friday that 18% of its 13,000-plus enrollees so far were of Black, Latino or Native American heritage — a high percentage as clinical trials go, but only about one-third of the goal set by NIH officials.
Clinicians suspect that the higher rates of disease and hospitalization in minority groups are due both to health conditions — such as under-treated diabetes and heart disease — and to higher exposure in workplaces and crowded housing. Environmental factors like polluted neighborhoods could also have an impact.
While there’s little evidence that vaccines affect Black or Latino people differently than white people, the subject hasn’t really been studied, said Dr. Akilah Jefferson Shah, an allergist/immunologist and bioethicist at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences. That’s another reason for making sure these groups are well-represented in trials, she said.
“We know now there are subgroup responses to drugs by sex, but no one figured it out until they started including women in these studies,” Jefferson Shah said. “Race is not genetic. It’s a social construct. But there are genetic variants more prevalent in certain populations. We won’t know until we look.”
Enrolling a diverse group of patients will also help build trust in and uptake of a COVID-19 vaccine, Corado said. In a poll conducted in May by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research, just 25% of Blacks and 37% of Hispanics said they would definitely seek out the vaccine, compared with 56% of whites.
In July, the UCLA vaccine team began holding weekly Zoom meetings with about 25 activists and clergy members to learn what people in their communities were saying about the vaccine, and to get tips on how to design educational materials for the trial.
What they’ve heard suggests they’ll have an uphill recruitment battle.
One member of the community council, HIV activist Dontá Morrison, noted that people frequently say on social media that the vaccine is designed to spread COVID-19 as part of a plot to get rid of black voters. (None of the vaccines contains infectious coronavirus.)
“It may seem far-fetched, but those are the conversations because we have an administration that has not shown itself to be trustworthy,” Morrison said.
He noted that the first challenge Harbor-UCLA recruiters face is convincing community leaders, particularly clergy members, that the vaccine is safe. Church leaders worry they’ll be blamed for supporting the trial if the vaccine ends up making their congregants sick, he said.
If done right, the trial could build trust in medical science while helping minorities help themselves — and the rest of us — find a way out of the current mess, Morrison said.
Dr. Raphael Landovitz, a doctor and research scientist at the Ronald Reagan UCLA Medical Center in Westwood, which is also participating in the trial, agreed.
“We’re hoping that people understand this is a chance — if we succeed — to take back some power and control in this situation that has made so many of us feel so powerless,” he said.


latimes--2020-08-26--'A connection to California': Reading the L.A. Times' 1983 Latinos series for the first time

In the summer of 1983 , the Los Angeles Times published a series on Southern California ’ s Latino community .
It was produced by a team of Latino editors and writers assembled throughout the newsroom .
Stories of success , struggle , art , politics , family , religion , culture , education , agriculture and history were written and published throughout the summer of 1983 .
In 1984 it won the Pulitzer Prize for public service .
The idea for the project came after Black journalists at The Times did a series , called “ Black L.A. : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before , in 1982 .
Despite its accolades , the Latinos series never made its way to The Times ’ digital archives .
So , when the opportunity to bring it to life digitally for the first time came up , I was eager to be a part of the process .
Before the project to bring it online , I had never read the series .
I only heard about its impact through other journalists .
Since it didn ’ t exist online , it didn ’ t exist in my world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities of Southern California , but local and national lines are often blurred along the Southwest border in many of the articles .
The connections the families in the series have on both sides of the Mexico-U.S. border go beyond immigration .
Those connections were made long before a border was established .
In the first article published , “ Four generations : Mexico to U.S. — a Culture Odyssey , ” a common sentiment among those who were interviewed is revealed : “ Mexicans , whose ancestors inhabited the Southwest long before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ States , have strong feelings about this land .
The Mexican immigrant does not have to cross an ocean .
Only a line on the map separates two regions that once were one and that remain connected by long-standing familial , historical and cultural ties.
” It ’ s a unique feeling in California , where throngs of people from 49 other states come to pursue their careers , to feel foreign , yet familiar .
The families represented in the series faced that conflict even as their children made their lives in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outsiders in areas of L.A. , Orange and San Diego counties .
Coming from a family and area that made me feel the same way , the series quickly became a page-turner .
What was consumed by readers in 1983 over the span of three weeks was devoured in hours .
In 2017 , journalist Frank Sotomayor wrote “ The Pulitzer Long Shot , ” an in-depth , behind-the-scenes look at how the series came together , and ultimately won journalism ’ s top prize .
At the time , then-Editor Bill Thomas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pulitzer consideration , according to Sotomayor .
“ Thomas repeated that the series , although a good product , was ‘ not the type that wins a Pulitzer , ’ ” Sotomayor wrote .
“ He said Pulitzers typically were awarded for investigative series that produce change.
” In hindsight , it ’ s easy to look back and be critical of Thomas ’ hesitation .
But 37 years later , the idea of representation eliciting change is still not embraced like the 1983 series was when it was eventually submitted .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open hostility the team faced from people in their own newsroom : “ During the project , a number of reporters had hurled ethnic slurs our way , such as ‘ You guys going to write your stories in spray paint ?
’ ” The irony of the insulting and inappropriate comment is that graffiti art was part of a growing subculture that was strengthening the bonds among Latino , Black and Asian youths during the 1980s .
Those bonds were , at times , omitted in the series in lieu of focusing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities .
But even in those narratives , there were elements of the relationship that revealed a shared pain of inequality among what were L.A. ’ s minority groups .
Barbara Carrasco , an artist profiled in “ Chicano Art : An Emerging Generation , ” symbolized the shared pain in her mural “ L.A .
History—A Mexican Perspective.
” Her mural depicted a brutally honest account of various historical moments in L.A. interlaced through the braids of a woman ’ s hair .
Among the scenes were the internment of Japanese Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Chinese workers in 1871 .
Oppression is a big part of California history , but the successes of the same communities that faced the oppression are what makes them all Californian .
My dad ’ s family came to La Habra from Guadalajara , Jalisco .
My mom ’ s family is fairly new to the area , considering the roots others have laid here .
Her dad , a Black man from Mississippi , and mom , who came here from Japan , settled in California after her dad ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall into an identity crisis , but while reading this series 37 years after it published , I felt a connection to California that made me feel truly at home .
The things that used to make me feel like an outsider in certain social circles became marks of pride .
The series focused on Latinos , but the universal theme of trying to create a successful life in California is a theme that allowed me to see both sides of my family represented in the series .

Barbara Carrasco, an artist who was profiled in the L.A. Times’ 1983 Latinos series, stands by her mural “L.A. History — A Mexican Perspective.”
In the summer of 1983, the Los Angeles Times published a series on Southern California’s Latino community. It was produced by a team of Latino editors and writers assembled throughout the newsroom. Stories of success, struggle, art, politics, family, religion, culture, education, agriculture and history were written and published throughout the summer of 1983. In 1984 it won the Pulitzer Prize for public service.
The idea for the project came after Black journalists at The Times did a series, called “Black L.A.: Looking at Diversity,” the year before, in 1982.
Despite its accolades, the Latinos series never made its way to The Times’ digital archives. So, when the opportunity to bring it to life digitally for the first time came up, I was eager to be a part of the process. Before the project to bring it online, I had never read the series. I only heard about its impact through other journalists. Since it didn’t exist online, it didn’t exist in my world.
The series mainly focused on the communities of Southern California, but local and national lines are often blurred along the Southwest border in many of the articles. The connections the families in the series have on both sides of the Mexico-U.S. border go beyond immigration. Those connections were made long before a border was established.
In the first article published, “Four generations: Mexico to U.S. — a Culture Odyssey,” a common sentiment among those who were interviewed is revealed: “Mexicans, whose ancestors inhabited the Southwest long before the region became part of the United States, have strong feelings about this land. The Mexican immigrant does not have to cross an ocean. Only a line on the map separates two regions that once were one and that remain connected by long-standing familial, historical and cultural ties.”
It’s a unique feeling in California, where throngs of people from 49 other states come to pursue their careers, to feel foreign, yet familiar.
The families represented in the series faced that conflict even as their children made their lives in California, while still being treated as outsiders in areas of L.A., Orange and San Diego counties.
Coming from a family and area that made me feel the same way, the series quickly became a page-turner. What was consumed by readers in 1983 over the span of three weeks was devoured in hours.
In 2017, journalist Frank Sotomayor wrote “The Pulitzer Long Shot,” an in-depth, behind-the-scenes look at how the series came together, and ultimately won journalism’s top prize.
At the time, then-Editor Bill Thomas was reluctant to submit the series for Pulitzer consideration, according to Sotomayor.
“Thomas repeated that the series, although a good product, was ‘not the type that wins a Pulitzer,’” Sotomayor wrote. “He said Pulitzers typically were awarded for investigative series that produce change.”
In hindsight, it’s easy to look back and be critical of Thomas’ hesitation. But 37 years later, the idea of representation eliciting change is still not embraced like the 1983 series was when it was eventually submitted.
Advertisement
The thorough recounting of the journey relayed the open hostility the team faced from people in their own newsroom: “During the project, a number of reporters had hurled ethnic slurs our way, such as ‘You guys going to write your stories in spray paint?’”
The irony of the insulting and inappropriate comment is that graffiti art was part of a growing subculture that was strengthening the bonds among Latino, Black and Asian youths during the 1980s. Those bonds were, at times, omitted in the series in lieu of focusing on the relationship between Latino and white communities. But even in those narratives, there were elements of the relationship that revealed a shared pain of inequality among what were L.A.’s minority groups.
Barbara Carrasco, an artist profiled in “Chicano Art: An Emerging Generation,” symbolized the shared pain in her mural “L.A. History—A Mexican Perspective.”
Barbara Carrasco’s mural “L.A. History — A Mexican Perspective” depicts various historical, and sometimes brutal, moments in L.A. interlaced through the braids of a woman’s hair. (Barbara Carrasco)
Her mural depicted a brutally honest account of various historical moments in L.A. interlaced through the braids of a woman’s hair. Among the scenes were the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II and the lynching of Chinese workers in 1871.
Oppression is a big part of California history, but the successes of the same communities that faced the oppression are what makes them all Californian.
Advertisement
My dad’s family came to La Habra from Guadalajara, Jalisco. My mom’s family is fairly new to the area, considering the roots others have laid here. Her dad, a Black man from Mississippi, and mom, who came here from Japan, settled in California after her dad’s military career.
It was easy to fall into an identity crisis, but while reading this series 37 years after it published, I felt a connection to California that made me feel truly at home. The things that used to make me feel like an outsider in certain social circles became marks of pride. The series focused on Latinos, but the universal theme of trying to create a successful life in California is a theme that allowed me to see both sides of my family represented in the series.


latimes--2020-08-26--Coming soon to Hollywood Boulevard: 'All Black Lives Matter' art will be permanent

The cameras clicked as couples from Southern California and Brazil and Pennsylvania captured their pouting selves , arms wrapped ever so tightly , posing along an empty , glistening Hollywood Boulevard .
As a rarity , a stretch of the famed thoroughfare stayed serene — without performers , without traffic .
That ’ s been the case since Monday , when officials from the Los Angeles Bureau of Street Services closed the road from Highland Avenue to Orange Drive this week so that workers can install a street mural in tribute to the June 14 All Black Lives Matter march @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will stay permanent , prompting overwhelming support from a stream of local , national and international visitors roaming a pandemic-struck Tinseltown .
“ I think it ’ s a good , all-the-time reminder of how things should be , of how lives should be valued , ” said Amir Dehghani , a psychology student at UC Irvine .
“ So many spread messages of peace , but they don ’ t follow them .
Here ’ s something you can look at and then remember what to do.
” On June 13 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paint the words “ All Black Lives Matter ’ ’ on the boulevard in bright lettering , reflecting the colors of the transgender , nonbinary and pride flags .
When crews arrived after the march — which drew as many as 40,000 participants —to power-wash away the mural , some demonstrators and observers protested .
Members of the public pushed for a more lasting tribute .
Ideas unfolded .
The permanent mural is the result of a partnership among StreetsLA , City Councilman Mitch O ’ Farrell , the L.A. Department of Transportation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black LGBTQ+ Activists for Change , the Los Angeles Transgender Advisory Council and others .
With the COVID-19 outbreak , and the national reckoning over justice and full racial equality , “ symbolism means a whole lot , ” O ’ Farrell said .
“ This is the very first public space installation devoted to the Black queer community and transgender people of color .
It ’ s the right time , it ’ s about time , and when Hollywood speaks , the audience notices.
” Myllena Silva , standing next to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shadow of the Hollywood Roosevelt hotel , said the installation is a sign that “ acceptance is what we need to aim for.
” The political science student from Fortaleza , Brazil , who has resettled in Glendale , said she ’ s worried that “ when people are suspicious of each other in society , it ’ s never a white person who they think looks suspicious .
Why ?
And how is that fair ?
” Heather Elias , who grew up in L.A. as well as Arizona and Indiana , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Facebook .
Elias , sporting heart-shaped sunglasses , called the installation “ a stamping of the standards so everyone knows what ’ s important , whether it ’ s political stance or personal stance.
” The entrepreneur , who launched her own record label , said : “ Los Angeles is all about paying homage .
Here , it shouldn ’ t matter whether you ’ re low-class , high-class or middle-class , people have access to choices.
” Gerald Garth , a founder of Black LGBTQ+ Activists for Change , said he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s permanence because “ this is creating space for more conversations .
And having conversations around equity , inclusion and homophobia can influence attitudes , can spark enlightenment .
Art helps us really make sure we are amplifying not just Black lives , but Black queer lives.
” “ This is something that speaks to the moment , something we can be nimble doing , ” said the openly gay elected official , adding that its placement in the boulevard ’ s center lane signals that it ’ s in a spot cars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earlier , transportation workers had set up an official city of Los Angeles sign in front of the nearby Hard Rock Cafe honoring the march , which took place at the same site as the nation ’ s first recognized gay pride parade .
On Tuesday , two tourists wearing Liberty Bell T-shirts strolled along the Walk of Fame , Instagramming their end-of-summer delights .
Destiny Casillas , an eighth-grader from New York , said she ’ s used to seeing “ Black Lives Matter ” painted in her neighborhood in the Bronx @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Manhattan .
“ We should give Black people more respect and treat them as equals , ” she said .
Across from her , behind giant Academy Awards statues , sales associate Branson Nejame held a microphone , his voice rising to attract customers to the $ 10 Boutique , where everything was on sale for $ 5 for a day .
“ Cool , ” he said , upon hearing about the artwork in progress .
“ I think it shows how progressive we are as a community .
With all the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeing cause and effect , and to me , Hollywood has always been a smorgasbord of races and culture and religion .
Why not expand on it ?
” The teenager from the Big Apple , having listened to his spiel touting discount hoodies and hand sanitizer , tugged on her face mask , heading to the boulevard to check out the scene .

Designer Lucky Alexander Fuller rolls yellow paint down on the first letters as crews begin to paint the colors of the permanent ‘All Black Lives Matter’ street mural in the middle of Hollywood Blvd.
The cameras clicked as couples from Southern California and Brazil and Pennsylvania captured their pouting selves, arms wrapped ever so tightly, posing along an empty, glistening Hollywood Boulevard.
As a rarity, a stretch of the famed thoroughfare stayed serene — without performers, without traffic.
That’s been the case since Monday, when officials from the Los Angeles Bureau of Street Services closed the road from Highland Avenue to Orange Drive this week so that workers can install a street mural in tribute to the June 14 All Black Lives Matter march. What first surfaced as temporary art will stay permanent, prompting overwhelming support from a stream of local, national and international visitors roaming a pandemic-struck Tinseltown.
Advertisement
“I think it’s a good, all-the-time reminder of how things should be, of how lives should be valued,” said Amir Dehghani, a psychology student at UC Irvine. “So many spread messages of peace, but they don’t follow them. Here’s something you can look at and then remember what to do.”
Jaime Garcia begin to paint the colors on the permanent ‘All Black Lives Matter’ street mural in the middle of Hollywood Blvd between Highland and Orange. (Al Seib/Los Angeles Times)
On June 13, volunteers turned out by the hundreds to paint the words “All Black Lives Matter” on the boulevard in bright lettering, reflecting the colors of the transgender, nonbinary and pride flags. When crews arrived after the march — which drew as many as 40,000 participants — to power-wash away the mural, some demonstrators and observers protested. Members of the public pushed for a more lasting tribute. Ideas unfolded.
The permanent mural is the result of a partnership among StreetsLA, City Councilman Mitch O’Farrell, the L.A. Department of Transportation, the Department of Cultural Affairs, Black LGBTQ+ Activists for Change, the Los Angeles Transgender Advisory Council and others.
With the COVID-19 outbreak, and the national reckoning over justice and full racial equality, “symbolism means a whole lot,” O’Farrell said. “This is the very first public space installation devoted to the Black queer community and transgender people of color. It’s the right time, it’s about time, and when Hollywood speaks, the audience notices.”
Starting Monday morning, crews with StreetsLA will begin the work to install a permanent decorative street design to commemorate the historic All Black Lives Matter March through the Heart of Hollywood.
(Los Angeles Bureau of Street Services)
Myllena Silva, standing next to Dehghani while munching Starbucks snacks in the shadow of the Hollywood Roosevelt hotel, said the installation is a sign that “acceptance is what we need to aim for.” The political science student from Fortaleza, Brazil, who has resettled in Glendale, said she’s worried that “when people are suspicious of each other in society, it’s never a white person who they think looks suspicious. Why? And how is that fair?”
Advertisement
Heather Elias, who grew up in L.A. as well as Arizona and Indiana, said she heard about the mural on Facebook. Elias, sporting heart-shaped sunglasses, called the installation “a stamping of the standards so everyone knows what’s important, whether it’s political stance or personal stance.”
The entrepreneur, who launched her own record label, said: “Los Angeles is all about paying homage. Here, it shouldn’t matter whether you’re low-class, high-class or middle-class, people have access to choices.”
Murals overlook Hollywood Blvd where crews to install a permanent street mural commemorating the June 14th All Black Lives Matter March. (Al Seib/Los Angeles Times)
Gerald Garth, a founder of Black LGBTQ+ Activists for Change, said he’s excited about the mural’s permanence because “this is creating space for more conversations. And having conversations around equity, inclusion and homophobia can influence attitudes, can spark enlightenment. Art helps us really make sure we are amplifying not just Black lives, but Black queer lives.”
O’Farrell called the $20,000 project “a really warp-speed turnaround” marking a historic event.
“This is something that speaks to the moment, something we can be nimble doing,” said the openly gay elected official, adding that its placement in the boulevard’s center lane signals that it’s in a spot cars should not drive over.
Just days earlier, transportation workers had set up an official city of Los Angeles sign in front of the nearby Hard Rock Cafe honoring the march, which took place at the same site as the nation’s first recognized gay pride parade.
On Tuesday, two tourists wearing Liberty Bell T-shirts strolled along the Walk of Fame, Instagramming their end-of-summer delights. Destiny Casillas, an eighth-grader from New York, said she’s used to seeing “Black Lives Matter” painted in her neighborhood in the Bronx, as well as in Brooklyn and Manhattan. “We should give Black people more respect and treat them as equals,” she said.
Branson Nejame is a sales associate along Hollywood Blvd. “I think it shows how progressive we are as a community,’ Nejame said of the street mural. (Anh Do/Los Angeles Times)
Across from her, behind giant Academy Awards statues, sales associate Branson Nejame held a microphone, his voice rising to attract customers to the $10 Boutique, where everything was on sale for $5 for a day.
“Cool,” he said, upon hearing about the artwork in progress. “I think it shows how progressive we are as a community. With all the nationwide protests, we’re actually seeing cause and effect, and to me, Hollywood has always been a smorgasbord of races and culture and religion. Why not expand on it?”
The teenager from the Big Apple, having listened to his spiel touting discount hoodies and hand sanitizer, tugged on her face mask, heading to the boulevard to check out the scene.


latimes--2020-08-26--Securing The Times' Pulitzer-winning Latino series for future generations

Before I started the project to digitize the Los Angeles Times ’ Latino Pulitzer series , I hadn ’ t had a chance to read it , but of course I ’ d heard of it .
I ’ d even read the article from Frank O. Sotomayor , a project participant , in which many of the reporters recounted the process of making it happen , and how it was considered “ a long shot.
” When I realized the articles were not in our digital archive , I volunteered to make that happen , because I thought it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to access it .
We didn ’ t even have readily available print copies of the project .
Many of the photos were lost .
But just like the project itself when it was first conceived , my colleagues Christian Orozco , Fidel Martinez and I continued our search for the original material to present the work as close to its initial form as possible .
Of course , that means even keeping some of the material that is dated , such as the terms “ illegals ” or “ illegal immigrants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we felt it was important to preserve what was printed and to be able to draw from the 1983 project what continues to be relevant today .
I learned a lot by reading these stories .
Some observations proved to be on point .
In “ Boyle Heights : Problems , Pride and Promise , ” Louis Sahagun , who is now an environment reporter for The Times , wrote : “ Whether Boyle Heights can survive as it is today — gateway for new arrivals and haven for much of the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is an open question in the minds of some community leaders .
They wonder whether the community ’ s proximity to downtown will someday make it appealing to upscale developers , leading to displacement of most of the people who now call Boyle Heights home.
” As recent articles have shown , gentrification in Boyle Heights is happening now .
High rents have displaced mariachi musicians in the area , for example .
There ’ s even a TV show about it .
Some members of the community have fought against it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about Latinas such as Julia Luna Mount , who was a founder of the Los Angeles County union .
Mount was a former typist clerk for the Department of Mental Health and I was surprised to learn she was one of the union ’ s founders .
This archive work is a snapshot of Latinos in the 1980s in Southern California .
And I am glad to be able to bring it to the digital age , to remember the work of former and current Latino reporters at the Los Angeles Times , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them .
We can draw direct links from then and now .
For example , on education , disparities continue .
Some of the debates still occur today , including , for example , how we label each other .
The term Hispanic is still used by two-thirds of Latinos of Hispanic descent , according to a Pew poll , despite a push to use the most recent form of Latino , Latinx , which is a way to represent all Latinos , including those who do not identify as male or female @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the term Hispanic because it seems to highlight only our Spanish ancestry and ignores our indigenous ancestry .
I also came to learn through this series that the term was actually created by the government in the 1970s .
I was born in Mexico so it is easy for me to identify as Mexican .
When I moved here and went to college , I met more people from El Salvador , Guatemala and other Latin American countries for whom I felt an affinity , and I embraced the Latino/Latina terms and even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clearly started as a Mexican American movement , but at least for me and my friends , it came to mean all of those who were politically and socially conscious of their Latino/Hispanic descent , whether we were Mexican or not .
We embraced “ Viva la raza ” as a unifying way to believe in our efforts to pursue higher education and improve our communities .
The “ raza ” term carries with it long-standing controversies , but for me it was never meant to represent a “ superior race , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There are arguments for and against the term .
Besides identity , there is one thing that I think unites us all .
What resonates in many of these stories is the strong bond we have with our families .
It is through our people that we carry on , through our ancestors that we learn our resiliency .
Through this work I can carry with me the memory of my grandfather , who died earlier this year in Mexico , but did not get a proper sendoff because of COVID-19 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but we still couldn ’ t have a funeral and grieve together .
I am enriched by these stories and writing these words are my way of remembering where I come from and where I am today .
Of looking back as well as looking forward .
I hope that future generations can look at this archive work as I have and learn from what past reporters and editors have done to document the Latino experience .

Before I started the project to digitize the Los Angeles Times’ Latino Pulitzer series, I hadn’t had a chance to read it, but of course I’d heard of it. I’d even read the article from Frank O. Sotomayor, a project participant, in which many of the reporters recounted the process of making it happen, and how it was considered “a long shot.” When I realized the articles were not in our digital archive, I volunteered to make that happen, because I thought it was important for future readers to be able to access it.
We didn’t even have readily available print copies of the project. Many of the photos were lost. But just like the project itself when it was first conceived, my colleagues Christian Orozco, Fidel Martinez and I continued our search for the original material to present the work as close to its initial form as possible.
Of course, that means even keeping some of the material that is dated, such as the terms “illegals” or “illegal immigrants” and “blacks,” but we felt it was important to preserve what was printed and to be able to draw from the 1983 project what continues to be relevant today.
I learned a lot by reading these stories. Some observations proved to be on point. In “Boyle Heights: Problems, Pride and Promise,” Louis Sahagun, who is now an environment reporter for The Times, wrote: “Whether Boyle Heights can survive as it is today — gateway for new arrivals and haven for much of the city’s less affluent Latino population — is an open question in the minds of some community leaders. They wonder whether the community’s proximity to downtown will someday make it appealing to upscale developers, leading to displacement of most of the people who now call Boyle Heights home.”
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As recent articles have shown, gentrification in Boyle Heights is happening now. High rents have displaced mariachi musicians in the area, for example. There’s even a TV show about it. Some members of the community have fought against it, to mixed results.
I also learned about Latinas such as Julia Luna Mount, who was a founder of the Los Angeles County union. Mount was a former typist clerk for the Department of Mental Health and I was surprised to learn she was one of the union’s founders.
This archive work is a snapshot of Latinos in the 1980s in Southern California. And I am glad to be able to bring it to the digital age, to remember the work of former and current Latino reporters at the Los Angeles Times, to be inspired and to learn from them.
We can draw direct links from then and now. For example, on education, disparities continue.
Some of the debates still occur today, including, for example, how we label each other. The term Hispanic is still used by two-thirds of Latinos of Hispanic descent, according to a Pew poll, despite a push to use the most recent form of Latino, Latinx, which is a way to represent all Latinos, including those who do not identify as male or female.
Personally, I have never liked the term Hispanic because it seems to highlight only our Spanish ancestry and ignores our indigenous ancestry. I also came to learn through this series that the term was actually created by the government in the 1970s.
I was born in Mexico so it is easy for me to identify as Mexican. When I moved here and went to college, I met more people from El Salvador, Guatemala and other Latin American countries for whom I felt an affinity, and I embraced the Latino/Latina terms and even the Chicano term. The Chicano movement clearly started as a Mexican American movement, but at least for me and my friends, it came to mean all of those who were politically and socially conscious of their Latino/Hispanic descent, whether we were Mexican or not. We embraced “Viva la raza” as a unifying way to believe in our efforts to pursue higher education and improve our communities. The “raza” term carries with it long-standing controversies, but for me it was never meant to represent a “superior race,” but rather a race of people united. There are arguments for and against the term.
Besides identity, there is one thing that I think unites us all. What resonates in many of these stories is the strong bond we have with our families. It is through our people that we carry on, through our ancestors that we learn our resiliency. Through this work I can carry with me the memory of my grandfather, who died earlier this year in Mexico, but did not get a proper sendoff because of COVID-19. His official cause of death was bronchitis, but we still couldn’t have a funeral and grieve together. I am enriched by these stories and writing these words are my way of remembering where I come from and where I am today. Of looking back as well as looking forward.
I hope that future generations can look at this archive work as I have and learn from what past reporters and editors have done to document the Latino experience.


latimes--2020-08-26--An L.A. politico helped select the new postmaster general. Why protesters are at his door

The lone woman appeared one day last week at the stately San Marino home of John M. Barger , a small but sure sign that the growing furor over the U.S .
Postal Service had arrived on his doorstep .
Barger , a financier and Republican political donor , is one of six members of the service ’ s Board of Governors .
The woman wanted to know if the Postal Service would deliver mail-in ballots this fall .
Barger chatted with the woman over a lemonade .
She listened politely and moved along .
But on Saturday , demonstrators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them milling about the normally staid neighborhood where Barger lives .
“ No postage , no peace !
” chanted the outsiders .
They didn ’ t leave so readily .
This is the new reality for Barger — a previously low-profile investor and campaign chairman for his sister , Los Angeles County Supervisor Kathryn Barger — who has been thrust into the center of a furor over the operation of America ’ s mail system .
Democrats have railed against mail delays and expressed concerns that President Trump and his allies are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ November election .
Barger said he had received as many as 100,000 emails and an untold amount of mail on the controversy .
Many of the critics fear that Republicans want to turn the Postal Service into a profit-focused business , not a service .
“ You need a good Postal Service and honesty , ” said Topey Schwarzenbach , a retired architect who picketed outside Barger ’ s home Saturday .
“ You don ’ t need people scheming to turn it into a profit center .
These are really a bunch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every part of our democracy.
” The harshest spotlight of the scandal thus far has fallen on U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy , but Barger is also being scrutinized because of his role in picking DeJoy for the post , the first postmaster general in two decades to come from the private sector .
Democratic lawmakers allege interference by U.S. Treasury Secretary Steven T. Mnuchin and special efforts by Barger to ease the way for the politically connected DeJoy — claiming that Barger jumped to DeJoy ’ s aid during a rocky job @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In a lengthy interview , Barger painted himself as a public servant caught up in a political tempest that he did not create .
He rejected accusations that he gave DeJoy special treatment .
He said the logistics and delivery executive — who built a company with a handful of employees into a behemoth with more than 9,000 workers — emerged fairly as the strongest candidate to lead the 650,000-worker USPS .
“ Louis DeJoy — after all of our interviews and our vetting and deep dives into his background — showed himself @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Barger said in the telephone interview from his San Marino home , as protesters gathered outside .
DeJoy , who took office in June , has acknowledged that some recent measures aimed at making the perennially underfunded Postal Service more efficient led to delivery delays .
As the election nears , Barger said the biggest concern for the agency is whether the states will do their part by ensuring that ballots are mailed early enough .
“ There is no question that the Postal Service is prepared and equipped to do its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elections , ” said Barger .
Democrats and some Republicans have been less than reassured , and some are calling for DeJoy ’ s ouster .
A Los Angeles Times review last week found widespread complaints from postal workers and customers about mail stacking up at post offices , undelivered .
Carriers described rotting fruit and meat , and baby chicks dead inside boxes that had gone undelivered .
A House committee that questioned DeJoy on Monday released data showing that on-time mail delivery dropped , starting in late June , from more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % .
Critics linked the declining performance to DeJoy ’ s slashing of overtime for postal workers and the removal of high-speed letter sorting machines , but DeJoy denied cutting overtime and said the reduction in machines had been ongoing long before his two-month tenure with the USPS .
Barger ’ s name entered the Washington drama when Democrats said that he had gone outside the standard hiring process to belatedly introduced DeJoy as a candidate for postmaster general .
But Barger said that the six postal governors , including two Democrats , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during last year ’ s selection process .
Among those put forward for the job was former Indiana Gov .
Mitch Daniels , who demurred , saying he wanted to continue as president of Purdue University .
It was Robert M. “ Mike ” Duncan , chairman of the postal Board of Governors , who made DeJoy a candidate , Barger said .
Duncan learned about the executive because he serves with DeJoy ’ s wife on the committee that oversees White House fellows , Barger said .
Although Democrats said DeJoy had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , first held by Benjamin Franklin at the founding of the nation , the postal governors said he was subjected to a full background check , including by the FBI .
DeJoy , 63 , built a fortune by turning a small trucking company into a logistics giant that profited by warehousing and crating cargo and mail for delivery .
His company , New Breed Logistics , eventually had contracts with giants like Boeing and Verizon .
The company , later acquired by XPO Logistics , expanded greatly via work it did for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s work for the USPS was “ highly , highly regarded , ” Barger said .
David Williams , a former postal governor , painted a sharply different picture , saying DeJoy gave a lackluster performance when he interviewed to be postmaster general .
His second talk with postal governors went so badly that Barger repeatedly intervened to help clarify DeJoy ’ s answers , said Williams , who later resigned , in part to protest the new postmaster general ’ s ascension .
Barger called Williams ’ account “ absurd , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to think that … anyone , including me , would ever presume to have to help him through any interview ” given DeJoy ’ s strong background in the delivery business .
It was four decades ago that Barger got a much quieter start in the world of politics and government .
He had graduated from Ohio Wesleyan University and was working as a roofer when he joined Mike Antonovich ’ s campaign for Los Angeles County supervisor .
Antonovich defeated incumbent Baxter Ward in 1980 and Barger joined him as an aide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to law school and , later , business school and eventually founded his own investment and financial advising firm , NorthernCross Partners .
For seven years , until 2016 , he served as a member and chairman of the investment committee advising the pension system for Los Angeles County employees , the biggest of its kind in America .
Younger sister Kathryn followed him into Antonovich ’ s county office .
She eventually became chief of staff .
When the nine-term supervisor termed out of office in 2016 , she ran to replace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her campaign chairman .
Kathryn Barger won with 59 % of the vote to take office in 2016 .
She secured a second term in this year ’ s March primary .
Barger ’ s arrival on the national stage came as a surprise .
Treasury Secretary Mnuchin contacted him after a mutual “ associate ” recommended him for the job at the service , Barger said .
He declined to identify the associate , saying he didn ’ t want to drag the individual into the current imbroglio .
Unlike DeJoy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Trump , but Barger said he voted for him in 2016 .
Trump has for several years made clear his distaste for the Postal Service , belittling the most popular agency connected to the U.S. government as a “ loser ” and saying it effectively subsidizes Amazon and other delivery giants .
More recently , the president ’ s campaign has opined , without evidence , that mail-in ballots would open the door to “ massive fraud ” in the November election .
( Trump ’ s animus for Amazon extends to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Washington Post , a persistent critic of the president . )
Barger said his conversation with Mnuchin about joining the Postal Service board extended only to the desire to improve efficiency and operations .
When he went before the U.S. Senate for confirmation , he said none of the lawmakers expressed concern about delivering ballots on time .
“ It was just never an issue at that time , ” Barger said .
Facing hostile questioning and more calls for his resignation before a House committee Monday , DeJoy assured Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sabotaging the election , ” adding : “ We will do everything in our power and structure to deliver the ballots on time.
” Postal Service board members — four Republicans and two Democrats , all appointed by the Trump administration — have issued similar assurances .
They also have said they will act independently to support the performance of the institution .
Last week , Barger was named to a committee of the Board of Governors ( along with the two Democrats ) pledging to support mail-in voting ’ s “ indispensable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ s not a business , ” said Barger .
“ It is an institution of government .
It is something that we need to make sure we not only preserve , but that we improve .
Because we want it to go on for another 250 years .
”

Protesters rally outside the home of John M. Barger, a member of the USPS Board of Governors, to decry recent Postal Service cuts by Postmaster General Louis DeJoy.
The lone woman appeared one day last week at the stately San Marino home of John M. Barger, a small but sure sign that the growing furor over the U.S. Postal Service had arrived on his doorstep. Barger, a financier and Republican political donor, is one of six members of the service’s Board of Governors. The woman wanted to know if the Postal Service would deliver mail-in ballots this fall.
Barger chatted with the woman over a lemonade. She listened politely and moved along.
But on Saturday, demonstrators returned in force, about 70 of them milling about the normally staid neighborhood where Barger lives. “No postage, no peace!” chanted the outsiders. They didn’t leave so readily.
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This is the new reality for Barger — a previously low-profile investor and campaign chairman for his sister, Los Angeles County Supervisor Kathryn Barger — who has been thrust into the center of a furor over the operation of America’s mail system. Democrats have railed against mail delays and expressed concerns that President Trump and his allies are trying to sabotage mail-in voting for the November election.
Barger said he had received as many as 100,000 emails and an untold amount of mail on the controversy. Many of the critics fear that Republicans want to turn the Postal Service into a profit-focused business, not a service.
Jimmy McGraw takes part in a rally supporting the Postal Service in front of a Santa Ana post office. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times)
“You need a good Postal Service and honesty,” said Topey Schwarzenbach, a retired architect who picketed outside Barger’s home Saturday. “You don’t need people scheming to turn it into a profit center. These are really a bunch of rip-off artists wanting to carve up every part of our democracy.”
The harshest spotlight of the scandal thus far has fallen on U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, but Barger is also being scrutinized because of his role in picking DeJoy for the post, the first postmaster general in two decades to come from the private sector.
Democratic lawmakers allege interference by U.S. Treasury Secretary Steven T. Mnuchin and special efforts by Barger to ease the way for the politically connected DeJoy — claiming that Barger jumped to DeJoy’s aid during a rocky job interview with Postal Service board members.
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In a lengthy interview, Barger painted himself as a public servant caught up in a political tempest that he did not create.
He rejected accusations that he gave DeJoy special treatment. He said the logistics and delivery executive — who built a company with a handful of employees into a behemoth with more than 9,000 workers — emerged fairly as the strongest candidate to lead the 650,000-worker USPS.
“Louis DeJoy — after all of our interviews and our vetting and deep dives into his background — showed himself to be an uncommonly strong leader,” Barger said in the telephone interview from his San Marino home, as protesters gathered outside.
Postmaster General Louis DeJoy removes his mask as he arrives to testify at a House Oversight and Reform Committee hearing. (Tom Brenner/Associated Press)
DeJoy, who took office in June, has acknowledged that some recent measures aimed at making the perennially underfunded Postal Service more efficient led to delivery delays. As the election nears, Barger said the biggest concern for the agency is whether the states will do their part by ensuring that ballots are mailed early enough.
“There is no question that the Postal Service is prepared and equipped to do its job as it always has in supporting elections,” said Barger.
Democrats and some Republicans have been less than reassured, and some are calling for DeJoy’s ouster. A Los Angeles Times review last week found widespread complaints from postal workers and customers about mail stacking up at post offices, undelivered. Carriers described rotting fruit and meat, and baby chicks dead inside boxes that had gone undelivered.
John Barger
(John Barger
)
A House committee that questioned DeJoy on Monday released data showing that on-time mail delivery dropped, starting in late June, from more than 90% to less than 85%. Critics linked the declining performance to DeJoy’s slashing of overtime for postal workers and the removal of high-speed letter sorting machines, but DeJoy denied cutting overtime and said the reduction in machines had been ongoing long before his two-month tenure with the USPS.
Barger’s name entered the Washington drama when Democrats said that he had gone outside the standard hiring process to belatedly introduced DeJoy as a candidate for postmaster general.
But Barger said that the six postal governors, including two Democrats, suggested dozens of candidates for the position during last year’s selection process. Among those put forward for the job was former Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels, who demurred, saying he wanted to continue as president of Purdue University.
It was Robert M. “Mike” Duncan, chairman of the postal Board of Governors, who made DeJoy a candidate, Barger said. Duncan learned about the executive because he serves with DeJoy’s wife on the committee that oversees White House fellows, Barger said.
Although Democrats said DeJoy had not been thoroughly vetted for the position, first held by Benjamin Franklin at the founding of the nation, the postal governors said he was subjected to a full background check, including by the FBI.
DeJoy, 63, built a fortune by turning a small trucking company into a logistics giant that profited by warehousing and crating cargo and mail for delivery. His company, New Breed Logistics, eventually had contracts with giants like Boeing and Verizon. The company, later acquired by XPO Logistics, expanded greatly via work it did for the Postal Service.
The company’s work for the USPS was “highly, highly regarded,” Barger said.
David Williams, a former postal governor, painted a sharply different picture, saying DeJoy gave a lackluster performance when he interviewed to be postmaster general. His second talk with postal governors went so badly that Barger repeatedly intervened to help clarify DeJoy’s answers, said Williams, who later resigned, in part to protest the new postmaster general’s ascension.
Barger called Williams’ account “absurd,” adding: “It is beyond credulity to think that … anyone, including me, would ever presume to have to help him through any interview” given DeJoy’s strong background in the delivery business.
It was four decades ago that Barger got a much quieter start in the world of politics and government. He had graduated from Ohio Wesleyan University and was working as a roofer when he joined Mike Antonovich’s campaign for Los Angeles County supervisor. Antonovich defeated incumbent Baxter Ward in 1980 and Barger joined him as an aide for a year.
He then went to law school and, later, business school and eventually founded his own investment and financial advising firm, NorthernCross Partners. For seven years, until 2016, he served as a member and chairman of the investment committee advising the pension system for Los Angeles County employees, the biggest of its kind in America.
Younger sister Kathryn followed him into Antonovich’s county office. She eventually became chief of staff. When the nine-term supervisor termed out of office in 2016, she ran to replace him, with her brother serving as her campaign chairman. Kathryn Barger won with 59% of the vote to take office in 2016. She secured a second term in this year’s March primary.
Barger’s arrival on the national stage came as a surprise. Treasury Secretary Mnuchin contacted him after a mutual “associate” recommended him for the job at the service, Barger said. He declined to identify the associate, saying he didn’t want to drag the individual into the current imbroglio.
Unlike DeJoy, records show Barger has not donated to President Trump, but Barger said he voted for him in 2016.
Trump has for several years made clear his distaste for the Postal Service, belittling the most popular agency connected to the U.S. government as a “loser” and saying it effectively subsidizes Amazon and other delivery giants. More recently, the president’s campaign has opined, without evidence, that mail-in ballots would open the door to “massive fraud” in the November election. (Trump’s animus for Amazon extends to its founder, Jeff Bezos, owner of the Washington Post, a persistent critic of the president.)
Barger said his conversation with Mnuchin about joining the Postal Service board extended only to the desire to improve efficiency and operations. When he went before the U.S. Senate for confirmation, he said none of the lawmakers expressed concern about delivering ballots on time. “It was just never an issue at that time,” Barger said.
Facing hostile questioning and more calls for his resignation before a House committee Monday, DeJoy assured Democrats: “I am not engaged in sabotaging the election,” adding: “We will do everything in our power and structure to deliver the ballots on time.”
Postal Service board members — four Republicans and two Democrats, all appointed by the Trump administration — have issued similar assurances. They also have said they will act independently to support the performance of the institution.
Last week, Barger was named to a committee of the Board of Governors (along with the two Democrats) pledging to support mail-in voting’s “indispensable role” in the electoral process.
“It’s not a business,” said Barger. “It is an institution of government. It is something that we need to make sure we not only preserve, but that we improve. Because we want it to go on for another 250 years.”


latimes--2020-08-26--Times reporter Louis Sahagun recalls sharing the 1984 Pulitzer for stories about local Latinos

Revolution was in the air .
After Black journalists at the Los Angeles Times produced a series on the true experiences of Black Angelenos in the early 1980s , their Mexican American colleagues proposed launching another series that would contribute to a better understanding of Southern California ’ s burgeoning Latino population .
In the newsroom , a small group of seasoned Latino journalists urged others to contribute their free time and best ideas toward creating a series that would set the record straight on a community of 3 million , as well as the increasingly important role they held @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation .
And why not ?
During the so-called “ Happy Days ” of the 1950s , The Times featured Anglo community leaders urging the police and sheriff ’ s department to get tough with vandals and gangs in the mostly blue-collar Latino communities east of downtown .
They also supported massive redevelopment plans for the area .
At the same time , people who lived and worked in these neighborhoods were concerned about police brutality , racism , and overcrowded and underfunded schools with some of the worst dropout rates in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the devastation caused by new construction , such as the building of myriad freeways that displaced 10,000 people and left behind a legacy of noise and pollution .
So , this series — produced by Latinos and supported by a wealth of statistics and anecdotes about life in the barrios of Los Angeles and the problems facing these communities — would be our way of saying , “ The L.A. Times is committed to looking at your diverse and growing community through the eyes of members of your community.
” Led by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ editor Frank Sotomayor and reporter George Ramos , the journalists met frequently in conference rooms , downtown restaurants and cramped apartment living rooms .
What emerged from these sometimes contentious gatherings was a bold project proposal : A months-long commitment by all of The Times ’ Latino reporters and editors to make a landmark collection of articles about people in pursuit of the Latino American Dream .
It would be based on innovative research , oral histories , photographs and demographic data .
I was a 32-year-old business reporter who had started working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a floor sweeper .
So , it was a privilege — and also scary as hell — to be part of the effort after it was approved by management .
That ’ s because our project was almost immediately overshadowed by the skepticism of many Anglo doubters in the newsroom who shrugged it off as a “ lightweight ” journalistic exercise , an experiment bound to fail .
Our preferred gathering place for lunch-hour strategy sessions became a round table at the Redwood saloon and restaurant less than a block from The Times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a veteran white reporter seated at a nearby table looked over his shoulder , smiled sarcastically and said in a voice loud enough for all of us to hear , “ So , when can we expect to see this debacle ?
” Ramos , as I recall , smiled and responded with something along the lines of , “ You just wait .
You ’ re going to regret those words.
” Every step of the way , we were guided by the sage advice , encouragement and fine editing of Sotomayor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ main contributions to the series included a profile of the community of Boyle Heights , a bustling historic port-of-entry community east of downtown that was emblematic of the dreams and challenges of Latinos in Southern California .
In fact , my grandmother , Juanita Velasquez , ran a store in the area called Velasquez Tortilleria and lived in a modest apartment above it that overlooked bustling Whittier Boulevard .
Empowered by a sense of mission , I covered Boyle Heights like a war correspondent : I interviewed political leaders , city planners , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authorities , gang members , school officials and exemplary students in local high schools .
I also examined thousands of pages of city historical records and documents and conducted dozens of random man-on-the-street interviews .
And when I finally filed to Sotomayor , it was a colossal article stuffed with details including kids ’ school grades , people ’ s golf scores and even weather reports .
I ’ ll never forget the shock on Frank ’ s face when I filed the 180-inch-long article and said , “ Hope you like it.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to work , whittling it down to a more practical , informative and readable 80 inches .
My response turned from initial frustration to , “ Oh yeah .
I see what you mean.
” There were a few profound disappointments after our series , “ Southern California ’ s Latino Community , ” was published in The Times .
For example , a few months before the Pulitzer Prize was announced , our 17-part series received only an “ honorable mention ” at the annual Los Angeles Times editorial awards banquet held @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s impossible to describe , however , the sense of accomplishment and pride we felt after it was announced that our 1983 Latino stories had won the 1984 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service , journalism ’ s top honor .
But the excitement turned to disappointment during the prize ceremony at Columbia University ’ s Low Library .
Michael I. Sovern , Columbia ’ s president , concluded his opening remarks and said , “ And now I invite to the podium , to accept the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and its exceptionally talented … team of Mexican American reporters and editors … William Thomas.
” Times Editor Thomas jumped out of his seat and onto the stage and accepted the gold medal .
He made no mention of the six of us who were watching forlornly from seats just a few yards away .
Virginia Escalante , a Times reporter at the time who had paid for her father and younger brother to fly from Arizona to share the momentous occasion , recalled the oversight as “ a slap in the face.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ event , so we headed there to celebrate into the wee hours .
Long past midnight , Ramos dialed room service with a special request : “ Bring us a few bottles of your best champagne .
”

Bottom row, from left: David Reyes, Virginia Escalante and Louis Sahagun. Top row, from left: George Ramos, Noel Greenwood, Frank Sotomayor, Frank del Olmo, José Galvez and Robert Montemayor at the Pulitzer Prize ceremony in New York.
Revolution was in the air. After Black journalists at the Los Angeles Times produced a series on the true experiences of Black Angelenos in the early 1980s, their Mexican American colleagues proposed launching another series that would contribute to a better understanding of Southern California’s burgeoning Latino population.
In the newsroom, a small group of seasoned Latino journalists urged others to contribute their free time and best ideas toward creating a series that would set the record straight on a community of 3 million, as well as the increasingly important role they held in shaping the character of California and the nation.
This appeared in print for stories related to The Times’ 1982 series “Black L.A.: Looking at Diversity.” (Los Angeles Times)
And why not? During the so-called “Happy Days” of the 1950s, The Times featured Anglo community leaders urging the police and sheriff’s department to get tough with vandals and gangs in the mostly blue-collar Latino communities east of downtown. They also supported massive redevelopment plans for the area.
At the same time, people who lived and worked in these neighborhoods were concerned about police brutality, racism, and overcrowded and underfunded schools with some of the worst dropout rates in the nation. They were also concerned with the devastation caused by new construction, such as the building of myriad freeways that displaced 10,000 people and left behind a legacy of noise and pollution.
So, this series — produced by Latinos and supported by a wealth of statistics and anecdotes about life in the barrios of Los Angeles and the problems facing these communities — would be our way of saying, “The L.A. Times is committed to looking at your diverse and growing community through the eyes of members of your community.”
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Led by columnist Frank del Olmo, assistant city editor Frank Sotomayor and reporter George Ramos, the journalists met frequently in conference rooms, downtown restaurants and cramped apartment living rooms. What emerged from these sometimes contentious gatherings was a bold project proposal:
A months-long commitment by all of The Times’ Latino reporters and editors to make a landmark collection of articles about people in pursuit of the Latino American Dream. It would be based on innovative research, oral histories, photographs and demographic data.
I was a 32-year-old business reporter who had started working at The Times a decade earlier as a floor sweeper. So, it was a privilege — and also scary as hell — to be part of the effort after it was approved by management.
That’s because our project was almost immediately overshadowed by the skepticism of many Anglo doubters in the newsroom who shrugged it off as a “lightweight” journalistic exercise, an experiment bound to fail.
Our preferred gathering place for lunch-hour strategy sessions became a round table at the Redwood saloon and restaurant less than a block from The Times.
During one of those meetings, a veteran white reporter seated at a nearby table looked over his shoulder, smiled sarcastically and said in a voice loud enough for all of us to hear, “So, when can we expect to see this debacle?”
Ramos, as I recall, smiled and responded with something along the lines of, “You just wait. You’re going to regret those words.”
Every step of the way, we were guided by the sage advice, encouragement and fine editing of Sotomayor, del Olmo and Ramos.
My main contributions to the series included a profile of the community of Boyle Heights, a bustling historic port-of-entry community east of downtown that was emblematic of the dreams and challenges of Latinos in Southern California.
In fact, my grandmother, Juanita Velasquez, ran a store in the area called Velasquez Tortilleria and lived in a modest apartment above it that overlooked bustling Whittier Boulevard.
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Empowered by a sense of mission, I covered Boyle Heights like a war correspondent: I interviewed political leaders, city planners, historians, business leaders, law enforcement authorities, gang members, school officials and exemplary students in local high schools. I also examined thousands of pages of city historical records and documents and conducted dozens of random man-on-the-street interviews.
And when I finally filed to Sotomayor, it was a colossal article stuffed with details including kids’ school grades, people’s golf scores and even weather reports.
I’ll never forget the shock on Frank’s face when I filed the 180-inch-long article and said, “Hope you like it.”
Frank, of course, set to work, whittling it down to a more practical, informative and readable 80 inches. My response turned from initial frustration to, “Oh yeah. I see what you mean.”
There were a few profound disappointments after our series, “Southern California’s Latino Community,” was published in The Times. For example, a few months before the Pulitzer Prize was announced, our 17-part series received only an “honorable mention” at the annual Los Angeles Times editorial awards banquet held at the Beverly Hilton Hotel.
It’s impossible to describe, however, the sense of accomplishment and pride we felt after it was announced that our 1983 Latino stories had won the 1984 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service, journalism’s top honor.
But the excitement turned to disappointment during the prize ceremony at Columbia University’s Low Library.
The 1983 Latino series team after the 1984 Pulitzer Prize announcement. (Los Angeles Times)
Michael I. Sovern, Columbia’s president, concluded his opening remarks and said, “And now I invite to the podium, to accept the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service, on behalf of the Los Angeles Times and its exceptionally talented … team of Mexican American reporters and editors … William Thomas.”
Times Editor Thomas jumped out of his seat and onto the stage and accepted the gold medal. He made no mention of the six of us who were watching forlornly from seats just a few yards away.
Virginia Escalante, a Times reporter at the time who had paid for her father and younger brother to fly from Arizona to share the momentous occasion, recalled the oversight as “a slap in the face.”
My room was closest to the event, so we headed there to celebrate into the wee hours. Long past midnight, Ramos dialed room service with a special request: “Bring us a few bottles of your best champagne.”


latimes--2020-08-26--California has a housing crisis. A bill would allow a duplex on most single-family parcels

The California Assembly is considering a bill that would require local governments to permit duplexes on parcels now largely restricted to one house , in effect eliminating single-family zoning that dominates in most suburban residential neighborhoods .
The measure , Senate Bill 1120 , is pitched as a way to ease a long-running housing shortage that has hammered low- and middle-class families throughout California but is drawing criticism from homeowners concerned it will fundamentally change their neighborhoods .
If ultimately passed by the Legislature and signed into law by Gov .
Gavin Newsom , the bill wouldn ’ t outlaw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could convert their single-family house into a duplex or demolish the house and in its place build two new single-family homes or a duplex .
Property owners could also split a single-family lot into two and then build two additional units , thus placing four homes where there previously was one .
“ SB 1120 , ” said David Garcia , policy director for the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley , “ has the potential to make meaningful progress on our housing challenges.
” The bill isn ’ t sure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bills have failed this year as legislators grapple with the coronavirus .
But in many ways California ’ s housing crisis has only grown worse as millions of people have been thrown out of work .
Economists generally agree the root cause of the state ’ s exorbitant rents and home prices is that for decades too few homes have been built to satisfy demand , creating a shortage that ’ s forced people to bid up the cost of housing to find a place to live .
Some haven ’ t found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave the state .
In the worst cases , people have ended up in tents and RVs that line the streets .
In addition to expanding supply , which in theory would reduce pressure on housing costs , Garcia said SB 1120 could directly bring more moderately priced housing into neighborhoods , particularly affluent communities that make it difficult to add housing through zoning and other regulations .
The cost of constructing single-family homes and duplexes tends to be lower than stacking many units on top of one another in apartment buildings , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new rentals out of SB 1120 that would be cheaper than nearby , recently built apartment complexes .
Because the bill would allow a lot split , property owners could also build another single-family house or duplex — then sell it .
Given the space available to build , Garcia said those new homes are likely to be smaller than the existing home , as well as others in the neighborhood .
“ Ideally the smaller , for sale homes will be less expensive , ” he said .
The bill ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Toni Atkins ( D-San Diego ) , called it a way to increase density and produce “ naturally affordable housing options ” without public subsidies , while “ keeping the character of neighborhoods intact.
” “ Put simply , this bill merely permits small-scale additional density without building up or out in neighborhoods , ” she said in a statement .
According to Richard Rothstein ’ s “ The Color of Law : A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America , ” single-family zoning proliferated across the country , in part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of color out of white neighborhoods after the U.S. Supreme Court outlawed zoning by race in the early 1900s .
Given the country ’ s racial wealth gap , critics say single-family zoning still serves as a barrier for people of color to live in certain neighborhoods .
As he ’ s sagged in the polls , President Trump and his supporters have increasingly tied , without evidence , the ending of single-family zoning to an increase in crime by using language that has a long history in the U.S. of being used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to white suburban voters .
“ This forced rezoning would bring crime , lawlessness and low-quality apartments into now thriving suburban neighborhoods , ” Patricia McCloskey said Monday at the Republican National Convention , one month after she and her husband were charged with unlawful use of a weapon for waving guns at people outside their house who were protesting racial injustice in the wake of George Floyd ’ s killing .
Academic research has shown little to no link between subsidized housing and higher crime rates .
Today , single-family neighborhoods in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mostly home to Black and Latino households , and residents there also want to preserve the single-family character .
Many community groups see SB 1120 as a giveaway to the real estate industry that will obliterate an American ideal , the single-family house , while not helping low-income families hit hardest by the affordability crisis and coronavirus .
The bill doesn ’ t mandate below market units , and there are concerns it would accelerate gentrification in some Black and Latino communities such as South L.A. , where home prices and rents in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ region as a whole as wealthier , often white people move in .
John Gonzales , a Baldwin Hills resident and real estate broker involved in local planning issues , said developers are likely to swarm South L.A. and , knowing they can build more units , will pay more for a house than a typical buyer , making it even harder for local families to buy .
Although the new homes may be less expensive , he doubts they will be drastically cheaper and worries the smaller units will be less attractive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the community .
“ The local community tends to be multigenerational , ” Gonzales said .
Property owners would be prohibited from using SB 1120 if a property has been occupied by a tenant in at least the previous three years , but community groups are concerned such prohibitions aren ’ t long enough and may be tough to enforce .
Diane Robertson , a Leimert Park resident who , like Gonzales , is a member of South LA Alliance for Locally Planned Growth , said the inclusion of below-market housing would make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there would still be too many problems .
As multiple units replace one , she said , neighborhoods would grow noisier , have less parking and have more renters she sees as less invested in the neighborhood .
“ There are many people , in my community here in South Los Angeles , who saved money , desired to be in a nice , single-family neighborhood and purchased their home on that basis , ” Robertson said .
“ Now our legislators are telling us , ‘ Well it doesn ’ t matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of single-family housing has been hotly debated in recent years across the country , as affordable housing has become a more pressing matter .
Minneapolis and Oregon passed laws that end , or nearly end single-family zoning .
Single-family zoning in California has been eroded in recent years by laws governing so-called accessory dwelling units , or ADUs .
The new laws have allowed most owners of a single-family house to build a backyard home of at least 800 square feet and convert a portion of their house to a third unit , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ larger than 500 square feet .
Those units , often called granny flats , are frequently the cheapest new units on the market , according to Zillow advertisements .
A 2017 Terner Center study of accessory dwelling units in Seattle , Portland , Ore. , and Vancouver , Wash. , found the majority of homeowners actually rented their backyard units for less than market rate .
Garcia attributed the lower rent to both relatively low construction costs for the units , as well as the fact construction is frequently undertaken by individual homeowners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ motive than a traditional developer — something he hopes can be replicated with SB 1120 .
The bill would be different from current ADU law in several ways .
Accessory units can ’ t be sold , except in rare instances .
And SB 1120 opens up the possibility of larger homes than ADU laws currently allow , as well as four units where one now stands , rather than three .
Some critics worry property owners could double-dip between ADUs and SB 1120 to put more than four homes on a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that ’ s not allowed unless a city allows it .
Cities could also apply design standards to new units “ unless those standards would have the effect of physically precluding the construction of up to two units , ” according to the bill ’ s current language .
A Terner Center analysis said those design requirements , along with some rules surrounding the size of lots that are split , could reduce the number of homes actually built .
But if owners of just 5 % of eligible properties decided to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ units , it would create nearly 600,000 new homes , according to a Terner Center analysis .
The bill , which was proposed as a more modest step at increasing density than the failed Senate Bill 50 , isn ’ t certain to become law .
Although its author , Atkins , is one of the most powerful leaders in Sacramento , which usually gives bills a leg up , SB 1120 passed out of its last committee in the Assembly with three Democratic abstentions , a sign of potential weakness .
If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go back to the Senate because it ’ s been amended slightly , but must pass both houses by Aug 31 .
If it does , SB 1120 would then need to be signed into law by Newsom .
If the bill fails , it would be the latest defeat this year for a series of housing production proposals despite promises from both Atkins and Newsom to pass a measure to increase the supply of housing after SB 50 failed in January .
In a news conference last week , Newsom said the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pass legislation , but that “ we are committed to fast-tracking the development of housing in the state of California .
”

If SB 1120 becomes law, homeowners could build up to four homes where one now stands.
The California Assembly is considering a bill that would require local governments to permit duplexes on parcels now largely restricted to one house, in effect eliminating single-family zoning that dominates in most suburban residential neighborhoods.
The measure, Senate Bill 1120, is pitched as a way to ease a long-running housing shortage that has hammered low- and middle-class families throughout California but is drawing criticism from homeowners concerned it will fundamentally change their neighborhoods.
If ultimately passed by the Legislature and signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom, the bill wouldn’t outlaw single-family houses. Instead, property owners could convert their single-family house into a duplex or demolish the house and in its place build two new single-family homes or a duplex.
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Property owners could also split a single-family lot into two and then build two additional units, thus placing four homes where there previously was one.
“SB 1120,” said David Garcia, policy director for the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley, “has the potential to make meaningful progress on our housing challenges.”
The bill isn’t sure to pass and a number of housing bills have failed this year as legislators grapple with the coronavirus. But in many ways California’s housing crisis has only grown worse as millions of people have been thrown out of work.
Economists generally agree the root cause of the state’s exorbitant rents and home prices is that for decades too few homes have been built to satisfy demand, creating a shortage that’s forced people to bid up the cost of housing to find a place to live.
Some haven’t found a place at all and decided to leave the state. In the worst cases, people have ended up in tents and RVs that line the streets.
In addition to expanding supply, which in theory would reduce pressure on housing costs, Garcia said SB 1120 could directly bring more moderately priced housing into neighborhoods, particularly affluent communities that make it difficult to add housing through zoning and other regulations.
Advertisement
The cost of constructing single-family homes and duplexes tends to be lower than stacking many units on top of one another in apartment buildings, he said, creating the potential for new rentals out of SB 1120 that would be cheaper than nearby, recently built apartment complexes.
Because the bill would allow a lot split, property owners could also build another single-family house or duplex — then sell it.
Given the space available to build, Garcia said those new homes are likely to be smaller than the existing home, as well as others in the neighborhood.
“Ideally the smaller, for sale homes will be less expensive,” he said.
The bill’s author, state Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins (D-San Diego), called it a way to increase density and produce “naturally affordable housing options” without public subsidies, while “keeping the character of neighborhoods intact.”
“Put simply, this bill merely permits small-scale additional density without building up or out in neighborhoods,” she said in a statement.
According to Richard Rothstein’s “The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America,” single-family zoning proliferated across the country, in part because of a desire to keep people of color out of white neighborhoods after the U.S. Supreme Court outlawed zoning by race in the early 1900s.
Given the country’s racial wealth gap, critics say single-family zoning still serves as a barrier for people of color to live in certain neighborhoods.
As he’s sagged in the polls, President Trump and his supporters have increasingly tied, without evidence, the ending of single-family zoning to an increase in crime by using language that has a long history in the U.S. of being used as a racist dog whistle to appeal to white suburban voters.
“This forced rezoning would bring crime, lawlessness and low-quality apartments into now thriving suburban neighborhoods,” Patricia McCloskey said Monday at the Republican National Convention, one month after she and her husband were charged with unlawful use of a weapon for waving guns at people outside their house who were protesting racial injustice in the wake of George Floyd’s killing.
Academic research has shown little to no link between subsidized housing and higher crime rates.
Today, single-family neighborhoods in places such as South Los Angeles are mostly home to Black and Latino households, and residents there also want to preserve the single-family character.
Many community groups see SB 1120 as a giveaway to the real estate industry that will obliterate an American ideal, the single-family house, while not helping low-income families hit hardest by the affordability crisis and coronavirus.
The bill doesn’t mandate below market units, and there are concerns it would accelerate gentrification in some Black and Latino communities such as South L.A., where home prices and rents in recent years have risen faster than the region as a whole as wealthier, often white people move in.
John Gonzales, a Baldwin Hills resident and real estate broker involved in local planning issues, said developers are likely to swarm South L.A. and, knowing they can build more units, will pay more for a house than a typical buyer, making it even harder for local families to buy.
Although the new homes may be less expensive, he doubts they will be drastically cheaper and worries the smaller units will be less attractive to some Latino and Black families in the community.
“The local community tends to be multigenerational,” Gonzales said.
Property owners would be prohibited from using SB 1120 if a property has been occupied by a tenant in at least the previous three years, but community groups are concerned such prohibitions aren’t long enough and may be tough to enforce.
Diane Robertson, a Leimert Park resident who, like Gonzales, is a member of South LA Alliance for Locally Planned Growth, said the inclusion of below-market housing would make the bill “less egregious” but there would still be too many problems.
As multiple units replace one, she said, neighborhoods would grow noisier, have less parking and have more renters she sees as less invested in the neighborhood.
“There are many people, in my community here in South Los Angeles, who saved money, desired to be in a nice, single-family neighborhood and purchased their home on that basis,” Robertson said. “Now our legislators are telling us, ‘Well it doesn’t matter what you want.’”
The issue of single-family housing has been hotly debated in recent years across the country, as affordable housing has become a more pressing matter. Minneapolis and Oregon passed laws that end, or nearly end single-family zoning.
Single-family zoning in California has been eroded in recent years by laws governing so-called accessory dwelling units, or ADUs. The new laws have allowed most owners of a single-family house to build a backyard home of at least 800 square feet and convert a portion of their house to a third unit, as long as it wasn’t larger than 500 square feet.
Those units, often called granny flats, are frequently the cheapest new units on the market, according to Zillow advertisements. A 2017 Terner Center study of accessory dwelling units in Seattle, Portland, Ore., and Vancouver, Wash., found the majority of homeowners actually rented their backyard units for less than market rate.
Garcia attributed the lower rent to both relatively low construction costs for the units, as well as the fact construction is frequently undertaken by individual homeowners who probably have less of a profit motive than a traditional developer — something he hopes can be replicated with SB 1120.
The bill would be different from current ADU law in several ways.
Accessory units can’t be sold, except in rare instances. And SB 1120 opens up the possibility of larger homes than ADU laws currently allow, as well as four units where one now stands, rather than three.
Some critics worry property owners could double-dip between ADUs and SB 1120 to put more than four homes on a lot. But according to a legislative staffer, that’s not allowed unless a city allows it.
SB 1120 wouldn’t apply in rural areas and historic districts.
Cities could also apply design standards to new units “unless those standards would have the effect of physically precluding the construction of up to two units,” according to the bill’s current language.
A Terner Center analysis said those design requirements, along with some rules surrounding the size of lots that are split, could reduce the number of homes actually built.
But if owners of just 5% of eligible properties decided to split their lot and build two additional units, it would create nearly 600,000 new homes, according to a Terner Center analysis.
The bill, which was proposed as a more modest step at increasing density than the failed Senate Bill 50, isn’t certain to become law.
Although its author, Atkins, is one of the most powerful leaders in Sacramento, which usually gives bills a leg up, SB 1120 passed out of its last committee in the Assembly with three Democratic abstentions, a sign of potential weakness.
If the bill passes the Assembly it must go back to the Senate because it’s been amended slightly, but must pass both houses by Aug 31. If it does, SB 1120 would then need to be signed into law by Newsom.
If the bill fails, it would be the latest defeat this year for a series of housing production proposals despite promises from both Atkins and Newsom to pass a measure to increase the supply of housing after SB 50 failed in January.
In a news conference last week, Newsom said the COVID-19 pandemic has made it more difficult to pass legislation, but that “we are committed to fast-tracking the development of housing in the state of California.”
Times staff writer Liam Dillon contributed to this report.