latimes--2020-01-20--Column: Imagining a different future for the gentrifying neighborhood of Historic Filipinotown

For the last few months , Noel Alumit , a writer in Historic Filipinotown , has been adopting plants from Craigslist users , moved by the plaintive note in their appeals .
I ’ ve been evicted , their posts begin .
I ’ ve lived here for 2 decades and my landlord is selling my building .
Please give my plants a good home .
“ I guess I feel like I ’ m being helpful by taking their trees , ” Alumit said .
He would prefer it if his neighbors could stay .
But if they can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give their plants a home .
Surrounded by more expensive housing markets , Historic Filipinotown is one of the last places in central Los Angeles where cooks , housekeepers , Uber drivers and new immigrants can afford to live .
Alumit ’ s mother , a nurse , and his father , a security guard , saved everything they had to buy a home here in 1978 .
The neighborhood ’ s median income of about $ 26,700 is about 40 % of the county ’ s median , and about 95 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Filipinotown ’ s affordability is also the source of its vulnerability .
According to an analysis by the UCLA Law Review , about 620 buildings in the area are subject to rent control laws , which makes the properties more tempting to buyers because the potential profits from raising rent would be much higher .
Current landlords of rent-controlled properties who can ’ t earn market rate on their units are also far more likely to sell as prices go up .
A controversial and growing form of co-ownership called tenancy in common @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and convert rent-controlled properties into units for sale — is on the rise .
And last year , Historic Filipinotown , known these days as HiFi , was named the fifth coolest neighborhood in the world by Time Out magazine .
Long story short : Gentrification is happening .
The garden of orphaned plants in the backyard of Alumit ’ s family home is thriving .
And I ’ m hearing the same frustrating , circular debate I ’ ve heard in so many neighborhoods across the city .
Those who can afford @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rising property values , cleaner streets and falling crime , and argue that a rising tide lifts all boats .
Anyone questioning the changes is labeled a naive idealist fighting the inevitable .
Those who can ’ t afford to benefit are left to wonder , who can afford a boat ?
And all newcomers to the neighborhood , no matter how well-meaning , are viewed with knee-jerk suspicion .
I ’ m really hoping that Historic Filipinotown will be different .
And these last few weeks , I ’ ve met a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imagine a different future .
What if the new neighborhood could share space with the old one , instead of boxing it out ?
What if newcomers cared to form meaningful connections with longtime residents ?
What if we measured neighborhood progress not in property value but in people and the opportunities available to them ?
Dan Lin , creator of the “ Lego ” movies and newcomer to the neighborhood , is one of those hopefuls .
Last year , Lin established Rideback Ranch , a communal workspace and creative campus for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ building on Beverly Boulevard .
He aspires to create a business model with three main bottom lines : generating profits for shareholders , improving society at large and having a positive effect in the neighborhood .
It ’ s natural to be skeptical of such lofty goals , and I was , too .
But I just can ’ t think of another developer who has taken as many steps as Lin has to make those goals a reality .
When Lin moved in , he outbid a developer who planned to demolish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multistory , mixed-use residential complex .
He then became the steward of “ Gintong Kasaysayan , ” considered the largest and most significant Filipino American mural in the United States .
He ’ s working with the city to restore it , and also commissioned another Filipino American artist to establish a “ HiFi ” mural on the campus ’ s east wall .
Lin also joined the board of the women ’ s shelter across the street , and helped established a youth mentoring program at Union Elementary School staffed by his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
During the course of a school year , they work with students to create original screenplays that will eventually be performed at the school by professional actors and actresses .
And when the property across the street from Rideback became available , Lin contacted the landlord and connected her with a promising young Filipino American restaurateur named Justin Foronda .
Lin had attended Foronda ’ s pop-up backyard brunches in the neighborhood and was a fan of his food .
Foronda , 34 , was born and raised in Historic Filipinotown .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ always dreamed of opening a restaurant in the neighborhood he grew up in .
He often drove around looking for an affordable space .
Lin ’ s offer was an opportunity he never thought he ’ d get .
“ He could have given it to anybody , ” Foronda said .
“ I really don ’ t know what he saw in me.
” Foronda named his restaurant after his hometown .
Not the old name of Historic Filipinotown , which he never really used anyway , but the new one : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it .
“ We can ’ t tell people where to live , ” Foronda said .
“ They ’ re going to move in no matter what .
But we can tell them about where they live .
And that ’ s all we can do.
” At least a handful of the new businesses attracting people to Historic Filipinotown are run by people with connections to the area .
Genever , a gin bar opened by three Filipina American women , was also highlighted in the Time Out article .
Roselma @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was introduced to the area when she was volunteering at the Search to Involve Pilipino Americans , a longtime community organization .
Their bar occupies SIPA ’ s former headquarters , and that was a big reason they chose it , Salama said .
“ It was very eye-opening , like everything was falling into place , ” Salama said .
“ This was where we were supposed to be.
” When the Time Out article came out and CNN aggregated it , Johneric Concordia ’ s first reaction was alarm .
His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a popular Filipino American barbecue restaurant , was highlighted in the article as well .
But he knew what “ coolest ” would mean .
“ Everyone just looked at each other and was like , ‘ Your rent just went up $ 800 for no reason , ’ ” Concordia said .
He ’ s worried that the popularity of the neighborhood will be its downfall , and hoping people will take the time to learn the history .
“ People love our culture and our space .
But in that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Concordia said .
“ The neighborhood just becomes something they can brag about .
We ’ re the decorative backdrop for your selfie.
” Concordia fights back by trying to plant flags for the community .
When a group of investors reached out to him about opening a Southern cocktail bar next door to his restaurant called Thunderbolt , Concordia agreed to partner with them and help craft the menu .
The most popular drink on the menu is the P-Town Boxing Club , a coconut-washed rye with pandan and bitters .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ club Concordia founded , but he also intends it as a reference to the historic involvement of Filipinos in the L.A. boxing scene .
Community-minded business owners and locals can only do so much to fight displacement .
But the connections they form can help keep the identity of the neighborhood alive .
Newcomers might not know that a Filipino American family donated the land for the community garden at Unidad Park , or that the beloved quirky giraffe sign on Beverly once belonged to Big Top Liquor , which birthed a street @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if you run into Concordia and ask , he might tell you .
Low-income residents probably can ’ t afford a drink at the new bars in the area .
But on Wednesdays , the Park ’ s Finest offers what Concordia calls a worker ’ s plate — pulled pork , sausage links , chicken , coconut beef , cornbread , vegetables and rice for just $ 13 .
These things matter , because what ’ s painful about gentrification is not just displacement .
It ’ s also replacement — the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do with the old one .
Two years ago , when city officials presented a set of aesthetic requirements for an area encompassing Historic Filipinotown ’ s main corridors called North Westlake Design District , many residents decried the plan as an attempt to rename the community and accelerate gentrification .
City officials told me that there was no intention of renaming the community .
“ North Westlake ” is simply the name for the neighborhood used on city maps .
The plan , which is on hold indefinitely , was aimed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regulating things like pedestrian bridges , ground-floor parking garages and building setbacks .
And the requirements would have given city officials a theoretical bargaining chip with which they could negotiate with developers for things like affordable housing .
But a lot of people just reacted to the name .
“ This is always going to be Historic Filipinotown , ” Foronda said .
“ Y ’ all can call it whatever you want to.
” It ’ s vitally important to fight displacement and unjust evictions with lawsuits , tenant organizing and legal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affordable housing protections and requirements than we have .
But we can all combat replacement by just paying attention to the neighborhoods we moved to and trying to see them through the eyes of the people who have lived there .
Last week , I got coffee with Joselyn Geaga-Rosenthal , whose mother helped found the Filipino American Service Group , a pioneering community organization .
Remy V. Geaga was a community leader who fought for social services , housing and food for needy immigrants .
The intersection of Temple Street and Alvarado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
When I lived in East Hollywood , it was just another piece of forgotten history I drove by on the way to work .
Luckily , Joselyn had a pamphlet ready for me .
We met at Doubting Thomas , a sleek new coffee shop in the bottom floor of a new residential complex that some in the neighborhood have cited as a troubling sign of gentrification .
But Joselyn said the coffee shop “ brightened my whole outlook , my whole life.
” She remembers when the site now occupied by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eyesore .
Nearly every day for eight years , she and three other neighbors used to drag their own trash cans to the property and pick up the litter themselves , frustrated by the slow response from the city .
These days , she can sip a latte and gaze at the stretch of sidewalk she used to clean through the coffee shop ’ s polished storefront glass .
Joselyn understands that the future of the community is not guaranteed .
When I ask her about her hopes for the neighborhood , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ José Rizal .
He who does not know how to look back at where he came from will never get to his destination .

Josie Kwiecien, 2, plays with her mother, Lileen Payoyo, in front of “Gintong Kasaysayan,” considered the most significant Filipino American mural in the U.S.
For the last few months, Noel Alumit, a writer in Historic Filipinotown, has been adopting plants from Craigslist users, moved by the plaintive note in their appeals.
I’ve been evicted, their posts begin. I’ve lived here for 2 decades and my landlord is selling my building. Please give my plants a good home.
“I guess I feel like I’m being helpful by taking their trees,” Alumit said.
Advertisement
He would prefer it if his neighbors could stay. But if they can’t, at least he can give their plants a home.
Surrounded by more expensive housing markets, Historic Filipinotown is one of the last places in central Los Angeles where cooks, housekeepers, Uber drivers and new immigrants can afford to live. Alumit’s mother, a nurse, and his father, a security guard, saved everything they had to buy a home here in 1978. The neighborhood’s median income of about $26,700 is about 40% of the county’s median, and about 95% of residents are renters.
A cyclist passes Rideback Ranch, a communal workspace in Los Angeles. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
But Historic Filipinotown’s affordability is also the source of its vulnerability. According to an analysis by the UCLA Law Review, about 620 buildings in the area are subject to rent control laws, which makes the properties more tempting to buyers because the potential profits from raising rent would be much higher.
Current landlords of rent-controlled properties who can’t earn market rate on their units are also far more likely to sell as prices go up. A controversial and growing form of co-ownership called tenancy in common — which allows landlords to oust tenants and convert rent-controlled properties into units for sale — is on the rise.
And last year, Historic Filipinotown, known these days as HiFi, was named the fifth coolest neighborhood in the world by Time Out magazine.
Long story short: Gentrification is happening. The garden of orphaned plants in the backyard of Alumit’s family home is thriving. And I’m hearing the same frustrating, circular debate I’ve heard in so many neighborhoods across the city.
Advertisement
Those who can afford to benefit from the changes point to rising property values, cleaner streets and falling crime, and argue that a rising tide lifts all boats. Anyone questioning the changes is labeled a naive idealist fighting the inevitable.
Those who can’t afford to benefit are left to wonder, who can afford a boat? And all newcomers to the neighborhood, no matter how well-meaning, are viewed with knee-jerk suspicion.
I’m really hoping that Historic Filipinotown will be different. And these last few weeks, I’ve met a lot of people who are trying to imagine a different future.
What if the new neighborhood could share space with the old one, instead of boxing it out? What if newcomers cared to form meaningful connections with longtime residents? What if we measured neighborhood progress not in property value but in people and the opportunities available to them?
Filmmaker and Filipinotown developer Dan Lin, shown at the 2017 premiere of “The Lego Batman Movie,” opened Rideback Ranch last year. (Albert L. Ortega/Getty Images)
Dan Lin, creator of the “Lego” movies and newcomer to the neighborhood, is one of those hopefuls.
Last year, Lin established Rideback Ranch, a communal workspace and creative campus for Hollywood creatives in an abandoned post office building on Beverly Boulevard.
He aspires to create a business model with three main bottom lines: generating profits for shareholders, improving society at large and having a positive effect in the neighborhood.
It’s natural to be skeptical of such lofty goals, and I was, too. But I just can’t think of another developer who has taken as many steps as Lin has to make those goals a reality.
When Lin moved in, he outbid a developer who planned to demolish the property and replace it with a multistory, mixed-use residential complex. He then became the steward of “Gintong Kasaysayan,” considered the largest and most significant Filipino American mural in the United States. He’s working with the city to restore it, and also commissioned another Filipino American artist to establish a “HiFi” mural on the campus’s east wall.
Lin also joined the board of the women’s shelter across the street, and helped established a youth mentoring program at Union Elementary School staffed by his employees — screenwriters, illustrators and filmmakers. During the course of a school year, they work with students to create original screenplays that will eventually be performed at the school by professional actors and actresses.
Justin Foronda, who was born and raised in Historic Filipinotown, worked as a nurse before he opened HiFi, a restaurant named after the neighborhood. (Marcus Yam/Los Angeles Times)
And when the property across the street from Rideback became available, Lin contacted the landlord and connected her with a promising young Filipino American restaurateur named Justin Foronda. Lin had attended Foronda’s pop-up backyard brunches in the neighborhood and was a fan of his food.
Foronda, 34, was born and raised in Historic Filipinotown. He worked as a nurse but had always dreamed of opening a restaurant in the neighborhood he grew up in. He often drove around looking for an affordable space. Lin’s offer was an opportunity he never thought he’d get.
“He could have given it to anybody,” Foronda said. “I really don’t know what he saw in me.”
HiFi Kitchen in Filipinotown. (Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)
Foronda named his restaurant after his hometown. Not the old name of Historic Filipinotown, which he never really used anyway, but the new one: HiFi. Foronda wanted people to use it.
“We can’t tell people where to live,” Foronda said. “They’re going to move in no matter what. But we can tell them about where they live. And that’s all we can do.”
At least a handful of the new businesses attracting people to Historic Filipinotown are run by people with connections to the area. Genever, a gin bar opened by three Filipina American women, was also highlighted in the Time Out article.
Roselma Samala, one of the founders, was introduced to the area when she was volunteering at the Search to Involve Pilipino Americans, a longtime community organization. Their bar occupies SIPA’s former headquarters, and that was a big reason they chose it, Salama said.
“It was very eye-opening, like everything was falling into place,” Salama said. “This was where we were supposed to be.”
When the Time Out article came out and CNN aggregated it, Johneric Concordia’s first reaction was alarm. His restaurant, the Park’s Finest, a popular Filipino American barbecue restaurant, was highlighted in the article as well. But he knew what “coolest” would mean.
Johneric Concordia is the founder and owner of Park’s Finest in Historic Filipinotown. (Marcus Yam/Los Angeles Times)
“Everyone just looked at each other and was like, ‘Your rent just went up $800 for no reason,’” Concordia said.
He’s worried that the popularity of the neighborhood will be its downfall, and hoping people will take the time to learn the history.
“People love our culture and our space. But in that process, they lose it,” Concordia said. “The neighborhood just becomes something they can brag about. We’re the decorative backdrop for your selfie.”
Concordia fights back by trying to plant flags for the community. When a group of investors reached out to him about opening a Southern cocktail bar next door to his restaurant called Thunderbolt, Concordia agreed to partner with them and help craft the menu. The most popular drink on the menu is the P-Town Boxing Club, a coconut-washed rye with pandan and bitters. It’s named for the local boxing club Concordia founded, but he also intends it as a reference to the historic involvement of Filipinos in the L.A. boxing scene.
Community-minded business owners and locals can only do so much to fight displacement. But the connections they form can help keep the identity of the neighborhood alive.
Newcomers might not know that a Filipino American family donated the land for the community garden at Unidad Park, or that the beloved quirky giraffe sign on Beverly once belonged to Big Top Liquor, which birthed a street gang of the same name. But if you run into Concordia and ask, he might tell you.
Low-income residents probably can’t afford a drink at the new bars in the area. But on Wednesdays, the Park’s Finest offers what Concordia calls a worker’s plate — pulled pork, sausage links, chicken, coconut beef, cornbread, vegetables and rice for just $13.
These things matter, because what’s painful about gentrification is not just displacement. It’s also replacement — the concern that the new community wants nothing to do with the old one.
Two years ago, when city officials presented a set of aesthetic requirements for an area encompassing Historic Filipinotown’s main corridors called North Westlake Design District, many residents decried the plan as an attempt to rename the community and accelerate gentrification.
City officials told me that there was no intention of renaming the community. “North Westlake” is simply the name for the neighborhood used on city maps.
The plan, which is on hold indefinitely, was aimed at making the neighborhood more pedestrian-friendly by regulating things like pedestrian bridges, ground-floor parking garages and building setbacks. And the requirements would have given city officials a theoretical bargaining chip with which they could negotiate with developers for things like affordable housing.
But a lot of people just reacted to the name.
“This is always going to be Historic Filipinotown,” Foronda said. “Y’all can call it whatever you want to.”
It’s vitally important to fight displacement and unjust evictions with lawsuits, tenant organizing and legal advocacy, and we need far more affordable housing protections and requirements than we have.
But we can all combat replacement by just paying attention to the neighborhoods we moved to and trying to see them through the eyes of the people who have lived there.
Last week, I got coffee with Joselyn Geaga-Rosenthal, whose mother helped found the Filipino American Service Group, a pioneering community organization.
Remy V. Geaga was a community leader who fought for social services, housing and food for needy immigrants. The intersection of Temple Street and Alvarado Boulevard bears a sign with her name.
When I lived in East Hollywood, it was just another piece of forgotten history I drove by on the way to work. Luckily, Joselyn had a pamphlet ready for me.
We met at Doubting Thomas, a sleek new coffee shop in the bottom floor of a new residential complex that some in the neighborhood have cited as a troubling sign of gentrification. But Joselyn said the coffee shop “brightened my whole outlook, my whole life.”
She remembers when the site now occupied by Doubting Thomas was just a dirty trash-strewn eyesore. Nearly every day for eight years, she and three other neighbors used to drag their own trash cans to the property and pick up the litter themselves, frustrated by the slow response from the city.
These days, she can sip a latte and gaze at the stretch of sidewalk she used to clean through the coffee shop’s polished storefront glass.
Joselyn understands that the future of the community is not guaranteed. When I ask her about her hopes for the neighborhood, she quotes the Filipino revolutionary and national hero José Rizal.
“Ang hindi marunong lumingon sa pinangalingan, ay hindi makakarating sa paroroonan,” she said.
He who does not know how to look back at where he came from will never get to his destination.


latimes--2020-01-20--Llamas and ostriches were taken from an exotic meat farm. Was it theft or rescue?

Before sunrise one day in December , thieves sneaked into Anshu Pathak ’ s exotic meat farm in Riverside County and pulled off a singular heist .
Someone cut away a section of fence .
The evidence , Pathak said , suggests that they backed a trailer into the gap and lured up to 30 llamas and 160 ostriches inside .
Also , emus , lambs , goats , alpacas and geese .
Then , they were gone .
Animal control officers and sheriff ’ s deputies wrangled about 50 additional llamas and emus that had spilled into the street @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day wandering near Highway 74 .
Days later , against the backdrop of the snow-capped San Bernardino Mountains , Pathak inspected the hastily patched gash in the barrier surrounding his Perris property .
He was upset , sure .
Yet he couldn ’ t help but appreciate the Noah-like coordination it took to make off with such a large menagerie of animals .
“ It must be organized , you know , ” Pathak said .
“ They planned it nicely.
” The burglary was weeks in the making , coming after controversy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights activists allege is keeping livestock in inhumane conditions .
Pathak has denied this , and he has the backing of animal control officers who said they visited every day for weeks ; each inspection revealed no sign of neglect .
But from the activists ’ standpoint , these weren ’ t thieves who took Pathak ’ s prized animals .
They were liberators .
Animal rights organizations call these operations “ open rescues.
” They go undercover and shoot video of a location where they believe animals are being neglected or abused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Such operations have a rich history in California .
In 1985 , a group called the Animal Liberation Front broke into scientific laboratories at UC Riverside and took more than 450 animals , including a rare monkey , in what was described at the time as the biggest “ rescue ” raid of its kind in history .
More recently , six activists with a Berkeley organization called Direct Action Everywhere were charged with felony theft , burglary and conspiracy offenses on allegations of seizing chickens during rescues at farms in Sonoma @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pleaded not guilty and have preliminary hearings scheduled later this year .
Groups such as Direct Action Everywhere openly publicize their rescues , often livestreaming them on Facebook , and make no effort to conceal participants ’ identities .
No one has come forward to claim responsibility for the Dec. 30 break-in at Pathak ’ s farm .
But 10 days before it took place , a Sherman Oaks nonprofit called the Animal Hope and Wellness Foundation issued a call for volunteers via Facebook .
“ We will be doing a mass rescue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from those local to Los Angeles , ” the post read .
“ There is a place in Riverside , where over a hundred animals are being kept .
These animals are suffering , and appear to be housed on an abandoned lot .
Animal Hope and Wellness has been investigating the scene , and due to the horrifying conditions have chosen to take action.
” Video from the property shows emus and geese wandering around a collection of overturned buckets and wheelbarrows , skirting an armless mannequin and a discarded toilet .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the decomposing carcass of at least one large animal that ’ s partially buried in the dirt .
“ There are well over a hundred animals .
Geese , emus , donkeys , goats , alpacas , ostriches , dogs with no access to running water , dying and starving , ” the post read .
“ In addition to needing trailers and volunteers , we will need a place to take some of the animals.
” The organization did not respond to requests for comment .
Pathak is reluctant to attribute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he thinks it ’ s more likely that the spotlight it turned on his operation attracted other , more criminally-minded opportunists .
“ An animal activist is an animal activist , ” he said firmly .
“ A thief is a thief.
” Pathak can ’ t fathom why anyone would believe his animals need rescuing .
“ Have you ever seen any farm like this ?
” he asked while leading a reporter on a tour of the property .
“ Have you seen this open farm with this many birds happy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One by one , he introduced them like relatives at a family reunion .
There was a water buffalo named Gorgeous : “ She ’ ll come to you , she ’ s very loving.
” An appaloosa llama , its snowy fur spotted with brown : “ That ’ s the most beautiful , that girl.
” A particularly impressive ostrich that stands 9 feet tall .
A “ French beautiful chicken.
” Pathak says that any farm of a comparable size is bound to have livestock deaths , adding that male @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each other during breeding season and that his animals live with minimal human interference .
“ They might kill me in front of you , you never know , ” he said .
“ This is real wild life.
” But he strongly denies the allegations of neglect .
Though he lives in Las Vegas , he says he visits the farm about twice a month and makes his workers send him time-stamped photos of the hose that connects to its well to make sure the water source is free of plankton and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to 20,000 pounds of alfalfa and grain each week , he says .
“ Understand one thing : I raise animals for meat , ” he said .
“ So if I don ’ t feed my animals , how am I going to get the meat out of them ?
” What Pathak has taken to calling “ the drama ” began in early December , he says , when an animal activist who lives in San Jacinto approached one of two caretakers who live on the farm full time and offered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But in soliciting the fundraising via Facebook , the woman made the situation seem desperate , “ as if we are poor and we don ’ t have money to feed these guys , ” Pathak said .
He believes she also used the encounter as an opportunity to covertly photograph and videotape his land .
Other activists then picked up on the claims .
In mid-December , Kris Kelly , who runs a Beverly Hills animal rescue nonprofit called the Kris Kelly Foundation , posted on Facebook photographs taken from the street @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large puddles of water after a recent rain .
She shared the farm ’ s address and questioned why Riverside authorities weren ’ t “ doing anything to help these animals that are being STARVED and dropping dead left and right.
” The Riverside County Department of Animal Services was inundated with complaints , spokesman John Welsh said .
“ I bring up that post because it led to this onslaught of apparently some activism on social media , ” Welsh said .
“ And it appears some people might have taken matters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phone interview , Kelly said that she had never been to the farm but that someone sent her the photos in a private Facebook message complaining of the conditions there .
“ It was just somebody , I don ’ t know who they were , ” she said .
“ They just wanted me to post so they could get attention toward it.
” About a week later , the Animal Hope and Wellness Foundation posted the video with a call for volunteers .
The well-known animal rescue nonprofit counts celebrities as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in gross receipts on its 2017 federal tax return , the most recent year for which a filing was available .
The post received 1,200 reactions and was shared 785 times .
“ Seven hundred and eighty-five shares , ” Pathak said , shaking his head .
“ So how many people think I am a bad guy ?
” Pathak was born in India and raised vegetarian as part of his Hindu Brahmin upbringing .
Then he made the unlikely transition to a carnivore , moved to the U.S. and founded Exotic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from alligator to zebra , he says proudly .
He has run the farm in Perris for the last seven years .
But his animals haven ’ t always occupied the entire lot .
The trash-strewn portion of the property where the video was shot doesn ’ t actually belong to him ; it ’ s adjacent to one parcel he owns and a second that he leases , he said .
The previous tenants departed in a hurry , leaving behind remnants of an agricultural operation including a discarded drip irrigation system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the land became overgrown by weeds .
Pathak says the landlord declined repeated requests to clean up the property or sell it to him .
So last January , he removed a fence separating his farm from the lot and let his animals graze in the area .
“ If those weeds are here and if there ’ s a fire , I don ’ t want my animals to get burned like Australia , ” he said .
Riverside County Code Enforcement is working with Pathak and the landlord to clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases , one each for excessive animals , excess outside storage , a non-permitted mobile home and an occupied recreational vehicle , county spokeswoman Brooke Federico said .
Pathak also said that he ’ s started spending some of his own money to clean up the space and that his landlord has promised to bring in some trash containers in the next couple of weeks .
In the meantime , it is the cluttered front portion of the property that abuts busy Orange Avenue , so the animals grazing among the debris are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And there are a lot of passersby — even more than usual since the claims against Pathak went viral on social media .
On Jan. 8 , a small throng of spectators had pulled their cars over to the shoulder of Orange Avenue to take pictures of the giant birds that clustered near the fence .
Before long , a Riverside County Sheriff ’ s deputy stopped to tell them to move along .
Inside the farm , an ostrich was chasing Officer Lupe Villa , of the Riverside County Department of Animal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the birds to run that the caretakers call “ the danger zone.
” One of the caretakers was trying to wave off the large bird with an even larger stick .
Villa had been called to the property to investigate yet another complaint , a daily occurrence since the controversy took root last month .
He ’ ll continue to come as long as people keep calling .
“ We are a complaint-driven organization that responds to allegations of abuse , ” Welsh said .
“ But I can ’ t stress enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of neglect or abuse on this property.
” As for the missing animals ?
“ Everybody has their own story , ” Pathak said .
“ The real story is something else .
”

Exotic Meat Market owner Anshu Pathak is swarmed by ostriches on his animal farm in Perris. Activists have targeted the farm online, alleging animals are treated inhumanely.
Before sunrise one day in December, thieves sneaked into Anshu Pathak’s exotic meat farm in Riverside County and pulled off a singular heist.
Someone cut away a section of fence. The evidence, Pathak said, suggests that they backed a trailer into the gap and lured up to 30 llamas and 160 ostriches inside. Also, emus, lambs, goats, alpacas and geese.
Then, they were gone. Animal control officers and sheriff’s deputies wrangled about 50 additional llamas and emus that had spilled into the street. Another emu was found the next day wandering near Highway 74.
Days later, against the backdrop of the snow-capped San Bernardino Mountains, Pathak inspected the hastily patched gash in the barrier surrounding his Perris property. He was upset, sure. Yet he couldn’t help but appreciate the Noah-like coordination it took to make off with such a large menagerie of animals.
Advertisement
“It must be organized, you know,” Pathak said. “They planned it nicely.”
The burglary was weeks in the making, coming after controversy over the 14-acre farm, which animal rights activists allege is keeping livestock in inhumane conditions. Pathak has denied this, and he has the backing of animal control officers who said they visited every day for weeks; each inspection revealed no sign of neglect.
But from the activists’ standpoint, these weren’t thieves who took Pathak’s prized animals. They were liberators.
Elizabeth Ovando of Redlands picks up a baby goat at the animal farm for Exotic Meat Market in Perris. Animal control officers say they’ve seen no signs of neglect at the farm after weeks of daily visits. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Animal rights organizations call these operations “open rescues.” They go undercover and shoot video of a location where they believe animals are being neglected or abused before entering the property, en masse.
Such operations have a rich history in California.
In 1985, a group called the Animal Liberation Front broke into scientific laboratories at UC Riverside and took more than 450 animals, including a rare monkey, in what was described at the time as the biggest “rescue” raid of its kind in history.
More recently, six activists with a Berkeley organization called Direct Action Everywhere were charged with felony theft, burglary and conspiracy offenses on allegations of seizing chickens during rescues at farms in Sonoma County in 2018. They have all pleaded not guilty and have preliminary hearings scheduled later this year.
Advertisement
Groups such as Direct Action Everywhere openly publicize their rescues, often livestreaming them on Facebook, and make no effort to conceal participants’ identities.
No one has come forward to claim responsibility for the Dec. 30 break-in at Pathak’s farm. But 10 days before it took place, a Sherman Oaks nonprofit called the Animal Hope and Wellness Foundation issued a call for volunteers via Facebook.
“We will be doing a mass rescue this weekend, and will need help from those local to Los Angeles,” the post read. “There is a place in Riverside, where over a hundred animals are being kept. These animals are suffering, and appear to be housed on an abandoned lot. Animal Hope and Wellness has been investigating the scene, and due to the horrifying conditions have chosen to take action.”
Video from the property shows emus and geese wandering around a collection of overturned buckets and wheelbarrows, skirting an armless mannequin and a discarded toilet. At one point, volunteers step gingerly over the decomposing carcass of at least one large animal that’s partially buried in the dirt.
“There are well over a hundred animals. Geese, emus, donkeys, goats, alpacas, ostriches, dogs with no access to running water, dying and starving,” the post read. “In addition to needing trailers and volunteers, we will need a place to take some of the animals.”
The organization did not respond to requests for comment.
Pathak is reluctant to attribute blame to an animal rights organization; he thinks it’s more likely that the spotlight it turned on his operation attracted other, more criminally-minded opportunists.
“An animal activist is an animal activist,” he said firmly. “A thief is a thief.”
Pathak can’t fathom why anyone would believe his animals need rescuing.
“Have you ever seen any farm like this?” he asked while leading a reporter on a tour of the property. “Have you seen this open farm with this many birds happy, food, running around?”
One by one, he introduced them like relatives at a family reunion. There was a water buffalo named Gorgeous: “She’ll come to you, she’s very loving.” An appaloosa llama, its snowy fur spotted with brown: “That’s the most beautiful, that girl.” A particularly impressive ostrich that stands 9 feet tall. A “French beautiful chicken.”
Llamas, alpacas, ostriches and other animals roam near a non-permitted mobile home and debris on leased land near Anshu Pathak’s exotic meat farm. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Pathak says that any farm of a comparable size is bound to have livestock deaths, adding that male llamas and ostriches tend to fight with each other during breeding season and that his animals live with minimal human interference.
“They might kill me in front of you, you never know,” he said. “This is real wild life.”
But he strongly denies the allegations of neglect. Though he lives in Las Vegas, he says he visits the farm about twice a month and makes his workers send him time-stamped photos of the hose that connects to its well to make sure the water source is free of plankton and moths. The animals are fed 16,000 to 20,000 pounds of alfalfa and grain each week, he says.
“Understand one thing: I raise animals for meat,” he said. “So if I don’t feed my animals, how am I going to get the meat out of them?”
What Pathak has taken to calling “the drama” began in early December, he says, when an animal activist who lives in San Jacinto approached one of two caretakers who live on the farm full time and offered to gather donations for the animals.
But in soliciting the fundraising via Facebook, the woman made the situation seem desperate, “as if we are poor and we don’t have money to feed these guys,” Pathak said. He believes she also used the encounter as an opportunity to covertly photograph and videotape his land.
Other activists then picked up on the claims.
In mid-December, Kris Kelly, who runs a Beverly Hills animal rescue nonprofit called the Kris Kelly Foundation, posted on Facebook photographs taken from the street that showed emus and llamas standing near large puddles of water after a recent rain. She shared the farm’s address and questioned why Riverside authorities weren’t “doing anything to help these animals that are being STARVED and dropping dead left and right.”
The Riverside County Department of Animal Services was inundated with complaints, spokesman John Welsh said.
Anshu Pathak checks his phone as a curious ostrich peers. No one has claimed responsibility for the burglary on Pathak’s farm. But 10 days before the incident, the Animal Hope and Wellness Foundation put out a call for volunteers for a “mass rescue” in Riverside. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
“I bring up that post because it led to this onslaught of apparently some activism on social media,” Welsh said. “And it appears some people might have taken matters into their own hands.”
In a phone interview, Kelly said that she had never been to the farm but that someone sent her the photos in a private Facebook message complaining of the conditions there.
“It was just somebody, I don’t know who they were,” she said. “They just wanted me to post so they could get attention toward it.”
About a week later, the Animal Hope and Wellness Foundation posted the video with a call for volunteers. The well-known animal rescue nonprofit counts celebrities as supporters and reported nearly $2.1 million in gross receipts on its 2017 federal tax return, the most recent year for which a filing was available.
The post received 1,200 reactions and was shared 785 times.
“Seven hundred and eighty-five shares,” Pathak said, shaking his head. “So how many people think I am a bad guy?”
Pathak was born in India and raised vegetarian as part of his Hindu Brahmin upbringing.
Then he made the unlikely transition to a carnivore, moved to the U.S. and founded Exotic Meat Market in 1989 — selling everything from alligator to zebra, he says proudly. He has run the farm in Perris for the last seven years.
But his animals haven’t always occupied the entire lot. The trash-strewn portion of the property where the video was shot doesn’t actually belong to him; it’s adjacent to one parcel he owns and a second that he leases, he said.
The previous tenants departed in a hurry, leaving behind remnants of an agricultural operation including a discarded drip irrigation system and a collection of ramshackle outbuildings, and the land became overgrown by weeds. Pathak says the landlord declined repeated requests to clean up the property or sell it to him.
So last January, he removed a fence separating his farm from the lot and let his animals graze in the area.
“If those weeds are here and if there’s a fire, I don’t want my animals to get burned like Australia,” he said.
Riverside County Code Enforcement is working with Pathak and the landlord to clear up land-use violations related to four open cases, one each for excessive animals, excess outside storage, a non-permitted mobile home and an occupied recreational vehicle, county spokeswoman Brooke Federico said. Pathak also said that he’s started spending some of his own money to clean up the space and that his landlord has promised to bring in some trash containers in the next couple of weeks.
In the meantime, it is the cluttered front portion of the property that abuts busy Orange Avenue, so the animals grazing among the debris are the first thing that passersby see.
And there are a lot of passersby — even more than usual since the claims against Pathak went viral on social media.
On Jan. 8, a small throng of spectators had pulled their cars over to the shoulder of Orange Avenue to take pictures of the giant birds that clustered near the fence. Before long, a Riverside County Sheriff’s deputy stopped to tell them to move along.
Inside the farm, an ostrich was chasing Officer Lupe Villa, of the Riverside County Department of Animal Services, through an open area for the birds to run that the caretakers call “the danger zone.” One of the caretakers was trying to wave off the large bird with an even larger stick.
Villa had been called to the property to investigate yet another complaint, a daily occurrence since the controversy took root last month. He’ll continue to come as long as people keep calling.
“We are a complaint-driven organization that responds to allegations of abuse,” Welsh said. “But I can’t stress enough that we have not seen any level of neglect or abuse on this property.”
As for the missing animals?
“Everybody has their own story,” Pathak said. “The real story is something else.”


latimes--2020-01-20--How a major investigation into Orange County jail informants ended with a whimper

When former California Atty .
Gen. Kamala Harris in 2015 launched a criminal investigation into corruption inside Orange County ’ s jails , local activists and attorneys hoped it would finally reveal the breadth of a scandal that engulfed the Sheriff ’ s Department and district attorney ’ s office — and may have affected countless court cases .
Four years later — after an investigation into the misuse of informants inside the county ’ s jails came to an anticlimactic end in a Santa Ana courtroom with no explanation and no charges filed — those same advocates were left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened ?
Though the scandal sparked a U.S. Department of Justice investigation and led to retrials for dozens of defendants , including convicted murderers , the unexplained conclusion of the state inquiry has stirred frustration that many key players will escape accountability .
Harris ’ successor , Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra , has refused to discuss specifics about the inquiry or explain how a perjury investigation came up empty even after a Superior Court judge ruled that two deputies “ intentionally lied or willfully withheld material evidence ” about the misuse of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the months since the inquiry ’ s end , law enforcement leaders in Orange County and attorneys involved in cases tied to the scandal have agreed to speak out about the tactics used by state investigators during the four-year review , raising serious questions about how thorough the attorney general ’ s office was .
From 2015 to 2019 , only four Sheriff ’ s Department employees were interviewed as part of the investigation , according to Orange County Sheriff Don Barnes .
The three deputies who were the focus of both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s internal inquiry were not among those interviewed , Orange County Assistant Public Defender Scott Sanders said .
For at least the first two years of the inquiry , no witnesses were subpoenaed or compelled to testify , according to an official with knowledge of the investigation who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to discuss the case candidly .
Even the length of the investigation has been called into question .
Although the public was not made aware of the investigation ’ s end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sheriff ’ s Department stopped receiving requests for interviews or documents in early 2017 .
Sanders , who based his comments on court documents detailing the investigation that he reviewed as part of a criminal trial , said there are no records indicating that the investigation carried on past late 2016 .
Becerra succeeded Harris in 2017 .
“ It ’ s been pretty hard to sit here watching them pretend like they had an ongoing investigation when they were done in 2016 , ” Sanders said .
“ All of them knew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Harris didn ’ t know .
It ’ s not like Becerra didn ’ t know they were perpetuating a scam .
There was no reason not to tell us the investigation was over , but they clearly did not want to deal with questions about why they did and didn ’ t do certain things.
” Sanders — the public defender who first uncovered evidence of the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s problematic use of informants — has not disclosed this information previously .
He declined to allow a Times ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ copies .
Sanders was given voluminous records related to the attorney general ’ s investigation as part of the discovery he received during hearings in connection to murder charges against Scott Dekraai , the gunman in the 2011 Seal Beach salon massacre .
Dekraai ’ s case became central to the informant scandal when it was revealed the Sheriff ’ s Department had housed a prolific snitch near him hoping to elicit a confession .
The revelation was one of several that led to accusations that deputies housed a network of informants next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for which they had already been charged , a clear violation of their constitutional right to have an attorney present .
More than a dozen defendants received retrials after the scandal was exposed , including some convicted of grisly murders such as the 1998 slaying of a woman who was eight months pregnant when her body was dumped into the Long Beach harbor .
Dekraai was spared the death penalty .
Orange County Superior Court Judge Thomas Goethals ruled that the defendant could never truly receive a fair trial , citing the Sheriff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to turn over evidence about the scandal .
In 2017 , Dekraai was sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole in the deaths of eight people at Salon Meritage .
He had pleaded guilty to the crimes in 2014 .
The district attorney ’ s office and Sheriff ’ s Department denied running an illegal informant program , but a judge removed county prosecutors from the Dekraai case in 2015 , handing its prosecution to the attorney general .
The documents concerning the state investigation were filed under seal , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ description of their contents in an interview with The Times because the review had ended and Dekraai can not appeal his case under the terms of his plea .
Based on what he saw in the court documents , Sanders described the investigation as weak .
“ It was just striking ... it was really , clearly , not a hard and penetrating investigation determined to get to the truth about what happened .
You couldn ’ t read this and say these folks were really trying to get to the bottom of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ follow-up , ” he said .
“ You would have never examined these materials and decided the A.G. ’ s office was trying to put any sheriff ’ s deputies in harm ’ s way.
” Gerald Engler , the assistant attorney general in charge of criminal investigations , referred questions to the California Department of Justice ’ s press office , which declined to comment for this story .
At news conferences last year , Becerra himself evaded questions about the way the case was handled .
Harris , whose bumpy presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interview request from The Times .
In a statement , Harris ’ press secretary Meaghan Lynch called the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s handing of informants “ disturbing ” and said Harris believed the investigation would continue after she left office .
“ While [ Sen. Harris ] shared others ’ frustrations that a thorough investigation could not be completed more quickly , the investigation was ongoing and still underway when she left the Attorney General ’ s office and became senator , ” the statement said .
Harris ’ criminal justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bid .
While she touted her prosecutorial past as an asset in challenging President Trump , critics said her close ties to law enforcement put her out of step with a Democratic primary electorate seeking reform and police accountability .
In fact , it has been the Trump administration ’ s Justice Department — which has otherwise come under criticism for cutting back on federal reviews of law enforcement misconduct — that has continued to investigate informant misuse in Orange County .
Last year , Dist .
Atty .
Todd Spitzer told The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 100 case files and thousands of pages of documents related to trials that are more than 2 decades old as it continues to review the issue .
Sanders said he believed Harris ’ habit of shying away from pursuing misconduct cases against law enforcement played a role in what he saw as an inept investigation in Orange County .
“ Three deputies committed blatant perjury in a death penalty case , ” he said .
“ The Harris administration had everything it needed to prosecute for perjury , except for the courage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ An official with knowledge of Harris ’ thinking said the investigation was stalled by intensive document review and the fact that “ principal key witnesses ” could not be interviewed , referring to the three deputies who later became the focus of the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s internal investigation .
Her office did not make an attempt to compel or subpoena witnesses to testify , said the official , who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to discuss the case candidly .
The official was not sure whether the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disputed characterizations that the investigation was largely completed before Harris left office .
“ When she left , no one was saying , ‘ All right , the investigation ’ s done , ’ ” the official said .
Barnes , who was an assistant sheriff at the time , said the attorney general ’ s office stopped requesting interviews or documents in early 2017 , shortly after Becerra took office .
“ It got to the point where we were asking for updates , and there was no response , ” he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seem like there was any work being done , but there was also no finality to it.
” Assistant Sheriff Bill Baker , who formerly served as a captain overseeing the county ’ s central jail complex and took part in the search for the log of jailhouse informant movements years earlier , confirmed that he was interviewed , but the Sheriff ’ s Department declined to identify any other personnel who spoke with the attorney general ’ s office .
The relatively small number of personnel interviewed drew scrutiny from some law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , given the allegations about how widespread this practice was in the jails , that there would be more witnesses that you would want to call in that investigation , ” said Richard Drooyan , a former federal prosecutor who served as the court-appointed monitor over reforms in L.A. County ’ s jails .
The state investigation , however , seemed focused on possible perjury charges against several deputies who testified at Dekraai ’ s trial , according to the Harris official .
In 2015 , former Orange County Dist .
Atty .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorney general ’ s office requesting criminal investigations into Deputies Seth Tunstall and Ben Garcia , citing a judge ’ s conclusion that the two men were probably not truthful when they delivered testimony during the murder trial .
But the Harris official said state investigators were severely hamstrung by the deputies ’ refusal to speak with them .
“ In order to prove perjury , you needed to know or establish exactly what the sheriff ’ s deputies knew when they testified , and that was one of the many reasons why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been helpful , to actually interview them , which of course didn ’ t happen , ” the official said .
Garcia and Tunstall resigned in March , the Sheriff ’ s Department said .
A second letter sent by Rackauckas in 2018 , which was obtained by The Times through a public records request , also suggests the state investigation had been closed earlier than previously known .
He sent the letter to Barnes and then-Sheriff Sandra Hutchens to inform them he would not be adding any deputies linked to the snitch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brady list , referring to the U.S. Supreme Court ruling requiring the disclosure of potentially exculpatory evidence to a defendant , including names of law enforcement officers whose testimony might be deemed unreliable .
In the letter , Rackauckas said that his decision was “ unaffected by the Attorney General ’ s investigation and decision not to pursue criminal actions ” against any deputies .
Rackauckas did not respond to requests for comment .
Sanders believes the failed state investigation will serve as a missed opportunity to curb future misconduct .
“ When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s not done in good faith and it ’ s not responsibly done , members of law enforcement just become more dangerous in terms of their willingness to commit misconduct , ” he said .
“ The last line of protection for the public was the attorney general ’ s office .
”

Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) oversaw the California attorney general’s office investigation into the Orange County jailhouse informant scandal. With the case closed without charges, parties involved in the probe are speaking out and raising questions about the thoroughness of the inquiry.
When former California Atty. Gen. Kamala Harris in 2015 launched a criminal investigation into corruption inside Orange County’s jails, local activists and attorneys hoped it would finally reveal the breadth of a scandal that engulfed the Sheriff’s Department and district attorney’s office — and may have affected countless court cases.
Four years later — after an investigation into the misuse of informants inside the county’s jails came to an anticlimactic end in a Santa Ana courtroom with no explanation and no charges filed — those same advocates were left asking a much simpler question: What happened?
For the record: A previous version of this story misidentified an Orange County sheriff’s deputy who resigned in March. The deputy is William Grover.
Though the scandal sparked a U.S. Department of Justice investigation and led to retrials for dozens of defendants, including convicted murderers, the unexplained conclusion of the state inquiry has stirred frustration that many key players will escape accountability.
Harris’ successor, Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra, has refused to discuss specifics about the inquiry or explain how a perjury investigation came up empty even after a Superior Court judge ruled that two deputies “intentionally lied or willfully withheld material evidence” about the misuse of informants at a murder trial.
Advertisement
But in the months since the inquiry’s end, law enforcement leaders in Orange County and attorneys involved in cases tied to the scandal have agreed to speak out about the tactics used by state investigators during the four-year review, raising serious questions about how thorough the attorney general’s office was.
From 2015 to 2019, only four Sheriff’s Department employees were interviewed as part of the investigation, according to Orange County Sheriff Don Barnes. The three deputies who were the focus of both the attorney general’s investigation and the Sheriff’s Department’s internal inquiry were not among those interviewed, Orange County Assistant Public Defender Scott Sanders said.
For at least the first two years of the inquiry, witnesses were subpoenaed or compelled to testify, according to an official with knowledge of the investigation who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to discuss the case candidly.
Even the length of the investigation has been called into question. Although the public was not made aware of the investigation’s end until April 2019, Barnes said the Sheriff’s Department stopped receiving requests for interviews or documents in early 2017. Sanders, who based his comments on court documents detailing the investigation that he reviewed as part of a criminal trial, said there are no records indicating that the investigation carried on past late 2016. Becerra succeeded Harris in 2017.
“It’s been pretty hard to sit here watching them pretend like they had an ongoing investigation when they were done in 2016,” Sanders said. “All of them knew. It’s not like Sen. Harris didn’t know. It’s not like Becerra didn’t know they were perpetuating a scam. There was no reason not to tell us the investigation was over, but they clearly did not want to deal with questions about why they did and didn’t do certain things.”
Sanders — the public defender who first uncovered evidence of the Sheriff’s Department’s problematic use of informants — has not disclosed this information previously. He declined to allow a Times’ reporter to review the documents or provide copies.
Advertisement
Sanders was given voluminous records related to the attorney general’s investigation as part of the discovery he received during hearings in connection to murder charges against Scott Dekraai, the gunman in the 2011 Seal Beach salon massacre. Dekraai’s case became central to the informant scandal when it was revealed the Sheriff’s Department had housed a prolific snitch near him hoping to elicit a confession.
The revelation was one of several that led to accusations that deputies housed a network of informants next to inmates to question them about crimes for which they had already been charged, a clear violation of their constitutional right to have an attorney present.
More than a dozen defendants received retrials after the scandal was exposed, including some convicted of grisly murders such as the 1998 slaying of a woman who was eight months pregnant when her body was dumped into the Long Beach harbor.
Dekraai was spared the death penalty. Orange County Superior Court Judge Thomas Goethals ruled that the defendant could never truly receive a fair trial, citing the Sheriff’s Department’s repeated failure to turn over evidence about the scandal.
In 2017, Dekraai was sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole in the deaths of eight people at Salon Meritage. He had pleaded guilty to the crimes in 2014.
The district attorney’s office and Sheriff’s Department denied running an illegal informant program, but a judge removed county prosecutors from the Dekraai case in 2015, handing its prosecution to the attorney general.
The documents concerning the state investigation were filed under seal, but Sanders agreed to give a general description of their contents in an interview with The Times because the review had ended and Dekraai cannot appeal his case under the terms of his plea.
Orange County Public Defender Scott Sanders, seen in 2014, said mass killer Scott Dekraai has been the victim of a “conspiracy of silence” among authorities. (Mark Boster / Los Angeles Times)
Based on what he saw in the court documents, Sanders described the investigation as weak.
“It was just striking ... it was really, clearly, not a hard and penetrating investigation determined to get to the truth about what happened. You couldn’t read this and say these folks were really trying to get to the bottom of this. It was softballs and little follow-up,” he said. “You would have never examined these materials and decided the A.G.’s office was trying to put any sheriff’s deputies in harm’s way.”
Gerald Engler, the assistant attorney general in charge of criminal investigations, referred questions to the California Department of Justice’s press office, which declined to comment for this story. At news conferences last year, Becerra himself evaded questions about the way the case was handled.
Harris, whose bumpy presidential campaign ended last month, declined an interview request from The Times. In a statement, Harris’ press secretary Meaghan Lynch called the Sheriff’s Department’s handing of informants “disturbing” and said Harris believed the investigation would continue after she left office.
“While [Sen. Harris] shared others’ frustrations that a thorough investigation could not be completed more quickly, the investigation was ongoing and still underway when she left the Attorney General’s office and became senator,” the statement said.
Harris’ criminal justice record was a thorn in her presidential bid. While she touted her prosecutorial past as an asset in challenging President Trump, critics said her close ties to law enforcement put her out of step with a Democratic primary electorate seeking reform and police accountability.
In fact, it has been the Trump administration’s Justice Department — which has otherwise come under criticism for cutting back on federal reviews of law enforcement misconduct — that has continued to investigate informant misuse in Orange County. Last year, Dist. Atty. Todd Spitzer told The Times that federal investigators had requested more than 100 case files and thousands of pages of documents related to trials that are more than 2 decades old as it continues to review the issue.
Sanders said he believed Harris’ habit of shying away from pursuing misconduct cases against law enforcement played a role in what he saw as an inept investigation in Orange County.
“Three deputies committed blatant perjury in a death penalty case,” he said. “The Harris administration had everything it needed to prosecute for perjury, except for the courage to stand up to law enforcement.”
An official with knowledge of Harris’ thinking said the investigation was stalled by intensive document review and the fact that “principal key witnesses” could not be interviewed, referring to the three deputies who later became the focus of the Sheriff’s Department’s internal investigation. Her office did not make an attempt to compel or subpoena witnesses to testify, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to discuss the case candidly.
The official was not sure whether the deputies refused to be interviewed, and disputed characterizations that the investigation was largely completed before Harris left office.
“When she left, no one was saying, ‘All right, the investigation’s done,’” the official said.
Barnes, who was an assistant sheriff at the time, said the attorney general’s office stopped requesting interviews or documents in early 2017, shortly after Becerra took office.
“It got to the point where we were asking for updates, and there was no response,” he said. “It didn’t seem like there was any work being done, but there was also no finality to it.”
Harris’ successor, Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra, has repeatedly refused to discuss the case. (Jae C. Hong / Associated Press)
Assistant Sheriff Bill Baker, who formerly served as a captain overseeing the county’s central jail complex and took part in the search for the log of jailhouse informant movements years earlier, confirmed that he was interviewed, but the Sheriff’s Department declined to identify any other personnel who spoke with the attorney general’s office. The relatively small number of personnel interviewed drew scrutiny from some law enforcement experts.
“You would think, given the allegations about how widespread this practice was in the jails, that there would be more witnesses that you would want to call in that investigation,” said Richard Drooyan, a former federal prosecutor who served as the court-appointed monitor over reforms in L.A. County’s jails.
The state investigation, however, seemed focused on possible perjury charges against several deputies who testified at Dekraai’s trial, according to the Harris official. In 2015, former Orange County Dist. Atty. Tony Rackauckas sent a letter to the attorney general’s office requesting criminal investigations into Deputies Seth Tunstall and Ben Garcia, citing a judge’s conclusion that the two men were probably not truthful when they delivered testimony during the murder trial.
But the Harris official said state investigators were severely hamstrung by the deputies’ refusal to speak with them.
“In order to prove perjury, you needed to know or establish exactly what the sheriff’s deputies knew when they testified, and that was one of the many reasons why it was important, or would have been helpful, to actually interview them, which of course didn’t happen,” the official said.
Tunstall and a third deputy under investigation, William Grover, resigned in March, the Sheriff’s Department said.
A second letter sent by Rackauckas in 2018, which was obtained by The Times through a public records request, also suggests the state investigation had been closed earlier than previously known.
He sent the letter to Barnes and then-Sheriff Sandra Hutchens to inform them he would not be adding any deputies linked to the snitch scandal to the office’s so-called Brady list, referring to the U.S. Supreme Court ruling requiring the disclosure of potentially exculpatory evidence to a defendant, including names of law enforcement officers whose testimony might be deemed unreliable.
In the letter, Rackauckas said that his decision was “unaffected by the Attorney General’s investigation and decision not to pursue criminal actions” against any deputies. Rackauckas did not respond to requests for comment.
Sanders believes the failed state investigation will serve as a missed opportunity to curb future misconduct.
“When you do an investigation like this and it’s not done in good faith and it’s not responsibly done, members of law enforcement just become more dangerous in terms of their willingness to commit misconduct,” he said. “The last line of protection for the public was the attorney general’s office.”


latimes--2020-01-20--Column: Free tuition at California public colleges helped the state prosper. There's no reason it ca

Column: Free tuition at California public colleges helped the state prosper. There's no reason it can't again

It wouldn ’ t be “ free college ” for all — no one anywhere is proposing that — but a state university diploma could become more affordable for many California students .
Under a new law , full-time community college students are already excused from paying course fees of $ 46 per unit .
That ’ s good for both their freshman and sophomore years .
The next logical step is for those students to receive two more years of tuition-free education if they transfer to a California state university .
Bottom line : California residents could obtain a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years without paying a dime in course fees or tuition .
Of course , they ’ d still have to fork out thousands for room , board and books .
So there ’ d be no “ free college.
” The state currently is paying $ 85 million for the community college fee waivers .
Exempting community college transfers from two years of CSU tuition would cost an additional $ 300 million-plus .
The state can ’ t afford it ?
Rubbish .
Generations of California students — mine included — attended the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community colleges tuition-free .
It wasn ’ t until the 1970s and 1980s that tuition and course fees began creeping on campuses .
Why ’ d that happen ?
The state switched priorities and began spending its money or other stuff : enhanced welfare and healthcare for the poor , prisons and — especially — K-12 schools to compensate for property tax losses after Proposition 13 was passed in 1978 .
Assemblyman Miguel Santiago ( D-Los Angeles ) , who spearheaded the legislation to provide community college fee waivers , has just introduced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offer two tuition-free years at CSU for community college transfers .
To be eligible for free tuition , a transfer would need to have obtained a community college degree and taken 18 units toward a major .
“ These students are absolutely prepared to be successful , ” Santiago told me .
“ They should be able to get a [ CSU ] degree in two years .
...
They have to make a commitment .
They can ’ t be goofing around.
” A bill blurb reads that the measure “ will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in four-year institutions following community college , help more students graduate with less debt and will grow the number of workers with undergraduate degrees needed to compete in the global economy.
” Why didn ’ t he include UC in his bill ?
Because most community college graduates transfer to CSU , Santiago said .
“ This is a starting point.
” Santiago , 46 , attended Moorpark College , then transferred to UCLA for his bachelor ’ s degree .
He served on the L.A. Community College District board before being elected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ annual tuition at a Cal State school is roughly $ 7,300 , including campus fees .
That ’ s a relative bargain .
UC tuition , with fees , is around $ 14,000 .
Private university tuition can be triple or quadruple that of UC ’ s .
For poor and lower middle-income students , there ’ s lots of financial help : state Cal Grants , federal Pell Grants and campus “ institutional aid.
” Many financially pressed students get their tuitions waived .
That ’ s good .
What isn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make up for it by paying higher tuition .
One-third of the paying students ’ tuition goes to replace the poorer kids ’ tab .
It ’ s good public policy to exempt poor kids from tuition .
But the entire public should pay for it through the state general fund .
Critics of free tuition for all — including some presidential candidates — object to students getting a “ free ride.
” But nobody is advocating for a complete freebie .
Tuition represents only 25 % to 30 % of the cost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expenses range from $ 10,600 annually at Cal State Fresno to about $ 18,000 at San Diego State , .
Total costs — tuition , housing , meals , books , parking — vary from roughly $ 25,000 at Cal State Stanislaus to nearly $ 30,000 at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo .
Free tuition has become a major issue in the presidential campaign .
Democrats are divided .
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders kicked it off by advocating free tuition for every public university student when he ran for president in 2016 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ she ’ d pay for it by imposing a “ wealth tax ” on people worth more than $ 50 million .
In last week ’ s Democratic debate , Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar mischaracterized their positions as advocating “ free college for all.
” Pete Buttigieg , the moderate former mayor of South Bend , Ind.
, put it this way : “ We ’ ve got to be making sure that we target our tax dollars where they will make the biggest difference .
And I don ’ t think subsidizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pay absolutely zero tuition at public colleges is the best use of those scarce taxpayer dollars.
” But our public libraries are free to everyone .
So are public K-12 schools .
At public parks and beaches , rich and poor alike pay the same fees — when there are any .
I asked Santiago why he was OK with providing free tuition for wealthy students .
“ No .
1 , rich kids aren ’ t going from high school to community college to Cal State , ” he replied .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say some are .
It ’ s an anomaly .
It would probably cost more to weed them out than we ’ d save.
” But his bill will be a hard sell to other legislators and Gov .
Gavin Newsom .
They ’ ve all got their own pet spending projects .
“ I ’ ve been there before , ” Santiago said .
“ People said that about the community college fees .
This will get the conversation going.
” Free tuition at California public colleges once helped the state prosper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supplying a skilled workforce .
There ’ s no reason it couldn ’ t again .

Under a new bill, California residents could obtain a CSU bachelor’s degree after four years without paying a dime in course fees or tuition.
It wouldn’t be “free college” for all — no one anywhere is proposing that — but a state university diploma could become more affordable for many California students.
Under a new law, full-time community college students are already excused from paying course fees of $46 per unit. That’s good for both their freshman and sophomore years. The next logical step is for those students to receive two more years of tuition-free education if they transfer to a California state university.
Bottom line: California residents could obtain a CSU bachelor’s degree after four years without paying a dime in course fees or tuition. Of course, they’d still have to fork out thousands for room, board and books. So there’d be no “free college.”
Advertisement
The state currently is paying $85 million for the community college fee waivers. Exempting community college transfers from two years of CSU tuition would cost an additional $300 million-plus.
The state can’t afford it? Rubbish. Generations of California students — mine included — attended the University of California, state universities and community colleges tuition-free. It wasn’t until the 1970s and 1980s that tuition and course fees began creeping on campuses.
Why’d that happen? The state switched priorities and began spending its money or other stuff: enhanced welfare and healthcare for the poor, prisons and — especially — K-12 schools to compensate for property tax losses after Proposition 13 was passed in 1978.
Assemblyman Miguel Santiago (D-Los Angeles), who spearheaded the legislation to provide community college fee waivers, has just introduced a bill, AB 1862, to offer two tuition-free years at CSU for community college transfers.
To be eligible for free tuition, a transfer would need to have obtained a community college degree and taken 18 units toward a major.
“These students are absolutely prepared to be successful,” Santiago told me. “They should be able to get a [CSU] degree in two years. ... They have to make a commitment. They can’t be goofing around.”
A bill blurb reads that the measure “will encourage and incentivize more students to enroll in four-year institutions following community college, help more students graduate with less debt and will grow the number of workers with undergraduate degrees needed to compete in the global economy.”
Advertisement
Why didn’t he include UC in his bill? Because most community college graduates transfer to CSU, Santiago said. “This is a starting point.”
Santiago, 46, attended Moorpark College, then transferred to UCLA for his bachelor’s degree. He served on the L.A. Community College District board before being elected to the Assembly in 2014.
Current annual tuition at a Cal State school is roughly $7,300, including campus fees. That’s a relative bargain. UC tuition, with fees, is around $14,000. Private university tuition can be triple or quadruple that of UC’s.
For poor and lower middle-income students, there’s lots of financial help: state Cal Grants, federal Pell Grants and campus “institutional aid.”
Many financially pressed students get their tuitions waived. That’s good. What isn’t good is that the other students make up for it by paying higher tuition. One-third of the paying students’ tuition goes to replace the poorer kids’ tab.
It’s good public policy to exempt poor kids from tuition. But the entire public should pay for it through the state general fund.
Critics of free tuition for all — including some presidential candidates — object to students getting a “free ride.” But nobody is advocating for a complete freebie. Tuition represents only 25% to 30% of the cost of attending a CSU school. Housing expenses range from $10,600 annually at Cal State Fresno to about $18,000 at San Diego State,.
Total costs — tuition, housing, meals, books, parking — vary from roughly $25,000 at Cal State Stanislaus to nearly $30,000 at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo.
Free tuition has become a major issue in the presidential campaign. Democrats are divided.
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders kicked it off by advocating free tuition for every public university student when he ran for president in 2016. Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren agrees, saying she’d pay for it by imposing a “wealth tax” on people worth more than $50 million.
In last week’s Democratic debate, Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar mischaracterized their positions as advocating “free college for all.”
Pete Buttigieg, the moderate former mayor of South Bend, Ind., put it this way:
“We’ve got to be making sure that we target our tax dollars where they will make the biggest difference. And I don’t think subsidizing the children of millionaires and billionaires to pay absolutely zero tuition at public colleges is the best use of those scarce taxpayer dollars.”
But our public libraries are free to everyone. So are public K-12 schools. At public parks and beaches, rich and poor alike pay the same fees — when there are any.
I asked Santiago why he was OK with providing free tuition for wealthy students.
“No. 1, rich kids aren’t going from high school to community college to Cal State,” he replied. “No. 2, let’s say some are. It’s an anomaly. It would probably cost more to weed them out than we’d save.”
But his bill will be a hard sell to other legislators and Gov. Gavin Newsom. They’ve all got their own pet spending projects.
“I’ve been there before,” Santiago said. “People said that about the community college fees. This will get the conversation going.”
Free tuition at California public colleges once helped the state prosper by making a BA more affordable and supplying a skilled workforce. There’s no reason it couldn’t again.


latimes--2020-01-20--Public service and celebrations mark Martin Luther King Jr. holiday in L.A.

For those who want to serve or celebrate on Monday ’ s King holiday , there are options across Los Angeles , including school and park cleanups and a parade .
The annual Kingdom Day Parade will start at 10 a.m. at Western Avenue and Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard .
The parade route runs down MLK Boulevard to Crenshaw Boulevard.
, where it turns left and then ends at Vernon Avenue .
The grand marshal is Keke Palmer of ABC ’ s “ GMA3 : Strahan , Sara & Keke.
” ABC7 Eyewitness News anchors Michelle Tuzee and Leslie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year ’ s parade , whose theme is “ Equality for All Humanity , Our Next Step.
” After the parade , there will be a festival in Leimert Park with booths , food and music open until 5 p.m. For another take on the meaning of the day , there will be a dialogue at the Unitarian Universalist Community Church of Santa Monica in Forbes Hall .
The theme is “ Confronting Structural Racism in Traditionally White Spaces.
” The goal , according to organizers , is to “ examine structural racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including a reflection upon issues of fragility , microaggressions and responsibility.
” The discussion will conclude with “ sharing strategies for working toward reconciliation and justice.
” In Long Beach , more than 500 volunteers are expected to complete 20 service projects across the city in an event sponsored by the Port of Long Beach , Habitat for Humanity , the City of Long Beach and various organizations .
Participants are invited to assemble at Seaside Park , near 14th Street and Chestnut Avenue , for a kickoff rally and celebratory remembrance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be a pancake breakfast before the short program .
“ We want all volunteers to attend to confirm their volunteer project site information and we will send you to your site by 9 a.m. , ” organizers have advised .
The projects include : a cleanup of Seaside Park ; a spruce up and organizing of a clothing bank for Long Beach City College students ; landscaping at Willow Springs Park , and yard work for the elderly .
In Hollywood , from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. , the nonprofit Big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men , boys and girls of all ages and sizes .
New and gently used work clothes , casual clothes , warm clothes and coats and athletic wear are needed .
New socks and underwear are appreciated , too , as are donations for the purchase of those items .
Volunteers will help sort , count , fold and pack donated clothing .
Last year , these efforts resulted in the distribution of more than 50,000 articles of clothing .
There also will be breakfast , arts and crafts projects throughout the morning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The address is : 6111 Melrose Ave .

For those who want to serve or celebrate on Monday’s King holiday, there are options across Los Angeles, including school and park cleanups and a parade.
The annual Kingdom Day Parade will start at 10 a.m. at Western Avenue and Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard. The parade route runs down MLK Boulevard to Crenshaw Boulevard., where it turns left and then ends at Vernon Avenue. The grand marshal is Keke Palmer of ABC’s “GMA3: Strahan, Sara & Keke.”
ABC7 Eyewitness News anchors Michelle Tuzee and Leslie Sykes will serve as hosts of this year’s parade, whose theme is “Equality for All Humanity, Our Next Step.” After the parade, there will be a festival in Leimert Park with booths, food and music open until 5 p.m.
Advertisement
For another take on the meaning of the day, there will be a dialogue at the Unitarian Universalist Community Church of Santa Monica in Forbes Hall. The theme is “Confronting Structural Racism in Traditionally White Spaces.” The goal, according to organizers, is to “examine structural racism through the lens of whiteness and privilege, including a reflection upon issues of fragility, microaggressions and responsibility.” The discussion will conclude with “sharing strategies for working toward reconciliation and justice.”
In Long Beach, more than 500 volunteers are expected to complete 20 service projects across the city in an event sponsored by the Port of Long Beach, Habitat for Humanity, the City of Long Beach and various organizations.
Participants are invited to assemble at Seaside Park, near 14th Street and Chestnut Avenue, for a kickoff rally and celebratory remembrance at King at 8 a.m. There will be a pancake breakfast before the short program.
“We want all volunteers to attend to confirm their volunteer project site information and we will send you to your site by 9 a.m.,” organizers have advised.
The projects include: a cleanup of Seaside Park; a spruce up and organizing of a clothing bank for Long Beach City College students; landscaping at Willow Springs Park, and yard work for the elderly.
In Hollywood, from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m., the nonprofit Big Sunday will collect clothes for women, men, boys and girls of all ages and sizes. New and gently used work clothes, casual clothes, warm clothes and coats and athletic wear are needed. New socks and underwear are appreciated, too, as are donations for the purchase of those items.
Volunteers will help sort, count, fold and pack donated clothing. Last year, these efforts resulted in the distribution of more than 50,000 articles of clothing.
Advertisement
There also will be breakfast, arts and crafts projects throughout the morning and entertainment from the Blue Breeze Band. The address is: 6111 Melrose Ave.


latimes--2020-01-21--Ski patrol member dies in Tahoe area

Ski patrol member dies in Tahoe area

A member of a ski resort patrol has died in the Mott Canyon area of Heavenly Mountain Resort near Lake @ @ @ @ @ , 36 , of South Lake Tahoe was a member of the Heavenly Ski Patrol @ @ @ @ @ when he was found unconscious on an expert trail .
Nicholson was flown to the @ @ @ @ @ Gardnerville , Nev. , where he was pronounced dead .
The Douglas County sheriff ’ @ @ @ @ @ coroner ’ s office are working to determine a cause of death .
“ Heavenly @ @ @ @ @ Patrol and the entire Vail Resorts family extend our deepest sympathy and support to our @ @ @ @ @ friends , ” Tom Fortune , vice president and general manager of Heavenly Mountain Resort @ @ @ @ @ .
Nicholson was the third person to die in accidents in the central Sierra over @ @ @ @ @ local media reports .
A snowmobile accident at Blue Lakes on Friday afternoon claimed the @ @ @ @ @ another died Friday morning at Alpine Meadows .

A member of a ski resort patrol has died in the Mott Canyon area of Heavenly Mountain Resort near Lake Tahoe.
Christopher John Nicholson, 36, of South Lake Tahoe was a member of the Heavenly Ski Patrol and had been working Saturday when he was found unconscious on an expert trail.
Nicholson was flown to the Carson Valley Medical Center in Gardnerville, Nev., where he was pronounced dead.
Advertisement
The Douglas County sheriff’s office and Washoe County coroner’s office are working to determine a cause of death.
“Heavenly Mountain Resort, Heavenly Ski Patrol and the entire Vail Resorts family extend our deepest sympathy and support to our employee’s family and friends,” Tom Fortune, vice president and general manager of Heavenly Mountain Resort, said in a statement.
Nicholson was the third person to die in accidents in the central Sierra over two days, according to local media reports.


latimes--2020-01-20--Evicted Oakland moms will get their house back after a deal with Redondo Beach company

As the nation celebrated Martin Luther King Jr. Day , Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf announced what she called a “ historic deal , ” which was ( circle one ) : A ) A win for civil disobedience .
B ) A big-hearted move by a Redondo Beach-based housing speculator .
C ) Skillful local leadership to address homelessness .
D ) All of the above .
Wedgewood Inc. , which flips buildings in at least a dozen states , has agreed to sell one of its houses to a local trust on behalf of Moms 4 Housing , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last week after taking over the empty three-bedroom with their children in an act of desperation and political protest .
Wedgewood will “ offer community land trusts or other affordable housing organizations or the city the right of first refusal on all of their properties , ” Schaaf said at a midday news conference .
“ This means we have the opportunity to — for fair market value — take these homes off the speculative market and put them into permanent ownership.
” Wedgewood owns about 50 properties in the city , company @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owners will be low-income families or affordable housing operators that will keep the properties accessible for Oakland ’ s most vulnerable residents , Schaaf said .
The home that will go to Moms 4 Housing is blue and white and sits on Magnolia Street in West Oakland .
The company bought it at auction in July for $ 501,078 , Singer said , and is in negotiations to sell it to the Oakland Community Land Trust for at least that price .
“ We ’ re ready to buy the Moms house , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this movement , ” Dominique Walker , one of the founders of Moms 4 Housing , told a happy crowd in front of Oakland City Hall on Monday .
“ This movement does not end today with us and with that house on Magnolia Street .
We will not stop organizing and fighting until all unhoused folks who want shelter have shelter.
” The mothers squatted in the home for two months , until Alameda County sheriff ’ s deputies , their guns drawn , enforced an eviction order on Jan. 14 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporters were arrested .
The women of Moms 4 Housing were either homeless or on the brink of homelessness .
They said the property had been vacant for years , which Wedgewood denies .
But many investor-owned properties languish , uninhabitated , as gentrification and the housing crisis have become more acute in Oakland , causing widespread homelessness .
Between January 2017 and January 2019 , the most recent statistics available , the number of homeless people in the Bay Area city rose 47 % , according to Alameda County ’ s point-in-time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rose to 4,071 in 2019 , up from 2761 in 2017 .
More than half of the county ’ s homeless people reside in Oakland .
In her news conference , Schaaf was coy about the broader ramifications of Moms 4 Housing ’ s actions — breaking into an empty house owned by someone else and living there without the owner ’ s consent .
To the group , that ’ s appropriate protest .
To Wedgewood , that ’ s theft .
“ I can not condone unlawful acts , ” Schaaf @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them .
And I can passionately advance the cause that inspired them .
That ’ s what we are doing here today.
” In an interview as she headed to Washington for the U.S. Conference of Mayors , Schaff continued to walk a fine line .
“ It is not my intention to encourage civil disobedience , ” she said , but “ the mothers made a tremendous sacrifice for their cause .
They spent the night in jail .
They went through a horrific trauma with the eviction , which I believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sheriff.
” Schaaf said that she spent two days trying to reach Wedgewood ’ s chief executive , Greg Geiser , after the eviction and arrests .
She had spent considerable time negotiating with him since Thursday .
Their first conversation lasted an hour and was “ deeply personal , ” she said .
The agreement with Wedgewood “ is spectacular news , ” Schaaf said , commending the company for being “ willing to get past what was unlawful activity on one of their properties and make that property available to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and to recognize that we are in a housing crisis and companies like theirs can help.
” Geiser was not available for comment Monday .
But Singer said that the company had made it known it would not discuss or negotiate over the house until the mothers left of their own free will or were evicted .
Once the eviction occurred , Wedgewood officials began talking with Schaff and Gov .
Gavin Newsom .
“ You can never call it civil disobedience when it involves stealing someone ’ s property , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear that it had the higher ethical and legal ground , and it prevailed .
But that doesn ’ t stop it from doing what is good for the community.
” Singer said the company does not believe its agreement with Oakland to help assuage the housing crisis will encourage more squatters to take over uninhabited buildings .
Wedgewood “ did not endorse or condone the theft of its home , ” Singer said , “ but expressed its support for the concerns raised by the activists .
Today the company took action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to their word .
”

Signs are posted outside of a house that was occupied by homeless women in Oakland.
As the nation celebrated Martin Luther King Jr. Day, Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf announced what she called a “historic deal,” which was (circle one): A) A win for civil disobedience. B) A big-hearted move by a Redondo Beach-based housing speculator. C) Skillful local leadership to address homelessness. D) All of the above.
Wedgewood Inc., which flips buildings in at least a dozen states, has agreed to sell one of its houses to a local trust on behalf of Moms 4 Housing, a group of homeless women who were arrested last week after taking over the empty three-bedroom with their children in an act of desperation and political protest.
Wedgewood will “offer community land trusts or other affordable housing organizations or the city the right of first refusal on all of their properties,” Schaaf said at a midday news conference. “This means we have the opportunity to — for fair market value — take these homes off the speculative market and put them into permanent ownership.”
Advertisement
Dominique Walker speaks on behalf of fellow Moms 4 Housing members during a news conference outside the house they have occupied in Oakland. (Ray Chavez / Associated Press)
Wedgewood owns about 50 properties in the city, company spokesman Sam Singer said.
Those new owners will be low-income families or affordable housing operators that will keep the properties accessible for Oakland’s most vulnerable residents, Schaaf said.
The home that will go to Moms 4 Housing is blue and white and sits on Magnolia Street in West Oakland. The company bought it at auction in July for $501,078, Singer said, and is in negotiations to sell it to the Oakland Community Land Trust for at least that price.
“We’re ready to buy the Moms house, and we’re ready to continue this movement,” Dominique Walker, one of the founders of Moms 4 Housing, told a happy crowd in front of Oakland City Hall on Monday. “This movement does not end today with us and with that house on Magnolia Street. We will not stop organizing and fighting until all unhoused folks who want shelter have shelter.”
Sunday Simon, a supporter of homeless women who were occupying a house, sits on a car near the house, at left, in Oakland. (Jeff Chiu / Associated Press)
Advertisement
The mothers squatted in the home for two months, until Alameda County sheriff’s deputies, their guns drawn, enforced an eviction order on Jan. 14. Two of the women and two male supporters were arrested.
The women of Moms 4 Housing were either homeless or on the brink of homelessness. They said the property had been vacant for years, which Wedgewood denies. But many investor-owned properties languish, uninhabitated, as gentrification and the housing crisis have become more acute in Oakland, causing widespread homelessness.
Between January 2017 and January 2019, the most recent statistics available, the number of homeless people in the Bay Area city rose 47%, according to Alameda County’s point-in-time count. The number of homeless people rose to 4,071 in 2019, up from 2761 in 2017. More than half of the county’s homeless people reside in Oakland.
In her news conference, Schaaf was coy about the broader ramifications of Moms 4 Housing’s actions — breaking into an empty house owned by someone else and living there without the owner’s consent. To the group, that’s appropriate protest. To Wedgewood, that’s theft.
“I cannot condone unlawful acts,” Schaaf said, “but I can respect them. And I can passionately advance the cause that inspired them. That’s what we are doing here today.”
In an interview as she headed to Washington for the U.S. Conference of Mayors, Schaff continued to walk a fine line. “It is not my intention to encourage civil disobedience,” she said, but “the mothers made a tremendous sacrifice for their cause. They spent the night in jail. They went through a horrific trauma with the eviction, which I believe was unnecessary on the part of the sheriff.”
Schaaf said that she spent two days trying to reach Wedgewood’s chief executive, Greg Geiser, after the eviction and arrests. She had spent considerable time negotiating with him since Thursday. Their first conversation lasted an hour and was “deeply personal,” she said.
The agreement with Wedgewood “is spectacular news,” Schaaf said, commending the company for being “willing to get past what was unlawful activity on one of their properties and make that property available to the very mothers who were in the property, and to recognize that we are in a housing crisis and companies like theirs can help.”
Geiser was not available for comment Monday. But Singer said that the company had made it known it would not discuss or negotiate over the house until the mothers left of their own free will or were evicted. Once the eviction occurred, Wedgewood officials began talking with Schaff and Gov. Gavin Newsom.
“You can never call it civil disobedience when it involves stealing someone’s property,” Singer said. “Wedgewood made it clear that it had the higher ethical and legal ground, and it prevailed. But that doesn’t stop it from doing what is good for the community.”
Singer said the company does not believe its agreement with Oakland to help assuage the housing crisis will encourage more squatters to take over uninhabited buildings.
Wedgewood “did not endorse or condone the theft of its home,” Singer said, “but expressed its support for the concerns raised by the activists. Today the company took action on it. They’re good to their word.”