latimes--2020-10-18--California police got hundreds of calls about abuse in private ICE detention centers. Cases were rar

California police got hundreds of calls about abuse in private ICE detention centers. Cases were rarely prosecuted

J. Lee stirred awake in early June at an immigration detention facility to find one of his cellmates sliding a hand down his pants .
Lee , 38 , had overstayed a tourist visa from South Korea and was now locked in a cell 22 hours each day with two strangers — one of whom had been convicted of soliciting the murder of a family of 10 in Belize .
The third cellmate had told Lee that the Belizean man was violating Lee as he slept .
He tried to report the incident , but 911 is disabled on phones @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Processing Center where he was held , according to Immigration and Customs Enforcement .
He said staff told him they would report the incident but gave him no updates .
Desperate for help , he asked a lawyer who was investigating coronavirus issues at the facility to report his allegations to the San Bernardino County Sheriff ’ s Department , which sent a deputy to interview the three detainees .
Afterward , Lee said , he began having panic attacks .
He wrote to an ICE agent , “ How can I do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Details of the incident are described in a police report .
Lee confirmed those and details of the aftermath in interviews with The Times , health records and federal court documents .
The Times generally does not fully name victims of sexual abuse , except when they volunteer to be publicly identified .
Lee ’ s witness was deported June 22 .
A week later , the district attorney ’ s office decided not to prosecute , citing lack of evidence .
A Times investigation found that since 2017 , at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and nonemergency lines have reported violence and abuse inside California ’ s four privately run federal detention centers overseen by ICE .
Half the calls alleged sex crimes , including rape , sexual assault and abuse against detainees .
The rest were to report assault , battery and other threats of violence against detainees and staff .
In only three cases in which detainees said they were victimized did records show a suspect was charged , The Times found , and in two of those , the suspects were deported before they could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victims — a staff member and a detainee — is pending .
Prosecutors were more likely to pursue cases in which the victims worked at the facility .
Among 41 calls alleging attacks on staff members , charges were filed in 12 cases .
Unlike in prisons and jails , people in ICE detention are not serving time for crimes — they are being held while immigration judges decide whether they should be deported .
Many are asylum seekers , and most have no criminal history .
The federal government is responsible for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and detainees have complained about unchecked violence within these facilities .
The Times examined hundreds of pages of public records , including federal investigative reports , 911 calls and court documents , and interviewed federal and local officials as well as detention center representatives and detainees .
What emerged is a picture of a system in which violence can be perpetuated against detainees with impunity , both by other detainees and facility staff .
Detainees were banned from calling 911 , according to ICE , and forced to rely on others to report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ detention centers brokered agreements with law enforcement agencies that dictated which crimes officers would respond to .
When police did intervene , some were discouraged from investigating , prevented by staff from speaking to detainees who had alleged abuse and instructed not to pursue cases they said had merit , according to police reports .
ICE declined an interview request about The Times ’ findings but provided written responses to select questions .
“ ICE is committed to a culture that promotes safety and has zero-tolerance for abuse of any kind , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ ICE is committed to transparency , collaboration , and resolving all concerns , complaints , and allegations with individuals in ICE custody.
” Representatives of the companies that operate ICE facilities in California said they always contact law enforcement to investigate potential criminal allegations and also conduct their own administrative investigations .
In Lee ’ s case , his alleged abuser was moved to a different cell .
The stress caused Lee to lose 35 pounds .
He couldn ’ t sleep .
He wrote to a psychiatrist , pleading , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ die in here.
” Over the last four decades , the nation has built a network of facilities to house tens of thousands of people while their immigration cases are decided .
The vast majority are owned or managed by for-profit corporations .
In California , four facilities have the capacity to hold more than 4,000 people : the Otay Mesa Detention Center , operated by CoreCivic ; the Adelanto and Mesa Verde ICE processing centers , operated by GEO Group ; and the Imperial Regional Detention Facility , operated by Management and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to comply with care and safety standards set by ICE .
Their daily operations fall to the companies , whose staff are not sworn law enforcement officers and do not have the authority to conduct criminal investigations .
Although ICE agents are on-site to handle immigration matters , they also do not have the authority to criminally investigate allegations of abuse , agency officials told The Times .
ICE requires detention facilities to notify local law enforcement about any potential crimes .
The decision to prosecute violations of state law is “ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agency , ” ICE spokeswoman Britney Walker said .
The companies have been sued repeatedly over allegations of violence and are the subject of numerous federal reports over failures to keep detainees safe .
Troubled by conditions in the state ’ s privately run prisons and detention centers , California leaders banned new contracts after Jan. 1 of this year and ordered existing facilities to close by 2028 .
In September , Gov .
Gavin Newsom signed Assembly Bill 3228 , which requires private prison companies to adhere to ICE ’ s detention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ companies for violations .
Some agreements between for-profit facilities and local governments , however , have prevented investigations into allegations of detainee abuse , law enforcement officials said .
In late 2018 , Abel Lopez Serrano was being held at the Adelanto facility when a deportation agent told him to go back to El Salvador and threatened to “ f— him up ” after he refused to sign paperwork , he said in an interview .
The agent took Lopez to a room outside the view of cameras , according to an 83-page @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Security ’ s inspector general .
Lopez , 43 , said the agent then slammed him into a concrete wall .
The next day , Lopez ’ s fiancee visited and saw his right eye swollen and bruised , she said in an interview .
She called 911 .
A San Bernardino County sheriff ’ s deputy responded , but a facility staff member barred him from entering , saying the incident was being investigated at the federal level , a police incident report and federal records show .
The Sheriff ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is for the Homeland Security Department to investigate federal employees accused of wrongdoing .
ICE , however , told The Times that local law enforcement “ has jurisdiction and can open a criminal investigation.
” The Sheriff ’ s Department also told The Times that it has followed an agreement between the city of Adelanto and GEO Group that details the types of calls to which sheriff ’ s officials “ shall ” respond , including “ violent felony , such as homicide or assaults on staff ” and sexual assaults .
Any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Department told The Times , would be investigated by the FBI or ICE .
Under the Adelanto agreement , GEO Group paid the city $ 174,866 a year for a sheriff ’ s deputy to respond to calls from the facility .
Sheriff ’ s officials initially cited the agreement as a reason why they did not investigate a 2017 allegation that detention staff assaulted a detainee and a 2018 case in which a group of detainees allegedly assaulted another detainee .
Sheriff ’ s Department spokeswoman Cindy Bachman later said the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” She said she was not aware that it had expired in 2016 .
The Mesa Verde facility , also run by GEO Group , has an agreement that police said limited their role to investigating “ major criminal conduct , ” such as homicide and sexual assault .
Grace Meng , a lawyer who investigates detention conditions for Human Rights Watch , said she finds the agreements disturbing .
“ It seems like ICE , prison officials and local law enforcement agencies are each trying to pass the buck , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” she said .
GEO Group spokesman Pablo Paez sent a statement in response to more than a dozen questions from The Times : “ We take our responsibility to ensure the health and safety of all those in our care and our employees with the utmost seriousness , and we are committed to working with all pertinent law enforcement agencies as appropriate.
” He declined to comment on the Lopez case .
Hughes , the ICE spokeswoman , said the agreements are not “ made to hinder or prohibit thorough investigations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s case was left to the Homeland Security Department ’ s inspector general .
While it was underway , Lopez was deported .
Investigators determined a confrontation had taken place between Lopez and the agent but said they found “ no conclusive evidence ” to support the assault allegation .
The U.S. attorney ’ s office said it would not prosecute the case and authorized investigators to question the agent while preventing his answers from being used against him in a criminal prosecution .
According to the report , when federal investigators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s black eye , the agent said , “ I placed him on the wall , that ’ s all I did.
” Investigators asked whether that action caused the black eye .
At Otay Mesa , an agreement sets the rules for how sexual abuse allegations are investigated .
Although federal law requires the facility to report such cases to law enforcement , a 2014 agreement between CoreCivic and the San Diego County Sheriff ’ s Department names the warden , who is not a sworn law enforcement official , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is credible evidence to support the allegation.
” CoreCivic says every allegation is reported , and according to spokeswoman Amanda Gilchrist , the agreement is “ not relevant ” because a 2003 federal law , the Prison Rape Elimination Act , would “ override ” any local agreement .
She said CoreCivic would contact the Sheriff ’ s Department to remove the language .
Sheriff ’ s Department spokesman Lt. Ricardo Lopez told The Times that before this year , some deputies did not respond to calls that alleged crimes at Otay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the facility to complete an internal investigation , which was shared with detectives .
He said that changed after The Times started asking questions for this story .
“ I think in looking at some of that , and some of the things you brought up , I think it ’ s best that we do go out there and evaluate it for ourselves and get some assistance from them on some of the things we need to help on the investigation , ” Lopez said .
The Times also found instances @ @ @ @ @ @ @ center staff from pursuing criminal cases .
In April 2017 , a detainee at Mesa Verde was in a bathroom when another detainee grabbed his buttocks and tried to “ penetrate him with his penis , ” according to a police report .
The victim ran to his bed and stayed there until morning , when Bakersfield police were called .
An officer interviewed the victim and suspect but was told by the center ’ s security chief that “ no further police action was needed , ” according to the report .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in December 2016 , a detainee told staff he had been groped by another detainee .
Two officers interviewed the victim and suspect and watched surveillance video that showed the detainee ’ s genitals being grabbed while he talked on the phone , according to a police report .
An employee told officers “ no further law enforcement action needed , ” according to the report , which also indicated GEO Group employees had disciplined the man who reported the assault .
Bakersfield Police Sgt .
Nathan McCauley said , “ Statements by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not considered when assigning detectives or closing the case.
” A month after the 2016 incident , Bakersfield Police Det .
Jeffrey Paglia reviewed the case and noted in the police report that the officers had been improperly instructed by the GEO Group employee “ that this case only required documentation and would be investigated internally.
” Paglia reevaluated the evidence , including statements by the detainee who reported the assault .
“ I believe that [ he ] is being truthful and that he was unfairly disciplined , ” he wrote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incidents , Paez , the GEO Group spokesman , said that facility staff members are trained to report sexual assault allegations to law enforcement .
“ GEO takes appropriate action should a staff member fail to follow these mandatory rules and procedures , ” he said .
Paglia did not respond to requests for an interview .
According to the police report , he concluded that sexual battery charges were warranted and submitted the case to prosecutors .
Three months later , the report shows , he was told the victim had been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to police examined by The Times alleged assaults on facility staff , but they represent nearly all of the cases prosecuted .
Of the 265 calls from Jan. 1 , 2017 , to June 6 , 2020 , analyzed by The Times , 63 cases were submitted to prosecutors .
Fourteen were accepted .
In 12 of those , the victims were staff or ICE agents — including the pending case that involves both a staff member and a detainee .
“ I would like to at least allow those victims to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Imperial County Deputy Dist .
Atty .
Kevin Cayton , who filed the charges in the pending case .
Detainees , he said , are “ not being held because they ’ re criminals necessarily — they ’ re being held based upon immigration issues , and they should not be subject to violence while they ’ re in detention.
” Michael Bires , a spokesman for the San Bernardino County district attorney ’ s office , said prosecutors do not give “ preferential treatment to those who are in the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” “ Just because someone calls the police does not mean a crime did in fact happen , ” he added .
Prosecutors say that in some instances , deportation has made it difficult to gather enough evidence to proceed with a case .
Beyond that , “ sometimes , individuals who are detained are reticent to cooperate with an investigation or prosecution , ” said Steve Walker , a spokesman for the San Diego County district attorney .
“ In addition , some alleged victims may have criminal histories , and their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that must also be considered.
” The Times found two cases in which suspects were deported before they could face trial for assaults on other detainees .
One of those cases involved Geovany Murillo , now 27 , who was detained at the Adelanto facility in 2017 after fleeing gang violence in Honduras .
Murillo asked to be identified by his middle and second last names .
He said he was constantly harassed by his 53-year-old cellmate , who watched him shower , masturbated in front of him and slapped his buttocks .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s genitals , a police report says .
In February 2018 , prosecutors filed two counts of misdemeanor sexual battery against the man , Rodolfo Audelo .
But before the case went to trial , Audelo and both victims were deported .
ICE declined to comment on specific cases .
But speaking broadly , Britney Walker , the agency spokeswoman , said officials “ have significant discretion ” in determining whether to hand a suspect over for prosecution .
Gabriel “ Jack ” Chin , a UC Davis professor and expert in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authorities legally can take custody of suspects and prevent deportation of witnesses in federal custody .
“ Functionally , the system is saying , ‘ This isn ’ t our problem , ’ ” he said .
Murillo , now in Honduras , learned this year about Audelo ’ s deportation from a reporter .
He wondered aloud : “ How could it be that there isn ’ t punishment for people like this ?
” This story was reported with help from the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism ’ s Data @ @

Leer en español
J. Lee stirred awake in early June at an immigration detention facility to find one of his cellmates sliding a hand down his pants.
Lee, 38, had overstayed a tourist visa from South Korea and was now locked in a cell 22 hours each day with two strangers — one of whom had been convicted of soliciting the murder of a family of 10 in Belize. The third cellmate had told Lee that the Belizean man was violating Lee as he slept.
This time Lee felt it.
He tried to report the incident, but 911 is disabled on phones accessible to detainees at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center where he was held, according to Immigration and Customs Enforcement. He said staff told him they would report the incident but gave him no updates. Desperate for help, he asked a lawyer who was investigating coronavirus issues at the facility to report his allegations to the San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department, which sent a deputy to interview the three detainees.
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Afterward, Lee said, he began having panic attacks. He wrote to an ICE agent, “How can I do to get out of this nightmare?”
Details of the incident are described in a police report. Lee confirmed those and details of the aftermath in interviews with The Times, health records and federal court documents. The Times generally does not fully name victims of sexual abuse, except when they volunteer to be publicly identified.
Lee’s witness was deported June 22. A week later, the district attorney’s office decided not to prosecute, citing lack of evidence.
A Times investigation found that since 2017, at least 265 calls made to police through 911 and nonemergency lines have reported violence and abuse inside California’s four privately run federal detention centers overseen by ICE. Half the calls alleged sex crimes, including rape, sexual assault and abuse against detainees. The rest were to report assault, battery and other threats of violence against detainees and staff.
In only three cases in which detainees said they were victimized did records show a suspect was charged, The Times found, and in two of those, the suspects were deported before they could be arrested. One case involving two victims — a staff member and a detainee — is pending.
Prosecutors were more likely to pursue cases in which the victims worked at the facility. Among 41 calls alleging attacks on staff members, charges were filed in 12 cases.
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Unlike in prisons and jails, people in ICE detention are not serving time for crimes — they are being held while immigration judges decide whether they should be deported. Many are asylum seekers, and most have no criminal history. The federal government is responsible for their safety.
VIDEO | 02:05 Audio: Detainee recounts sex assault at Adelanto ICE Processing Center J. Lee recounts being sexually assaulted by another detainee at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center on June 3. Lee said facility staff told him they would report the incident but gave him no updates.
For years, advocates and detainees have complained about unchecked violence within these facilities.
The Times examined hundreds of pages of public records, including federal investigative reports, 911 calls and court documents, and interviewed federal and local officials as well as detention center representatives and detainees.
What emerged is a picture of a system in which violence can be perpetuated against detainees with impunity, both by other detainees and facility staff. Detainees were banned from calling 911, according to ICE, and forced to rely on others to report allegations on their behalf.
Some private detention centers brokered agreements with law enforcement agencies that dictated which crimes officers would respond to. When police did intervene, some were discouraged from investigating, prevented by staff from speaking to detainees who had alleged abuse and instructed not to pursue cases they said had merit, according to police reports.
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ICE declined an interview request about The Times’ findings but provided written responses to select questions.
“ICE is committed to a culture that promotes safety and has zero-tolerance for abuse of any kind,” spokeswoman Paige Hughes said in a statement. “ICE is committed to transparency, collaboration, and resolving all concerns, complaints, and allegations with individuals in ICE custody.”
Representatives of the companies that operate ICE facilities in California said they always contact law enforcement to investigate potential criminal allegations and also conduct their own administrative investigations.
In Lee’s case, his alleged abuser was moved to a different cell. The stress caused Lee to lose 35 pounds. He couldn’t sleep. He wrote to a psychiatrist, pleading, “I don’t wanna die in here.”
::
Over the last four decades, the nation has built a network of facilities to house tens of thousands of people while their immigration cases are decided. The vast majority are owned or managed by for-profit corporations.
In California, four facilities have the capacity to hold more than 4,000 people: the Otay Mesa Detention Center, operated by CoreCivic; the Adelanto and Mesa Verde ICE processing centers, operated by GEO Group; and the Imperial Regional Detention Facility, operated by Management and Training Corp.
These centers are supposed to comply with care and safety standards set by ICE. Their daily operations fall to the companies, whose staff are not sworn law enforcement officers and do not have the authority to conduct criminal investigations. Although ICE agents are on-site to handle immigration matters, they also do not have the authority to criminally investigate allegations of abuse, agency officials told The Times.
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ICE requires detention facilities to notify local law enforcement about any potential crimes. The decision to prosecute violations of state law is “the sole responsibility of the local law enforcement agency,” ICE spokeswoman Britney Walker said.
The companies have been sued repeatedly over allegations of violence and are the subject of numerous federal reports over failures to keep detainees safe.
Troubled by conditions in the state’s privately run prisons and detention centers, California leaders banned new contracts after Jan. 1 of this year and ordered existing facilities to close by 2028. In September, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed Assembly Bill 3228, which requires private prison companies to adhere to ICE’s detention standards and allows people to sue the companies for violations.
Some agreements between for-profit facilities and local governments, however, have prevented investigations into allegations of detainee abuse, law enforcement officials said.
Immigrant detainee Abel Lopez Serrano said a deportation agent at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center assaulted him in September 2018, leaving him with a black eye. (Abel Lopez Serrano)
In late 2018, Abel Lopez Serrano was being held at the Adelanto facility when a deportation agent told him to go back to El Salvador and threatened to “f— him up” after he refused to sign paperwork, he said in an interview.
The agent took Lopez to a room outside the view of cameras, according to an 83-page investigative report by the Department of Homeland Security’s inspector general. Lopez, 43, said the agent then slammed him into a concrete wall.
The next day, Lopez’s fiancee visited and saw his right eye swollen and bruised, she said in an interview. She called 911.
A San Bernardino County sheriff’s deputy responded, but a facility staff member barred him from entering, saying the incident was being investigated at the federal level, a police incident report and federal records show.
The Sheriff’s Department told The Times that current practice is for the Homeland Security Department to investigate federal employees accused of wrongdoing.
ICE, however, told The Times that local law enforcement “has jurisdiction and can open a criminal investigation.”
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The Sheriff’s Department also told The Times that it has followed an agreement between the city of Adelanto and GEO Group that details the types of calls to which sheriff’s officials “shall” respond, including “violent felony, such as homicide or assaults on staff” and sexual assaults. Any crime not listed, the Sheriff’s Department told The Times, would be investigated by the FBI or ICE.
Under the Adelanto agreement, GEO Group paid the city $174,866 a year for a sheriff’s deputy to respond to calls from the facility.
Sheriff’s officials initially cited the agreement as a reason why they did not investigate a 2017 allegation that detention staff assaulted a detainee and a 2018 case in which a group of detainees allegedly assaulted another detainee.
Sheriff’s Department spokeswoman Cindy Bachman later said the agreement is used as a “guideline.” She said she was not aware that it had expired in 2016.
Deputies “investigate each case thoroughly,” Bachman said.
Guards prepare to escort an immigrant detainee at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center. In California, four immigration detention facilities operated by for-profit corporations have the capacity to hold more than 4,000 people. (John Moore / Getty Images)
The Mesa Verde facility, also run by GEO Group, has an agreement that police said limited their role to investigating “major criminal conduct,” such as homicide and sexual assault.
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Grace Meng, a lawyer who investigates detention conditions for Human Rights Watch, said she finds the agreements disturbing.
“It seems like ICE, prison officials and local law enforcement agencies are each trying to pass the buck, and the victims of crimes are in the middle,” she said.
GEO Group spokesman Pablo Paez sent a statement in response to more than a dozen questions from The Times: “We take our responsibility to ensure the health and safety of all those in our care and our employees with the utmost seriousness, and we are committed to working with all pertinent law enforcement agencies as appropriate.” He declined to comment on the Lopez case.
Hughes, the ICE spokeswoman, said the agreements are not “made to hinder or prohibit thorough investigations by officials.”
The investigation of Lopez’s case was left to the Homeland Security Department’s inspector general. While it was underway, Lopez was deported. Investigators determined a confrontation had taken place between Lopez and the agent but said they found “no conclusive evidence” to support the assault allegation. The U.S. attorney’s office said it would not prosecute the case and authorized investigators to question the agent while preventing his answers from being used against him in a criminal prosecution.
According to the report, when federal investigators asked the agent whether he caused Lopez’s black eye, the agent said, “I placed him on the wall, that’s all I did.” Investigators asked whether that action caused the black eye.
The agent’s reply: “Anything is possible.”
A portion of the investigation report from the Department of Homeland Security’s inspector general in the Abel Lopez Serrano case.
At Otay Mesa, an agreement sets the rules for how sexual abuse allegations are investigated.
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Although federal law requires the facility to report such cases to law enforcement, a 2014 agreement between CoreCivic and the San Diego County Sheriff’s Department names the warden, who is not a sworn law enforcement official, as the person who “will determine whether there is credible evidence to support the allegation.”
CoreCivic says every allegation is reported, and according to spokeswoman Amanda Gilchrist, the agreement is “not relevant” because a 2003 federal law, the Prison Rape Elimination Act, would “override” any local agreement. She said CoreCivic would contact the Sheriff’s Department to remove the language.
Sheriff’s Department spokesman Lt. Ricardo Lopez told The Times that before this year, some deputies did not respond to calls that alleged crimes at Otay Mesa. Instead, they would wait for the facility to complete an internal investigation, which was shared with detectives. He said that changed after The Times started asking questions for this story.
“I think in looking at some of that, and some of the things you brought up, I think it’s best that we do go out there and evaluate it for ourselves and get some assistance from them on some of the things we need to help on the investigation,” Lopez said.
At least 265 calls made to police through 911 and nonemergency lines since 2017 have reported violence and abuse inside California’s four privately run federal detention centers, a Times review found. Above, the Adelanto detention facility. (John Moore / Getty Images)
The Times also found instances in which police were discouraged by detention center staff from pursuing criminal cases.
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In April 2017, a detainee at Mesa Verde was in a bathroom when another detainee grabbed his buttocks and tried to “penetrate him with his penis,” according to a police report. The victim ran to his bed and stayed there until morning, when Bakersfield police were called.
An officer interviewed the victim and suspect but was told by the center’s security chief that “no further police action was needed,” according to the report. The case was closed.
Similarly, in December 2016, a detainee told staff he had been groped by another detainee. Two officers interviewed the victim and suspect and watched surveillance video that showed the detainee’s genitals being grabbed while he talked on the phone, according to a police report.
An employee told officers “no further law enforcement action needed,” according to the report, which also indicated GEO Group employees had disciplined the man who reported the assault.
Bakersfield Police Sgt. Nathan McCauley said, “Statements by a third party regarding documentation or follow-up are not considered when assigning detectives or closing the case.”
A month after the 2016 incident, Bakersfield Police Det. Jeffrey Paglia reviewed the case and noted in the police report that the officers had been improperly instructed by the GEO Group employee “that this case only required documentation and would be investigated internally.”
Paglia reevaluated the evidence, including statements by the detainee who reported the assault. “I believe that [he] is being truthful and that he was unfairly disciplined,” he wrote.
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Remarks from a Bakersfield police report concluding that evidence supports a sexual battery charge.
In response to questions about these incidents, Paez, the GEO Group spokesman, said that facility staff members are trained to report sexual assault allegations to law enforcement. “GEO takes appropriate action should a staff member fail to follow these mandatory rules and procedures,” he said.
Paglia did not respond to requests for an interview. According to the police report, he concluded that sexual battery charges were warranted and submitted the case to prosecutors. Three months later, the report shows, he was told the victim had been deported.
The case was closed.
::
A fraction of the calls to police examined by The Times alleged assaults on facility staff, but they represent nearly all of the cases prosecuted.
Of the 265 calls from Jan. 1, 2017, to June 6, 2020, analyzed by The Times, 63 cases were submitted to prosecutors. Fourteen were accepted. In 12 of those, the victims were staff or ICE agents — including the pending case that involves both a staff member and a detainee.
“I would like to at least allow those victims to have their day in court,” said Imperial County Deputy Dist. Atty. Kevin Cayton, who filed the charges in the pending case. Detainees, he said, are “not being held because they’re criminals necessarily — they’re being held based upon immigration issues, and they should not be subject to violence while they’re in detention.”
Michael Bires, a spokesman for the San Bernardino County district attorney’s office, said prosecutors do not give “preferential treatment to those who are in the United States legally, versus those who are not.”
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“Just because someone calls the police does not mean a crime did in fact happen,” he added.
A guard escorts a detainee at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center. Representatives of the companies that operate ICE facilities in California said they always contact law enforcement to investigate potential criminal allegations and also conduct their own administrative investigations. (John Moore / Getty Images)
Prosecutors say that in some instances, deportation has made it difficult to gather enough evidence to proceed with a case.
Beyond that, “sometimes, individuals who are detained are reticent to cooperate with an investigation or prosecution,” said Steve Walker, a spokesman for the San Diego County district attorney. “In addition, some alleged victims may have criminal histories, and their credibility with a jury is one factor that must also be considered.”
The Times found two cases in which suspects were deported before they could face trial for assaults on other detainees.
One of those cases involved Geovany Murillo, now 27, who was detained at the Adelanto facility in 2017 after fleeing gang violence in Honduras. Murillo asked to be identified by his middle and second last names.
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He said he was constantly harassed by his 53-year-old cellmate, who watched him shower, masturbated in front of him and slapped his buttocks. The man also grabbed a third cellmate’s genitals, a police report says.
In February 2018, prosecutors filed two counts of misdemeanor sexual battery against the man, Rodolfo Audelo. But before the case went to trial, Audelo and both victims were deported.
ICE declined to comment on specific cases. But speaking broadly, Britney Walker, the agency spokeswoman, said officials “have significant discretion” in determining whether to hand a suspect over for prosecution.
Gabriel “Jack” Chin, a UC Davis professor and expert in criminal and immigration law, said local authorities legally can take custody of suspects and prevent deportation of witnesses in federal custody.
“Functionally, the system is saying, ‘This isn’t our problem,’” he said.
Murillo, now in Honduras, learned this year about Audelo’s deportation from a reporter.
He wondered aloud: “How could it be that there isn’t punishment for people like this?”
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VIDEO | 05:44 LA Times Today: Allegations of abuse in private ICE detention centers Watch L.A. Times Today at 7 p.m. on Spectrum News 1 on Channel 1 or live stream on the Spectrum News App. Palos Verdes Peninsula and Orange County viewers can watch on Cox Systems on channel 99.
This story was reported with help from the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism’s Data Fellowship.


latimes--2020-10-18--Earthquake: Magnitude 3.4 quake near Fortuna

A magnitude 3.4 earthquake was reported at 12:01 a.m. Sunday 15 miles from Fortuna , Calif. , according to the U.S. Geological Survey .
The earthquake occurred 27 miles from Eureka , 31 miles from Arcata , 39 miles from McKinleyville and 93 miles from Redding .
In the last 10 days , there has been one earthquake of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby .
An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes of 3.0 to 4.0 occur each year in California and Nevada , according to a recent three-year data sample .
The earthquake occurred at a depth of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earthquake ?
Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS .
Even if you didn ’ t feel this small earthquake , you never know when the Big One is going to strike .
Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit .
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot , a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS .
A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published .
If you ’ re interested in learning more about the system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions .

A magnitude 3.4 earthquake was reported at 12:01 a.m. Sunday near Fortuna, Calif.
A magnitude 3.4 earthquake was reported at 12:01 a.m. Sunday 15 miles from Fortuna, Calif., according to the U.S. Geological Survey.
The earthquake occurred 27 miles from Eureka, 31 miles from Arcata, 39 miles from McKinleyville and 93 miles from Redding.
In the last 10 days, there has been one earthquake of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby.
An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes of 3.0 to 4.0 occur each year in California and Nevada, according to a recent three-year data sample.
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The earthquake occurred at a depth of 17.7 miles. Did you feel this earthquake? Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS.
Even if you didn’t feel this small earthquake, you never know when the Big One is going to strike. Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit.
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot, a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS. A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published. If you’re interested in learning more about the system, visit our list of frequently asked questions.


latimes--2020-10-18--How to watch this week's Festival of Books with Jerry Brown, crime authors and more

Welcome to the first week of the 25th Los Angeles Times Festival of Books , Stories & Ideas !
Because of the ongoing pandemic , this year ’ s free celebration of the written word is going virtual .
For 25 days , writers , poets , artists , storytellers and bookstore exhibitors will be featured in 25 panels and readings — all viewable from the comfort of your home .
Here ’ s what ’ s happening this week and how to tune in : Monday , Oct. 19 , at 6 p.m. : Pulitzer Prize-winning playwright and novelist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ Homeland Elegies , ” with acclaimed writer and religion scholar Reza Aslan .
Akhtar ’ s deeply personal novel tells an epic story of longing and dispossession in the world that 9/11 made .
Part family drama , part social essay , at its heart this is the story of a father , a son and the country they call home .
Tuesday , Oct. 20 , at 5:30 p.m. : Bob Shrum , former political strategist and director of the USC Center for the Political Future , will moderate a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the role and representation of its citizens with panelists Paul Adler , Jane Junn and John Matsusaka .
Wednesday , Oct. 21 , at 6 p.m. : Jerry Brown , the two-time former California governor , presidential candidate and mayor of Oakland , will join Jim Newton , a former Times editor-at-large and author of “ Man of Tomorrow : The Relentless Life of Jerry Brown , ” to discuss his storied life in politics .
Times California columnist Gustavo Arellano will guide their conversation .
Thursday , Oct. 22 , at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unforgetting : A Memoir of Family , Migration , Gangs , and Revolution in the Americas , ” Roberto Lovato offers an urgent , no-holds-barred tale of intergenerational trauma and interconnected violence between the U.S. and El Salvador .
He ’ ll discuss his life and work with Times staff writer Esmeralda Bermudez , who was born in El Salvador and raised in Los Angeles .
Friday , Oct. 23 , at 6 p.m. : Crime-fiction writers Rachel Howzell Hall , Attica Locke and Ivy Pochoda discuss their latest releases and the real-world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , injustice , racial tension and female empowerment , all against the backdrop of riveting storytelling .
James Queally , a Times crime and policing reporter and crime-fiction author himself , moderates their conversation .
Register ahead of time for each event with your name and email address at You ’ ll be emailed a reminder 48 hours beforehand with a link to watch the event .
For more details and information , go to and follow the festival on , and .
Questions can be submitted on registration .

Linda Arkin, 75, of Valencia, looks over the Festival of Books section of the Los Angeles Times in 2018.
Welcome to the first week of the 25th Los Angeles Times Festival of Books, Stories & Ideas!
Because of the ongoing pandemic, this year’s free celebration of the written word is going virtual. For 25 days, writers, poets, artists, storytellers and bookstore exhibitors will be featured in 25 panels and readings — all viewable from the comfort of your home. Here’s what’s happening this week and how to tune in:
This week’s lineup
Monday, Oct. 19, at 6 p.m.: Pulitzer Prize-winning playwright and novelist Ayad Akhtar will discuss his latest novel, “Homeland Elegies,” with acclaimed writer and religion scholar Reza Aslan. Akhtar’s deeply personal novel tells an epic story of longing and dispossession in the world that 9/11 made. Part family drama, part social essay, at its heart this is the story of a father, a son and the country they call home.
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Tuesday, Oct. 20, at 5:30 p.m.: Bob Shrum, former political strategist and director of the USC Center for the Political Future, will moderate a conversation on America’s political system and the role and representation of its citizens with panelists Paul Adler, Jane Junn and John Matsusaka.
Wednesday, Oct. 21, at 6 p.m.: Jerry Brown, the two-time former California governor, presidential candidate and mayor of Oakland, will join Jim Newton, a former Times editor-at-large and author of “Man of Tomorrow: The Relentless Life of Jerry Brown,” to discuss his storied life in politics. Times California columnist Gustavo Arellano will guide their conversation.
Thursday, Oct. 22, at 4:30 p.m.: In his memoir “Unforgetting: A Memoir of Family, Migration, Gangs, and Revolution in the Americas,” Roberto Lovato offers an urgent, no-holds-barred tale of intergenerational trauma and interconnected violence between the U.S. and El Salvador. He’ll discuss his life and work with Times staff writer Esmeralda Bermudez, who was born in El Salvador and raised in Los Angeles.
Friday, Oct. 23, at 6 p.m.: Crime-fiction writers Rachel Howzell Hall, Attica Locke and Ivy Pochoda discuss their latest releases and the real-world issues that drive them: social pressures, injustice, racial tension and female empowerment, all against the backdrop of riveting storytelling. James Queally, a Times crime and policing reporter and crime-fiction author himself, moderates their conversation.
How to watch
Register ahead of time for each event with your name and email address at latimes.com/festivalofbooks. You’ll be emailed a reminder 48 hours beforehand with a link to watch the event.


latimes--2020-10-18--800 Compton residents to get guaranteed income in two-year pilot program

Jacqueline Andrade and her husband both lost their jobs in March , at a point during the pandemic when grocery store shelves were being ransacked and government aid seemed far off .
She was running low on groceries for her family , and formula and diapers for her 3-month-old son .
She seriously contemplated having to make diapers out of cloth , and scrambling for ways to feed her hungry baby .
“ It was something I never thought I would have to face , ” the 37-year-old Compton mother said .
“ We were unprepared for this.
” With @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school , KIPP SoCal , and nonprofit One Family Los Angeles , she got access to a one-time $ 500 payment .
It was a lifesaver that helped her cover basic needs in a moment of desperation .
But it ’ s not the same as a steady paycheck .
That kind of help , she said , “ would be a stress reliever for our community.
” It is people like Andrade whom a new guaranteed income pilot program is trying to reach , Compton Mayor Aja Brown said .
Later this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Compton Pledge will begin giving 800 Compton residents free cash for a two-year period .
Brown said she thinks the program will have the greatest number of participants in a single U.S. city .
“ I recognized that there ’ s a need for additional income , especially with the pandemic resulting in record high numbers of unemployment throughout the entire country , ” the mayor said .
“ This is a great opportunity to address inequalities for Black and brown people and also additional opportunities for upward mobility.
” So far , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Fund for Guaranteed Income , a charity headed by Nika Soon-Shiong , daughter of Los Angeles Times owner Patrick Soon-Shiong .
Nika Soon-Shiong is also a co-director of the Compton Pledge .
Funds will be administered by the city ’ s Compton Community Development Corporation .
Each selected family will receive at least a few hundred dollars on a recurring basis , as well as tools that will help them access financial guidance , Brown said .
Parents or other residents caring for dependents may receive more .
Anonymous researchers will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The families will be randomly selected from a “ pre-verified ” group of low-income residents .
A board made up of community organizations such as the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights and My Brother ’ s Keeper will advise the Compton Pledge on how to best reach marginalized communities .
The Compton Pledge has so far divulged little about the details , such as who donated to support the program , exactly how the participants will be selected , how much and how often recipients receive cash and what the research methods @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to maintain the integrity of the process , but ensure transparency once details are fleshed out , said Halah Ahmad , head of public relations and policy communications for the Jain Family Institute , a nonprofit research firm that helps design guaranteed income pilot programs .
The program will aim to include a representative sample of the 68 % of Latino and 30 % of Black residents in Compton , as well as those often excluded from federal and state aid programs , including undocumented immigrants and formerly incarcerated residents .
Ahmad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a model that gives varying amounts of cash to needy residents will be effective and whether there are sustainable ways to fund a long-term guaranteed income program .
Brown said she had been aware of the concept of universal guaranteed income for years , but got to see it in action in February 2019 when Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs launched the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration , which gave 125 residents $ 500 a month for 18 months .
In June 2020 , Brown joined Tubbs as a founding member of the Mayors for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mayors working to launch more pilot programs in their cities .
In July , Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey donated $ 3 million for the initiative .
By August , Brown began working with Compton Pledge partners to design its pilot program .
The concept of giving citizens free money with no strings attached was once a radical idea that has begun gaining traction , partly as a result of the pandemic .
Opponents of guaranteed income have argued that extra cash with no strings attached would lead to higher levels of unemployment and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drugs or alcohol or other “ temptation goods.
” But decades of research has indicated that very few people work less after receiving cash transfers , and those who do use usually spend more with their families , Ahmad said .
In a review of 19 studies on cash transfers between 1997 and 2014 by the World Bank , authors found that “ Almost without exception , studies find either no significant impact or a significant negative impact of transfers on temptation goods.
” Brown said she hopes the impact of the cash @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , beyond those who are selected for the pilot program .
Having been raised by a single mother , she knows just how much it would mean .
“ She worked really hard and focused on providing my brother and I the best quality of life she could , ” Brown said .
“ I know firsthand that having a guaranteed income would have made a tremendous difference .
”

“This is a great opportunity to address inequalities for Black and Brown people and also additional opportunities for upward mobility,” Compton Mayor Aja Brown says.
Jacqueline Andrade and her husband both lost their jobs in March, at a point during the pandemic when grocery store shelves were being ransacked and government aid seemed far off.
She was running low on groceries for her family, and formula and diapers for her 3-month-old son. She seriously contemplated having to make diapers out of cloth, and scrambling for ways to feed her hungry baby.
“It was something I never thought I would have to face,” the 37-year-old Compton mother said. “We were unprepared for this.”
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With the help of her children’s school, KIPP SoCal, and nonprofit One Family Los Angeles, she got access to a one-time $500 payment. It was a lifesaver that helped her cover basic needs in a moment of desperation. But it’s not the same as a steady paycheck. That kind of help, she said, “would be a stress reliever for our community.”
It is people like Andrade whom a new guaranteed income pilot program is trying to reach, Compton Mayor Aja Brown said. Later this year, the mayor says, the Compton Pledge will begin giving 800 Compton residents free cash for a two-year period. Brown said she thinks the program will have the greatest number of participants in a single U.S. city.
“I recognized that there’s a need for additional income, especially with the pandemic resulting in record high numbers of unemployment throughout the entire country,” the mayor said. “This is a great opportunity to address inequalities for Black and brown people and also additional opportunities for upward mobility.”
So far, private donors have contributed $2.5 million to the Fund for Guaranteed Income, a charity headed by Nika Soon-Shiong, daughter of Los Angeles Times owner Patrick Soon-Shiong.
Nika Soon-Shiong is also a co-director of the Compton Pledge. Funds will be administered by the city’s Compton Community Development Corporation.
Each selected family will receive at least a few hundred dollars on a recurring basis, as well as tools that will help them access financial guidance, Brown said. Parents or other residents caring for dependents may receive more. Anonymous researchers will track the participants’ spending and well-being.
The families will be randomly selected from a “pre-verified” group of low-income residents. A board made up of community organizations such as the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights and My Brother’s Keeper will advise the Compton Pledge on how to best reach marginalized communities.
Advertisement
The Compton Pledge has so far divulged little about the details, such as who donated to support the program, exactly how the participants will be selected, how much and how often recipients receive cash and what the research methods would be.
The Compton Pledge organizers want to maintain the integrity of the process, but ensure transparency once details are fleshed out, said Halah Ahmad, head of public relations and policy communications for the Jain Family Institute, a nonprofit research firm that helps design guaranteed income pilot programs.
The program will aim to include a representative sample of the 68% of Latino and 30% of Black residents in Compton, as well as those often excluded from federal and state aid programs, including undocumented immigrants and formerly incarcerated residents.
Ahmad said it remains to be seen whether a model that gives varying amounts of cash to needy residents will be effective and whether there are sustainable ways to fund a long-term guaranteed income program.
Brown said she had been aware of the concept of universal guaranteed income for years, but got to see it in action in February 2019 when Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs launched the Stockton Economic Empowerment Demonstration, which gave 125 residents $500 a month for 18 months. In June 2020, Brown joined Tubbs as a founding member of the Mayors for a Guaranteed Income, a consortium of mayors working to launch more pilot programs in their cities. In July, Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey donated $3 million for the initiative.
By August, Brown began working with Compton Pledge partners to design its pilot program.
The concept of giving citizens free money with no strings attached was once a radical idea that has begun gaining traction, partly as a result of the pandemic. Opponents of guaranteed income have argued that extra cash with no strings attached would lead to higher levels of unemployment and that recipients might spend the money on drugs or alcohol or other “temptation goods.”
But decades of research has indicated that very few people work less after receiving cash transfers, and those who do use usually spend more with their families, Ahmad said. In a review of 19 studies on cash transfers between 1997 and 2014 by the World Bank, authors found that “Almost without exception, studies find either no significant impact or a significant negative impact of transfers on temptation goods.”
Brown said she hopes the impact of the cash transfers will ripple across her Compton community, beyond those who are selected for the pilot program. Having been raised by a single mother, she knows just how much it would mean.
“She worked really hard and focused on providing my brother and I the best quality of life she could,” Brown said. “I know firsthand that having a guaranteed income would have made a tremendous difference.”


latimes--2020-10-18--Spy plane was sent to monitor protest in affluent suburb, home to head of California National Guard

In early June , four National Guard spy planes took to the skies over several cities to monitor street protests following the killing of George Floyd , triggering concerns that the military was improperly gathering intelligence on U.S. citizens .
Three of the reconnaissance planes kept watch on demonstrations in Minneapolis , Phoenix and Washington , D.C. , that drew hundreds or thousands of protesters and were marred by violence .
But the target of the fourth plane was far more surprising : the affluent Sacramento suburb of El Dorado Hills , the scene of much smaller and entirely peaceful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not explained in detail how and why the normally sleepy neighborhood was chosen for the mission when other cities that had recently experienced property destruction and street clashes amid large protests — such as Los Angeles , Oakland and Long Beach — were not .
El Dorado Hills happened to be the home of the head of the California National Guard , Maj. Gen. David S. Baldwin , The Times has learned .
In addition to deploying the RC-26B reconnaissance plane , the Guard sent a Lakota helicopter to hover over El Dorado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ records .
The aircraft were requested by the El Dorado County Sheriff ’ s Office , state records show .
In response to questions from The Times , a spokesman for Gov .
Gavin Newsom , who oversees the California National Guard , issued a statement late Saturday criticizing the operation .
“ The use of the RC-26 to meet the sheriff ’ s request for aerial support to provide situational awareness for law enforcement is concerning and should not have happened , ” Nathan Click said .
“ It was an operational @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alone awareness — of the governor .
After the incident , operational policies and protocols were reaffirmed and strengthened to ensure RC-26 aircraft are not used for these incidents again.
” Click did not elaborate or say whether the governor ’ s office is examining Baldwin ’ s role in the matter .
In a telephone interview , Baldwin told The Times he didn ’ t recall whether he had approved the mission .
He said the fact that he lived in El Dorado Hills had “ nothing to do with ” the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helicopter .
After questions from Congress members and others about the flights , an Air Force inspector general ’ s report issued in August concluded that the reconnaissance planes weren ’ t capable of capturing “ distinguishing personal features of individuals ” and did not violate rules barring the military from collecting intelligence on U.S. citizens .
The inspector general ’ s report did not include a detailed examination of whether the mission to El Dorado Hills was warranted given the uneventful nature of the protests .
The report states that the mission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” request by the state Office of Emergency Services , made on behalf of the El Dorado sheriff ’ s office .
According to the report , the sheriff ’ s office said it needed the aircraft to provide support for deputies on the ground who were tracking demonstrations .
Baldwin , when asked why he couldn ’ t remember whether he recommended or approved the unusual use of a reconnaissance plane over his hometown , said “ there was a lot going on ” with protests up and down the state at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soldiers deployed , ” he said .
“ We were doing hundreds of mission taskings.
” Under California ’ s open records law , The Times obtained the orders for the plane and helicopter , and they list Baldwin as the officer authorizing the deployments to El Dorado County .
However , a Guard spokesman , Lt. Col. Jonathan Shiroma , said Baldwin ’ s name routinely appears on such orders , but his subordinates have the authority to assign the plane and helicopters to missions .
Baldwin said he never discussed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if he spoke about it with El Dorado County Sheriff John D ’ Agostini or whether he recommended that the sheriff ’ s office request the plane .
Baldwin described his relationship with D ’ Agostini as “ collegial ” and similar to those he has with many sheriffs .
D ’ Agostini declined to be interviewed for this story .
His spokesman did not answer the question of whether Baldwin advised the sheriff ’ s office to request the aircraft .
Five current and former Guard officers with knowledge of the flights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no justifiable reason for the El Dorado Hills mission .
“ El Dorado Hills was the most monitored place in California , ” said Dan Woodside , a recently retired Guard pilot who has flown the RC-26B .
“ Why was that ?
What was the threat ?
They are absolutely covering this up.
” A current Guard officer , who asked not to be named because he is not authorized to speak about the mission , said , “ We hear ‘ El Dorado , ’ and it ’ s , ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in El Dorado ?
’ ” He noted that officials did not request the plane for other areas that witnessed much larger protests , including some hit by vandalism and theft .
“ Why aren ’ t we helping L.A. , San Francisco , Oakland ?
” the officer asked .
“ It ’ s just buffoonery.
” A second former officer said enlisting the military to surveil demonstrators is a perennial “ hot potato ” among Guard leaders , and it was “ idiotic ” to send the RC-26B to El Dorado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bad optics , ” said the ex-officer , who requested anonymity to protect current Guard members who informed him about the mission .
The Guard sent ground troops to El Dorado Hills and other California communities at the request of local authorities .
The RC-26B , however , was used only over El Dorado Hills .
Witnesses told the inspector general ’ s office that the plane had not been used in the past to monitor civil disturbances , according to the report .
The aircraft ’ s primary purpose is gathering intelligence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. borders .
The plane is also summoned to chart the paths of wildfires and floods , and it is flown on search and rescue missions .
In June , the Army opened an investigation into complaints that National Guard helicopters , including the Lakota , flew dangerously low over crowds of protesters in Washington , D.C. , allegedly in an attempt to intimidate the demonstrators .
The Defense Department ’ s inspector general is now reviewing the findings of the inquiry , which have not been released , an Army spokesman said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lakota flying low over the El Dorado Hills protesters .
The inquiry by the Air Force inspector general ’ s office into the deployment of the RC-26B aircraft to protests around the country concluded that its use skirted some Defense Department procedures but did not breach U.S. policy that generally bars the military from spying on U.S. citizens .
The office ’ s report said the missions collected information on the size and movements of crowds and the destruction of property .
The aircraft , however , were not equipped with surveillance technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the report says .
The document provides a narrative of the events , though key details — including names of officials who authorized the missions , as well as those who were involved — are redacted .
As the nationwide protests over Floyd ’ s death grew , Newsom declared a state of emergency on May 30 in Los Angeles County , on the basis that local law enforcement agencies could not deal with the threat posed by civil unrest .
The declaration said nothing about El Dorado County , roughly 400 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Asst .
Chief Ron Quigley of the Office of Emergency Services submitted the request to the Guard for aerial monitoring in El Dorado County .
The request cited “ information of groups forming in the west end of El Dorado County , ” the inspector general ’ s report said .
The inspector general ’ s office interviewed two people from the Guard ’ s 144th Fighter Wing at Fresno .
One of them , a pilot at the base , received a phone call from the Guard ’ s Joint Force Headquarters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mission .
The RC-26B took off from the Air National Guard Base in Fresno shortly after 8 p.m. on June 3 for what was a roughly three-hour mission , with a stop at Sacramento County ’ s Mather Airport to pick up two law enforcement officers , according to the report .
Before the mission , the officers had received word that there were “ rioters and looters planning to march to the suburbs of El Dorado County for violent purposes , ” the inspector general ’ s report says .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s officer on the aircraft said the Hells Angels “ may incite some violence around El Dorado Hills.
” As the plane circled over the area , the crew spotted several police vehicles and foot patrols but no disturbances , according to the report .
The sheriff ’ s officers then determined that continuing the mission was unnecessary as “ there did not appear to be any crowd activity of interest , ” the report says .
It was unclear if any protesters were on the streets at that time .
A Guard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Times that the crew “ didn ’ t see anything .
… It was a waste of time.
” Quigley , the OES administrator cited in the inspector general ’ s report , did not respond to an interview request The Times made through the agency ’ s spokesman , Brian Ferguson .
In a statement , Ferguson said , “ At the request of local leaders , in June , Cal OES facilitated the deployment of National Guard equipment and personnel to locations across the state to safeguard public safety and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protestors alike .
“ Use of the National Guard for law enforcement support is used only in extreme cases , or after the local government mutual aid system is fully committed.
” The statement did not address whether the OES or the Guard considered the situation in El Dorado Hills to be an extreme case .
El Dorado County Supervisor John Hidahl , whose district includes most of El Dorado Hills , told The Times he heard several complaints that the sheriff ’ s and military response to a perceived threat of unrest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not have enough firsthand information to evaluate whether the show of force was warranted .
“ The question is always : How significant is the threat ?
” Hidahl said .
“ I couldn ’ t say it was a high threat , but the sheriff definitely felt it was.
” He said he did not know Baldwin and wasn ’ t aware he lived in the area .
Caroline Cochrane , an activist from neighboring Folsom who attended multiple protests in surrounding areas to support the Black Lives Matter movement , called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ El Dorado Hills an “ exploitation of resources ” and a “ response to fear-mongering.
” “ It creates a very hostile environment , especially for African American residents , ” said Cochrane , 17 .
Steven Taylor , who specializes in civil liberties as an associate professor of government at American University in Washington , said the El Dorado Hills mission was “ an expensive endeavor , and for what ?
” “ I don ’ t understand why they couldn ’ t just use black-and-whites there , ” he said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He added that the deployment of the aircraft “ was just nonsensical unless it was used to intimidate people .
”

Maj. Gen. David S. Baldwin, who heads the California National Guard, said he didn’t recall if he approved sending surveillance aircraft over the town where he lived, El Dorado Hills.
In early June, four National Guard spy planes took to the skies over several cities to monitor street protests following the killing of George Floyd, triggering concerns that the military was improperly gathering intelligence on U.S. citizens.
Three of the reconnaissance planes kept watch on demonstrations in Minneapolis, Phoenix and Washington, D.C., that drew hundreds or thousands of protesters and were marred by violence.
But the target of the fourth plane was far more surprising: the affluent Sacramento suburb of El Dorado Hills, the scene of much smaller and entirely peaceful protests.
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Local and state authorities have not explained in detail how and why the normally sleepy neighborhood was chosen for the mission when other cities that had recently experienced property destruction and street clashes amid large protests — such as Los Angeles, Oakland and Long Beach — were not.
El Dorado Hills happened to be the home of the head of the California National Guard, Maj. Gen. David S. Baldwin, The Times has learned. In addition to deploying the RC-26B reconnaissance plane, the Guard sent a Lakota helicopter to hover over El Dorado Hills, according to Guard officials and records. The aircraft were requested by the El Dorado County Sheriff’s Office, state records show.
In response to questions from The Times, a spokesman for Gov. Gavin Newsom, who oversees the California National Guard, issued a statement late Saturday criticizing the operation.
“The use of the RC-26 to meet the sheriff’s request for aerial support to provide situational awareness for law enforcement is concerning and should not have happened,” Nathan Click said. “It was an operational decision made without the approval — let alone awareness — of the governor. After the incident, operational policies and protocols were reaffirmed and strengthened to ensure RC-26 aircraft are not used for these incidents again.”
Click did not elaborate or say whether the governor’s office is examining Baldwin’s role in the matter.
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In a telephone interview, Baldwin told The Times he didn’t recall whether he had approved the mission. He said the fact that he lived in El Dorado Hills had “nothing to do with” the deployment of the RC-26B or the Lakota helicopter.
After questions from Congress members and others about the flights, an Air Force inspector general’s report issued in August concluded that the reconnaissance planes weren’t capable of capturing “distinguishing personal features of individuals” and did not violate rules barring the military from collecting intelligence on U.S. citizens. The inspector general’s report did not include a detailed examination of whether the mission to El Dorado Hills was warranted given the uneventful nature of the protests.
The report states that the mission grew out of a “high priority” request by the state Office of Emergency Services, made on behalf of the El Dorado sheriff’s office. According to the report, the sheriff’s office said it needed the aircraft to provide support for deputies on the ground who were tracking demonstrations.
Baldwin, when asked why he couldn’t remember whether he recommended or approved the unusual use of a reconnaissance plane over his hometown, said “there was a lot going on” with protests up and down the state at that time.
“We had 10,000 soldiers deployed,” he said. “We were doing hundreds of mission taskings.”
Under California’s open records law, The Times obtained the orders for the plane and helicopter, and they list Baldwin as the officer authorizing the deployments to El Dorado County. However, a Guard spokesman, Lt. Col. Jonathan Shiroma, said Baldwin’s name routinely appears on such orders, but his subordinates have the authority to assign the plane and helicopters to missions.
Baldwin said he never discussed the mission with Newsom and did not remember if he spoke about it with El Dorado County Sheriff John D’Agostini or whether he recommended that the sheriff’s office request the plane. Baldwin described his relationship with D’Agostini as “collegial” and similar to those he has with many sheriffs.
D’Agostini declined to be interviewed for this story. His spokesman did not answer the question of whether Baldwin advised the sheriff’s office to request the aircraft.
Five current and former Guard officers with knowledge of the flights said in interviews that they knew of no justifiable reason for the El Dorado Hills mission.
“El Dorado Hills was the most monitored place in California,” said Dan Woodside, a recently retired Guard pilot who has flown the RC-26B. “Why was that? What was the threat? They are absolutely covering this up.”
A current Guard officer, who asked not to be named because he is not authorized to speak about the mission, said, “We hear ‘El Dorado,’ and it’s, ‘What? What the hell is happening in El Dorado?’” He noted that officials did not request the plane for other areas that witnessed much larger protests, including some hit by vandalism and theft.
“Why aren’t we helping L.A., San Francisco, Oakland?” the officer asked. “It’s just buffoonery.”
California California kept prison factories open. Inmates worked for pennies an hour as COVID-19 spread Inmates who made masks and furniture for as little as 35 cents an hour say they felt pressure to stay on the job, even as the coronavirus spread through the prison factories.
A second former officer said enlisting the military to surveil demonstrators is a perennial “hot potato” among Guard leaders, and it was “idiotic” to send the RC-26B to El Dorado Hills. “It’s just bad optics,” said the ex-officer, who requested anonymity to protect current Guard members who informed him about the mission.
The Guard sent ground troops to El Dorado Hills and other California communities at the request of local authorities. The RC-26B, however, was used only over El Dorado Hills.
Witnesses told the inspector general’s office that the plane had not been used in the past to monitor civil disturbances, according to the report. The aircraft’s primary purpose is gathering intelligence on drug trafficking and helping to patrol U.S. borders. The plane is also summoned to chart the paths of wildfires and floods, and it is flown on search and rescue missions.
In June, the Army opened an investigation into complaints that National Guard helicopters, including the Lakota, flew dangerously low over crowds of protesters in Washington, D.C., allegedly in an attempt to intimidate the demonstrators. The Defense Department’s inspector general is now reviewing the findings of the inquiry, which have not been released, an Army spokesman said.
There were no reports of the Lakota flying low over the El Dorado Hills protesters.
The inquiry by the Air Force inspector general’s office into the deployment of the RC-26B aircraft to protests around the country concluded that its use skirted some Defense Department procedures but did not breach U.S. policy that generally bars the military from spying on U.S. citizens. The office’s report said the missions collected information on the size and movements of crowds and the destruction of property. The aircraft, however, were not equipped with surveillance technology that could identify individuals on the ground, the report says.
The document provides a narrative of the events, though key details — including names of officials who authorized the missions, as well as those who were involved — are redacted.
As the nationwide protests over Floyd’s death grew, Newsom declared a state of emergency on May 30 in Los Angeles County, on the basis that local law enforcement agencies could not deal with the threat posed by civil unrest. The declaration said nothing about El Dorado County, roughly 400 miles away.
Two days later, Asst. Chief Ron Quigley of the Office of Emergency Services submitted the request to the Guard for aerial monitoring in El Dorado County. The request cited “information of groups forming in the west end of El Dorado County,” the inspector general’s report said.
The inspector general’s office interviewed two people from the Guard’s 144th Fighter Wing at Fresno. One of them, a pilot at the base, received a phone call from the Guard’s Joint Force Headquarters in Sacramento with verbal orders to support the mission.
The RC-26B took off from the Air National Guard Base in Fresno shortly after 8 p.m. on June 3 for what was a roughly three-hour mission, with a stop at Sacramento County’s Mather Airport to pick up two law enforcement officers, according to the report.
Before the mission, the officers had received word that there were “rioters and looters planning to march to the suburbs of El Dorado County for violent purposes,” the inspector general’s report says.
It states that an El Dorado sheriff’s officer on the aircraft said the Hells Angels “may incite some violence around El Dorado Hills.” As the plane circled over the area, the crew spotted several police vehicles and foot patrols but no disturbances, according to the report.
The sheriff’s officers then determined that continuing the mission was unnecessary as “there did not appear to be any crowd activity of interest,” the report says. It was unclear if any protesters were on the streets at that time.
A Guard officer with knowledge of the flight told The Times that the crew “didn’t see anything. … It was a waste of time.”
Quigley, the OES administrator cited in the inspector general’s report, did not respond to an interview request The Times made through the agency’s spokesman, Brian Ferguson. In a statement, Ferguson said, “At the request of local leaders, in June, Cal OES facilitated the deployment of National Guard equipment and personnel to locations across the state to safeguard public safety and protect the well-being of the community and protestors alike.
“Use of the National Guard for law enforcement support is used only in extreme cases, or after the local government mutual aid system is fully committed.” The statement did not address whether the OES or the Guard considered the situation in El Dorado Hills to be an extreme case.
El Dorado County Supervisor John Hidahl, whose district includes most of El Dorado Hills, told The Times he heard several complaints that the sheriff’s and military response to a perceived threat of unrest was overkill. Hidahl said he did not have enough firsthand information to evaluate whether the show of force was warranted.
“The question is always: How significant is the threat?” Hidahl said. “I couldn’t say it was a high threat, but the sheriff definitely felt it was.”
He said he did not know Baldwin and wasn’t aware he lived in the area.
Caroline Cochrane, an activist from neighboring Folsom who attended multiple protests in surrounding areas to support the Black Lives Matter movement, called the National Guard’s presence in El Dorado Hills an “exploitation of resources” and a “response to fear-mongering.”
“It creates a very hostile environment, especially for African American residents,” said Cochrane, 17.
Steven Taylor, who specializes in civil liberties as an associate professor of government at American University in Washington, said the El Dorado Hills mission was “an expensive endeavor, and for what?”
“I don’t understand why they couldn’t just use black-and-whites there,” he said, referring to sheriff’s patrol cars. He added that the deployment of the aircraft “was just nonsensical unless it was used to intimidate people.”