latimes--2020-02-25--Bernie Sanders has broad support in diverse California communities, new poll finds

Sen. Bernie Sanders has widespread support among communities of color in California , outstripping his nearest Democratic rivals , former Vice President Joe Biden and former New York Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg , according to a new statewide poll .
The survey offers an unusual level of detail on the views of Latino , African Americans and Asian and Pacific Americans in California , groups that in many opinion surveys are too small to analyze .
It provides strong evidence of the Vermont senator ’ s ability to build a multiracial , multiethnic coalition in his bid for the Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s caucuses on Saturday , largely on the strength of his support among Latinos , and he ’ s hoping to upend Biden ’ s campaign in South Carolina this Saturday by winning over African Americans .
In California , Sanders has significant support among both those groups , the poll indicates .
But all racial and ethnic groups in the survey showed a sharp division by age .
That reflects other surveys around the country that show Sanders , 78 , with overwhelming support among younger Americans , but much lower levels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latinos younger than 50 , for example , Sanders enjoyed roughly a 3-1 lead over Bloomberg when poll respondents were asked whom they would most like to see as the next president .
Latinos 50 and older were divided closely between Sanders , Biden and Bloomberg .
Similar age divisions showed up among blacks , Asian Americans and whites in the poll .
“ This isn ’ t just a generation gap : It ’ s a generational revolution , ” said Dan Schnur , the longtime political consultant who helped organize the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every race and ethnicity are rejecting the political system of their parents and grandparents.
” “ There ’ s a remarkable consistency by age ” across racial lines , said Drew Lieberman , the pollster with Strategies 360 , a Seattle-based polling and research firm , who oversaw the survey .
Notably , younger people in the poll were less likely than those in their 50s and 60s to say they were undecided , the reverse of the typical pattern , Lieberman noted .
Age also stands out as a far more significant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , as Sanders leads among Californians who call themselves moderates , as well as liberals .
The poll — sponsored by the Los Angeles Urban League ; HOPE , Hispanas Organized for Political Equality ; and CAUSE , the Center for Asian Americans United for Self Empowerment — is not a likely voter sample and doesn ’ t aim to forecast the results of California ’ s March 3 primary .
Instead , the numbers reflect a broader look at attitudes among both voters and nonvoters in the diverse ethnic and racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state .
Asked to pick among the leading Democrats and President Trump and say who they would most like to see as the next president , a third of Latino adults , one quarter of African Americans and just over 1 in 5 Asian Americans chose the Vermont senator .
“ Sanders has been able to build on his base from 2016 , ” said Helen Torres , executive director of HOPE .
Bloomberg was the top pick of about 1 in 8 Latinos and Asian Americans and 1 in 6 African Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same support as Bloomberg among Latinos .
He did slightly better among African Americans and significantly worse among Asian Americans , being the top pick of fewer than 1 in 10 .
“ The results are consistent with what we ’ ve seen ” elsewhere , said Michael Lawson of the Urban League , noting that although the primaries are moving quickly , “ it ’ s still a very early time in the process ” for most voters .
None of the other Democrats drew above 10 % support with any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
White Californians stood alone in their support for Trump .
Just under one-third of white Californians said Trump would be their top pick .
That was twice the level of support Trump received from Latinos and Asian Americans in the survey .
Among the Democrats , Sanders and Bloomberg got the most white support .
African Americans were the most negative toward Trump — only 5 % said he would be their first choice .
The president has repeatedly touted what he sees as achievements that should attract African Americans — including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ limited reforms in the criminal justice system .
Those appeals have failed to sway opinions , however .
Asian Americans in the survey were notably more likely than others to say they remained unsure who their first pick for president would be , noted Charlie Woo , the board chair of CAUSE .
Asian and Pacific Americans “ are still up for grabs , ” he said .
“ There are going to be a lot of last-minute decisions.
” Respondents were also asked to say which of the candidates they thought would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backers were notably skeptical of Bloomberg on that measure .
The poll was conducted online by Strategies 360 from Feb. 12 through 19 , meaning it was largely completed before the candidate debate last week in Las Vegas .
It surveyed 1,350 adults statewide , with over-samples of African Americans , Latinos and Asian Americans to allow more detailed analysis .
Final results were weighted to reflect the proportion of each group in the state ’ s population .
Question wording and results are available on the firm ’ s website .

Sen. Bernie Sanders has widespread support among communities of color in California, outstripping his nearest Democratic rivals, former Vice President Joe Biden and former New York Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, according to a new statewide poll.
The survey offers an unusual level of detail on the views of Latino, African Americans and Asian and Pacific Americans in California, groups that in many opinion surveys are too small to analyze. It provides strong evidence of the Vermont senator’s ability to build a multiracial, multiethnic coalition in his bid for the Democratic presidential nomination.
Sanders dominated Nevada’s caucuses on Saturday, largely on the strength of his support among Latinos, and he’s hoping to upend Biden’s campaign in South Carolina this Saturday by winning over African Americans.
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In California, Sanders has significant support among both those groups, the poll indicates.
But all racial and ethnic groups in the survey showed a sharp division by age. That reflects other surveys around the country that show Sanders, 78, with overwhelming support among younger Americans, but much lower levels with people his own age.
Among Latinos younger than 50, for example, Sanders enjoyed roughly a 3-1 lead over Bloomberg when poll respondents were asked whom they would most like to see as the next president. Latinos 50 and older were divided closely between Sanders, Biden and Bloomberg. Similar age divisions showed up among blacks, Asian Americans and whites in the poll.
“This isn’t just a generation gap: It’s a generational revolution,” said Dan Schnur, the longtime political consultant who helped organize the new survey. “Young people of every race and ethnicity are rejecting the political system of their parents and grandparents.”
“There’s a remarkable consistency by age” across racial lines, said Drew Lieberman, the pollster with Strategies 360, a Seattle-based polling and research firm, who oversaw the survey. Notably, younger people in the poll were less likely than those in their 50s and 60s to say they were undecided, the reverse of the typical pattern, Lieberman noted.
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Age also stands out as a far more significant point of division than ideology, for example, as Sanders leads among Californians who call themselves moderates, as well as liberals.
The poll — sponsored by the Los Angeles Urban League; HOPE, Hispanas Organized for Political Equality; and CAUSE, the Center for Asian Americans United for Self Empowerment — is not a likely voter sample and doesn’t aim to forecast the results of California’s March 3 primary. Instead, the numbers reflect a broader look at attitudes among both voters and nonvoters in the diverse ethnic and racial groups of the nation’s largest state.
Asked to pick among the leading Democrats and President Trump and say who they would most like to see as the next president, a third of Latino adults, one quarter of African Americans and just over 1 in 5 Asian Americans chose the Vermont senator.
“Sanders has been able to build on his base from 2016,” said Helen Torres, executive director of HOPE.
Bloomberg was the top pick of about 1 in 8 Latinos and Asian Americans and 1 in 6 African Americans, the poll found.
Biden drew the same support as Bloomberg among Latinos. He did slightly better among African Americans and significantly worse among Asian Americans, being the top pick of fewer than 1 in 10.
“The results are consistent with what we’ve seen” elsewhere, said Michael Lawson of the Urban League, noting that although the primaries are moving quickly, “it’s still a very early time in the process” for most voters.
None of the other Democrats drew above 10% support with any of the major racial or ethnic groups.
White Californians stood alone in their support for Trump. Just under one-third of white Californians said Trump would be their top pick. That was twice the level of support Trump received from Latinos and Asian Americans in the survey. Among the Democrats, Sanders and Bloomberg got the most white support.
African Americans were the most negative toward Trump — only 5% said he would be their first choice.
The president has repeatedly touted what he sees as achievements that should attract African Americans — including low unemployment rates and his backing for limited reforms in the criminal justice system. Those appeals have failed to sway opinions, however.
Asian Americans in the survey were notably more likely than others to say they remained unsure who their first pick for president would be, noted Charlie Woo, the board chair of CAUSE. Asian and Pacific Americans “are still up for grabs,” he said. “There are going to be a lot of last-minute decisions.”
Respondents were also asked to say which of the candidates they thought would make a good president. Sanders’ backers were notably skeptical of Bloomberg on that measure.
The poll was conducted online by Strategies 360 from Feb. 12 through 19, meaning it was largely completed before the candidate debate last week in Las Vegas. It surveyed 1,350 adults statewide, with over-samples of African Americans, Latinos and Asian Americans to allow more detailed analysis. Final results were weighted to reflect the proportion of each group in the state’s population. Question wording and results are available on the firm’s website.


latimes--2020-02-25--Mystery over cemetery slayings sparks fear and rumors in California town

On a brisk Sunday evening , four men shared food and drinks before stumbling the next morning into a humble little cemetery dotted with leafless trees .
They came to pay their respects to an old friend , Uver Hernandez Castañeda .
Only one of the men would walk out of Perris Valley Cemetery .
Near the grave of Hernandez Castañeda lay the bodies of three of the men .
The fourth became the subject of a manhunt .
On Thursday , ten days after the slayings , law enforcement in Cheyenne , Wyoming arrested Jose Luis Torres Garcia after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GMC .
Riverside County sheriff officials said 15 pounds of marijuana was recovered from the suspect ’ s vehicle .
Detectives say the 33-year-old Torres Garcia killed Jaime Covarrubias Espindola , 50 ; Jose Maria Aguilar-Espejel , 38 ; and Rodrigo Aguilar-Espejel , 28 .
The triple killing Feb. 17 in this Riverside County town of nearly 78,000 people caused a ripple of fear after the sheriff invoked the specter of cartel involvement .
Sheriff Chad Bianco was attempting to quell residents ’ concerns at a news conference , saying they should not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were not related to several others in the county .
On Feb. 2 , a man was shot at an Arco gas station across from Perris ’ Mariscos Playa de Ixtapa restaurant , and 10 days later , a man was killed at a nearby park .
( A couple of days after the cemetery killings , three women were found dead in pools of blood inside a home in nearby Hemet . )
“ We ’ re receiving some of the same information that you are , that it ’ s gang @ @ @ @ @ @ @ related , ” Bianco said .
“ We ’ re looking into all of that.
” The sheriff didn ’ t answer questions about how the men were killed , whether a weapon was used or how they were found .
Autopsies were completed Monday , but coroner officials referred questions to homicide investigators .
The investigator on the case , Alberto Loureiro , declined to speak to a Los Angeles Times reporter about the details .
Asked during the news conference if the men were killed “ execution-style , ” Sheriff Bianco @ @ @ @ @ @ @ semantics of what you would call it , but it certainly seems that way.
” No motive has been established for the killings .
But that hasn ’ t stopped rumors from flowing in town .
The grave the men had been visiting belonged to a man who met a violent end just months before , more than 1,700 miles away in central Mexico .
Hernandez Castañeda had been tortured and murdered near the highlands of Opopeo , in the state of Michoacán , while on his way to visit family for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was driving a white Range Rover to his family ’ s home in Turicato , Michoacán , a town dominated by a strong cartel presence , according to Mexican news reports .
He never made it .
On Dec. 20 , his family reported him missing , and two days later , his body was found with gunshot wounds and other “ signs of violence ” near Opopeo , a pueblo of less than 9,000 people where locals have formed self-defense teams against drug traffickers .
On social media and at the cemetery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no enemies .
He was remembered as a kind , giving father and husband who had inadvertently become entangled in the violence convulsing parts of Mexico .
On a recent morning , a crowd of curious cemetery visitors gathered to take a peek at the grave of Hernandez Castañeda .
Suddenly , a white Nissan SUV drove into the cemetery .
A man in a black T-shirt and a woman dressed all in orange exited the vehicle with their young son and walked toward Hernandez Castañeda ’ s grave .
Seeing the family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The woman identified herself as the sister-in-law of Hernandez Castañeda .
According to her , the man had lived in the U.S. for 20 years with his family .
But he had a lover , she said .
Hernandez Castañeda ’ s sister-in-law said the woman apparently had a powerful lover in Mexico .
When Hernandez Castañeda made the holiday trip to his home country , he was killed , his sister-in-law said .
Like many others interviewed by The Times , she declined to allow her name to be used , citing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s no justice in Mexico , ” she said , shaking her head as she looked down at her brother-in-law ’ s headstone .
By the time the family visited Hernandez Castañeda ’ s grave , it had been cleaned of any signs that something horrible had happened there in recent days .
Under a beaming sun , a wooden crucifix lay over his flat headstone , partially hiding an engraving : “ Don ’ t be saddened by my absence , I haven ’ t left your side … You can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m still with you.
” Earlier that morning , the sound of crows squawking and doves cooing in the early morning was slowly replaced by chatter and cumbia music as families settled in to spend time with deceased loved ones , laying folding chairs , blankets and snacks on the green grass feet away from Hernandez Castañeda ’ s grave .
One woman , who only gave her name as Victoria , ventured across the cemetery to visit Hernandez Castañeda ’ s headstone .
She was merely curious .
But she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Suddenly , she worried about whether the wrong person might be watching .
“ It ’ s better to say you don ’ t hear anything , because people could be watching , ” the woman said .
“ It ’ s better to observe from a distance.
” A cemetery employee and his friend — who both asked to remain nameless — nervously tiptoed around the idea that the triple killing might be cartel-related .
“ I don ’ t want to know a thing about that , ” the employee said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hot spot for tourists who visit Perris Lake and enjoy adventures like skydiving and hot air balloon rides .
The “ skydiving capital of America ” rarely makes news — except when skydiving tragedies occur .
It ’ s a family-oriented town that has appealed to locals for its calmness and safety .
More than 75 % of the population is Latino .
Olivia Moreno de Gonzalez , who identified herself in a phone interview as the owner of Mariscos Playa de Ixtapa , said she had been busy fending off rumors , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , rather than an employee .
One of the victims of the cemetery killings , Covarrubias Espindola , was also an employee , she said .
“ Many things people are saying are lies , and it ’ s affecting us , ” Moreno de Gonzalez said .
“ Honestly , we ’ re the same as you .
We don ’ t know anything.
” At a local swap meet , a woman selling religious memorabilia said she remembered two men who showed up looking for candles and a prayer book for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had been killed in Mexico .
She recognized a crucifix she sold as one that ended up on Hernandez Castañeda ’ s headstone .
But the woman said she could not remember who purchased it .
Back in the cemetery , Hernandez Castañeda ’ s brother knelt in front of the grave and removed the crucifix and two flowers that had been lying there .
He wiped the headstone somberly .
His brother , he said , was not involved in any cartel activity , despite his slaying and the strange one that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Everyone who knows us knows it ’ s not what people are thinking , ” he said .
The morning of the killings , the man said he got a call from a family friend .
“ I see three men sleeping on your brother ’ s grave , ” she told Hernandez Castañeda ’ s brother .
“ I ’ ll be right there and I ’ ll see who they are , ” he said .
But before he could , she called again .
“ I think they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He raced to his brother ’ s grave to investigate for himself , but by then the cemetery was swarmed with sheriff ’ s deputies and investigators .
Hernandez Castañeda ’ s brother said he had a far simpler theory about the tragic event : The four men were drinking and got into a fight .
It wasn ’ t unusual for his brother ’ s friends to visit his grave .
He had told them repeatedly not to bring bottles to the cemetery , since drinking is forbidden on the grounds .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the brother said .
One of them , Covarrubias Espindola , was a beloved chef at the Mariscos Playa de Ixtapa restaurant , who would leave his kitchen to ask guests whether they enjoyed his food and take personal dish requests from friends .
The other men he knew only as his brother ’ s friends .
Nothing about the suspect , Torres Garcia , struck him as concerning .
“ I don ’ t know this crazy mentality he had , ” the brother of Hernandez Castañeda said .
He heard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the right of his brother ’ s tombstone ; the other two , to the left .
Other than that , he said , it ’ s all a mystery .

A woman visiting a loved one buried at Perris Valley Cemetery stops to peek at the grave of Uver Hernandez Castañeda, the site of a triple homicide in February.
On a brisk Sunday evening, four men shared food and drinks before stumbling the next morning into a humble little cemetery dotted with leafless trees.
They came to pay their respects to an old friend, Uver Hernandez Castañeda.
Only one of the men would walk out of Perris Valley Cemetery.
Near the grave of Hernandez Castañeda lay the bodies of three of the men. The fourth became the subject of a manhunt.
On Thursday, ten days after the slayings, law enforcement in Cheyenne, Wyoming arrested Jose Luis Torres Garcia after a traffic stop of a 2007 silver GMC. Riverside County sheriff officials said 15 pounds of marijuana was recovered from the suspect’s vehicle.
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Detectives say the 33-year-old Torres Garcia killed Jaime Covarrubias Espindola, 50; Jose Maria Aguilar-Espejel, 38; and Rodrigo Aguilar-Espejel, 28.
The triple killing Feb. 17 in this Riverside County town of nearly 78,000 people caused a ripple of fear after the sheriff invoked the specter of cartel involvement.
Sheriff Chad Bianco was attempting to quell residents’ concerns at a news conference, saying they should not feel in danger and that the killings were not related to several others in the county. On Feb. 2, a man was shot at an Arco gas station across from Perris’ Mariscos Playa de Ixtapa restaurant, and 10 days later, a man was killed at a nearby park. (A couple of days after the cemetery killings, three women were found dead in pools of blood inside a home in nearby Hemet.)
“We’re receiving some of the same information that you are, that it’s gang related, that it’s cartel related,” Bianco said. “We’re looking into all of that.”
The sheriff didn’t answer questions about how the men were killed, whether a weapon was used or how they were found. Autopsies were completed Monday, but coroner officials referred questions to homicide investigators. The investigator on the case, Alberto Loureiro, declined to speak to a Los Angeles Times reporter about the details.
Asked during the news conference if the men were killed “execution-style,” Sheriff Bianco said: “You could get into semantics of what you would call it, but it certainly seems that way.”
No motive has been established for the killings. But that hasn’t stopped rumors from flowing in town.
The grave the men had been visiting belonged to a man who met a violent end just months before, more than 1,700 miles away in central Mexico. Hernandez Castañeda had been tortured and murdered near the highlands of Opopeo, in the state of Michoacán, while on his way to visit family for the holidays.
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On Dec. 18, he was driving a white Range Rover to his family’s home in Turicato, Michoacán, a town dominated by a strong cartel presence, according to Mexican news reports.
He never made it. On Dec. 20, his family reported him missing, and two days later, his body was found with gunshot wounds and other “signs of violence” near Opopeo, a pueblo of less than 9,000 people where locals have formed self-defense teams against drug traffickers.
On social media and at the cemetery, family and friends insisted he had no enemies. He was remembered as a kind, giving father and husband who had inadvertently become entangled in the violence convulsing parts of Mexico.
On a recent morning, a crowd of curious cemetery visitors gathered to take a peek at the grave of Hernandez Castañeda. Suddenly, a white Nissan SUV drove into the cemetery. A man in a black T-shirt and a woman dressed all in orange exited the vehicle with their young son and walked toward Hernandez Castañeda’s grave. Seeing the family approach, the small group scattered.
The grave of Uver Hernandez Castañeda. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
The woman identified herself as the sister-in-law of Hernandez Castañeda. According to her, the man had lived in the U.S. for 20 years with his family. But he had a lover, she said.
Hernandez Castañeda’s sister-in-law said the woman apparently had a powerful lover in Mexico. When Hernandez Castañeda made the holiday trip to his home country, he was killed, his sister-in-law said. Like many others interviewed by The Times, she declined to allow her name to be used, citing concerns about her safety.
“There’s no justice in Mexico,” she said, shaking her head as she looked down at her brother-in-law’s headstone.
By the time the family visited Hernandez Castañeda’s grave, it had been cleaned of any signs that something horrible had happened there in recent days. Under a beaming sun, a wooden crucifix lay over his flat headstone, partially hiding an engraving: “Don’t be saddened by my absence, I haven’t left your side … You can’t hear my voice, but I’m still with you.”
Earlier that morning, the sound of crows squawking and doves cooing in the early morning was slowly replaced by chatter and cumbia music as families settled in to spend time with deceased loved ones, laying folding chairs, blankets and snacks on the green grass feet away from Hernandez Castañeda’s grave.
A woman who identified herself as the sister-in-law of Uver Hernandez Castañeda said the man was not involved in cartel activity.
(Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
One woman, who only gave her name as Victoria, ventured across the cemetery to visit Hernandez Castañeda’s headstone. She was merely curious. But she turned around before getting too close. Suddenly, she worried about whether the wrong person might be watching.
“It’s better to say you don’t hear anything, because people could be watching,” the woman said. “It’s better to observe from a distance.”
A cemetery employee and his friend — who both asked to remain nameless — nervously tiptoed around the idea that the triple killing might be cartel-related.
“I don’t want to know a thing about that,” the employee said.
The town of Perris is a hot spot for tourists who visit Perris Lake and enjoy adventures like skydiving and hot air balloon rides. The “skydiving capital of America” rarely makes news — except when skydiving tragedies occur.
It’s a family-oriented town that has appealed to locals for its calmness and safety. More than 75% of the population is Latino.
Olivia Moreno de Gonzalez, who identified herself in a phone interview as the owner of Mariscos Playa de Ixtapa, said she had been busy fending off rumors, including that Hernandez Castañeda was the owner, rather than an employee. One of the victims of the cemetery killings, Covarrubias Espindola, was also an employee, she said.
“Many things people are saying are lies, and it’s affecting us,” Moreno de Gonzalez said. “Honestly, we’re the same as you. We don’t know anything.”
The Mariscos Playa de Ixtapa restaurant, where two of the slain men worked. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
At a local swap meet, a woman selling religious memorabilia said she remembered two men who showed up looking for candles and a prayer book for their cousin. They told her he had been killed in Mexico. She recognized a crucifix she sold as one that ended up on Hernandez Castañeda’s headstone. But the woman said she could not remember who purchased it.
Back in the cemetery, Hernandez Castañeda’s brother knelt in front of the grave and removed the crucifix and two flowers that had been lying there. He wiped the headstone somberly. His brother, he said, was not involved in any cartel activity, despite his slaying and the strange one that befell three men at his plot.
“Everyone who knows us knows it’s not what people are thinking,” he said.
The morning of the killings, the man said he got a call from a family friend.
“I see three men sleeping on your brother’s grave,” she told Hernandez Castañeda’s brother.
“I’ll be right there and I’ll see who they are,” he said. But before he could, she called again.
“I think they’re dead,” she said.
A man who identified himself as a younger brother of Uver Hernandez Castaneda visits Hernandez Castaneda’s grave at Perris Valley Cemetery. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
He raced to his brother’s grave to investigate for himself, but by then the cemetery was swarmed with sheriff’s deputies and investigators.
Hernandez Castañeda’s brother said he had a far simpler theory about the tragic event: The four men were drinking and got into a fight. It wasn’t unusual for his brother’s friends to visit his grave. He had told them repeatedly not to bring bottles to the cemetery, since drinking is forbidden on the grounds.
He was familiar with the four men, the brother said. One of them, Covarrubias Espindola, was a beloved chef at the Mariscos Playa de Ixtapa restaurant, who would leave his kitchen to ask guests whether they enjoyed his food and take personal dish requests from friends.
The other men he knew only as his brother’s friends. Nothing about the suspect, Torres Garcia, struck him as concerning.
“I don’t know this crazy mentality he had,” the brother of Hernandez Castañeda said.
He heard that one of the bodies lay to the right of his brother’s tombstone; the other two, to the left.
Other than that, he said, it’s all a mystery.


latimes--2020-02-25--Handcuffed and humbled, Harvey Weinstein could spend the rest of his life in prison after rape convi

Handcuffed and humbled, Harvey Weinstein could spend the rest of his life in prison after rape conviction

The longer his sexual assault trial went on , the more confident Harvey Weinstein appeared .
Even as he faced the threat of life in prison , Weinstein often met reporters with a knowing smirk as he shuffled in and out of a Manhattan courtroom with the aid of a walker during his six-week trial .
He ’ d crack jokes about his back surgery and fire off quips in response to substantive questions , one day dismissing a woman ’ s emotional testimony as “ total bull—.
” But as New York court officers took him by the arms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fallen Hollywood titan .
He looked around as if confused when a pair of handcuffs clicked onto his wrists , possibly marking the end of his life outside a city or state prison cell .
Weinstein , 67 , was convicted Monday of one count of committing a criminal sexual act and one count of rape , ending a trial that was in many ways a validation of the # MeToo movement — and a sign to some that power and influence may no longer equal invincibility for men accused of sexual misconduct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t be sitting comfortably , ” said actress Rose McGowan , who has alleged Weinstein raped her in 1997 .
“ For once , he will know what it ’ s like to have power wrapped around his neck.
” Weinstein , who has denied any wrongdoing despite claims of sexual assault and misconduct from more than 80 women since 2017 , faces up to 29 years in prison when he is sentenced March 11 .
Weinstein ’ s attorneys have said they will appeal .
“ Rape is rape , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter what .
Rape is rape , whether it ’ s committed by a stranger in a dark alley or by an intimate partner in a relationship , ” Manhattan Dist .
Atty .
Cyrus Vance Jr. told reporters after the verdict .
“ It ’ s rape , whether it ’ s committed by an indigent person or a man of immense power , prestige and privilege.
” The convictions stemmed from the accusations of two women who said Weinstein used his influence in Hollywood to lure them into hotel rooms or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them .
Mimi Haley , a former producer on “ Project Runway , ” said she went to Weinstein ’ s SoHo apartment in 2006 to try to repair their splintering professional relationship , but he became aggressive and forced oral sex on her .
Jessica Mann , a once-aspiring actress who said she was in a consensual but abusive relationship with Weinstein , claimed he showed up unannounced at a Midtown Manhattan hotel in 2013 and violently raped her .
Weinstein avoided a potential life sentence when the jury acquitted him of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That charge would have required jurors to convict him of assaulting Haley or Mann and former “ Sopranos ” actress Annabella Sciorra .
Sciorra had accused Weinstein of barging into her Gramercy Park apartment in the early 1990s and violently raping her after the two had attended an industry dinner .
While some legal experts considered Sciorra the prosecution ’ s strongest witness , her case was too old to prosecute .
Weinstein ’ s attorneys often pounced on the fact that she could not remember the exact year the alleged attack took @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but necessary .
I spoke for myself and with the strength of the eighty plus victims of Harvey Weinstein in my heart .
While we hope for continued righteous outcomes that bring absolute justice , we can never regret breaking the silence , ” Sciorra said in a statement Monday after the verdict .
Three other women — Dawn Dunning , Tarale Wulff and Lauren Young — also testified during the trial , describing alleged abuses committed by Weinstein that were either too old to prosecute or happened outside the jurisdiction of Manhattan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who testified and prosecutors Joan Illuzzi-Orbon and Meghan Hast with changing “ the course of history in the fight against sexual violence.
” Neither prosecutor spoke to reporters after the verdict , though Hast flashed a relieved smile to a throng of reporters outside the courtroom .
Illuzzi-Orbon served as a counterpuncher through much of the trial , growing visibly agitated and biting back at aggressive cross-examinations of the victims by Weinstein ’ s attorneys .
Manhattan Supreme Court Judge James Burke ordered Weinstein remanded until his sentencing .
Donna Rotunno , Weinstein @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the judge to consider house arrest , describing him as being in worse health than he already appeared to be .
The Miramax co-founder underwent back surgery in December , which Rotunno described as a “ failure ” in court Monday .
She also said Weinstein has been on a raft of medication that included eye injections to prevent him from going blind .
Late Monday , Weinstein was taken to Bellevue Hospital with chest palpitations and high blood pressure , his attorney said .
She said he is expected to be OK. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spokesman , said he is hoping Weinstein will be placed in protective custody or treated at Rikers Island ’ s infirmary unit .
“ While he was not convicted on the most serious charges , we are disappointed in the verdict and will be filing an appeal , ” Engelmayer said in a statement .
“ There are issues in this trial that were extremely troubling , and they prejudiced Mr. Weinstein ’ s ability to have his case fairly judged .
These will be addressed to a higher court.
” Speaking to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she believed the defense won on the merits of the evidence presented but could not overcome the jury ’ s preconceived notions about Weinstein .
“ We knew that we came in and we were down 35 to nothing at the start of this trial , ” she said .
“ Jurors came in knowing everything that they could know about this case.
” With no forensic evidence or corroborating witnesses , much of the case came down to whether the jury would find the accusers more credible than their alleged assailant , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ test of one of the # MeToo movement ’ s central themes — that women who make rape accusations should be believed .
Weinstein did not take the stand in his own defense .
Rotunno and attorney Damon Cheronis instead slashed at each accuser ’ s story , questioning their motives for staying in touch with Weinstein after the dates of the alleged assaults or attempting to paint the encounters as consensual .
Rotunno often made arguments that seemed to double as sideswipes of the # MeToo movement , while trying to insinuate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personal gain .
“ In their story , they ’ ve created a universe that strips adult women of common sense , autonomy and responsibility .
It ’ s offensive , actually , ” she said earlier this month .
Illuzzi-Orbon , however , argued the immense influence wielded by Weinstein allowed him to create a climate of fear around his victims .
Not only did his potential power over their careers keep them from reporting his alleged crimes , she said , but it also led some women to stay in touch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When you have to trick somebody to be in your control ... then you know that you don ’ t have consent , ” she said during her closing argument .
After his March sentencing , Weinstein faces further legal jeopardy in Los Angeles County , where Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey filed four counts of sexual assault against him last month .
The cases stem from a pair of alleged 2013 assaults in Beverly Hills and West Los Angeles .
One of the two accusers , Lauren Young , testified as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York case .
Through a spokesman , Los Angeles Deputy Dist .
Atty Paul Thompson said he was “ definitely proceeding , ” with the case , but it remains unclear when that might happen .
Victims of sexual violence met news of the verdict with a mix of relief and shock .
Many of the defense ’ s arguments mirrored those commonly used to undercut rape allegations , they said , and the jury ’ s announcement that it was deadlocked Friday on the predatory sexual assault charges also left some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is a huge day .
I ’ m crying right now , because I expected the worst , ” said Zoe Brock , a New Zealand-born former model who has accused Weinstein of rape and was among six women who filed a class-action suit in 2017 against Weinstein and the studio he co-founded .
“ Because for us , the worst keeps happening .
In Hollywood , especially for sexual assault victims , the worst keeps happening.
” Times staff writers Laura Newberry , Leila Miller and Stacy Perman contributed to this @ @ @ @ @

Harvey Weinstein faces up to 29 years in prison after he was found guilty of committing a criminal sexual act and rape but was acquitted on two of the most serious charges. His team plans to file an appeal.
The longer his sexual assault trial went on, the more confident Harvey Weinstein appeared.
Even as he faced the threat of life in prison, Weinstein often met reporters with a knowing smirk as he shuffled in and out of a Manhattan courtroom with the aid of a walker during his six-week trial. He’d crack jokes about his back surgery and fire off quips in response to substantive questions, one day dismissing a woman’s emotional testimony as “total bull—.”
But as New York court officers took him by the arms Monday, the bravado drained from the fallen Hollywood titan. He looked around as if confused when a pair of handcuffs clicked onto his wrists, possibly marking the end of his life outside a city or state prison cell.
Weinstein, 67, was convicted Monday of one count of committing a criminal sexual act and one count of rape, ending a trial that was in many ways a validation of the #MeToo movement — and a sign to some that power and influence may no longer equal invincibility for men accused of sexual misconduct.
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“For once, he won’t be sitting comfortably,” said actress Rose McGowan, who has alleged Weinstein raped her in 1997. “For once, he will know what it’s like to have power wrapped around his neck.”
Weinstein, who has denied any wrongdoing despite claims of sexual assault and misconduct from more than 80 women since 2017, faces up to 29 years in prison when he is sentenced March 11. Weinstein’s attorneys have said they will appeal.
California Weinstein accusers share relief, tears and hope after verdict Women’s rights groups and actresses who have accused Harvey Weinstein of sexual abuse described feeling a wave of relief and camaraderie on Monday after a jury found the producer guilty of one count of rape and one count of committing a criminal sexual act.
“Rape is rape, and sexual assault is sexual assault, no matter what. Rape is rape, whether it’s committed by a stranger in a dark alley or by an intimate partner in a relationship,” Manhattan Dist. Atty. Cyrus Vance Jr. told reporters after the verdict. “It’s rape, whether it’s committed by an indigent person or a man of immense power, prestige and privilege.”
The convictions stemmed from the accusations of two women who said Weinstein used his influence in Hollywood to lure them into hotel rooms or his apartment, where he violently assaulted them.
Mimi Haley, a former producer on “Project Runway,” said she went to Weinstein’s SoHo apartment in 2006 to try to repair their splintering professional relationship, but he became aggressive and forced oral sex on her. Jessica Mann, a once-aspiring actress who said she was in a consensual but abusive relationship with Weinstein, claimed he showed up unannounced at a Midtown Manhattan hotel in 2013 and violently raped her.
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Weinstein avoided a potential life sentence when the jury acquitted him of two counts of predatory sexual assault. That charge would have required jurors to convict him of assaulting Haley or Mann and former “Sopranos” actress Annabella Sciorra.
Sciorra had accused Weinstein of barging into her Gramercy Park apartment in the early 1990s and violently raping her after the two had attended an industry dinner. While some legal experts considered Sciorra the prosecution’s strongest witness, her case was too old to prosecute. Weinstein’s attorneys often pounced on the fact that she could not remember the exact year the alleged attack took place.
“My testimony was painful but necessary. I spoke for myself and with the strength of the eighty plus victims of Harvey Weinstein in my heart. While we hope for continued righteous outcomes that bring absolute justice, we can never regret breaking the silence,” Sciorra said in a statement Monday after the verdict.
California Harvey Weinstein found guilty of rape in sexual assault trial Harvey Weinstein was found guilty of rape and a felony sex crime Monday in his sexual assault trial. Later in the day, he was taken to a hospital with chest pains.
Three other women — Dawn Dunning, Tarale Wulff and Lauren Young — also testified during the trial, describing alleged abuses committed by Weinstein that were either too old to prosecute or happened outside the jurisdiction of Manhattan prosecutors. Vance credited the six women who testified and prosecutors Joan Illuzzi-Orbon and Meghan Hast with changing “the course of history in the fight against sexual violence.”
Neither prosecutor spoke to reporters after the verdict, though Hast flashed a relieved smile to a throng of reporters outside the courtroom. Illuzzi-Orbon served as a counterpuncher through much of the trial, growing visibly agitated and biting back at aggressive cross-examinations of the victims by Weinstein’s attorneys.
Manhattan Supreme Court Judge James Burke ordered Weinstein remanded until his sentencing. Donna Rotunno, Weinstein’s lead attorney, pleaded with the judge to consider house arrest, describing him as being in worse health than he already appeared to be.
The Miramax co-founder underwent back surgery in December, which Rotunno described as a “failure” in court Monday. She also said Weinstein has been on a raft of medication that included eye injections to prevent him from going blind.
Late Monday, Weinstein was taken to Bellevue Hospital with chest palpitations and high blood pressure, his attorney said. She said he is expected to be OK.
Juda Engelmayer, Weinstein’s chief spokesman, said he is hoping Weinstein will be placed in protective custody or treated at Rikers Island’s infirmary unit.
“While he was not convicted on the most serious charges, we are disappointed in the verdict and will be filing an appeal,” Engelmayer said in a statement. “There are issues in this trial that were extremely troubling, and they prejudiced Mr. Weinstein’s ability to have his case fairly judged. These will be addressed to a higher court.”
Speaking to reporters outside the courthouse, Rotunno said she believed the defense won on the merits of the evidence presented but could not overcome the jury’s preconceived notions about Weinstein.
“We knew that we came in and we were down 35 to nothing at the start of this trial,” she said. “Jurors came in knowing everything that they could know about this case.”
With no forensic evidence or corroborating witnesses, much of the case came down to whether the jury would find the accusers more credible than their alleged assailant, making the prosecution something of a litmus test of one of the #MeToo movement’s central themes — that women who make rape accusations should be believed.
Weinstein did not take the stand in his own defense. Rotunno and attorney Damon Cheronis instead slashed at each accuser’s story, questioning their motives for staying in touch with Weinstein after the dates of the alleged assaults or attempting to paint the encounters as consensual.
Rotunno often made arguments that seemed to double as sideswipes of the #MeToo movement, while trying to insinuate that the accusers were manipulating Weinstein for personal gain.
“In their story, they’ve created a universe that strips adult women of common sense, autonomy and responsibility. It’s offensive, actually,” she said earlier this month.
Illuzzi-Orbon, however, argued the immense influence wielded by Weinstein allowed him to create a climate of fear around his victims. Not only did his potential power over their careers keep them from reporting his alleged crimes, she said, but it also led some women to stay in touch with him after alleged assaults.
“When you have to trick somebody to be in your control ... then you know that you don’t have consent,” she said during her closing argument.
After his March sentencing, Weinstein faces further legal jeopardy in Los Angeles County, where Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey filed four counts of sexual assault against him last month. The cases stem from a pair of alleged 2013 assaults in Beverly Hills and West Los Angeles. One of the two accusers, Lauren Young, testified as a prior bad acts witness in the New York case.
Through a spokesman, Los Angeles Deputy Dist. Atty Paul Thompson said he was “definitely proceeding,” with the case, but it remains unclear when that might happen.
Victims of sexual violence met news of the verdict with a mix of relief and shock. Many of the defense’s arguments mirrored those commonly used to undercut rape allegations, they said, and the jury’s announcement that it was deadlocked Friday on the predatory sexual assault charges also left some fearing a mistrial was imminent.
“This is a huge day. I’m crying right now, because I expected the worst,” said Zoe Brock, a New Zealand-born former model who has accused Weinstein of rape and was among six women who filed a class-action suit in 2017 against Weinstein and the studio he co-founded. “Because for us, the worst keeps happening. In Hollywood, especially for sexual assault victims, the worst keeps happening.”
Times staff writers Laura Newberry, Leila Miller and Stacy Perman contributed to this report from Los Angeles.


latimes--2020-02-24--Fossil fuel money is toxic for some L.A. council candidates

Determined to set themselves apart on the issue of climate change , candidates for Los Angeles City Council are refusing to accept campaign contributions from fossil fuel companies and their executives — and criticizing rivals who won ’ t make the same promise .
Petroleum dollars have emerged as a political issue in several council contests , in many cases driven by insurgent candidates who have sought to make it a litmus test .
In the race to replace Councilman Herb Wesson , four candidates have publicly promised to forgo fossil fuel donations and badgered longtime county Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ He ’ s going to stand on the side of the fossil fuel industry because he ’ s taking all their money , instead of standing with the people , ” said Aura Vasquez , a former city commissioner who is campaigning on her refusal to accept such donations .
Ridley-Thomas said he has a strong track record on environmental issues , imposing tighter regulations on oil drilling and pushing for greater reliance on renewable energy .
Out of more than a thousand contributions , he said , four or five came @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidates have sought to make it appear as though somehow I ’ m quote-unquote owned by Big Oil , when in fact it is completely false , ” he said .
“ It ’ s unsubstantiated , and it ’ s another attempt to mislead voters.
” Fossil fuel interests have not historically been the biggest spenders in L.A. city campaigns , which have long been dominated by the real estate industry and public employee unions .
The growing attention to oil and gas money at City Hall is a reflection , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impacts of oil drilling — both at the neighborhood level and for the planet .
In the northwest San Fernando Valley , college educator Loraine Lundquist has sworn off oil and gas donations and criticized her opponent , Councilman John Lee , for accepting them .
In two other council districts — one covering part of the Eastside , the other stretching from Sherman Oaks to Silver Lake — nearly every candidate has signed a pledge swearing off donations over $ 200 from oil and gas companies ’ executives , lobbyists and political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. have signed that pledge , including state Sen. Holly Mitchell ( D-Los Angeles ) , one of the contenders vying to replace Ridley-Thomas on the county Board of Supervisors .
Another candidate in that contest , former City Councilwoman Jan Perry , has promised not to take fossil fuel contributions and criticized Wesson , one of her rivals , for accepting such donations .
The debate around fossil fuels doesn ’ t just focus on money .
In the race to represent Wesson ’ s Koreatown-to-Crenshaw district , four candidates have called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drilling within 2,500 feet of homes and schools .
Doing so would shutter most of the active wells in Los Angeles , according to a city analysis .
Ridley-Thomas , who joined the Board of Supervisors in 2008 , opposes the idea of a citywide buffer , warning it could expose taxpayers to costly lawsuits .
L.A. 's petroleum administrator concluded last year that approving a smaller buffer around wells — 600 feet — could cost the city more than $ 700 million in legal bills , cleanup costs and other expenses , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ridley-Thomas said government agencies have multiple tools for regulating drilling sites , including air quality testing and long-range health assessments of the surrounding community .
In 2011 , he backed a legal settlement that included such measures for the Inglewood Oil Field , a facility in his district .
At one candidate forum last month , an anti-drilling activist asked Ridley-Thomas and his rivals if they are taking money from oil companies .
Candidates Grace Yoo , Channing Martinez , Melvin Snell and Vasquez all said they are not .
Ridley-Thomas did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ telling the crowd he has a clear record on environmental issues .
“ That ’ s why the League of Conservation Voters endorsed me , ” he said .
“ They ’ re not concerned about the relatively small amount — '' “ Yes or no ?
” people shouted from the crowd .
By mid-February , Ridley-Thomas had accepted $ 800 from an executive with the oil and gas company California Resources Corp. and $ 800 from the company itself ; $ 800 from E & B Natural Resources Management , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; and $ 800 from the California Independent Petroleum Assn .
Rock Zierman , CEO of the petroleum association , said workers in the oil industry are constituents too — and have a “ vested interest in supporting candidates who have a vision for a vibrant Los Angeles.
” Environmentalists argue that such donations are revealing , even when small amounts of money are at stake .
“ It signals who the fossil fuel industry thinks is going to be friendly to them , ” said John Kerin of Sunrise Movement Los Angeles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coalition pushing for action on climate change .
Sunrise Movement L.A. has endorsed Vasquez in the race to replace Wesson .
The group is also supporting Lundquist in the northwest Valley , where thousands were displaced by the Aliso Canyon methane disaster in 2015 .
When Lee and Lundquist went head to head in a special election last year , Lundquist criticized Lee over tens of thousands of dollars given by petroleum companies to an independent committee backing his candidacy .
Lee , in turn , accused Lundquist of hypocrisy because one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fossil fuel companies .
In their rematch for the seat this year , the oil and gas company California Resources Corp. gave $ 95,000 this month to an independent committee backing Lee .
The councilman has also received more than $ 6,000 in campaign contributions from fossil fuel companies , industry groups and their employees since the fall .
Lee said he should be judged on his actions , including a resolution urging Gov .
Gavin Newsom to speed up the shutdown of Aliso Canyon , rather than “ meaningless purity tests.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from executives with the Termo Co. , which has operated wells at the Aliso Canyon site , saying it would be “ inappropriate ” to take that money .
“ I reject any notion that a single industry has influence over my campaign , ” Lee said .
Lundquist said the fossil fuel pledge represents “ a commitment to science ” and is needed to root out “ the corrupting influence of oil and gas money.
” “ Restoring community trust in our leaders to actually shut down Aliso Canyon , curb pollution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with simply saying no to money from the oil and gas industry , ” Lundquist said .
In the contest to replace Councilman Jose Huizar in a downtown-to-Eagle Rock district , four out of five candidates have signed the fossil fuel pledge .
And in a district that stretches across the Hollywood Hills , Councilman David Ryu and his two challengers on the ballot — nonprofit leader Nithya Raman and screenwriter Sarah Kate Levy — have signed it too .
Still , Raman has chided Ryu for asking SoCalGas — which has opposed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ electricity — to contribute $ 5,000 to an Asian American cultural celebration in 2018 .
SoCalGas is “ trying to buy influence at City Hall , ” said Raman , who is backed by Sunrise Movement L.A. Daniel Eyal , Ryu ’ s deputy campaign manager , said the councilman solicited the SoCalGas donation a year and a half before he signed the pledge , which does not apply to charitable donations .
Eyal also pointed to Ryu ’ s endorsements from the Sierra Club and the Los Angeles League of Conservation Voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ask fossil fuel interests for such charitable contributions from now on , Eyal said .
Times staff writers Maloy Moore and Dakota Smith contributed to this report .

Los Angeles City Council candidate Aura Vasquez, who is running to represent a Koreatown-to-Crenshaw district, is one of four candidates in the race who are refusing to accept fossil fuel donations.
Determined to set themselves apart on the issue of climate change, candidates for Los Angeles City Council are refusing to accept campaign contributions from fossil fuel companies and their executives — and criticizing rivals who won’t make the same promise.
Petroleum dollars have emerged as a political issue in several council contests, in many cases driven by insurgent candidates who have sought to make it a litmus test.
In the race to replace Councilman Herb Wesson, four candidates have publicly promised to forgo fossil fuel donations and badgered longtime county Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas for refusing to do the same.
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“He’s going to stand on the side of the fossil fuel industry because he’s taking all their money, instead of standing with the people,” said Aura Vasquez, a former city commissioner who is campaigning on her refusal to accept such donations.
Ridley-Thomas said he has a strong track record on environmental issues, imposing tighter regulations on oil drilling and pushing for greater reliance on renewable energy. Out of more than a thousand contributions, he said, four or five came from fossil fuel-related donors.
“These candidates have sought to make it appear as though somehow I’m quote-unquote owned by Big Oil, when in fact it is completely false,” he said. “It’s unsubstantiated, and it’s another attempt to mislead voters.”
Los Angeles County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas, who was elected to his seat in 2008, says fossil fuel donations make up only a tiny fraction of his campaign funds. (Lawrence K. Ho / Los Angeles Times)
Fossil fuel interests have not historically been the biggest spenders in L.A. city campaigns, which have long been dominated by the real estate industry and public employee unions. The growing attention to oil and gas money at City Hall is a reflection, in part, of increased activism around the impacts of oil drilling — both at the neighborhood level and for the planet.
In the northwest San Fernando Valley, college educator Loraine Lundquist has sworn off oil and gas donations and criticized her opponent, Councilman John Lee, for accepting them.
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In two other council districts — one covering part of the Eastside, the other stretching from Sherman Oaks to Silver Lake — nearly every candidate has signed a pledge swearing off donations over $200 from oil and gas companies’ executives, lobbyists and political committees.
Thousands of candidates across the U.S. have signed that pledge, including state Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles), one of the contenders vying to replace Ridley-Thomas on the county Board of Supervisors. Another candidate in that contest, former City Councilwoman Jan Perry, has promised not to take fossil fuel contributions and criticized Wesson, one of her rivals, for accepting such donations.
The debate around fossil fuels doesn’t just focus on money. In the race to represent Wesson’s Koreatown-to-Crenshaw district, four candidates have called for the city to phase out oil drilling within 2,500 feet of homes and schools. Doing so would shutter most of the active wells in Los Angeles, according to a city analysis.
Ridley-Thomas, who joined the Board of Supervisors in 2008, opposes the idea of a citywide buffer, warning it could expose taxpayers to costly lawsuits. L.A.’s petroleum administrator concluded last year that approving a smaller buffer around wells — 600 feet — could cost the city more than $700 million in legal bills, cleanup costs and other expenses, a figure contested by some environmental advocates.
Los Angeles City Council candidates Sarah Kate Levy, left, David Ryu and Nithya Raman are running to represent a district that stretches from Sherman Oaks to the Miracle Mile. All have signed a pledge against fossil fuel donations. (Los Angeles Times)
Ridley-Thomas said government agencies have multiple tools for regulating drilling sites, including air quality testing and long-range health assessments of the surrounding community. In 2011, he backed a legal settlement that included such measures for the Inglewood Oil Field, a facility in his district.
At one candidate forum last month, an anti-drilling activist asked Ridley-Thomas and his rivals if they are taking money from oil companies. Candidates Grace Yoo, Channing Martinez, Melvin Snell and Vasquez all said they are not.
Ridley-Thomas did not directly answer the question, instead telling the crowd he has a clear record on environmental issues. “That’s why the League of Conservation Voters endorsed me,” he said. “They’re not concerned about the relatively small amount —”
“Yes or no?” people shouted from the crowd.
“Oh my God,” Ridley-Thomas responded. “It’s a matter of public record!”
By mid-February, Ridley-Thomas had accepted $800 from an executive with the oil and gas company California Resources Corp. and $800 from the company itself; $800 from E&B Natural Resources Management, which operates a drill site in the district; and $800 from the California Independent Petroleum Assn.
Rock Zierman, CEO of the petroleum association, said workers in the oil industry are constituents too — and have a “vested interest in supporting candidates who have a vision for a vibrant Los Angeles.”
Environmentalists argue that such donations are revealing, even when small amounts of money are at stake. “It signals who the fossil fuel industry thinks is going to be friendly to them,” said John Kerin of Sunrise Movement Los Angeles, the local branch of a youth-led coalition pushing for action on climate change.
Council candidate Loraine Lundquist, right, and her opponent, now-Councilman John Lee, during a forum in July in Los Angeles. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)
Sunrise Movement L.A. has endorsed Vasquez in the race to replace Wesson. The group is also supporting Lundquist in the northwest Valley, where thousands were displaced by the Aliso Canyon methane disaster in 2015.
When Lee and Lundquist went head to head in a special election last year, Lundquist criticized Lee over tens of thousands of dollars given by petroleum companies to an independent committee backing his candidacy. Lee, in turn, accused Lundquist of hypocrisy because one of her biggest financial supporters has invested in fossil fuel companies.
In their rematch for the seat this year, the oil and gas company California Resources Corp. gave $95,000 this month to an independent committee backing Lee. The councilman has also received more than $6,000 in campaign contributions from fossil fuel companies, industry groups and their employees since the fall.
Lee said he should be judged on his actions, including a resolution urging Gov. Gavin Newsom to speed up the shutdown of Aliso Canyon, rather than “meaningless purity tests.” Still, he returned two campaign donations from executives with the Termo Co., which has operated wells at the Aliso Canyon site, saying it would be “inappropriate” to take that money.
“I reject any notion that a single industry has influence over my campaign,” Lee said.
Lundquist said the fossil fuel pledge represents “a commitment to science” and is needed to root out “the corrupting influence of oil and gas money.”
“Restoring community trust in our leaders to actually shut down Aliso Canyon, curb pollution and move in the right direction starts with simply saying no to money from the oil and gas industry,” Lundquist said.
Kevin de León, left, Monica Garcia, Cyndi Otteson and two others take part in a candidates forum in Little Tokyo. They are seeking a Los Angeles City Council seat in a district stretching from downtown to Eagle Rock. (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)
In the contest to replace Councilman Jose Huizar in a downtown-to-Eagle Rock district, four out of five candidates have signed the fossil fuel pledge. And in a district that stretches across the Hollywood Hills, Councilman David Ryu and his two challengers on the ballot — nonprofit leader Nithya Raman and screenwriter Sarah Kate Levy — have signed it too.
Still, Raman has chided Ryu for asking SoCalGas — which has opposed government efforts to replace natural gas with electricity — to contribute $5,000 to an Asian American cultural celebration in 2018. SoCalGas is “trying to buy influence at City Hall,” said Raman, who is backed by Sunrise Movement L.A.
Daniel Eyal, Ryu’s deputy campaign manager, said the councilman solicited the SoCalGas donation a year and a half before he signed the pledge, which does not apply to charitable donations. Eyal also pointed to Ryu’s endorsements from the Sierra Club and the Los Angeles League of Conservation Voters.
Nevertheless, Ryu won’t ask fossil fuel interests for such charitable contributions from now on, Eyal said.
Times staff writers Maloy Moore and Dakota Smith contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-02-25--Physicians group releases report on psychological effects of family separation

Nearly two years have passed since the separation of thousands of migrant children and their parents under the Trump administration ’ s “ zero-tolerance ” policy .
Months after some reunions , experts found that severe psychological trauma remained .
On Tuesday , Physicians for Human Rights published a report based on in-depth psychological evaluations of 26 asylum seekers — nine children and 17 adults — who were separated under the policy .
Medical experts documented psychological trauma , including post-traumatic stress disorder , depression and anxiety .
In nearly every case , the group ’ s medical evaluators “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parents and the children warranted further intervention and ongoing therapeutic support.
” The report concluded that the forced separation in those cases constituted torture and enforced disappearance , in that there was a period where parents did not know where their children were and were not able to contact them .
“ The purpose of linking events with these kinds of human rights violations is because it calls attention to the obligation of the state , ” said Kathryn Hampton , a PHR Asylum Network senior program officer and coauthor of the report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and for the U.S. government to take responsibility.
” The total number of children separated from a parent or guardian under Trump remains unknown .
At least 471 parents were deported without their children , and some have yet to be reunited .
Family separations exacerbated any existing premigration trauma , according to the report , and , following reunifications , families were not provided with psychosocial services to recover .
A Honduran father recounted that following reunification and release from detention , a psychologist tried to work with his son on four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things at the therapist , according to a medical affidavit .
“ It appears his son was afraid of strangers , afraid they will take him from his father , ” a medical expert stated .
When nervous , the boy would pace and suck his thumb , according to the report .
Children showed symptoms of regression , such as bed wetting , being excessively fearful and not willing to leave their parent ’ s side .
“ The reunification was not at all the solution or the treatment , ” said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senior medical advisor and coauthor of the report .
“ The trauma remains.
” Dr. Stuart Lustig , a San Francisco-based board-certified child psychiatrist and member of the PHR Asylum Network , evaluated a 7-year-old girl separated from her parent for a month .
At the time of the evaluation , it had been 10 months since the separation and “ she was still quite symptomatic.
” Symptoms of the girl ’ s severe anxiety included difficulty at school , which Lustig corroborated by speaking with her principal .
She also struggled to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do that , ” he said .
“ That was a new struggle compared to the sleeping arrangements back in her home country.
” Lustig said the girl — who likes to draw — was inhibited in a drawing game “ that most kids do quite well at.
” “ We tend to think of kids as being very resilient and parents having a great deal of wisdom and understanding to process what ’ s going on , ” Lustig said .
“ Those assumptions may or may not be true , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the psychiatric literature that these kinds of trauma typically haunt people for years to come.
” Lustig called it “ vital ” that these families receive treatment .
“ Virtually all of the people that we studied ... did have pretty significant symptoms of trauma , ” Lustig said .
“ The effects of the separation are pervasive and obviously long-lasting and I would predict , as a psychiatrist , that certainly without treatment these people are going to be symptomatic for years to come.
” That treatment could soon happen .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , of Los Angeles , ordered the government to begin providing mental health screenings and treatment to families who were separated under the family separation policy .
The government had appealed the ruling to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit .
Last week , that appeal was withdrawn .
“ We ’ ve been operating under this cloud of uncertainty , ” said Amy Lally of the Sidley Austin law firm , which brought the case along with the nonprofit Public Counsel .
“ It ’ s really a huge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to requests for comment .
“ Those bonds that hold a parent and child together are really damaged by this type of family separation , ” Lally said .
“ What we ’ re hopeful for is that families will be able to heal and that they ’ ll be able to be made whole .
”

Fernando Arredondo embraces his daughter, Alison, at Los Angeles International Airport on Jan. 22. Arredondo was one of 11 parents who were deported without their children during the “zero-tolerance” policy.
Nearly two years have passed since the separation of thousands of migrant children and their parents under the Trump administration’s “zero-tolerance” policy. Months after some reunions, experts found that severe psychological trauma remained.
On Tuesday, Physicians for Human Rights published a report based on in-depth psychological evaluations of 26 asylum seekers — nine children and 17 adults — who were separated under the policy.
Medical experts documented psychological trauma, including post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and anxiety. In nearly every case, the group’s medical evaluators “noted that the trauma suffered by the parents and the children warranted further intervention and ongoing therapeutic support.”
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The report concluded that the forced separation in those cases constituted torture and enforced disappearance, in that there was a period where parents did not know where their children were and were not able to contact them.
“The purpose of linking events with these kinds of human rights violations is because it calls attention to the obligation of the state,” said Kathryn Hampton, a PHR Asylum Network senior program officer and coauthor of the report. “We are calling for accountability and for the U.S. government to take responsibility.”
The total number of children separated from a parent or guardian under Trump remains unknown. At least 471 parents were deported without their children, and some have yet to be reunited.
Family separations exacerbated any existing premigration trauma, according to the report, and, following reunifications, families were not provided with psychosocial services to recover.
A Honduran father recounted that following reunification and release from detention, a psychologist tried to work with his son on four different occasions. The boy would throw things at the therapist, according to a medical affidavit.
“It appears his son was afraid of strangers, afraid they will take him from his father,” a medical expert stated.
Advertisement
When nervous, the boy would pace and suck his thumb, according to the report.
Children showed symptoms of regression, such as bed wetting, being excessively fearful and not willing to leave their parent’s side.
“The reunification was not at all the solution or the treatment,” said Dr. Ranit Mishori, PHR’s senior medical advisor and coauthor of the report. “The trauma remains.”
Dr. Stuart Lustig, a San Francisco-based board-certified child psychiatrist and member of the PHR Asylum Network, evaluated a 7-year-old girl separated from her parent for a month. At the time of the evaluation, it had been 10 months since the separation and “she was still quite symptomatic.”
Symptoms of the girl’s severe anxiety included difficulty at school, which Lustig corroborated by speaking with her principal. She also struggled to sleep alone.
“Most 7-year-olds can do that,” he said. “That was a new struggle compared to the sleeping arrangements back in her home country.”
Lustig said the girl — who likes to draw — was inhibited in a drawing game “that most kids do quite well at.”
“We tend to think of kids as being very resilient and parents having a great deal of wisdom and understanding to process what’s going on,” Lustig said. “Those assumptions may or may not be true, but the fact is that we know from the psychiatric literature that these kinds of trauma typically haunt people for years to come.”
Lustig called it “vital” that these families receive treatment.
“Virtually all of the people that we studied ... did have pretty significant symptoms of trauma,” Lustig said. “The effects of the separation are pervasive and obviously long-lasting and I would predict, as a psychiatrist, that certainly without treatment these people are going to be symptomatic for years to come.”
That treatment could soon happen. In November, U.S. District Judge John Kronstadt, of Los Angeles, ordered the government to begin providing mental health screenings and treatment to families who were separated under the family separation policy.
The government had appealed the ruling to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit. Last week, that appeal was withdrawn.
“We’ve been operating under this cloud of uncertainty,” said Amy Lally of the Sidley Austin law firm, which brought the case along with the nonprofit Public Counsel. “It’s really a huge relief.”
The government did not respond to requests for comment.
“Those bonds that hold a parent and child together are really damaged by this type of family separation,” Lally said. “What we’re hopeful for is that families will be able to heal and that they’ll be able to be made whole.”


latimes--2020-02-25--The strange, true story of how Mt. Disappointment got its name

Located high in the San Gabriel Mountains , it ’ s the only peak in the 60-mile-long range with such an unflattering name .
Nearby you might summit Josephine Peak , named for the wife of a federal surveyor , or savor the views from Mt .
Markham , named after a former governor .
“ It ’ s not a popular destination , ” said Nathan Judy , a spokesman for the U.S. Forest Service .
“ When I first read there was a mountain called Mt .
Disappointment , my immediate reaction was I need to see this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ founder of the L.A.-based website ModernHiker.com .
“ And I don ’ t think I was the only person who thought that.
” The answer to that question lies in a little-known tale of ambition , adventure and , yes , disappointment , that would forever alter the nation ’ s perception of the great American West .
The story begins 150 years ago when George Montague Wheeler , a 27-year-old Army lieutenant , proposed a bold plan to map the whole of the United States west of the 100th meridian — a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Oklahoma , Kansas , Nebraska and the Dakotas .
Wheeler estimated the epic survey would take 15 years to complete and cost no more than $ 2.5 million ( equivalent to about $ 50 million today ) .
The proposal , though audacious , was readily accepted by the Army Corps of Engineers , which was eager to get into the land mapping business .
Three other major surveys of the West were already underway , but these were led by geologists .
Wheeler , a West Point graduate , envisioned a survey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ If you think about the 19th century overall , this is a time when the U.S. is rapidly expanding westward , ” said , a historian at the University of Denver and author of “ A History of America in 100 Maps.
” “ The federal government wants to know what ’ s out there.
” While Wheeler ’ s primary goal was to accurately record the valleys , mountains , desert and other land features of the United States , a letter from Andrew A. Humphreys , chief of the Army @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
These included looking for mineral deposits , locating potential agricultural lands and scouting for sites that would prove useful for military operations .
Humphreys also instructed Wheeler and his men to take stock of the Native American populations they encountered , asking that they gather “ numbers , habits and disposition of the Indians who may live in this section.
” The message behind these orders is clear , said Skyler Reidy , a PhD candidate studying California history at USC .
“ The incredibly grim side is that they are surveying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people , ” he said .
“ This is an imperial exercise.
” In 1871 , Humphreys authorized Wheeler to employ 10 topographers , geologists , photographers and naturalists as well as up to 20 packers , guides and general laborers .
The group was accompanied by more than 50 military men to serve as escorts .
That spring , Wheeler gathered his staff at Elko , Nev .
They broke up into small teams to begin the grueling work of mapping more than 72,000 miles of wild terrain in Nevada , California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ land wouldn ’ t give up its secrets easily .
Temperatures climbed as high as 118 degrees that summer and several men suffered from overexposure .
Some were revived .
Others were not so lucky .
By the end of the first season , at least three of Wheeler ’ s men had died .
Undeterred , Wheeler returned to the field next spring with an even larger group of men .
From 1871 to 1879 , Wheeler ’ s teams explored 21 lakes , followed 90 rivers , recorded the features of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and mineral springs in the Southwest .
They also discovered dozens of new species , including one bird , eight reptiles , 32 fish , 64 insects and one mollusk .
Members of the Wheeler survey began measuring peaks in the San Gabriel Mountains in the summer of 1875 .
While surveying the Santa Susana Mountains earlier that year , the group ’ s leader , Lt. C.W .
Whipple , noticed a prominent summit near the front of the San Gabriel range , a few miles northeast of what is now Altadena @ @ @ @ @ @ @ triangulation point , he sent his chief topographer and two assistants to set up a survey station on its peak in the dry heat of a July morning .
There was no trail to the top of the 5,963-foot summit and the ascent was brutal .
John Muir , writing for the San Francisco Evening Bulletin just a few years later , described the San Gabriel terrain as “ Mother Nature at her most ruggedly , thornily savage.
” Wheeler ’ s men had the additional burden of dragging heavy surveying equipment through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they reached the top they discovered that the view east was blocked by another peak that rose nearly 200 feet higher than the one they had just climbed .
They immortalized their disappointment by naming the smaller mountain Mt .
Disappointment .
Then they promptly scrambled up the higher mountain , known today as San Gabriel Peak .
Reidy said he ’ s not surprised the Disappointment name stuck .
“ If you are the federal surveyor and you want to name it Mt .
Disappointment , I don ’ t know who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said .
Sadly for Wheeler and his team , their adventures in the San Gabriel Mountains only got worse .
After scaling the San Gabriel Peak , the team summited Mt .
Wilson , but on its way down the group ’ s meteorologist , Douglas Joy , got lost .
He was eventually discovered , and rescued , at the bottom of a deep gorge later named Joy ’ s Ravine .
Joy ’ s bad luck continued .
Later that field season , he died of thirst and exhaustion while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ range .
Despite completing nine field seasons and cataloging 359,065 square miles of the West , the Wheeler Survey came to an abrupt end in 1879 .
Scientists made the case that the mapping of America should not be carried out under the auspices of the War Department .
At the same time , the country was suffering from a serious recession .
In that milieu , it seemed reasonable to consolidate the four great surveys of the West into one .
In 1879 , Congress voted to create the U.S. Geological Survey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Clarence King , one of Wheeler ’ s competitors , was put in charge of the new agency and Wheeler ’ s work was sidelined .
Wheeler ’ s disappointment was so profound he “ broke down from defeat ” and went on sick leave from 1880 to 1884 , according to the late historian Richard Bartlett .
A few years later , in 1889 , Wheeler published a seven-volume final report on his life ’ s work , including 164 maps .
Although Wheeler ’ s maps never made it into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teams named hundreds of mountains , valleys , streams and plateaus .
Photographers and journalists accompanying the surveyors sent back pictures and vivid tales of a land of geysers , hot springs , mountains and deserts .
Farmers , ranchers , miners and scientists relied on the maps created by Wheeler and the other surveyors of the 1870s .
“ Not a textbook in geology or any of the natural sciences is published that does not embody the knowledge of the work of the men of the great surveys , ” Bartlett wrote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few hours to reach the summit of Mt .
Disappointment .
The trail is paved and gentle , lined with supersized pine cones and skittish little lizards .
The top of the mountain is flat — a remnant from the 1950s , when Mt .
Disappointment became one of 16 Nike missile launch sites in the L.A. area .
There also is a cracked helicopter pad and a few humming radio towers .
But if you turn your back to all of that and stand on the edge of the peak , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Angeles basin , hazy and dreamlike behind a thin veil of mist .
The mountain range undulates behind you .
There ’ s nothing disappointing about it at all .

Poor Mt. Disappointment.
Located high in the San Gabriel Mountains, it’s the only peak in the 60-mile-long range with such an unflattering name.
Nearby you might summit Josephine Peak, named for the wife of a federal surveyor, or savor the views from Mt. Markham, named after a former governor.
But Mt. Disappointment honors nobody. It’s jarring. Petty. Mean-spirited.
“It’s not a popular destination,” said Nathan Judy, a spokesman for the U.S. Forest Service.
And yet.
“When I first read there was a mountain called Mt. Disappointment, my immediate reaction was I need to see this place,” said Casey Schreiner, founder of the L.A.-based website ModernHiker.com. “And I don’t think I was the only person who thought that.”
Advertisement
But why Mt. Disappointment?
The answer to that question lies in a little-known tale of ambition, adventure and, yes, disappointment, that would forever alter the nation’s perception of the great American West.
The story begins 150 years ago when George Montague Wheeler, a 27-year-old Army lieutenant, proposed a bold plan to map the whole of the United States west of the 100th meridian — a north-south line that runs through Texas, Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska and the Dakotas.
Wheeler estimated the epic survey would take 15 years to complete and cost no more than $2.5 million (equivalent to about $50 million today).
The proposal, though audacious, was readily accepted by the Army Corps of Engineers, which was eager to get into the land mapping business. Three other major surveys of the West were already underway, but these were led by geologists. Wheeler, a West Point graduate, envisioned a survey that would prioritize topography over geology.
“If you think about the 19th century overall, this is a time when the U.S. is rapidly expanding westward,” said Susan Schulten , a historian at the University of Denver and author of “A History of America in 100 Maps.” “The federal government wants to know what’s out there.”
While Wheeler’s primary goal was to accurately record the valleys, mountains, desert and other land features of the United States, a letter from Andrew A. Humphreys, chief of the Army Corps of Engineers, reveals additional objectives.
These included looking for mineral deposits, locating potential agricultural lands and scouting for sites that would prove useful for military operations.
Humphreys also instructed Wheeler and his men to take stock of the Native American populations they encountered, asking that they gather “numbers, habits and disposition of the Indians who may live in this section.”
The message behind these orders is clear, said Skyler Reidy, a PhD candidate studying California history at USC.
“The incredibly grim side is that they are surveying this land to steal it from native people,” he said. “This is an imperial exercise.”
Advertisement
In 1871, Humphreys authorized Wheeler to employ 10 topographers, geologists, photographers and naturalists as well as up to 20 packers, guides and general laborers. The group was accompanied by more than 50 military men to serve as escorts.
That spring, Wheeler gathered his staff at Elko, Nev. They broke up into small teams to begin the grueling work of mapping more than 72,000 miles of wild terrain in Nevada, California, Utah and Arizona.
But the land wouldn’t give up its secrets easily. Temperatures climbed as high as 118 degrees that summer and several men suffered from overexposure. Some were revived. Others were not so lucky.
By the end of the first season, at least three of Wheeler’s men had died.
Mt. Disappointment in the San Gabriel Mountains is accessible via a paved road in the Angeles National Forest. A group of surveyors climbed the peak in 1875 thinking it was the highest in the area, only to find out the next peak over (now known as San Gabriel Peak) was even higher. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
Undeterred, Wheeler returned to the field next spring with an even larger group of men.
Advertisement
From 1871 to 1879, Wheeler’s teams explored 21 lakes, followed 90 rivers, recorded the features of 143 mountain ranges and identified 50 thermal and mineral springs in the Southwest. They also discovered dozens of new species, including one bird, eight reptiles, 32 fish, 64 insects and one mollusk.
But back to Mt. Disappointment.
Members of the Wheeler survey began measuring peaks in the San Gabriel Mountains in the summer of 1875.
While surveying the Santa Susana Mountains earlier that year, the group’s leader, Lt. C.W. Whipple, noticed a prominent summit near the front of the San Gabriel range, a few miles northeast of what is now Altadena. Thinking it would make a good triangulation point, he sent his chief topographer and two assistants to set up a survey station on its peak in the dry heat of a July morning.
There was no trail to the top of the 5,963-foot summit and the ascent was brutal.
John Muir, writing for the San Francisco Evening Bulletin just a few years later, described the San Gabriel terrain as “Mother Nature at her most ruggedly, thornily savage.”
Wheeler’s men had the additional burden of dragging heavy surveying equipment through the dense chaparral.
When at last they reached the top they discovered that the view east was blocked by another peak that rose nearly 200 feet higher than the one they had just climbed.
They immortalized their disappointment by naming the smaller mountain Mt. Disappointment. Then they promptly scrambled up the higher mountain, known today as San Gabriel Peak.
A sunset view from atop Mt. Disappointment in the San Gabriel Mountains on Feb. 6. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
Advertisement
Reidy said he’s not surprised the Disappointment name stuck.
“If you are the federal surveyor and you want to name it Mt. Disappointment, I don’t know who is going to stop you,” he said.
Sadly for Wheeler and his team, their adventures in the San Gabriel Mountains only got worse.
After scaling the San Gabriel Peak, the team summited Mt. Wilson, but on its way down the group’s meteorologist, Douglas Joy, got lost. He was eventually discovered, and rescued, at the bottom of a deep gorge later named Joy’s Ravine.
Joy’s bad luck continued. Later that field season, he died of thirst and exhaustion while attempting to ascend another peak in the range.
Despite completing nine field seasons and cataloging 359,065 square miles of the West, the Wheeler Survey came to an abrupt end in 1879.
Scientists made the case that the mapping of America should not be carried out under the auspices of the War Department. At the same time, the country was suffering from a serious recession. In that milieu, it seemed reasonable to consolidate the four great surveys of the West into one.
Advertisement
In 1879, Congress voted to create the U.S. Geological Survey under the Department of the Interior. Clarence King, one of Wheeler’s competitors, was put in charge of the new agency and Wheeler’s work was sidelined.
Wheeler’s disappointment was so profound he “broke down from defeat” and went on sick leave from 1880 to 1884, according to the late historian Richard Bartlett.
A few years later, in 1889, Wheeler published a seven-volume final report on his life’s work, including 164 maps.
Column One A showcase for compelling storytelling from the Los Angeles Times. More Stories
Although Wheeler’s maps never made it into the official canon of the USGS, his teams named hundreds of mountains, valleys, streams and plateaus. Photographers and journalists accompanying the surveyors sent back pictures and vivid tales of a land of geysers, hot springs, mountains and deserts. Farmers, ranchers, miners and scientists relied on the maps created by Wheeler and the other surveyors of the 1870s.
“Not a textbook in geology or any of the natural sciences is published that does not embody the knowledge of the work of the men of the great surveys,” Bartlett wrote.
Today, it takes just a few hours to reach the summit of Mt. Disappointment. The trail is paved and gentle, lined with supersized pine cones and skittish little lizards.
The top of the mountain is flat — a remnant from the 1950s, when Mt. Disappointment became one of 16 Nike missile launch sites in the L.A. area. There also is a cracked helicopter pad and a few humming radio towers.
But if you turn your back to all of that and stand on the edge of the peak, you can look out over the vast Los Angeles basin, hazy and dreamlike behind a thin veil of mist.
Birds dive below your feet.
The mountain range undulates behind you.
There’s nothing disappointing about it at all.


latimes--2020-02-25--State Justice Department announces new technology to identify unknown persons

The state ’ s top law enforcement agency has gained the ability to fully sequence mitochondrial DNA , an advancement that justice officials hope will better enable investigators to identify the bodies of missing persons .
“ Anything we can do to help families find closure is critical , ” California Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra said in a statement Monday .
“ We ’ re proud of the work our scientists and technicians do every day at our Bureau of Forensic Services to help protect Californians , including our work with local law enforcement to help families locate their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a person ’ s body has the same DNA , the hereditary material in humans and almost all other organisms , according to the U.S. National Library of Medicine .
Most DNA is located in the cell nucleus , where it is called nuclear DNA .
But a small amount of DNA can also be found in the mitochondria , structures within cells that convert energy from food into a form that cells can use , according to the library .
This is called mitochondrial DNA .
When a human body is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as when a body is hidden by a perpetrator outside for several weeks , DNA can break down into small pieces .
This makes it challenging to obtain nuclear DNA that can be used to identify someone .
Scientists at crime laboratories often turn to mitochondrial DNA because it is generally present in far greater quantities than standard nuclear DNA , according to the state Department of Justice .
Although nuclear DNA is typically more informative , sometimes mitochondrial DNA is all that is available , the agency noted in its news release @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the department ’ s Bureau of Forensic Services will use a process for sequencing the entirety of mitochondrial DNA .
Previously , only a portion of the control region of mitochondrial DNA , approximately 5 % of the genome , was analyzed in cases involving unknown persons , according to the agency .
The advancement announced Monday will be used to compare mitochondrial DNA provided by families to biological evidence found in cases involving unknown human remains .

The state’s top law enforcement agency has gained the ability to fully sequence mitochondrial DNA, an advancement that justice officials hope will better enable investigators to identify the bodies of missing persons.
“Anything we can do to help families find closure is critical,” California Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra said in a statement Monday. “We’re proud of the work our scientists and technicians do every day at our Bureau of Forensic Services to help protect Californians, including our work with local law enforcement to help families locate their missing loved ones.”
Nearly every cell in a person’s body has the same DNA, the hereditary material in humans and almost all other organisms, according to the U.S. National Library of Medicine.
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Most DNA is located in the cell nucleus, where it is called nuclear DNA. But a small amount of DNA can also be found in the mitochondria, structures within cells that convert energy from food into a form that cells can use, according to the library. This is called mitochondrial DNA.
When a human body is exposed to harsh environmental conditions, such as when a body is hidden by a perpetrator outside for several weeks, DNA can break down into small pieces. This makes it challenging to obtain nuclear DNA that can be used to identify someone.
Scientists at crime laboratories often turn to mitochondrial DNA because it is generally present in far greater quantities than standard nuclear DNA, according to the state Department of Justice. Although nuclear DNA is typically more informative, sometimes mitochondrial DNA is all that is available, the agency noted in its news release.
Using massive parallel sequencing technology, the department’s Bureau of Forensic Services will use a process for sequencing the entirety of mitochondrial DNA. Previously, only a portion of the control region of mitochondrial DNA, approximately 5% of the genome, was analyzed in cases involving unknown persons, according to the agency.
The advancement announced Monday will be used to compare mitochondrial DNA provided by families to biological evidence found in cases involving unknown human remains.


latimes--2020-02-24--Anti-vaccine protesters get assurances from Jennifer Siebel Newsom during impromptu chat

California First Partner Jennifer Siebel Newsom told anti-vaccine protesters rallying outside her Sacramento-area home that her husband ’ s administration is looking into their concerns about California ’ s new laws limiting who can be exempted from shots required for school , while also saying she believes there needs to be more dialogue about whether some immunizations are unnecessary .
In a video taken Monday , Siebel Newsom is seen talking with the protesters about the vaccine laws signed by Gov .
Gavin Newsom last year before she asks that they not post the video online .
“ I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spreading out vaccines , around only giving children the vaccines that are most essential , ” Siebel Newsom says in a portion of the short video posted on the Facebook page of one of the protesters .
Before that comment , Siebel Newsom said the head of the California Health and Human Services Agency , Dr. Mark Ghaly , who oversees the public health department tasked with implementing the new laws , is “ talking to integrative and functional medicine doctors who understand this.
” A spokesman for the governor said the laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ official position of the administration .
Parents who oppose vaccines have lobbied Siebel Newsom since last year , pleading outside the governor ’ s office in the state Capitol for her to intervene and help kill Senate Bill 276 by state Sen. Richard Pan ( D-Sacramento ) .
That bill created state oversight of vaccine exemptions issued by doctors for medical reasons after lawmakers alleged a handful of physicians were improperly granting waivers to assuage anti-vaccine parents .
Newsom twice expressed concerns with the bill before last-minute changes were negotiated and another bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which supporters said weakened the overall impact of the legislation .
During the negotiations over the bills , Siebel Newsom took meetings with protesters , but would not comment publicly about her position on the legislation .
Newsom signed both bills into law , which went into effect in January , although a significant portion of the legislation will not be implemented until 2021 .
Protesters of the new laws have continued to hold small rallies , including last month outside a fundraiser attended by Pan .
On Monday , they posted pictures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Newsoms ’ home .
The woman who posted the video wrote that Siebel Newsom talked with the group for 30 minutes .
In the video , Siebel Newsom urged protesters to trust the new laws .
The group has said it is concerned that the laws would erode the doctor-patient relationship by allowing the state ’ s public health department to determine whether a medical exemption is invalid .
“ You have to trust , ” she said .
“ If your child has a sensitivity or a vulnerability , then your doctors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Siebel Newsom begins to say that “ I ’ ve been trying to have dialogue internally ” before stopping to say , “ I don ’ t really want you guys to post this .
”

California First Partner Jennifer Siebel Newsom, center, the wife of Gov. Gavin Newsom, speaks at an event on April 1, 2019, in Sacramento.
California First Partner Jennifer Siebel Newsom told anti-vaccine protesters rallying outside her Sacramento-area home that her husband’s administration is looking into their concerns about California’s new laws limiting who can be exempted from shots required for school, while also saying she believes there needs to be more dialogue about whether some immunizations are unnecessary.
In a video taken Monday, Siebel Newsom is seen talking with the protesters about the vaccine laws signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom last year before she asks that they not post the video online.
“I think there needs to be more conversation around spreading out vaccines, around only giving children the vaccines that are most essential,” Siebel Newsom says in a portion of the short video posted on the Facebook page of one of the protesters.
Before that comment, Siebel Newsom said the head of the California Health and Human Services Agency, Dr. Mark Ghaly, who oversees the public health department tasked with implementing the new laws, is “talking to integrative and functional medicine doctors who understand this.” A spokesman for the governor said the laws signed by Newsom last year are the official position of the administration.
Parents who oppose vaccines have lobbied Siebel Newsom since last year, pleading outside the governor’s office in the state Capitol for her to intervene and help kill Senate Bill 276 by state Sen. Richard Pan (D-Sacramento). That bill created state oversight of vaccine exemptions issued by doctors for medical reasons after lawmakers alleged a handful of physicians were improperly granting waivers to assuage anti-vaccine parents. Newsom twice expressed concerns with the bill before last-minute changes were negotiated and another bill was introduced, Senate Bill 714, which supporters said weakened the overall impact of the legislation.
During the negotiations over the bills, Siebel Newsom took meetings with protesters, but would not comment publicly about her position on the legislation.
Newsom signed both bills into law, which went into effect in January, although a significant portion of the legislation will not be implemented until 2021. Protesters of the new laws have continued to hold small rallies, including last month outside a fundraiser attended by Pan. On Monday, they posted pictures while protesting outside the gates to the Newsoms’ home.
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The woman who posted the video wrote that Siebel Newsom talked with the group for 30 minutes.
In the video, Siebel Newsom urged protesters to trust the new laws. The group has said it is concerned that the laws would erode the doctor-patient relationship by allowing the state’s public health department to determine whether a medical exemption is invalid.
“You have to trust,” she said. “If your child has a sensitivity or a vulnerability, then your doctors can still go through the process.”
Siebel Newsom begins to say that “I’ve been trying to have dialogue internally” before stopping to say, “I don’t really want you guys to post this.”