latimes--2020-07-30--Column: It's time to chop down the 'lynching tree' from this California city's logo

As night follows day , cries of “ historical erasure ” go up across the land when pro-Confederacy monuments come down .
The complaints are almost always wrong .
Most of the toppled statues , markers and symbols of the Confederacy are modern examples of Jim Crow propaganda , not memorials to honor heroic events of the grisly Civil War .
Confederate monuments typically rewrite the past , sugarcoating truth .
Yelling “ Save history !
” is just a way to cover bias with a respectable veneer of erudition .
Night immediately followed day recently in little Placerville , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the graphic design of the municipal logo ended up before the City Council .
This time Confederate sympathies were not at issue .
Instead , a loosely related matter of vigilante killing was .
It might seem odd for a small town , population about 11,000 , to proudly identify itself with a history of lynching — especially when tourism is a primary driver of the local economy .
But the image of a rope noose dangling from the limb of a mighty oak stands out on the city emblem .
The idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drawing was first brought to the City Council in June , then discussed in a July 14 Zoom meeting — complete with an hour of public comment , pro-noose and anti- .
Money didn ’ t seem to be the issue , since a redesign was estimated to cost only about $ 5,350 for labor and fees .
But the council punted .
A vote to postpone a decision until next year , after pandemic restraints on in-person debate are lifted , passed 4 to 1 .
Letter writers to the Mountain Democrat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testy meeting , immediately yelped .
“ Let ’ s not erase our history , ” insisted one .
Erasure of the lynching tree represents “ a liberal force trying to remove history , ” cried another .
“ Please do not remove the history of our town , ” begged a third , while a fourth contended that “ Old Hangtown is just a historical statement.
” Old Hangtown is what Placerville got nicknamed before it was much more than an improvised 19th century mining camp set up next to a modest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the spot where James W. Marshall stumbled on some glittery metal flakes at the water-powered sawmill owned by his boss , German-born Swiss immigrant John Sutter .
The burg was instrumental in the epochal California Gold Rush that kicked off in 1848 .
That history is nothing to be sneezed at .
Placerville became a distribution center in a supply chain that saw billions mined from the Gold Rush fields in the Sierra foothills east of Sacramento ( not much is left ) .
California ’ s non-Indigenous population zoomed from about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ end of the next year .
Just 20 short months after the first gold strike , the Golden State joined the Union .
The stampede of new arrivals led to a national transformation in ways improvised , planned , sometimes unwanted and often unexpected .
In the process , a thousand yarns were spun — elaborate tales of phenomenal good fortune , dashed hopes and bloody mayhem .
Each Gold Rush story seems to have spawned another and another , multiplying like “ Star Trek ” Tribbles .
History easily blurs into myth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is perilous .
But wild and lawless treasure-hunting surely ignited the Hangtown nickname — a violent place where “ they hang ‘ em first and question ‘ em later , ” as a cheery local saying goes .
One credible story had a trio of desperadoes getting caught after robbing the sleeping owner of a gambling parlor of his gold-dust stash and threatening his life .
He may have been murdered ( accounts vary ) .
A makeshift judge and jury were convened on the spot and the trio was convicted , sentenced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a massive oak tree at a place next door known as Elstner ’ s hay yard .
Three other scoundrels were hanged for horse-stealing , another for holding up a hapless miner in his cabin .
“ Irish Dick ” — one Richard Crone , lately from New Orleans — was hanged for using his trusty Bowie knife to separate a gambler ’ s beating heart from his chest after an insult at the card table .
A mob lynched five for rolling a visiting Mexican gambler — maybe Placerville ’ s first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tourist trade .
The graphic design of the Placerville logo springs from all this .
The picture tells a very simple tale .
A rope frame encircles a flatly painted , cartoon-like image in which a bearded miner pans for gold in the foreground , his crouched body ethereally framed by a puffy white cloud floating in a clear blue sky .
That big oak tree dangling a noose stands behind him , like a distant sentinel .
Prominent rustic lettering names the city of Placerville , which ditched the Old Hangtown nickname @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name are modestly represented on the logo .
Originally the town had just been called Old Dry Diggins , an informal reference to the method for surface-mining minerals in the absence of water ; but that history is omitted from the logo .
Hangtown ’ s emergence shifted the vernacular , issuing an unsubtle warning to potential thugs .
Soon , a thorny predicament surfaced .
The ballyhooed practice of lynching proved to be less than useful for a growing village that hankered to replace Coloma , dusty site of Sutter ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ El Dorado County .
Hangtown had a nasty image problem .
Rampant extra-legal killing doesn ’ t quite square with an establishment desire for civic power .
To make a credible appeal to gain governing authority , residents needed to shake off a sordid reputation for vigilante justice .
The town postmaster , apparently urged on by local churches and a busy temperance league , is said to have sought something a bit more dignified .
Thus was Placerville born .
Placer mining , which is a method of sifting mineral deposits from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makeover bill .
Within four years of the spectacular Sutter ’ s Mill find , an official new moniker was in place .
Today ’ s disputed municipal logo essentially pictures a name change : Lawless Hangtown is on the far horizon , off in the background , and hardworking Placerville takes pride of place up front .
Who designed the logo , and when , I can not say .
City officials told me they are not quite sure how long it has been in use — perhaps since early in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the artist ’ s name is apparently lost .
But it is easy to see why many people today would be offended by a visual salute to vigilante justice , which is more accurately described as mob rule .
In particular , the offense of a lynching tree grows stark in the era of Black Lives Matter , when the nation is finally wrestling with a pervasive legacy of white supremacy .
( As the Botswana-born , former L.A.-based artist Meleko Mokgosi recently put it , “ America does not simply have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race problem.
” ) Between post-Civil War Reconstruction and World War II , more than 4,400 racial terror lynchings took place across the United States .
The logo can ’ t help but conjure those vicious crimes .
That horrific vigilante history might be separate from earlier events in Placerville , but California ’ s Gold Rush is hardly immune from the grim specter of racial brutality .
Sutter himself enslaved hundreds of Indigenous people as a free source of labor .
Some among them led Marshall to the gold , which he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ghastly tool of Sutter ’ s coercion , as he assembled what an observer described as a “ harem ” of American Indian women and girls .
In the year of the Hangtown name-change , the new state ’ s fledgling Supreme Court added Chinese people to the exclusionary list of Black and Indigenous people already forbidden in local ordinances from testifying against whites in legal proceedings .
Thomas Nast , the brilliant editorial cartoonist , working later in Harper ’ s Weekly — self-styled Journal of Civilization , as its banner read @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision in People v. Hall .
Juxtaposing caricatured figures representing the American South and West , Nast ’ s pen dripped acid .
In essence , he wrote , the ruling claimed that “ The poor barbarians can ’ t understand our civilized Republican form of government.
” So what is Placerville to do now with the dicey bit of prominent local lynching history on its municipal logo ?
Here ’ s a suggestion : Take a cue from the solution to the image problem that first gave the town its name .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , cut it down .
Redesign the graphic so that the oak , its offending limb and the dangling noose sprawl on the ground , while the chopped stump is left behind .
That is , after all , what really happened .
In 1853 , the townsfolk did cut down the big oak tree in Elstner ’ s hay yard , where all those convenient mob executions had taken place .
Ending the practice of lynching was essential to spiffing up the reputation of the soon-to-be newly named Placerville .
Four years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ town to be the El Dorado County seat .
The image rehab succeeded .
That ’ s the story a smartly redesigned logo could tell — a success story of forsaking something barbaric in favor of something civilized .
The current logo misses the key point , making it just bad history .
The lynching tree ’ s stump still exists , too , hiding in plain sight .
A bronze plaque installed out front of a former saloon built on the site of Elstner ’ s hay yard explains , “ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ building.
” Since 1934 — the 80th anniversary of the city ’ s name-change — the humble stump has been State Historical Landmark No .
141 , marked with a sign on what is now Main Street .
In the pit of the Great Depression , honoring the stupendous riches of the Gold Rush legacy gave hope .
For Placerville ’ s long history , the stump matters most , not the noose .
Time to bring it into the light .
So scrap the dangling noose on the town logo and cut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ memorial to mob rule and replace it with a commemoration of civilized progress .

As night follows day, cries of “historical erasure” go up across the land when pro-Confederacy monuments come down.
The complaints are almost always wrong. Most of the toppled statues, markers and symbols of the Confederacy are modern examples of Jim Crow propaganda, not memorials to honor heroic events of the grisly Civil War. Confederate monuments typically rewrite the past, sugarcoating truth. Yelling “Save history!” is just a way to cover bias with a respectable veneer of erudition.
Night immediately followed day recently in little Placerville, Calif., when a push to change the graphic design of the municipal logo ended up before the City Council. This time Confederate sympathies were not at issue. Instead, a loosely related matter of vigilante killing was.
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Placerville’s town logo features a lynching tree.
It might seem odd for a small town, population about 11,000, to proudly identify itself with a history of lynching — especially when tourism is a primary driver of the local economy. But the image of a rope noose dangling from the limb of a mighty oak stands out on the city emblem.
The current Placerville city logo, left, and a proposed version of the logo without the noose dangling from a tree. (City of Placerville)
The idea for removing the controversial noose from the drawing was first brought to the City Council in June, then discussed in a July 14 Zoom meeting — complete with an hour of public comment, pro-noose and anti-. Money didn’t seem to be the issue, since a redesign was estimated to cost only about $5,350 for labor and fees.
But the council punted. A vote to postpone a decision until next year, after pandemic restraints on in-person debate are lifted, passed 4 to 1.
Letter writers to the Mountain Democrat, the local newspaper that reported the testy meeting, immediately yelped.
“Let’s not erase our history,” insisted one.
Erasure of the lynching tree represents “a liberal force trying to remove history,” cried another.
“Please do not remove the history of our town,” begged a third, while a fourth contended that “Old Hangtown is just a historical statement.”
Advertisement
Old Hangtown is what Placerville got nicknamed before it was much more than an improvised 19th century mining camp set up next to a modest creek. It sits barely 10 miles from the spot where James W. Marshall stumbled on some glittery metal flakes at the water-powered sawmill owned by his boss, German-born Swiss immigrant John Sutter. The burg was instrumental in the epochal California Gold Rush that kicked off in 1848.
Historical image of James Marshall standing in front of Sutter’s sawmill in Coloma, Calif., where he discovered gold. (Library of Congress)
That history is nothing to be sneezed at. Placerville became a distribution center in a supply chain that saw billions mined from the Gold Rush fields in the Sierra foothills east of Sacramento (not much is left). California’s non-Indigenous population zoomed from about 800 to more than 100,000 by the end of the next year. Just 20 short months after the first gold strike, the Golden State joined the Union.
The stampede of new arrivals led to a national transformation in ways improvised, planned, sometimes unwanted and often unexpected. In the process, a thousand yarns were spun — elaborate tales of phenomenal good fortune, dashed hopes and bloody mayhem. Each Gold Rush story seems to have spawned another and another, multiplying like “Star Trek” Tribbles.
History easily blurs into myth and legend, and sorting among them is perilous. But wild and lawless treasure-hunting surely ignited the Hangtown nickname — a violent place where “they hang ‘em first and question ‘em later,” as a cheery local saying goes.
One credible story had a trio of desperadoes getting caught after robbing the sleeping owner of a gambling parlor of his gold-dust stash and threatening his life. He may have been murdered (accounts vary). A makeshift judge and jury were convened on the spot and the trio was convicted, sentenced to death and promptly strung up from a massive oak tree at a place next door known as Elstner’s hay yard.
The lynchings kept coming.
Three other scoundrels were hanged for horse-stealing, another for holding up a hapless miner in his cabin. “Irish Dick” — one Richard Crone, lately from New Orleans — was hanged for using his trusty Bowie knife to separate a gambler’s beating heart from his chest after an insult at the card table.
A mob lynched five for rolling a visiting Mexican gambler — maybe Placerville’s first instance of civic concern over imperiling the tourist trade.
The graphic design of the Placerville logo springs from all this. The picture tells a very simple tale.
A rope frame encircles a flatly painted, cartoon-like image in which a bearded miner pans for gold in the foreground, his crouched body ethereally framed by a puffy white cloud floating in a clear blue sky. That big oak tree dangling a noose stands behind him, like a distant sentinel.
Prominent rustic lettering names the city of Placerville, which ditched the Old Hangtown nickname in 1854. The date and canceled name are modestly represented on the logo.
Originally the town had just been called Old Dry Diggins, an informal reference to the method for surface-mining minerals in the absence of water; but that history is omitted from the logo. Hangtown’s emergence shifted the vernacular, issuing an unsubtle warning to potential thugs.
Soon, a thorny predicament surfaced. The ballyhooed practice of lynching proved to be less than useful for a growing village that hankered to replace Coloma, dusty site of Sutter’s Mill, as the seat of booming El Dorado County.
Hangtown had a nasty image problem. Rampant extra-legal killing doesn’t quite square with an establishment desire for civic power.
To make a credible appeal to gain governing authority, residents needed to shake off a sordid reputation for vigilante justice. The town postmaster, apparently urged on by local churches and a busy temperance league, is said to have sought something a bit more dignified.
Thus was Placerville born. Placer mining, which is a method of sifting mineral deposits from a stream bed, fit the tasteful makeover bill.
Within four years of the spectacular Sutter’s Mill find, an official new moniker was in place. Today’s disputed municipal logo essentially pictures a name change: Lawless Hangtown is on the far horizon, off in the background, and hardworking Placerville takes pride of place up front.
Who designed the logo, and when, I cannot say. City officials told me they are not quite sure how long it has been in use — perhaps since early in the 20th century, certainly before 1970 — and the artist’s name is apparently lost. But it is easy to see why many people today would be offended by a visual salute to vigilante justice, which is more accurately described as mob rule.
In particular, the offense of a lynching tree grows stark in the era of Black Lives Matter, when the nation is finally wrestling with a pervasive legacy of white supremacy. (As the Botswana-born, former L.A.-based artist Meleko Mokgosi recently put it, “America does not simply have a race problem, America is a race problem.”) Between post-Civil War Reconstruction and World War II, more than 4,400 racial terror lynchings took place across the United States. The logo can’t help but conjure those vicious crimes.
That horrific vigilante history might be separate from earlier events in Placerville, but California’s Gold Rush is hardly immune from the grim specter of racial brutality. Sutter himself enslaved hundreds of Indigenous people as a free source of labor. Some among them led Marshall to the gold, which he euphemistically “discovered.” Rape was one ghastly tool of Sutter’s coercion, as he assembled what an observer described as a “harem” of American Indian women and girls.
In the year of the Hangtown name-change, the new state’s fledgling Supreme Court added Chinese people to the exclusionary list of Black and Indigenous people already forbidden in local ordinances from testifying against whites in legal proceedings. Thomas Nast, the brilliant editorial cartoonist, working later in Harper’s Weekly — self-styled Journal of Civilization, as its banner read — mocked the California court’s decision in People v. Hall.
Juxtaposing caricatured figures representing the American South and West, Nast’s pen dripped acid. In essence, he wrote, the ruling claimed that “The poor barbarians can’t understand our civilized Republican form of government.”
So what is Placerville to do now with the dicey bit of prominent local lynching history on its municipal logo? Here’s a suggestion: Take a cue from the solution to the image problem that first gave the town its name. Don’t erase the lynching tree, cut it down.
Redesign the graphic so that the oak, its offending limb and the dangling noose sprawl on the ground, while the chopped stump is left behind. That is, after all, what really happened.
An artist’s rendering of what Christopher Knight’s suggested change to Placerville’s city logo might look like. (Peter Hoey / For The Times)
In 1853, the townsfolk did cut down the big oak tree in Elstner’s hay yard, where all those convenient mob executions had taken place. Ending the practice of lynching was essential to spiffing up the reputation of the soon-to-be newly named Placerville. Four years later the California legislature chose the scrappy town to be the El Dorado County seat. The image rehab succeeded.
That’s the story a smartly redesigned logo could tell — a success story of forsaking something barbaric in favor of something civilized. The current logo misses the key point, making it just bad history.
The lynching tree’s stump still exists, too, hiding in plain sight. A bronze plaque installed out front of a former saloon built on the site of Elstner’s hay yard explains, “The stump of the tree is under this building.” Since 1934 — the 80th anniversary of the city’s name-change — the humble stump has been State Historical Landmark No. 141, marked with a sign on what is now Main Street.
In the pit of the Great Depression, honoring the stupendous riches of the Gold Rush legacy gave hope. For Placerville’s long history, the stump matters most, not the noose.
Time to bring it into the light. So scrap the dangling noose on the town logo and cut down the tree. Repeal a civic memorial to mob rule and replace it with a commemoration of civilized progress.
That’s authentic Golden State history. Who could possibly object?


latimes--2020-07-30--In San Bernardino, a legendary waitress gets a COVID-19-safe memorial, with tacos to go

If ever there was a San Bernardino resident who deserved a fiesta for her funeral , it was Lucy Reyes .
She worked at Mitla Cafe , the oldest Mexican restaurant in the Inland Empire , for 68 of its 83 years , retiring in 2018 .
Her loyal customers included the mighty — politicians , athletes , Cesar Chavez — and multiple generations from hundreds of families in the city ’ s West Side barrio .
There was also the young World War II veteran who showed up nearly every night in the early 1950s to eat Mitla ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Glenn Bell , Reyes always cracked to the many food reporters who trekked to Mitla in recent years , sure had a hit with his Taco Bell .
Reyes stayed in San Bernardino while so many others left , and saw it turn from a boomtown on Route 66 to a cautionary tale of urban decay .
She became a reassuring lodestone , a reminder of what was and could be again .
“ Mom was like a human Facebook , ” said Reyes ’ son , Andy .
“ If you needed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and who was related to who , she knew.
” But when Reyes died July 13 of a heart attack at 86 , her family and co-workers faced a dilemma .
California Gov .
Gavin Newsom had once again banned places of worship from opening in the state ’ s most coronavirus-afflicted counties .
Local mortuaries were booked for weeks .
Many of Reyes ’ closest friends were elderly themselves or immunocompromised .
So her descendants — two surviving children , 10 grandchildren , and too many great-grandchildren and great-great grandchildren for anyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to hold a socially distant memorial in the Mitla Cafe parking lot on July 25 .
That day would ’ ve been her 87th birthday .
On a blistering Saturday morning , customers shared Lucy stories outside Mitla — currently offering only takeout — as they waited for the noon ceremony and sneaked in a quick to-go breakfast .
Mercy Aguirre came early to drop off flowers and avoid any crowds .
She made flour tortillas alongside Reyes for 33 years .
“ Lucy was good , ” the 80-year-old said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you .
We never did determine who was the real tortilla champion , though.
” Cherie Gonzalez , 52 , stood in the shade of an organ pipe cactus , holding a bouquet of purple balloons .
“ Mitla is , like , way back for everyone , and Lucy is the last of the originals , ” she said .
“ We had to come out and pay respect.
” Rachel Clark served as San Bernardino ’ s city clerk for 21 years .
She broke down thinking about Reyes while waiting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chorizo and eggs from the cafe .
“ She always made you feel like you were coming home , ” Clark said .
Patty Martinez , who has worked at Mitla Cafe for 33 years , remembered how Reyes immediately embraced her when Martinez arrived in the United States from Michoacán in the 1980s with only a bicycle for transportation .
“ She found out and said , ‘ I ’ m going to pick you up and drop you off until you make enough money to get a car , ’ ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ treated me like a daughter , and my children like her grandchildren.
” After Reyes retired , Martinez took tacos to her every week until just two weeks before she passed .
Since the rise of coronavirus in March , Martinez would just drop off dinner on the front steps of the Reyes house and wave from outside .
On the final visit , Reyes waited in front of her door .
“ I tried to stand away from her , but she wanted to see me , ” Martinez said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The granddaughter of Mexican immigrants , Reyes was born in 1933 and grew up on a chicken farm in Devore , Calif .
Her family eventually moved to San Bernardino , and Reyes found job at Mitla as a dishwasher in 1950 while still in high school .
She never worked anywhere else .
Reyes did everything : wait tables , prep food , train employees , pick up the phone with a high-pitched “ Hello , Mitla !
” that West Siders remember as fondly as any childhood TV jingle .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a mentor , a friend , and really a family member , ” said Mitla co-owner Michael Montaño , the third generation of his family to run the diner .
“ She embodied the spirit of San Bernardino .
She never gave up on it.
” “ I can ’ t tell today from yesterday , but she remembered everything , ” said Irene Montaño , Michael ’ s mother and the daughter-in-law of Mitla ’ s founders .
“ People didn ’ t even have a chance to sit down and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She , Reyes and Martinez liked to take Metrolink on their days off to visit Olvera Street or Mission San Juan Capistrano .
The Montaños eased Reyes ’ duties as the decades passed .
Her schedule went from full time to a couple of days a week to a few hours a month .
Michael bought her a personal air conditioner and even opened up a long-shuttered takeout window so customers could talk to Reyes while she peeled potatoes and chiles .
The parade of fans , Michael said , never stopped .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I was older that she wasn ’ t my actual aunt , ” said John Robles , 46 , a San Bernardino County sheriff ’ s deputy who grew up down the street from Mitla and worked alongside Reyes from high school through college .
“ She always told me to get ahead in life — and when I did , to always help people in need.
” Hundreds attended a 2018 retirement party held at Mitla ’ s banquet room , where customer after customer soliloquized Reyes .
“ No one even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Michael , 44 .
“ She was just not going to work anymore.
” She spent her final years with a granddaughter , Vanessa Vara , who was among the first family members to arrive at Reyes ’ memorial .
“ God , it was such a privilege of being able to take care of someone who was so respected , ” said her wife , Denise .
“ We want to send her out like a legend.
” Vanessa wore one of Reyes ’ trademark china poblana blouses .
She looked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with balloons and flowers fake and real .
Someone bought a small banner , on which people could write their condolences with a Sharpie .
Two large photos of Reyes leaned against tomato cans on a table that included bottles of cold water and hand sanitizer .
About 55 people finally showed up .
Masked attendees spaced out in their quarantine pods , using balloons to futilely fend off the relentless sun .
“ It ’ s a blessing to know how much she was loved , ” said Leonard Gomez , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ granddaughter .
“ It ’ s so overwhelming we could do this .
It goes to show how one person could affect so many.
” At about 12:30 , Gomez yelled for everyone to gather around him .
He urged folks to get close — but not too close .
The 47-year-old offered thanks on behalf of the Reyes family and called Lucy “ an amazing woman .
Even if she didn ’ t like you , she still loved you.
” After a quick prayer and a quick “ Happy Birthday , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ friends and family and customers looked up to the sky , fretful that the balloons would get caught in a thicket of power lines and telephone lines .
But a sudden , refreshing breeze pushed nearly all of them through .
People looked on until the balloons were specks against the big blue sky .
Some wept ; some stayed silent .
Then they crossed the street to Mitla .
Taco time — to go , of course .

If ever there was a San Bernardino resident who deserved a fiesta for her funeral, it was Lucy Reyes.
She worked at Mitla Cafe, the oldest Mexican restaurant in the Inland Empire, for 68 of its 83 years, retiring in 2018. Her loyal customers included the mighty — politicians, athletes, Cesar Chavez — and multiple generations from hundreds of families in the city’s West Side barrio.
There was also the young World War II veteran who showed up nearly every night in the early 1950s to eat Mitla’s famous hard-shell tacos. That nice Glenn Bell, Reyes always cracked to the many food reporters who trekked to Mitla in recent years, sure had a hit with his Taco Bell.
Reyes stayed in San Bernardino while so many others left, and saw it turn from a boomtown on Route 66 to a cautionary tale of urban decay. She became a reassuring lodestone, a reminder of what was and could be again.
Advertisement
Denise Vara brings balloons and photos of Lucy Reyes to the memorial service. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
“Mom was like a human Facebook,” said Reyes’ son, Andy. “If you needed to know anyone in San Bernardino, and who was related to who, she knew.”
But when Reyes died July 13 of a heart attack at 86, her family and co-workers faced a dilemma.
California Gov. Gavin Newsom had once again banned places of worship from opening in the state’s most coronavirus-afflicted counties. Local mortuaries were booked for weeks. Many of Reyes’ closest friends were elderly themselves or immunocompromised.
Lucy needed — deserved — a send-off.
So her descendants — two surviving children, 10 grandchildren, and too many great-grandchildren and great-great grandchildren for anyone to offer a definite count — decided to hold a socially distant memorial in the Mitla Cafe parking lot on July 25. That day would’ve been her 87th birthday.
On a blistering Saturday morning, customers shared Lucy stories outside Mitla — currently offering only takeout — as they waited for the noon ceremony and sneaked in a quick to-go breakfast.
Advertisement
Mercy Aguirre at the memorial service of her longtime colleague Lucy Reyes. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Mercy Aguirre came early to drop off flowers and avoid any crowds. She made flour tortillas alongside Reyes for 33 years. “Lucy was good,” the 80-year-old said. “Always a smile, always there for you. We never did determine who was the real tortilla champion, though.”
Cherie Gonzalez, 52, stood in the shade of an organ pipe cactus, holding a bouquet of purple balloons. “Mitla is, like, way back for everyone, and Lucy is the last of the originals,” she said. “We had to come out and pay respect.”
Rachel Clark served as San Bernardino’s city clerk for 21 years. She broke down thinking about Reyes while waiting in her minivan for an order of chorizo and eggs from the cafe. “She always made you feel like you were coming home,” Clark said.
Patty Martinez, who has worked at Mitla Cafe for 33 years, remembered how Reyes immediately embraced her when Martinez arrived in the United States from Michoacán in the 1980s with only a bicycle for transportation.
“She found out and said, ‘I’m going to pick you up and drop you off until you make enough money to get a car,’” said the 54-year-old. “Lucy always treated me like a daughter, and my children like her grandchildren.”
Patty Martinez, who has worked at Mitla Cafe for 33 years, called Lucy Reyes her best friend. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
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After Reyes retired, Martinez took tacos to her every week until just two weeks before she passed. Since the rise of coronavirus in March, Martinez would just drop off dinner on the front steps of the Reyes house and wave from outside. On the final visit, Reyes waited in front of her door.
“I tried to stand away from her, but she wanted to see me,” Martinez said. “I think she knew it was time.”
The granddaughter of Mexican immigrants, Reyes was born in 1933 and grew up on a chicken farm in Devore, Calif. Her family eventually moved to San Bernardino, and Reyes found job at Mitla as a dishwasher in 1950 while still in high school.
She never worked anywhere else.
Reyes did everything: wait tables, prep food, train employees, pick up the phone with a high-pitched “Hello, Mitla!” that West Siders remember as fondly as any childhood TV jingle.
“Lucy was that dream employee who was a mentor, a friend, and really a family member,” said Mitla co-owner Michael Montaño, the third generation of his family to run the diner. “She embodied the spirit of San Bernardino. She never gave up on it.”
Ricarda Reyes touches a photo of her mother, Lucy Reyes, at the memorial service (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
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“I can’t tell today from yesterday, but she remembered everything,” said Irene Montaño, Michael’s mother and the daughter-in-law of Mitla’s founders. “People didn’t even have a chance to sit down and Lucy was already writing their order.” She, Reyes and Martinez liked to take Metrolink on their days off to visit Olvera Street or Mission San Juan Capistrano.
The Montaños eased Reyes’ duties as the decades passed. Her schedule went from full time to a couple of days a week to a few hours a month. Michael bought her a personal air conditioner and even opened up a long-shuttered takeout window so customers could talk to Reyes while she peeled potatoes and chiles.
The parade of fans, Michael said, never stopped.
“I didn’t realize until I was older that she wasn’t my actual aunt,” said John Robles, 46, a San Bernardino County sheriff’s deputy who grew up down the street from Mitla and worked alongside Reyes from high school through college. “She always told me to get ahead in life — and when I did, to always help people in need.”
Hundreds attended a 2018 retirement party held at Mitla’s banquet room, where customer after customer soliloquized Reyes.
“No one even saw it as a goodbye,” said Michael, 44. “She was just not going to work anymore.”
She spent her final years with a granddaughter, Vanessa Vara, who was among the first family members to arrive at Reyes’ memorial.
“God, it was such a privilege of being able to take care of someone who was so respected,” said her wife, Denise. “We want to send her out like a legend.”
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Patty Martinez, right, takes an order from a customer at Mitla Cafe. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Vanessa wore one of Reyes’ trademark china poblana blouses. She looked over a Mitla parking lot fence prettied with balloons and flowers fake and real. Someone bought a small banner, on which people could write their condolences with a Sharpie. Two large photos of Reyes leaned against tomato cans on a table that included bottles of cold water and hand sanitizer.
About 55 people finally showed up. Masked attendees spaced out in their quarantine pods, using balloons to futilely fend off the relentless sun.
“It’s a blessing to know how much she was loved,” said Leonard Gomez, a maintenance worker and husband of another Reyes granddaughter. “It’s so overwhelming we could do this. It goes to show how one person could affect so many.”
At about 12:30, Gomez yelled for everyone to gather around him. He urged folks to get close — but not too close.
The 47-year-old offered thanks on behalf of the Reyes family and called Lucy “an amazing woman. Even if she didn’t like you, she still loved you.” After a quick prayer and a quick “Happy Birthday,” everyone released their balloons.
Reyes’ friends and family and customers looked up to the sky, fretful that the balloons would get caught in a thicket of power lines and telephone lines. But a sudden, refreshing breeze pushed nearly all of them through. People looked on until the balloons were specks against the big blue sky. Some wept; some stayed silent.
Then they crossed the street to Mitla. Taco time — to go, of course.


latimes--2020-07-30--California scales back coronavirus testing task force despite long lines, new outbreaks

In the early days of coronavirus testing , California public health officials teamed up with private industry executives for an immediate impact .
The group , established by Gov .
Gavin Newsom , added over 100 new test sites in three weeks , launched partnerships with new innovative labs , and managed the flow of swabs , chemicals and gear through the state ’ s sprawling new testing infrastructure .
But as the state now grapples with surging infection rates and looming test supply shortages , the task force has shrunk in size and influence .
Dozens of task force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the senior health official who oversaw the team has resigned .
The diminished state of the task force alarms some experts and former members who say a fully staffed team is needed more than ever to help a public health department that is chronically understaffed and ill-equipped to respond to emergencies on their own .
California has long fallen short on providing adequate testing across the state , a reality that makes it impossible for public health officials to quickly track infectious cases and slow the spread .
The team was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and private sectors , which is crucial in responding to a pandemic that cuts across the entire healthcare system .
The members , many of whom volunteered for three-month stints , came from top health organizations , and the state ’ s representatives included staff from the governor ’ s office and various agencies .
State health officials say the task force remains a significant contributor to the pandemic response .
Dr. Gil Chavez , a new co-chair of the task force , spends “ the majority of his workday ” on its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and expanding testing capacity , according to a spokeswoman for the state public health department .
The team will “ continue to ensure it has sufficient assistance from individuals from both inside and outside of state government to achieve its goals , ” the spokeswoman said .
But the state ’ s continuing struggles with the pandemic response is worrisome evidence , say experts and former members , that the public sector alone can ’ t coordinate a response that involves distributing millions of swabs to test sites and synchronizing data with more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extending across the globe .
California is still conducting less than half the daily tests necessary to stop the virus , according to an analysis by the Harvard Global Health Institute , and supplies are likely to dry up in the coming months as various states compete for them , said former task force who spoke on condition of anonymity .
“ There is not one person waking up , thinking , ‘ How are we going to do testing in September , in October , in November ?
’ ” said one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a serious mistake , ” said Lawrence Gostin , the director of the O ’ Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University and the head of the World Health Organization ’ s Collaborating Center on National and Global Health Law .
“ California is far from out of the water .
It ’ s probable that the worst is yet to come .
You can not skimp on testing strategy — full stop.
” When Chavez was asked at a press conference Monday whether the state ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a test to anyone who wanted one , he said the state still needed to prioritize specific groups .
“ The answer is : Not today , ” he said .
The task force , launched on April 4 , was for months led by Dr. Charity Dean , a microbiology and infectious disease expert and then the assistant director of the state ’ s public health department , alongside co-chair Paul Markovich , the chief executive of Blue Shield of California .
Dean spent hours each day dealing with elected officials , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s task force , former colleagues said ; Markovich juggled innovative strategy coordination with cumbersome tasks , like using a spreadsheet to track lab supply requests and manually phoning facilities in lieu of a universal electronic system .
They were known to work up to 120 hours per week , talking by phone until close to midnight to troubleshoot testing infrastructure kinks and supply crises around the state .
An internal organizational chart shows that the two oversaw close to 70 staff members , with responsibilities ranging from drive-through site management to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The task force held meetings at 9 a.m. and 3 p.m. daily , inviting all members to join in .
Their goals were five-fold : increase lab capacity ; improve the supply chain ; enable new testing tools ; improve data reporting ; and build the testing workforce .
In each category , the group showed improvement , according to progress documents reviewed by The Times .
The task force surpassed 25,000 tests per day in late April and 60,000 tests per day by mid-May — reaching both milestones ahead of schedule .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ private industry representatives — including Markovich — signed up for a three-month volunteer term that ended on June 30 .
A detailed plan was in place to transition duties to state leadership beginning in late May — but for weeks , it remained nonoperational , since succeeding leaders had not yet been selected .
By July , Markovich had returned to his full-time post at Blue Shield , along with at least 10 other Blue Shield officials who made up the leadership for one-third of all task force branches .
Other task force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sector , including a software engineering executive , a venture capitalist , a communications specialist , and a contact tracing liaison .
The state did not provide the total number of task force members , but several people with knowledge of the situation say it has decreased by more than 50 % .
Most state employees who remain on the task force have distinct full-time roles unrelated to COVID-19 , a person with direct knowledge of the task force said .
Many are IT employees for the state , for example ; at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their twenties .
Two weeks after the departures — and six weeks after the transitions were set to begin — the state announced the co-chairs ’ replacements : Dr. Bechara Choucair , the senior vice president and chief health officer for Kaiser Foundation Health Plan , Inc. and Hospitals ; and Chavez , the state ’ s former epidemiologist , who had been retired until the pandemic hit .
Chavez is a noted advocate for immigrant rights and migrant health issues .
And as the administration faces pushback — and a growing crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — Chavez represents a trusted voice in a community that has often had its health needs overlooked .
Former task force leaders reported directly to Dr. Mark Ghaly , the state ’ s secretary of Health and Human Services , making for efficient planning and quick sign-offs for big supply purchases .
The new leaders will now report to an official below him , the state confirmed .
A spokeswoman for Choucair declined to arrange a phone interview with The Times , referring inquiries back to state representatives .
Public officials say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place , the state is ready to take back the reins , and that private partners will continue to “ consult with the state as needed.
” Rick Greenwood , who works with the task force to bolster county-level lab capacity , said the private industry players were “ impressive ” and “ central ” to the testing scale-up , but doesn ’ t worry about the future of the task force ’ s work .
“ There ’ s a lot of qualified people in the state .
It ’ s changed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still very active .
I don ’ t know that anything has been lost , ” he said .
Meanwhile , Newsom has relied on the private sector to supplement government work even before the pandemic , and when the two part ways , critics say , there ’ s typically a scramble to maintain continuity .
Public health infrastructure has been “ underfunded federally for years ” and “ could barely handle outbreaks on a normal day , like TB or measles , ” one former member said .
It “ was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and nimble actions.
” And while companies like Roche have done widespread hiring to respond to the crisis , the state , facing budgetary restrictions , has not , they said .
Greenwood said private industry partners brought at least one irreplicable strength : creativity .
“ State people don ’ t always know there ’ s another way to do it .
Private sector people have a different perspective on what can be done , ” he said .
“ Perhaps the overall strategizing is an area that ’ s different now.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Taryn Luna contributed to this report .

In the early days of coronavirus testing, California public health officials teamed up with private industry executives for an immediate impact. The group, established by Gov. Gavin Newsom, added over 100 new test sites in three weeks, launched partnerships with new innovative labs, and managed the flow of swabs, chemicals and gear through the state’s sprawling new testing infrastructure.
But as the state now grapples with surging infection rates and looming test supply shortages, the task force has shrunk in size and influence. Dozens of task force members have departed and not been replaced, and the senior health official who oversaw the team has resigned.
The diminished state of the task force alarms some experts and former members who say a fully staffed team is needed more than ever to help a public health department that is chronically understaffed and ill-equipped to respond to emergencies on their own. California has long fallen short on providing adequate testing across the state, a reality that makes it impossible for public health officials to quickly track infectious cases and slow the spread.
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The team was established to foster cooperation between the public and private sectors, which is crucial in responding to a pandemic that cuts across the entire healthcare system. The members, many of whom volunteered for three-month stints, came from top health organizations, and the state’s representatives included staff from the governor’s office and various agencies.
State health officials say the task force remains a significant contributor to the pandemic response. Dr. Gil Chavez, a new co-chair of the task force, spends “the majority of his workday” on its activities and it remains focused on improving and expanding testing capacity, according to a spokeswoman for the state public health department.
The team will “continue to ensure it has sufficient assistance from individuals from both inside and outside of state government to achieve its goals,” the spokeswoman said.
But the state’s continuing struggles with the pandemic response is worrisome evidence, say experts and former members, that the public sector alone can’t coordinate a response that involves distributing millions of swabs to test sites and synchronizing data with more than 50 laboratories, with supply chains extending across the globe.
California is still conducting less than half the daily tests necessary to stop the virus, according to an analysis by the Harvard Global Health Institute, and supplies are likely to dry up in the coming months as various states compete for them, said former task force who spoke on condition of anonymity.
“There is not one person waking up, thinking, ‘How are we going to do testing in September, in October, in November?’” said one former task force official.
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“It’s a serious mistake,” said Lawrence Gostin, the director of the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University and the head of the World Health Organization’s Collaborating Center on National and Global Health Law. “California is far from out of the water. It’s probable that the worst is yet to come. You cannot skimp on testing strategy — full stop.”
When Chavez was asked at a press conference Monday whether the state’s testing capacity was enough to provide a test to anyone who wanted one, he said the state still needed to prioritize specific groups. “The answer is: Not today,” he said.
The task force, launched on April 4, was for months led by Dr. Charity Dean, a microbiology and infectious disease expert and then the assistant director of the state’s public health department, alongside co-chair Paul Markovich, the chief executive of Blue Shield of California.
Dean spent hours each day dealing with elected officials, including those on the White House’s task force, former colleagues said; Markovich juggled innovative strategy coordination with cumbersome tasks, like using a spreadsheet to track lab supply requests and manually phoning facilities in lieu of a universal electronic system. They were known to work up to 120 hours per week, talking by phone until close to midnight to troubleshoot testing infrastructure kinks and supply crises around the state.
An internal organizational chart shows that the two oversaw close to 70 staff members, with responsibilities ranging from drive-through site management to the procurement of highly sought-after testing supplies. The task force held meetings at 9 a.m. and 3 p.m. daily, inviting all members to join in.
Their goals were five-fold: increase lab capacity; improve the supply chain; enable new testing tools; improve data reporting; and build the testing workforce. In each category, the group showed improvement, according to progress documents reviewed by The Times. The task force surpassed 25,000 tests per day in late April and 60,000 tests per day by mid-May — reaching both milestones ahead of schedule.
But most of the partnership’s private industry representatives — including Markovich — signed up for a three-month volunteer term that ended on June 30. A detailed plan was in place to transition duties to state leadership beginning in late May — but for weeks, it remained nonoperational, since succeeding leaders had not yet been selected.
By July, Markovich had returned to his full-time post at Blue Shield, along with at least 10 other Blue Shield officials who made up the leadership for one-third of all task force branches. Other task force staffers returned to posts across the private sector, including a software engineering executive, a venture capitalist, a communications specialist, and a contact tracing liaison.
The state did not provide the total number of task force members, but several people with knowledge of the situation say it has decreased by more than 50%.
Most state employees who remain on the task force have distinct full-time roles unrelated to COVID-19, a person with direct knowledge of the task force said. Many are IT employees for the state, for example; at least two others are executive assistants in their twenties.
Two weeks after the departures — and six weeks after the transitions were set to begin — the state announced the co-chairs’ replacements: Dr. Bechara Choucair, the senior vice president and chief health officer for Kaiser Foundation Health Plan, Inc. and Hospitals; and Chavez, the state’s former epidemiologist, who had been retired until the pandemic hit.
Chavez is a noted advocate for immigrant rights and migrant health issues. And as the administration faces pushback — and a growing crisis of infection rates in front-line Latino workers — Chavez represents a trusted voice in a community that has often had its health needs overlooked.
Former task force leaders reported directly to Dr. Mark Ghaly, the state’s secretary of Health and Human Services, making for efficient planning and quick sign-offs for big supply purchases. The new leaders will now report to an official below him, the state confirmed.
A spokeswoman for Choucair declined to arrange a phone interview with The Times, referring inquiries back to state representatives.
Public officials say that with “critical infrastructure” now in place, the state is ready to take back the reins, and that private partners will continue to “consult with the state as needed.”
Rick Greenwood, who works with the task force to bolster county-level lab capacity, said the private industry players were “impressive” and “central” to the testing scale-up, but doesn’t worry about the future of the task force’s work.
“There’s a lot of qualified people in the state. It’s changed in character, but it’s still very active. I don’t know that anything has been lost,” he said.
Meanwhile, Newsom has relied on the private sector to supplement government work even before the pandemic, and when the two part ways, critics say, there’s typically a scramble to maintain continuity.
Public health infrastructure has been “underfunded federally for years” and “could barely handle outbreaks on a normal day, like TB or measles,” one former member said. It “was not designed to operationally respond with fast and nimble actions.”
And while companies like Roche have done widespread hiring to respond to the crisis, the state, facing budgetary restrictions, has not, they said.
Greenwood said private industry partners brought at least one irreplicable strength: creativity.
“State people don’t always know there’s another way to do it. Private sector people have a different perspective on what can be done,” he said. “Perhaps the overall strategizing is an area that’s different now.”
Times staff writers Anita Chabria and Taryn Luna contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-07-30--Magnitude 4.2 earthquake centered near San Fernando rattles Greater L.A.

The largest , a magnitude 4.2 quake , was reported at 4:29 a.m. and centered near San Fernando , according to the U.S. Geological Survey .
It was felt across the L.A. Basin and into Orange County , but no damage was reported .
A number of smaller quakes followed throughout the early morning — including a magnitude 3.3 earthquake at 4:38 a.m. and a magnitude 3.8 temblor at 6:48 a.m. , both in San Fernando , according to the USGS .
Ground and air surveys from the Los Angeles Fire Department found no major infrastructure damage , and “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or serious injury that we can directly attribute ” to the larger quake , officials wrote in an incident update shortly before 5:30 a.m .
The Los Angeles Police Department ’ s 911 and communications systems were not affected by the temblor , and all operations were normal as of about 5 a.m. , authorities said .
“ A reminder , when an earthquake does happen , please don ’ t call 911 unless you have an emergency , ” the LAPD wrote on Twitter .
In the past 10 days , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or greater centered nearby .
An average of five earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in the Greater Los Angeles area , according to a recent three year data sample .
The initial earthquake occurred at a depth of 4.9 miles .
The magnitude 3.3 quake occurred at a depth of 5.8 miles , according to the USGS .
“ What does it mean ?
It means you live in California , ” she wrote on Twitter .
Did you feel these earthquakes ?
Consider reporting what you felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do before , and during , an earthquake near you by reading our five-step earthquake preparedness guide .

People walk along the Mission City Train in San Fernando, where a magnitude 4.2 earthquake struck early Thursday.
A series of earthquakes rattled the Los Angeles area Thursday morning.
The largest, a magnitude 4.2 quake, was reported at 4:29 a.m. and centered near San Fernando, according to the U.S. Geological Survey. It was felt across the L.A. Basin and into Orange County, but no damage was reported.
A number of smaller quakes followed throughout the early morning — including a magnitude 3.3 earthquake at 4:38 a.m. and a magnitude 3.8 temblor at 6:48 a.m., both in San Fernando, according to the USGS.
Ground and air surveys from the Los Angeles Fire Department found no major infrastructure damage, and “there has been no loss of life or serious injury that we can directly attribute” to the larger quake, officials wrote in an incident update shortly before 5:30 a.m.
The Los Angeles Police Department’s 911 and communications systems were not affected by the temblor, and all operations were normal as of about 5 a.m., authorities said.
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“A reminder, when an earthquake does happen, please don’t call 911 unless you have an emergency,” the LAPD wrote on Twitter.
Good morning Los Angeles. Yes, we felt it too. Our 9-1-1 & communications systems are very robust and were not impacted by the #earthquake. All operations are normal. A reminder, when an earthquake does happen, please don’t call 9-1-1 unless you have an emergency. https://t.co/2uZmR01eSH — LAPD Communications Division (@911LAPD) July 30, 2020
In the past 10 days, there have been two earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby.
An average of five earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in the Greater Los Angeles area, according to a recent three year data sample.
The initial earthquake occurred at a depth of 4.9 miles. The magnitude 3.3 quake occurred at a depth of 5.8 miles, according to the USGS.
Renowned seismologist Lucy Jones characterized the early morning activity as “garden variety California quakes.”
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“What does it mean? It means you live in California,” she wrote on Twitter.
Did you feel these earthquakes? Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS.
Find out what to do before, and during, an earthquake near you by reading our five-step earthquake preparedness guide.


latimes--2020-07-30--California breaks coronavirus death record for fourth time this month

California has broken another record for the number of coronavirus-related deaths in a single day , cataloging at least 189 deaths Wednesday , according to a Los Angeles Times count of California ’ s 58 counties .
It was the second consecutive day — and the fourth time this month — that the state has broken its single-day death record ; on Tuesday , 174 deaths were recorded .
The rising death toll comes more than a month into a surge of new COVID-19 cases that came with the reopening of the economy .
Just before the Fourth of July @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hopes of slowing the spread of infections .
California has now recorded nearly 9,000 deaths since the pandemic began .
Although it is often noted that the state has seen far fewer fatalities than New York — where 32,653 people have died — other nations have endured far smaller death tolls than California .
The cumulative coronavirus-related death toll is about 1,000 in Japan , 300 in South Korea , 176 in Australia , 22 in New Zealand and 7 in Taiwan .
Japan and South Korea each have populations greater than that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a much better job of slowing infections have done so through the widespread wearing of masks , quarantining of travelers , aggressive testing and contact tracing , isolating the sick and strict safety protocols .
In countries such as New Zealand , the pandemic control strategy never became politicized , unlike in California , where a number of people are vociferously opposed to wearing masks .
“ Everybody was united in the message , and they did it , they took care of it .
And really controlled the outbreak in their country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ professor of medicine and associate chief of infectious diseases at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA .
At least 12,285 new coronavirus cases in California were reported Wednesday , a new single-day record for cases .
The last time the daily case record was broken was July 22 , when 12,062 cases were recorded .
Wednesday also marked Los Angeles County ’ s worst single-day tally of coronavirus cases and deaths , although that count was partly a result of a backlog in data reporting .
At least 91 deaths were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breaking a single-day record set May 19 , when 84 deaths were recorded .
L.A. County also reported at least 4,793 COVID-19 cases Wednesday , breaking the single-day record of July 16 , when 4,506 cases were recorded .
L.A. County now has a cumulative coronavirus death toll of at least 4,518 , more than half the state ’ s total of at least 8,912 .
There are at least 183,456 confirmed cases in L.A. County ; statewide , the total is at 485,831 cases .
Across the U.S. , more than 150,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death toll larger than that of any other nation .
By various measures , the coronavirus pandemic is now worse in many areas of California than it was in the week leading up to Memorial Day — some bleaker than others .
The San Joaquin Valley , an eight-county region of the Central Valley stretching from Stockton to Bakersfield , is one of the regions where pandemic conditions have deteriorated dramatically .
In the weeklong period that ended on Memorial Day , 42 residents of the San Joaquin Valley died of the coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monday , 105 residents had died .
Deaths are also on the upswing in the seven-county Sacramento region .
Over the same time period , weekly deaths rose from 4 to 25 .
The nine-county San Francisco Bay Area has seen its weekly death toll nearly triple in the same time period — from 20 to 57 ; San Diego County ’ s weekly death toll doubled over the same time period , from 28 to 55 .
The five-county Southern California area — L.A. , Orange , Riverside , San Bernardino and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increase from 357 to 493 in that same time period , an increase of 38 % .
There are some signs that California ’ s most recent surge — while still growing — has started to slow down .
For the week that ended Tuesday , the state recorded an average of 9,157 new confirmed cases daily , a 2 % increase from the previous week .
That ’ s a much slower increase than what happened in the week that ended July 14 , when the daily average of new cases was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the previous week .
In addition , the rate at which coronavirus tests are coming back positive has been stable in recent weeks statewide .
A Times analysis found that California ’ s seven-day coronavirus positive test rate has generally stayed between 7 % and 8 % since July 5 .
Also , the effective transmission rate of the coronavirus statewide is to be 1.02 — meaning every infected person , on average , transmits the virus to 1.02 other people .
But looking at the average conceals the deep problems in harder-hit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joaquin Valley , the transmission rate of the virus is as high as 1.4 , Dr. Mark Ghaly , secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency , said this week at a media briefing in Stockton , “ which tells us we have a great deal of work to do to get transmission rates down here in the Central Valley.
” In some hospitals in the Central Valley , 65 % of regular beds are filled with COVID-19 patients , Ghaly said .
Federal medical teams have been dispatched to hospitals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In the Central Valley , “ you ’ re not anywhere close to being under control there , ” said Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo , chair of UC San Francisco ’ s Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics .
“ When we think of a state , our average numbers look better , but we can not forget that in the middle of the state , the numbers look worse.
” The same problem can occur on the county level , where a county overall might look good , “ but there are communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Bibbins-Domingo said .
“ And unless we focus our attention on the areas where there is high rates of transmission , we are not going to get either the county or the state under control , ” Bibbins-Domingo said .
“ And that ’ s one of the fallacies in California just constantly looking at the average effects , whether it ’ s statewide or within a county.
” Times staff writers Priya Krishnakumar and Andrea Roberson contributed to this report .

Rong-Gong Lin II, Iris Lee, Colleen Shalby

California has broken another record for the number of coronavirus-related deaths in a single day, cataloging at least 189 deaths Wednesday, according to a Los Angeles Times count of California’s 58 counties.
It was the second consecutive day — and the fourth time this month — that the state has broken its single-day death record; on Tuesday, 174 deaths were recorded.
The rising death toll comes more than a month into a surge of new COVID-19 cases that came with the reopening of the economy. Just before the Fourth of July weekend, officials imposed new restrictions with hopes of slowing the spread of infections.
California has now recorded nearly 9,000 deaths since the pandemic began. Although it is often noted that the state has seen far fewer fatalities than New York — where 32,653 people have died — other nations have endured far smaller death tolls than California.
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The cumulative coronavirus-related death toll is about 1,000 in Japan, 300 in South Korea, 176 in Australia, 22 in New Zealand and 7 in Taiwan. Japan and South Korea each have populations greater than that of California.
Countries that have done a much better job of slowing infections have done so through the widespread wearing of masks, quarantining of travelers, aggressive testing and contact tracing, isolating the sick and strict safety protocols.
In countries such as New Zealand, the pandemic control strategy never became politicized, unlike in California, where a number of people are vociferously opposed to wearing masks.
“Everybody was united in the message, and they did it, they took care of it. And really controlled the outbreak in their country,” said Dr. Otto Yang, professor of medicine and associate chief of infectious diseases at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA.
At least 12,285 new coronavirus cases in California were reported Wednesday, a new single-day record for cases. The last time the daily case record was broken was July 22, when 12,062 cases were recorded. Wednesday also marked Los Angeles County’s worst single-day tally of coronavirus cases and deaths, although that count was partly a result of a backlog in data reporting.
At least 91 deaths were reported in L.A. County on Wednesday, breaking a single-day record set May 19, when 84 deaths were recorded. L.A. County also reported at least 4,793 COVID-19 cases Wednesday, breaking the single-day record of July 16, when 4,506 cases were recorded.
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L.A. County now has a cumulative coronavirus death toll of at least 4,518, more than half the state’s total of at least 8,912. There are at least 183,456 confirmed cases in L.A. County; statewide, the total is at 485,831 cases.
Across the U.S., more than 150,000 people have died of COVID-19, a death toll larger than that of any other nation.
By various measures, the coronavirus pandemic is now worse in many areas of California than it was in the week leading up to Memorial Day — some bleaker than others.
The San Joaquin Valley, an eight-county region of the Central Valley stretching from Stockton to Bakersfield, is one of the regions where pandemic conditions have deteriorated dramatically. In the weeklong period that ended on Memorial Day, 42 residents of the San Joaquin Valley died of the coronavirus; in the seven-day period that ended Monday, 105 residents had died.
Deaths are also on the upswing in the seven-county Sacramento region. Over the same time period, weekly deaths rose from 4 to 25.
The nine-county San Francisco Bay Area has seen its weekly death toll nearly triple in the same time period — from 20 to 57; San Diego County’s weekly death toll doubled over the same time period, from 28 to 55.
The five-county Southern California area — L.A., Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino and Ventura counties — has seen weekly deaths increase from 357 to 493 in that same time period, an increase of 38%.
There are some signs that California’s most recent surge — while still growing — has started to slow down. For the week that ended Tuesday, the state recorded an average of 9,157 new confirmed cases daily, a 2% increase from the previous week. That’s a much slower increase than what happened in the week that ended July 14, when the daily average of new cases was 8,902, a 20% jump from the previous week.
In addition, the rate at which coronavirus tests are coming back positive has been stable in recent weeks statewide. A Times analysis found that California’s seven-day coronavirus positive test rate has generally stayed between 7% and 8% since July 5. Also, the effective transmission rate of the coronavirus statewide is estimated to be 1.02 — meaning every infected person, on average, transmits the virus to 1.02 other people.
But looking at the average conceals the deep problems in harder-hit areas of California.
In the San Joaquin Valley, the transmission rate of the virus is as high as 1.4, Dr. Mark Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency, said this week at a media briefing in Stockton, “which tells us we have a great deal of work to do to get transmission rates down here in the Central Valley.”
In some hospitals in the Central Valley, 65% of regular beds are filled with COVID-19 patients, Ghaly said. Federal medical teams have been dispatched to hospitals in the Central Valley and Southern California.
In the Central Valley, “you’re not anywhere close to being under control there,” said Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo, chair of UC San Francisco’s Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics. “When we think of a state, our average numbers look better, but we cannot forget that in the middle of the state, the numbers look worse.”
The same problem can occur on the county level, where a county overall might look good, “but there are communities that still have high rates of transmission,” Bibbins-Domingo said.
“And unless we focus our attention on the areas where there is high rates of transmission, we are not going to get either the county or the state under control,” Bibbins-Domingo said. “And that’s one of the fallacies in California just constantly looking at the average effects, whether it’s statewide or within a county.”
Times staff writers Priya Krishnakumar and Andrea Roberson contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-07-29--4-year-old boy dies and his little brother is injured in Pasadena apartment fire

A 4-year-old boy died and his 3-year-old brother was injured in a fire that engulfed an apartment complex in Pasadena on Wednesday .
Firefighters and police responded to the apartment building at 169 E. Washington Blvd .
about 2 p.m. and saw heavy flames coming from two units on the first floor , said Pasadena city spokesperson Lisa Derderian .
Neighbors tried to help people trapped on the second floor of the building using ladders before the fire spread .
About 55 firefighters helped extinguish the flames , interim Pasadena Fire Chief Bryan Frieders told KTLA-TV .
They found the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The child ’ s brother and their 29-year-old mother were both hospitalized “ in very serious condition , ” Derderian said .
It ’ s a “ very tragic situation for the family involved and has a significant effect on our public safety personnel , many of whom have young children , ” Derderian said in a statement .
She said several units in the garden-style apartment complex were damaged by fire and smoke and four families had been displaced .
Frieders said he had no reason to believe that the fire was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the scene .

A 4-year-old boy died and his 3-year-old brother was injured in a fire that engulfed an apartment complex in Pasadena on Wednesday.
Firefighters and police responded to the apartment building at 169 E. Washington Blvd. about 2 p.m. and saw heavy flames coming from two units on the first floor, said Pasadena city spokesperson Lisa Derderian.
Neighbors tried to help people trapped on the second floor of the building using ladders before the fire spread.
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About 55 firefighters helped extinguish the flames, interim Pasadena Fire Chief Bryan Frieders told KTLA-TV. They found the dead child in a lower unit. The child’s brother and their 29-year-old mother were both hospitalized “in very serious condition,” Derderian said.
It’s a “very tragic situation for the family involved and has a significant effect on our public safety personnel, many of whom have young children,” Derderian said in a statement.
She said several units in the garden-style apartment complex were damaged by fire and smoke and four families had been displaced.
Frieders said he had no reason to believe that the fire was suspicious, but had arson investigators at the scene.


latimes--2020-07-29--Union representing father of Andres Guardado calls on sheriff to resign

The union that represents the father of Andres Guardado and several advocacy groups are calling on Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva to resign , saying he mishandled the investigation into the 18-year-old ’ s killing and has resisted accountability and oversight during his term .
The organizations sent a letter to Villanueva on Wednesday afternoon citing his rehiring of a deputy fired for misconduct , the harassment of families who ’ ve lost loved ones at the hands of deputies , and the failure to disclose records of deputy misconduct and comply with subpoenas issued by the Sheriff Civilian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ failed to fulfill your campaign promises to reform the department , ” the letter said .
“ You have dramatically exacerbated its problems by undermining basic mechanisms of accountability and civilian oversight at every turn .
This historic moment demands that you recognize when it is time for you to go — and the time is now.
” It was signed by Unite Here Local 11 , the labor union that represents Cristobal Guardado , as well as more than 60 activist groups and labor unions , including Black Lives Matter Los Angeles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California and Clergy & Laity United for Economic Justice .
Unite Here represents workers in hotels , restaurants , airports and other venues .
In a statement , Villanueva said he empathized with and extended his deepest condolences to Guardado ’ s family .
He said the FBI ’ s Civil Rights Division had already met with homicide investigators to begin reviewing the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s shooting investigation .
“ We have invited the California attorney general and the Federal Bureau of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case , ” he said in the statement .
“ Until the Homicide Bureau has concluded the investigation , we are unable to provide further commentary regarding the facts of the case.
” The groups calling for his resignation showed up at the Hall of Justice in downtown L.A. on Thursday to deliver the letter .
Unite Here said it also led the “ Adios Arpaio ” campaign in Arizona to unseat Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio , who called himself “ America ’ s toughest sheriff ” and was convicted of defying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racially profiling Latinos during patrols and turning them over to federal immigration authorities .
He was pardoned by President Trump soon after .
Villanueva has said little information has been released about the Guardado case because the investigation is ongoing .
The teenager was shot and killed by a deputy June 18 in Gardena in a case that generated national attention and large protests .
Investigators said two deputies saw Guardado speaking to someone in a car blocking the entrance to a body shop on West Redondo Beach Boulevard .
They said deputies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ran away .
When they caught up , one deputy fired , according to the Sheriff ’ s Department account .
Investigators said a firearm was recovered from the scene .
The Los Angeles County coroner and an independent autopsy found that Guardado was shot five times in the back .
Guardado ’ s family has said he was working as a security guard at a nearby auto body shop at the time .

Hundreds of people rallied and marched outside the Compton sheriff’s station to protest the shooting of Andres Guardado.
The union that represents the father of Andres Guardado and several advocacy groups are calling on Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva to resign, saying he mishandled the investigation into the 18-year-old’s killing and has resisted accountability and oversight during his term.
The organizations sent a letter to Villanueva on Wednesday afternoon citing his rehiring of a deputy fired for misconduct, the harassment of families who’ve lost loved ones at the hands of deputies, and the failure to disclose records of deputy misconduct and comply with subpoenas issued by the Sheriff Civilian Oversight Commission.
“You have utterly failed to fulfill your campaign promises to reform the department,” the letter said. “You have dramatically exacerbated its problems by undermining basic mechanisms of accountability and civilian oversight at every turn. This historic moment demands that you recognize when it is time for you to go — and the time is now.”
It was signed by Unite Here Local 11, the labor union that represents Cristobal Guardado, as well as more than 60 activist groups and labor unions, including Black Lives Matter Los Angeles, Check the Sheriff, Justice L.A., the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California and Clergy & Laity United for Economic Justice. Unite Here represents workers in hotels, restaurants, airports and other venues.
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In a statement, Villanueva said he empathized with and extended his deepest condolences to Guardado’s family. He said the FBI’s Civil Rights Division had already met with homicide investigators to begin reviewing the Sheriff’s Department’s shooting investigation.
“We have invited the California attorney general and the Federal Bureau of Investigation to examine the facts of the case,” he said in the statement. “Until the Homicide Bureau has concluded the investigation, we are unable to provide further commentary regarding the facts of the case.”
The groups calling for his resignation showed up at the Hall of Justice in downtown L.A. on Thursday to deliver the letter.
Unite Here said it also led the “Adios Arpaio” campaign in Arizona to unseat Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio, who called himself “America’s toughest sheriff” and was convicted of defying a judge’s order to stop racially profiling Latinos during patrols and turning them over to federal immigration authorities. He was pardoned by President Trump soon after.
Villanueva has said little information has been released about the Guardado case because the investigation is ongoing. The teenager was shot and killed by a deputy June 18 in Gardena in a case that generated national attention and large protests.
Investigators said two deputies saw Guardado speaking to someone in a car blocking the entrance to a body shop on West Redondo Beach Boulevard. They said deputies saw a gun and gave chase when he ran away. When they caught up, one deputy fired, according to the Sheriff’s Department account. Investigators said a firearm was recovered from the scene.
The Los Angeles County coroner and an independent autopsy found that Guardado was shot five times in the back.
Guardado’s family has said he was working as a security guard at a nearby auto body shop at the time.


latimes--2020-07-29--L.A. council votes to resume major cleanups near shelters

The Los Angeles City Council voted to resume major cleanups around its “ bridge housing ” shelters , a step sharply opposed by local advocates who argue it will put homeless people at grave risk during the COVID-19 pandemic .
Council members voted 10-4 on Wednesday to bring back “ comprehensive ” cleanups in designated zones around the sites .
Backers of the decision said it was needed to maintain cleanliness and keep promises that city leaders made to neighbors .
Councilman Bob Blumenfield , who voted for the plan , said that when shelter plans were unveiled , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those areas would not become magnets for more encampments and for the buildups of items and trash ” — a promise that L.A. needs to keep to reduce future resistance to homeless shelters and housing , he said .
The decision was opposed by Councilmen Mike Bonin , Marqueece Harris-Dawson , David Ryu and Herb Wesson .
Ryu said that public health experts have made it “ absolutely clear that encampment sweeps during a pandemic are a bad idea.
” “ Moving our unhoused neighbors around while they ’ re trying to stay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and unsafe for the community , ” Ryu said .
Despite the council vote to authorize the sanitation bureau to resume major cleanups in the shelter zones , Mayor Eric Garcetti said Wednesday evening that “ that doesn ’ t mean that the city has announced we will do this.
” The mayor said that a city direction to change its approach would require further consultation with public health officials .
The debate Wednesday was swamped with confusion over what , exactly , the city has been doing to clean up around encampments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic , and how the council decision would affect that .
Ahead of the vote , Bonin complained that , “ I ’ m still unclear on what the hell it is that we ’ re asking to be done.
” In March , council members voted to temporarily stop enforcing a law that requires tents to come down during daytime hours .
Letting people stay in their tents , they said , would reduce the risk of them being exposed to COVID-19 .
That vote did not halt cleanups , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health guidelines issued during the pandemic , the city has held off on “ comprehensive ” cleanups that require people to move their tents .
Such cleanups can take anywhere from two hours to the entire day , one official told council members .
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has recommended to local governments that people who live on the streets be allowed to remain where they are , since “ clearing encampments can cause people to disperse throughout the community , ” which “ increases the potential for infectious disease @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put forward the proposal to ramp up cleanups , argued that the city has been misinterpreting such guidance because the comprehensive cleanups require people only to leave temporarily .
During the meeting , the councilman displayed photos of large objects and clutter that he said were left behind after “ spot cleaning.
” “ This is clearly junk , plain and simple , ” Buscaino said , arguing that debris could house rats or lead to fires .
He later added , “ All I ’ m asking is to simply clean up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acceptable ?
” At one point , Buscaino compared the cleanups to street sweeping , which requires people to move their cars so that “ effective cleaning ” can occur .
Another councilman countered that there was a big difference .
“ It ’ s the difference between cars and people , ” Bonin said .
Buscaino also attributed the pileup on city streets to an April court decision that blocks the city from seizing and destroying bulky items such as mattresses based solely on their size .
That preliminary injunction still allows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ circumstances , however , such as when they are blocking the sidewalk or threaten public health .
The bridge housing sites are supposed to provide interim shelter for homeless people while they await permanent homes .
Among those pushing for the cleanups are Venice residents who have complained about encampments around one site .
“ The trash is overwhelming now .
It ’ s sad and disgusting , ” Venice resident and neighborhood council member Soledad Ursua said .
“ We ’ re going to end up with the bubonic plague.
” Another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there had been “ a lot of broken promises to both the housed and the unhoused ” about how the site would operate .
Tullock said “ things aren ’ t being managed ” as the city had pledged .
Shayla Myers , an attorney with the Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles , said it was a promise the city never should have made .
“ It is a waste of resources to do comprehensive cleanups based on these zones , rather than need , in the interest of placating the community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and activists phoned into the meeting to oppose the decision , arguing that such cleanups displace and harass homeless people and end up trashing crucial belongings , putting people at greater risk during the pandemic .
The existing shelters do not have enough room for all of the unhoused people on nearby streets , they pointed out .
The goal is to “ erase people off the streets at the behest of NIMBYs who can only tolerate small shelters in their neighborhoods if the city can guarantee the remaining unhoused people will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Miguel Camnitzer of the activist group Street Watch L.A. , who lives downtown near one of the shelter sites .
The Echo Park Neighborhood Council also formally opposed the move , arguing that “ displacing people who are simply trying to survive nearby and who do not have a bed available to them does nothing to solve the underlying issues and , in fact , actually worsens them.
” It also criticized spending on police overtime around bridge housing sites .
L.A. had planned to spend $ 8.6 million to ensure round-the-clock policing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reductions have changed those plans , LAPD Chief Michel Moore said at a news conference this week .
“ Frankly the city just simply does not have that money to provide this department ” and “ we don ’ t think that ’ s the best use of overtime , ” Moore said .
Ahead of Wednesday ’ s vote , Blumenfield sought unsuccessfully to tie resuming comprehensive cleanups to entering the next phase of reopening the economy during the pandemic .
That motion failed .
Councilman Mitch O ’ Farrell , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a report from city staffers on ensuring that the resumed cleanups include outreach and follow CDC guidelines , which he said would allow homeless people who say they are isolating themselves to avoid COVID-19 to be left alone during cleanups .

Homeless people pack up their belongings along 1st Street between Broadway and Spring Street in Los Angeles during a cleanup.
The Los Angeles City Council voted to resume major cleanups around its “bridge housing” shelters, a step sharply opposed by local advocates who argue it will put homeless people at grave risk during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Council members voted 10-4 on Wednesday to bring back “comprehensive” cleanups in designated zones around the sites. Backers of the decision said it was needed to maintain cleanliness and keep promises that city leaders made to neighbors.
Councilman Bob Blumenfield, who voted for the plan, said that when shelter plans were unveiled, “we made promises to the community that those areas would not become magnets for more encampments and for the buildups of items and trash” — a promise that L.A. needs to keep to reduce future resistance to homeless shelters and housing, he said.
The decision was opposed by Councilmen Mike Bonin, Marqueece Harris-Dawson, David Ryu and Herb Wesson. Ryu said that public health experts have made it “absolutely clear that encampment sweeps during a pandemic are a bad idea.”
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“Moving our unhoused neighbors around while they’re trying to stay safer at home is unsafe for them and unsafe for the community,” Ryu said.
Despite the council vote to authorize the sanitation bureau to resume major cleanups in the shelter zones, Mayor Eric Garcetti said Wednesday evening that “that doesn’t mean that the city has announced we will do this.” The mayor said that a city direction to change its approach would require further consultation with public health officials.
The debate Wednesday was swamped with confusion over what, exactly, the city has been doing to clean up around encampments, how those practices have changed during the pandemic, and how the council decision would affect that. Ahead of the vote, Bonin complained that, “I’m still unclear on what the hell it is that we’re asking to be done.”
In March, council members voted to temporarily stop enforcing a law that requires tents to come down during daytime hours. Letting people stay in their tents, they said, would reduce the risk of them being exposed to COVID-19.
That vote did not halt cleanups, but sanitation officials said that in light of health guidelines issued during the pandemic, the city has held off on “comprehensive” cleanups that require people to move their tents. Such cleanups can take anywhere from two hours to the entire day, one official told council members.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has recommended to local governments that people who live on the streets be allowed to remain where they are, since “clearing encampments can cause people to disperse throughout the community,” which “increases the potential for infectious disease spread.”
Councilman Joe Buscaino, who put forward the proposal to ramp up cleanups, argued that the city has been misinterpreting such guidance because the comprehensive cleanups require people only to leave temporarily. During the meeting, the councilman displayed photos of large objects and clutter that he said were left behind after “spot cleaning.”
“This is clearly junk, plain and simple,” Buscaino said, arguing that debris could house rats or lead to fires. He later added, “All I’m asking is to simply clean up our streets. Why is that not acceptable?”
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At one point, Buscaino compared the cleanups to street sweeping, which requires people to move their cars so that “effective cleaning” can occur. Another councilman countered that there was a big difference.
“It’s the difference between cars and people,” Bonin said.
Buscaino also attributed the pileup on city streets to an April court decision that blocks the city from seizing and destroying bulky items such as mattresses based solely on their size. That preliminary injunction still allows such items to be removed in other circumstances, however, such as when they are blocking the sidewalk or threaten public health.
The bridge housing sites are supposed to provide interim shelter for homeless people while they await permanent homes. Among those pushing for the cleanups are Venice residents who have complained about encampments around one site.
“The trash is overwhelming now. It’s sad and disgusting,” Venice resident and neighborhood council member Soledad Ursua said. “We’re going to end up with the bubonic plague.”
Another Venice resident, Christina Tullock, said there had been “a lot of broken promises to both the housed and the unhoused” about how the site would operate. Tullock said “things aren’t being managed” as the city had pledged.
Shayla Myers, an attorney with the Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles, said it was a promise the city never should have made. “It is a waste of resources to do comprehensive cleanups based on these zones, rather than need, in the interest of placating the community,” Myers said.
Many residents and activists phoned into the meeting to oppose the decision, arguing that such cleanups displace and harass homeless people and end up trashing crucial belongings, putting people at greater risk during the pandemic. The existing shelters do not have enough room for all of the unhoused people on nearby streets, they pointed out.
The goal is to “erase people off the streets at the behest of NIMBYs who can only tolerate small shelters in their neighborhoods if the city can guarantee the remaining unhoused people will be pushed out of sight,” said Miguel Camnitzer of the activist group Street Watch L.A., who lives downtown near one of the shelter sites.
The Echo Park Neighborhood Council also formally opposed the move, arguing that “displacing people who are simply trying to survive nearby and who do not have a bed available to them does nothing to solve the underlying issues and, in fact, actually worsens them.” It also criticized spending on police overtime around bridge housing sites.
L.A. had planned to spend $8.6 million to ensure round-the-clock policing around the shelter sites, but budget reductions have changed those plans, LAPD Chief Michel Moore said at a news conference this week.
“Frankly the city just simply does not have that money to provide this department” and “we don’t think that’s the best use of overtime,” Moore said.
Ahead of Wednesday’s vote, Blumenfield sought unsuccessfully to tie resuming comprehensive cleanups to entering the next phase of reopening the economy during the pandemic. That motion failed.
Councilman Mitch O’Farrell, in turn, amended the plan to include a report from city staffers on ensuring that the resumed cleanups include outreach and follow CDC guidelines, which he said would allow homeless people who say they are isolating themselves to avoid COVID-19 to be left alone during cleanups.


latimes--2020-07-30--Feds add bribery, money laundering charges against L.A. Councilman Jose Huizar

Los Angeles City Councilman Jose Huizar , who was arrested and charged with racketeering last month , now faces additional charges including bribery and money laundering , federal prosecutors announced Thursday .
The new charges were included in a 34-count grand jury indictment that expanded on earlier allegations Huizar headed up a criminal enterprise that leveraged his power at City Hall for financial gain , aiding real estate developers who handed over bribes .
The 113-page indictment also includes claims that others conspired with Huizar in the scheme , including a former deputy mayor who previously headed the Department of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Huizar agreed to accept at least $ 1.5 million in illicit financial benefits , including cash bribes , free flights , casino chips and other perks .
He is the fifth person to be charged in the ongoing investigation , which has netted guilty pleas from former Huizar aide George Esparza , real estate consultant George Chiang , political fundraiser Justin Jangwoo Kim and former Councilman Mitchell Englander .
The indictment alleges that Huizar tried to cover up the illicit money in several ways , including guiding his aide on how to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members to launder hundreds of thousands of dollars in bribes .
It also alleges that he made false statements to federal prosecutors and the FBI .
Huizar , 51 , is scheduled to be arraigned Monday .
Attorneys for the the councilman have previously stated that Huizar “ intends to respond to the government ’ s allegations in court.
” He is now being represented by federal public defenders , who did not immediately respond to a request for comment .
Many of the allegations in the indictment were revealed last month in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including that a Chinese billionaire planning a new skyscraper in his downtown district provided $ 600,000 in collateral to help Huizar quietly settle a sexual harassment lawsuit filed by a former aide .
But the document lays out additional details about the alleged crimes .
For instance , the criminal complaint alleged that a businessman who wanted Huizar to introduce him to developers paid for gifts including expensive suits , meals and hotel stays for the councilman to meet with a woman with whom he was having an affair .
The indictment , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ list of those alleged gifts with dates and dollar amounts , such as a “ suit and shirts ” worth $ 6,000 on June 13 , 2016 , and “ hotel accommodation ” worth $ 1,513.49 on June 19 , 2017 .
Federal prosecutors have not named the former deputy mayor allegedly involved in the criminal enterprise , but biographical details included in the indictment and criminal complaint make clear it is Raymond Chan , who has not been arrested or publicly charged in the case .
His attorney , Harland Braun , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has previously stated that Chan did nothing wrong .
The charges that Huizar faces carry maximum sentences that could stretch for decades , according to a statement released by the U.S. Attorney ’ s Office in Los Angeles .
Money laundering , for instance , can be punished with up to 20 years in federal prison , while making false statements to a financial institution carries a maximum sentence of 30 years .

Los Angeles City Councilman Jose Huizar, who was arrested and charged with racketeering last month in an ongoing pay-to-play probe, now faces additional charges including bribery and money laundering, federal prosecutors announced Thursday.
The new charges were included in a 34-count grand jury indictment expanding on earlier allegations that Huizar headed up a criminal enterprise that leveraged his power at City Hall for financial gain, aiding real estate developers who handed over bribes including cash, free flights, casino chips and other perks.
The 113-page indictment also includes claims that others conspired with Huizar in the scheme, including a former deputy mayor who previously headed the Department of Building and Safety. Federal prosecutors allege that Huizar agreed to accept at least $1.5 million in illicit financial benefits.
Jose Huizar Indictment Indictment of Los Angeles City Councilman Jose Huizar
He is the fifth person to be charged in the ongoing investigation, which has netted guilty pleas from former Huizar aide George Esparza, real estate consultant George Chiang, political fundraiser Justin Jangwoo Kim and former Councilman Mitchell Englander.
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The indictment alleges that Huizar tried to cover up the illicit money in several ways, including guiding his aide on how to avoid bank reporting requirements and using family members to launder hundreds of thousands of dollars in bribes. It also alleges that he made false statements to federal prosecutors and the FBI.
Huizar, 51, is scheduled to be arraigned Monday. Attorneys for the councilman have previously stated that Huizar “intends to respond to the government’s allegations in court.” He is now being represented by attorneys from the federal public defender’s office, one of whom declined to comment Thursday.
Many of the allegations in the indictment were revealed last month in a criminal complaint against the councilman, including that a Chinese billionaire planning a new skyscraper in his downtown district provided $600,000 in collateral to help Huizar quietly settle a sexual harassment lawsuit filed by a former aide.
But the document lays out additional details about the alleged crimes. For instance, the criminal complaint alleged that a businessman who wanted Huizar to introduce him to developers paid for gifts including expensive suits, meals and hotel stays for the councilman to meet with a woman with whom he was having an affair.
The indictment, in turn, lays out an itemized list of those alleged gifts with dates and dollar amounts, such as a “suit and shirts” worth $6,000 on June 13, 2016, and “hotel accommodation” worth $1,513.49 on June 19, 2017.
In another instance, the criminal complaint filed in June included allegations that a real estate developer provided political donations as part of a bribery scheme to win approval for an Arts District project. The indictment adds another allegation: that an executive with that development company talked to Huizar about hiring the councilman after he left office.
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Federal prosecutors have not named the former deputy mayor allegedly involved in the criminal enterprise, but biographical details included in the indictment and criminal complaint make clear it is Raymond Chan, who has not been arrested or publicly charged in the case.
His attorney, Harland Braun, did not immediately provide comment Thursday but has previously stated that Chan did nothing wrong.
The charges that Huizar faces carry maximum sentences that could stretch for decades, according to a statement released by the U.S. attorney’s office in Los Angeles. Money laundering, for instance, can be punished by up to 20 years in federal prison, while making false statements to a financial institution carries a maximum sentence of 30 years.