latimes--2020-12-30--Cancel Abraham Lincoln? San Francisco grapples with the president's legacy

The statue sat like a red stain on the lawn in front of San Francisco City Hall .
Abraham Lincoln ’ s chiseled face was covered in paint , his etched name highlighted in the bloody color at the base of the monument .
As San Francisco , like many parts of the country , grapples with how best to memorialize historic figures , the statue of the 16th president sat red-faced — literally — in front of the government building the day after Christmas .
City workers cleaned the sculpted artwork on Monday , said San Francisco County sheriff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Crowley .
“ The damage to the statue was superficial , ” Crowley wrote in an email .
“ President Lincoln has been restored.
” But questions about a San Francisco-sized blot on Lincoln ’ s legacy remain .
Some social media users opined that the vandalism intentionally coincided with the 158th anniversary of the Dec. 26 , 1862 , hanging of 38 Native Americans on the president ’ s watch .
According to the Associated Press , a U.S. military commission sentenced 303 Sioux fighters to execution , following the 1862 Dakota @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Uprising .
Lincoln reportedly reviewed each case and decided there was evidence to convict 38 of them .
The sentences of the remaining 265 were commuted .
Regina Brave , an elder in the Oglala Sioux Tribe , said the event ’ s history had been handed down among her people for generations .
Living in South Dakota as an activist , the 79-year-old said she once supported the idea of tearing down Mt .
Rushmore .
But ultimately she concluded that monuments ought to remain intact , saying they are a useful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their faults , including Lincoln ’ s .
“ Hey , he ’ s dead , ” Brave said .
“ But it ’ s worth remembering .
That ’ s part of our history — to remember these events .
“ We ’ re not going around tearing down statues and defacing statues , ” she continued .
“ We want people to know this .
The only thing we want is to have the exact history to be written.
” The defacement of Lincoln ’ s statue in San Francisco , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ p.m. Saturday , follows national attention garnered after a committee recommended the renaming of 42 schools , including Abraham Lincoln High School .
Committee members flagged for removal the names of prominent and historic figures who had alleged ties with slaveholding , colonization or oppression .
The list includes Dianne Feinstein Elementary School and Balboa High School .
“ Abraham Lincoln is not seen as much of a hero at all among many American Indian Nations and Native peoples of the United States , as the majority of his policies proved to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ member wrote in summarizing for the renaming efforts .
Mark Sanchez , president of the San Francisco Board of Education , proposed forming the renaming committee in 2018 and said he stood behind the group ’ s work .
Though the overwhelming feedback he ’ s received has been “ to not cancel Abraham Lincoln , ” Sanchez said he was inclined to follow the committee ’ s recommendation to change the name of the high school bearing his moniker .
“ I have a huge respect for him , ” Sanchez said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he attended Lincoln Middle School in Santa Monica .
“ Just like any historic figure , Abraham Lincoln is a mixed bag .
There ’ s certain things that he did that diminished others .
But he also obviously brought the end of slavery in the United States .
He was the pivotal figure in that.
” In its explanation for recommending the name change , the committee cited corruption in the original U.S. government office for Indian affairs , removal of Native Americans and the passing of legislation that led to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people .
Sanchez said he welcomed the possibility of changing his mind when the school board voted in January on the name changes .
Schools where the changes are approved will have until April to provide alternative names , he said .
The committee ’ s recommendations have garnered plenty of blowback , including from Mayor London Breed , who called the timing of the discussion “ offensive ” given that students were still physically out of the classroom during the COVID-19 pandemic .
The San Francisco Historical Society has opposed the effort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Daily Caller article about the recommendation and calling it “ Crazy !
” Lance Burton attended Abraham Lincoln High School from 1965 to 1967 .
He learned about the debate over his alma mater from a Facebook group for local history .
“ If San Francisco wants to be noted for that — having changed the name of someone whose name is on the document that emancipated the African Americans , ” said Burton , founder of Planet Fillmore Communications , that ’ s not something “ I want associated with my city.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ might not have been entirely “ altruistic , ” but the president earned a holiday for his birthday .
The city should introduce curriculum to deepen students ’ understanding of the history of the Civil War , Burton said , not focus on the name of a high school .
“ To me , it was nonsense .
It just seems like another device to divide people , ” said Burton , who is a member of the San Francisco African American Historical & Cultural Society .
“ There ’ s a whole @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a whole lot more upset about related to the slave trade and oppression.
” The story of the name changing has reverberated across the country , as other communities contend with how best to acknowledge historic figures in today ’ s increasingly fraught political climate .
Lucas Morel , a Lincoln scholar and professor of politics at Washington and Lee University , has to keep Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee in the name of his workplace .
He said in an email that San Franciscans were going too far in trying to distance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political champion of the very rights they currently enjoy.
” “ Discovering what they perceive to be a glaring defect in someone long associated with freedom unfortunately eclipses the tremendous good Lincoln achieved in saving this nation at a time when all other practical alternatives would have been far worse , ” Morel wrote .
This is not the first time the Bay Area has wrestled with school names .
In 2016 , the San Francisco Board of Education president sought to change the names of any of the city ’ s schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington and Thomas Jefferson .
Neither George Washington High School nor Jefferson High School changed their names , but the board did vote unanimously to cover up a mural at Washington High that depicted black slaves and dead Native Americans in Colonial-era scenery .
In 2019 , Dixie School District in Marin County to Miller Creek School District after a long debate about whether the district should distance itself from a name some said was associated with the Confederacy and slavery .
Before the decision to rename San Rafael ’ s majority-white school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people arguing online , neighbors threatening legal action against one another and community members issuing recall campaigns against two school board members .

The statue sat like a red stain on the lawn in front of San Francisco City Hall. Abraham Lincoln’s chiseled face was covered in paint, his etched name highlighted in the bloody color at the base of the monument.
As San Francisco, like many parts of the country, grapples with how best to memorialize historic figures, the statue of the 16th president sat red-faced — literally — in front of the government building the day after Christmas.
City workers cleaned the sculpted artwork on Monday, said San Francisco County sheriff’s director of communications Nancy Hayden Crowley.
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“The damage to the statue was superficial,” Crowley wrote in an email. “President Lincoln has been restored.”
But questions about a San Francisco-sized blot on Lincoln’s legacy remain.
Some social media users opined that the vandalism intentionally coincided with the 158th anniversary of the Dec. 26, 1862, hanging of 38 Native Americans on the president’s watch. According to the Associated Press, a U.S. military commission sentenced 303 Sioux fighters to execution, following the 1862 Dakota War, also known as the Sioux Uprising. Lincoln reportedly reviewed each case and decided there was evidence to convict 38 of them. The sentences of the remaining 265 were commuted.
Regina Brave, an elder in the Oglala Sioux Tribe, said the event’s history had been handed down among her people for generations. Living in South Dakota as an activist, the 79-year-old said she once supported the idea of tearing down Mt. Rushmore. But ultimately she concluded that monuments ought to remain intact, saying they are a useful way to remember bygone leaders — and their faults, including Lincoln’s.
“Hey, he’s dead,” Brave said. “But it’s worth remembering. That’s part of our history — to remember these events.
“We’re not going around tearing down statues and defacing statues,” she continued. “We want people to know this. The only thing we want is to have the exact history to be written.”
California Watts’ Jordan High cuts association with promoter of eugenics but keeps partial name Jordan High in Watts, a school that has graduated generations of Black and Latino students, will drop its association with David Starr Jordan, the founding president of Stanford who figured prominently in the racist practice of eugenics.
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The defacement of Lincoln’s statue in San Francisco, which Crowley said was reported about 1 p.m. Saturday, follows national attention garnered after a committee recommended the renaming of 42 schools, including Abraham Lincoln High School.
Committee members flagged for removal the names of prominent and historic figures who had alleged ties with slaveholding, colonization or oppression. The list includes Dianne Feinstein Elementary School and Balboa High School.
“Abraham Lincoln is not seen as much of a hero at all among many American Indian Nations and Native peoples of the United States, as the majority of his policies proved to be detrimental to them,” one committee member wrote in summarizing the rationale for the renaming efforts.
Mark Sanchez, president of the San Francisco Board of Education, proposed forming the renaming committee in 2018 and said he stood behind the group’s work. Though the overwhelming feedback he’s received has been “to not cancel Abraham Lincoln,” Sanchez said he was inclined to follow the committee’s recommendation to change the name of the high school bearing his moniker.
“I have a huge respect for him,” Sanchez said of the 16th president, noting that he attended Lincoln Middle School in Santa Monica. “Just like any historic figure, Abraham Lincoln is a mixed bag. There’s certain things that he did that diminished others. But he also obviously brought the end of slavery in the United States. He was the pivotal figure in that.”
In its explanation for recommending the name change, the committee cited corruption in the original U.S. government office for Indian affairs, removal of Native Americans and the passing of legislation that led to the loss of life and land for Indigenous people.
Sanchez said he welcomed the possibility of changing his mind when the school board voted in January on the name changes. Schools where the changes are approved will have until April to provide alternative names, he said.
The committee’s recommendations have garnered plenty of blowback, including from Mayor London Breed, who called the timing of the discussion “offensive” given that students were still physically out of the classroom during the COVID-19 pandemic. The San Francisco Historical Society has opposed the effort. Even President Trump weighed in , retweeting a Daily Caller article about the recommendation and calling it “Crazy!”
Lance Burton attended Abraham Lincoln High School from 1965 to 1967. He learned about the debate over his alma mater from a Facebook group for local history.
“If San Francisco wants to be noted for that — having changed the name of someone whose name is on the document that emancipated the African Americans,” said Burton, founder of Planet Fillmore Communications, that’s not something “I want associated with my city.”
He said Lincoln’s decisions might not have been entirely “altruistic,” but the president earned a holiday for his birthday. The city should introduce curriculum to deepen students’ understanding of the history of the Civil War, Burton said, not focus on the name of a high school.
“To me, it was nonsense. It just seems like another device to divide people,” said Burton, who is a member of the San Francisco African American Historical & Cultural Society. “There’s a whole lot more that people could be getting a whole lot more upset about related to the slave trade and oppression.”
The story of the name changing has reverberated across the country, as other communities contend with how best to acknowledge historic figures in today’s increasingly fraught political climate.
Lucas Morel, a Lincoln scholar and professor of politics at Washington and Lee University, has publicly advocated to keep Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee in the name of his workplace. He said in an email that San Franciscans were going too far in trying to distance themselves from Lincoln, “the greatest political champion of the very rights they currently enjoy.”
“Discovering what they perceive to be a glaring defect in someone long associated with freedom unfortunately eclipses the tremendous good Lincoln achieved in saving this nation at a time when all other practical alternatives would have been far worse,” Morel wrote.
This is not the first time the Bay Area has wrestled with school names.
In 2016, the San Francisco Board of Education president sought to change the names of any of the city’s schools titled after slave owners such as George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. Neither George Washington High School nor Jefferson High School changed their names, but the board did vote unanimously to cover up a mural at Washington High that depicted black slaves and dead Native Americans in Colonial-era scenery.
In 2019, Dixie School District in Marin County changed its name to Miller Creek School District after a long debate about whether the district should distance itself from a name some said was associated with the Confederacy and slavery.


latimes--2020-12-30--Union representing deputy district attorneys sues Gascón over enhancements policy

The union representing Los Angeles County deputy district attorneys on Wednesday sued Dist .
Atty .
George Gascón , alleging that the dramatic changes he has brought to the nation ’ s largest prosecutorial office have defied state law and forced rank-and-file prosecutors to violate their oaths of office .
The lawsuit is the most public expression yet of the pushback Gascón has fielded from within his own office since being sworn in Dec. 7 .
It focuses on his so-called special directives that ordered his deputies to forgo sentencing enhancements .
The union , which represents about 800 prosecutors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compel Gascón to rescind the directives and declare them “ invalid and illegal , ” as well as a temporary restraining order that would bar Gascón and his administration from enforcing the directives .
Gascón ’ s policies have “ placed line prosecutors in an ethical dilemma — follow the law , their oath , and their ethical obligations , or follow their superior ’ s orders , ” wrote the union ’ s lawyer , Eric M. George .
After a hearing Wednesday , the union withdrew its petition for the temporary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order of the proceeding .
A judge instructed Gascón ’ s lawyers to submit written arguments for why he should not be enjoined from enforcing the contested directives and set a hearing on the issue for Feb. 2 .
Gascón said in a statement Wednesday that voters had endorsed his promise to renounce sentencing enhancements , which he argued only drive recidivism and create more victims of crime in the long run .
Gascón said he was extending to his deputies a “ sincere invitation to join me in making these much-needed changes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some fine-tuning and a tolerance for change.
” On his first day in office , Gascón announced his office would no longer seek enhancements that — if proved — lengthen defendants ’ prison sentences under certain circumstances , such as if they committed a crime to a gang ’ s benefit or if they had a criminal history .
Initially , the prohibition extended to enhancements for hate crimes , sex trafficking , financial crimes and elder and child abuse , but Gascón has since modified his directives to allow such enhancements .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ enhancements for prior strikes , committing a crime that benefits a gang , using a firearm and any special circumstance allegation that would send a defendant to prison for life without parole .
The union argues that prosecutors should pursue or forgo sentencing enhancements using “ case-by-case discretion , ” basing their decisions on the circumstances of a crime and a defendant , not “ rubber stamp blanket prosecutorial policies barring the wholesale enforcement of criminal laws.
” The union asserts that Gascón ’ s prohibition on enhancements for prior strikes violates the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which , in the union ’ s view , requires prosecutors to seek longer sentences for defendants with previous convictions .
Gascón “ enjoys wide — but not limitless — discretion , ” George wrote ; he may believe such enhancements do not protect public safety , but he has no authority to circumvent lawmakers and legislate “ by fiat , ” the lawsuit says .
Gascón has said he was elected with a mandate to overhaul an outdated , heavy-handed approach to law and order that hasn ’ t proved effective in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the campaign to no longer charge gang enhancements , which have come under scrutiny after several Los Angeles Police Department officers were charged over the summer with falsifying records that misrepresented people they had stopped as gang members and associates .
In a statement released by Stanford ’ s Three Strikes Project , the program ’ s director , Michael Romano , and two other law professors said the California Supreme Court has held that district attorneys have “ complete authority ” to enforce state laws within their jurisdiction .
The statement was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dean of UC Berkeley Law School , and David Mills , a professor at Stanford Law School ; Romano and Chemerinsky are advisors on Gascón ’ s transition committee .
The trio said that Gascón ’ s policies will make Los Angeles safer and reduce “ epidemic ” levels of incarceration .
The union ’ s lawsuit , they added , “ is more reflective of their longstanding opposition to reform and the will of millions of Angelenos than it is the legality of DA Gascón ’ s directives.
” The union @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive branch official , is encroaching on the authority of the courts in ordering his deputies to move to withdraw enhancement allegations .
If a judge refuses those motions — as several have in recent weeks — line prosecutors have been instructed to file new charging documents without the enhancements .
In doing so , the union argues , the district attorney ’ s office is making an end-run around the courts ’ authority .
This scenario played out in a downtown Los Angeles courtroom Monday .
A deputy district attorney , reading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking to dismiss enhancement allegations in a murder case against a defendant for belonging to a gang and using a firearm .
When the judge denied the motion , the prosecutor said he would file new charges without the enhancements .
The charges were not legally defective , he told Judge Mark S. Arnold , but they were “ inconsistent with the sentencing policy of the district attorney ’ s office.
” “ I ’ m not going to accept an amended information , ” Arnold said .
“ Legally , there ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no defect .
”

Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. George Gascon delivers remarks after he took the oath of office Dec. 7. The union representing his deputies sued him Wednesday.
The union representing Los Angeles County deputy district attorneys on Wednesday sued Dist. Atty. George Gascón, alleging that the dramatic changes he has brought to the nation’s largest prosecutorial office have defied state law and forced rank-and-file prosecutors to violate their oaths of office.
The lawsuit is the most public expression yet of the pushback Gascón has fielded from within his own office since being sworn in Dec. 7. It focuses on his so-called special directives that ordered his deputies to forgo sentencing enhancements.
The union, which represents about 800 prosecutors, sought a court order that would compel Gascón to rescind the directives and declare them “invalid and illegal,” as well as a temporary restraining order that would bar Gascón and his administration from enforcing the directives.
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Gascón’s policies have “placed line prosecutors in an ethical dilemma — follow the law, their oath, and their ethical obligations, or follow their superior’s orders,” wrote the union’s lawyer, Eric M. George.
After a hearing Wednesday, the union withdrew its petition for the temporary restraining order, according to a minute order of the proceeding. A judge instructed Gascón’s lawyers to submit written arguments for why he should not be enjoined from enforcing the contested directives and set a hearing on the issue for Feb. 2.
Gascón said in a statement Wednesday that voters had endorsed his promise to renounce sentencing enhancements, which he argued only drive recidivism and create more victims of crime in the long run. Gascón said he was extending to his deputies a “sincere invitation to join me in making these much-needed changes” — changes that would require “some fine-tuning and a tolerance for change.”
On his first day in office, Gascón announced his office would no longer seek enhancements that — if proved — lengthen defendants’ prison sentences under certain circumstances, such as if they committed a crime to a gang’s benefit or if they had a criminal history.
Initially, the prohibition extended to enhancements for hate crimes, sex trafficking, financial crimes and elder and child abuse, but Gascón has since modified his directives to allow such enhancements. His deputies are still barred from seeking enhancements for prior strikes, committing a crime that benefits a gang, using a firearm and any special circumstance allegation that would send a defendant to prison for life without parole.
The union argues that prosecutors should pursue or forgo sentencing enhancements using “case-by-case discretion,” basing their decisions on the circumstances of a crime and a defendant, not “rubber stamp blanket prosecutorial policies barring the wholesale enforcement of criminal laws.”
The union asserts that Gascón’s prohibition on enhancements for prior strikes violates the state’s three strikes law, which, in the union’s view, requires prosecutors to seek longer sentences for defendants with previous convictions. Gascón “enjoys wide — but not limitless — discretion,” George wrote; he may believe such enhancements do not protect public safety, but he has no authority to circumvent lawmakers and legislate “by fiat,” the lawsuit says.
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Gascón has said he was elected with a mandate to overhaul an outdated, heavy-handed approach to law and order that hasn’t proved effective in protecting the public. He promised during the campaign to no longer charge gang enhancements, which have come under scrutiny after several Los Angeles Police Department officers were charged over the summer with falsifying records that misrepresented people they had stopped as gang members and associates.
In a statement released by Stanford’s Three Strikes Project, the program’s director, Michael Romano, and two other law professors said the California Supreme Court has held that district attorneys have “complete authority” to enforce state laws within their jurisdiction. The statement was signed by Romano, Erwin Chemerinsky, the dean of UC Berkeley Law School, and David Mills, a professor at Stanford Law School; Romano and Chemerinsky are advisors on Gascón’s transition committee.
The trio said that Gascón’s policies will make Los Angeles safer and reduce “epidemic” levels of incarceration. The union’s lawsuit, they added, “is more reflective of their longstanding opposition to reform and the will of millions of Angelenos than it is the legality of DA Gascón’s directives.”
The union also contends that Gascón, a local executive branch official, is encroaching on the authority of the courts in ordering his deputies to move to withdraw enhancement allegations. If a judge refuses those motions — as several have in recent weeks — line prosecutors have been instructed to file new charging documents without the enhancements. In doing so, the union argues, the district attorney’s office is making an end-run around the courts’ authority.
This scenario played out in a downtown Los Angeles courtroom Monday. A deputy district attorney, reading from a script, said he was seeking to dismiss enhancement allegations in a murder case against a defendant for belonging to a gang and using a firearm. When the judge denied the motion, the prosecutor said he would file new charges without the enhancements. The charges were not legally defective, he told Judge Mark S. Arnold, but they were “inconsistent with the sentencing policy of the district attorney’s office.”
“I’m not going to accept an amended information,” Arnold said. “Legally, there’s no justification. There’s no defect.”


latimes--2020-12-30--Some L.A. County mortuaries and funeral homes simply have no more room for the dead

As hospitals in Southern California fill with people infected with COVID-19 , so too are the places where a number of those patients end up .
Mortuary and funeral home operators say they are having to turn away bereaved families because they don ’ t have the capacity to handle more bodies .
“ The thing that ’ s never happened to me , even since the beginning of this , ” said Rob Karlin , the owner and funeral director of Los Angeles Funeral Service in Culver City , “ is I ’ m now saying to people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ m sorry .
We can ’ t accommodate you .
We ’ re at capacity.
’ ” Karlin founded a casket company in 1996 and the funeral service in 2005 .
“ I ’ ve never been in a position where I had to say , ‘ I ’ m sorry .
I can ’ t help you , ’ ” he said .
In Los Angeles County , 7,181 people were hospitalized Tuesday with COVID-19 , a single-day record , according to the county health department .
A fifth of those patients @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospitalizations represent a more than threefold increase from the peak of an earlier virus surge in July , the health department said .
Karlin attributed his capacity issues both to the rising caseload and to a slowdown in the process of burying the dead .
Obtaining death certificates , retrieving bodies from the coroner , embalming them — “ everything is taking longer , ” he said .
Embalmers , he added , are treating every body as if it had been infected with COVID-19 .
“ They ’ re taking extra precautions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said .
“ There ’ s an uncertainty about how long it ’ s dangerous on a dead body .
I don ’ t know .
There ’ s so much unknown.
” Jennifer Bagues , the general manager of Felipe Bagues Mortuary in Boyle Heights , had to start turning away families this week .
Her family ’ s small mortuary on 1st Street , which was founded by her great-grandfather , can fit no more than 20 bodies .
Bagues estimates that 75 % of the calls she ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been from families whose relatives have died of COVID-19 .
Lately , she ’ s realized some families are returning to bury a second loved one .
Bagues scheduled a service this weekend for a husband and wife who both died from COVID-19 , the fifth one she ’ s arranged since the pandemic began , she said .
Bagues said bureaucratic slowdowns had contributed to capacity issues as the mortuary had to house the bodies of people needing to be sent back to their home countries for a longer period of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permits and certificates online , the paperwork needed to ship a body out of the country must be filed in person or by mail , she said .
Normally , county buildings would be open and an employee could deliver the paperwork in person , but with the pandemic closing government offices , she ’ s forced to send the forms in the mail .
The process has slowed to a crawl , but the bodies keep coming .
Telling grieving families she can ’ t take their loved ones is “ heartbreaking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think my dad would be turning over in his grave if he heard me saying that.
” At St. Francis Medical Center in Lynwood , morticians from funeral homes can ’ t come fast enough to remove bodies from the hospital morgue , said Scott Byington , a nurse at the hospital .
Morticians visit the hospital multiple times a day to pick up as many bodies as they can , but limited space at the funeral homes has created a backlog .
Any open spots are quickly filled with more deceased patients @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a recent shift , Byington was told there were enough gurneys for nine more people in the hospital morgue .
Six hours later , several patients had died and the morgue was at capacity , he said .
“ We were calling the mortuary to come and take what you can , ” he said .
“ Our morgue has been full all the time.
” Mortuary staff have said they can only accept bodies for cremation , since that takes up less space , Byington said .
It is a grim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I never would ’ ve thought I ’ d see anything like this , ” he said .
The Los Angeles County medical examiner-coroner will begin to help store bodies because there are too many at hospitals and mortuaries , County Supervisor Hilda Solis said Wednesday .
“ It ’ s such a grim reality , ” Solis said , “ but I ’ m compelled to say this because it ’ s gotten to the point where we need to show the true toll of what this virus has taken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ six members of the California National Guard are expected to help the medical examiner ’ s office handle the high number of bodies .
They will support management and administrative functions through the end of January , to be extended if needed , Solis said .
The county morgue currently has room for another 386 bodies , “ certainly more than enough , we would hope , to meet the needs ” of local public hospitals , said Dr. Christina Ghaly , the county health services director .
Ghaly pleaded with people to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Year ’ s celebrations .
“ We absolutely have to get this surge under control , ” she said .
“ If we don ’ t , then the beginning of 2021 will be worse than the end of 2020 .
”

Continental Funeral Home director Magda Maldonado looks over a board with dozens of names of the dead who have not yet been buried or cremated in East Los Angeles on Dec. 20.
As hospitals in Southern California fill with people infected with COVID-19, so too are the places where a number of those patients end up. Mortuary and funeral home operators say they are having to turn away bereaved families because they don’t have the capacity to handle more bodies.
“The thing that’s never happened to me, even since the beginning of this,” said Rob Karlin, the owner and funeral director of Los Angeles Funeral Service in Culver City, “is I’m now saying to people who are calling me, ‘I’m sorry. We can’t accommodate you. We’re at capacity.’”
Karlin founded a casket company in 1996 and the funeral service in 2005. “I’ve never been in a position where I had to say, ‘I’m sorry. I can’t help you,’” he said.
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In Los Angeles County, 7,181 people were hospitalized Tuesday with COVID-19, a single-day record, according to the county health department. A fifth of those patients were in intensive care units. Those hospitalizations represent a more than threefold increase from the peak of an earlier virus surge in July, the health department said.
Los Angeles County recorded 227 deaths from COVID-19 on Tuesday.
Karlin attributed his capacity issues both to the rising caseload and to a slowdown in the process of burying the dead. Obtaining death certificates, retrieving bodies from the coroner, embalming them — “everything is taking longer,” he said.
Continental Funeral Home driver Manuel Aguilar handles one of the COVID-19 victims stored in a mobile refrigerator outside the facility Aug. 21. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Embalmers, he added, are treating every body as if it had been infected with COVID-19. “They’re taking extra precautions and using a lot of bleach,” he said. “There’s an uncertainty about how long it’s dangerous on a dead body. I don’t know. There’s so much unknown.”
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Jennifer Bagues, the general manager of Felipe Bagues Mortuary in Boyle Heights, had to start turning away families this week. Her family’s small mortuary on 1st Street, which was founded by her great-grandfather, can fit no more than 20 bodies.
“We’re overwhelmed,” she said.
Bagues estimates that 75% of the calls she’s fielded in the last two weeks have been from families whose relatives have died of COVID-19. Lately, she’s realized some families are returning to bury a second loved one. Bagues scheduled a service this weekend for a husband and wife who both died from COVID-19, the fifth one she’s arranged since the pandemic began, she said.
Bagues said bureaucratic slowdowns had contributed to capacity issues as the mortuary had to house the bodies of people needing to be sent back to their home countries for a longer period of time. Although she can obtain most permits and certificates online, the paperwork needed to ship a body out of the country must be filed in person or by mail, she said. Normally, county buildings would be open and an employee could deliver the paperwork in person, but with the pandemic closing government offices, she’s forced to send the forms in the mail. The process has slowed to a crawl, but the bodies keep coming.
Telling grieving families she can’t take their loved ones is “heartbreaking,” Bagues said. “I think my dad would be turning over in his grave if he heard me saying that.”
At St. Francis Medical Center in Lynwood, morticians from funeral homes can’t come fast enough to remove bodies from the hospital morgue, said Scott Byington, a nurse at the hospital. Morticians visit the hospital multiple times a day to pick up as many bodies as they can, but limited space at the funeral homes has created a backlog. Any open spots are quickly filled with more deceased patients, Byington said.
At the beginning of a recent shift, Byington was told there were enough gurneys for nine more people in the hospital morgue. Six hours later, several patients had died and the morgue was at capacity, he said.
“We were calling the mortuary to come and take what you can,” he said. “Our morgue has been full all the time.”
Mortuary staff have said they can only accept bodies for cremation, since that takes up less space, Byington said. It is a grim index of the pandemic’s toll.
“I never would’ve thought I’d see anything like this,” he said.
The Los Angeles County medical examiner-coroner will begin to help store bodies because there are too many at hospitals and mortuaries, County Supervisor Hilda Solis said Wednesday.
“It’s such a grim reality,” Solis said, “but I’m compelled to say this because it’s gotten to the point where we need to show the true toll of what this virus has taken and can take.”
Starting Monday, six members of the California National Guard are expected to help the medical examiner’s office handle the high number of bodies. They will support management and administrative functions through the end of January, to be extended if needed, Solis said.
The county morgue currently has room for another 386 bodies, “certainly more than enough, we would hope, to meet the needs” of local public hospitals, said Dr. Christina Ghaly, the county health services director.
Ghaly pleaded with people to stay home and avoid gathering for New Year’s celebrations.
“We absolutely have to get this surge under control,” she said. “If we don’t, then the beginning of 2021 will be worse than the end of 2020.”


latimes--2020-12-30--Newsom promises $2 billion in hopes of reopening elementary schools beginning in February

Gov .
Gavin Newsom on Wednesday announced a $ 2-billion package of incentives to encourage a return to in-person classes for California elementary school students as early as mid-February , an effort that could require frequent coronavirus testing for students , teachers and staff .
But given the bleak public health conditions across most of the state as coronavirus cases surge at alarming rates , it is unclear how quickly districts in hard-hit counties will qualify to reopen , especially those in large urban areas in Southern California and the San Francisco Bay Area .
Newsom ’ s decision , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for county health conditions under which schools can be eligible to reopen .
His plan comes amid California ’ s most deadly spell in the pandemic and increases pressure on local school officials to reinstate in-classroom learning .
In his announcement , Newsom cited growing evidence that young students faced “ decreased risks ” associated with the coronavirus and benefited more from in-person instruction compared to at-home learning .
In-classroom learning provides a better opportunity to identify children suffering from depression , anxiety or abuse at home , he said .
“ In-person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ substitute for it .
It ’ s so much more difficult for a 4-year-old to focus on a device than a 14-year-old , ” said Newsom , the father of four young children .
“ That ’ s why this is so important that we move forward in a phased way , prove that we can do this right and effectively and safely , with an eye on everybody ’ s health and safety first and foremost.
” Dr. Anthony Fauci , director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ If we really want to get society back to some form of normality one of the first things you have to do is get children back in school , ” Fauci said during a virtual event with Newsom on Wednesday .
Parents will still have the option to keep their children learning from home , even if their local schools reopen .
Newsom ’ s plan , expected to be submitted to the Legislature as an adjustment of the state budget for the current fiscal year , prioritizes returning students in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as those with special instructional needs .
The remainder of elementary school students could return as early as sometime in March .
It remained unclear when older students would return to campuses .
Students who return to school would be required to wear face coverings .
School employees would have to wear surgical masks .
Before a school can return to in-person classes , school districts must submit their safety reopening plans to both state and local health officials .
Local health departments would have the authority to reject that plan but , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have an obligation to provide them coronavirus monitoring , technical assistance and other support , Newsom said .
Newsom said schools in counties with a seven-day average of fewer than 28 cases per 100,000 residents would be eligible to open — a threshold that allows some campuses in purple tier regions , the most restrictive , to reopen .
Los Angeles County and many other urban areas are experiencing far higher rates of transmission and would not be expected to reopen for some time .
The adjusted case rate in L.A. County , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents ; Orange County , 54 ; San Diego County , 38 ; Ventura County , 40 and San Bernardino County , 83 .
Campuses that had already opened in these counties can remain open , regardless of the infection rate .
And campuses can continue to open under waivers for elementary schools and to serve students with special needs , such as students with disabilities and students learning English .
The amount of coronavirus testing required will depend on the severity of the the virus ’ spread in each county .
Those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to test students , teachers and staff who are symptomatic or have been in contact with someone with COVID-19 .
In counties where virus transmission is widespread , weekly testing will be mandatory for everyone .
The state ’ s largest teachers union , California Teachers Assn.
, offered measured praise for Newsom , while also flagging concerns .
The new framework is fully in line with the union ’ s repeated calls “ for tougher safety standards , rigorous and consistent testing , data collection and transparency , ” said union President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ there are many unanswered questions and the devil is always in the details , particularly as it relates to implementation and execution.
” Boyd said he hopes the details will reveal “ a coherent statewide plan rather than creating more confusion for parents and school districts.
” Noting the state ’ s ongoing health crisis , Boyd said his union “ continues to support distance learning ” for schools in counties that remain in the purple tier .
“ This must be a joint effort to ensure a safe return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learn best and thrive , ” Boyd said .
Local teachers unions will have an influential say on school reopening plans , which will require bargaining between the labor organizations and the district administration .
Newsom defended that requirement , adding that he expects that teachers will be eager to return to the classroom because of their “ deep desire for service.
” “ It ’ s a foundational principle that workers should have a voice , that management should have a responsibility as well as an opportunity to learn and listen to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and engage in a dialectic , and an important conversation , ” Newsom said .
L.A. school board member Nick Melvoin said that while he supports the governor ’ s efforts , he worries that local politics or union bargaining positions could have more to do with campus reopenings than safety or science .
He would like to see the governor ’ s plan stipulate that “ once you meet these public health conditions , you must provide an in-person option , at least for high-need students ... What that option looks like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he added , but it would have to be provided .
L.A. County Office of Education Supt .
Debra Duardo praised the governor for bringing to bear more resources and consistency to the task of reopening schools .
But she also emphasized the importance of vaccinations .
“ I continue to urge the state to prioritize the vaccination of K-12 and early education teachers , administrators and staff as an essential step in getting our public schools and early learning and care centers fully reopened , ” Duardo said in a statement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the details of how the plan is funded .
The proposal includes the $ 2 billion as part of the funding guaranteed to schools under the California Constitution — which means the money needed for coronavirus testing and new school safety measures would have otherwise been spent on a variety of existing school programs .
Under Newsom ’ s plan , districts that offer in-person instruction would receive about $ 450 per student , a figure that could increase to $ 750 per student to account for those from low-income families , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with special education needs .
In November , superintendents from some of California ’ s largest school districts — including the Los Angeles Unified School District and Long Beach Unified School District — sent a letter to Newsom urging him to establish common statewide standards for school reopenings , including testing requirements .
social distancing criteria and employee protections .
The governor ’ s announcement comes after months of demands for Newsom to lay out a more far-reaching , statewide set of guidelines for when K-12 campuses would reopen .
The governor ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resume in-person learning , unveiled in July , still left the final decision in the hands of individual school districts as virus transmissions decreased in a number of California communities in early fall .
Critics said the result was an ever-widening gap between schools with resources , largely in affluent communities , and those serving lower-income families and left to full-time remote learning .
Those criticisms also noted that a number of private schools were the ones to open first , and have been allowed to remain open even as local public health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a group of prominent Democrats in the Legislature demanded a plan that would tightly link the return of in-person learning with reduced local virus transmissions .
Legislation introduced earlier this month would require school districts to open campuses in California counties that had been removed from the most restrictive purple tier of COVID-19 protections .
Current policy makes it optional for schools to reopen in the less restrictive tiers .
The funds for the new effort will be included in Newsom ’ s budget proposal for the coming year , to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the governor have estimated a large windfall of tax revenue — of $ 15.5 billion or more — resulting from a smaller than expected drop in personal income taxes paid by Californians .
Some of the surprise revenue will , under longstanding rules , automatically be spent on public schools , but lawmakers could add more cash to that total in support of the governor ’ s proposal and other efforts .
The governor ’ s new proposal comes on top of about $ 6.5 billion that will be available to K-12 public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signed into law this week by President Trump .

Phil Willon, Taryn Luna, John Myers, Howard Blume

California students in kindergarten through second grade would be allowed back on campus when pandemic conditions improved under a proposal announced.
Gov. Gavin Newsom on Wednesday announced a $2-billion package of incentives to encourage a return to in-person classes for California elementary school students as early as mid-February, an effort that could require frequent coronavirus testing for students, teachers and staff.
But given the bleak public health conditions across most of the state as coronavirus cases surge at alarming rates, it is unclear how quickly districts in hard-hit counties will qualify to reopen, especially those in large urban areas in Southern California and the San Francisco Bay Area.
Newsom’s decision, in essence, eases the strict criteria for county health conditions under which schools can be eligible to reopen. His plan comes amid California’s most deadly spell in the pandemic and increases pressure on local school officials to reinstate in-classroom learning.
Advertisement
In his announcement, Newsom cited growing evidence that young students faced “decreased risks” associated with the coronavirus and benefited more from in-person instruction compared to at-home learning. In-classroom learning provides a better opportunity to identify children suffering from depression, anxiety or abuse at home, he said.
“In-person instruction — there’s just no substitute for it. It’s so much more difficult for a 4-year-old to focus on a device than a 14-year-old,” said Newsom, the father of four young children. “That’s why this is so important that we move forward in a phased way, prove that we can do this right and effectively and safely, with an eye on everybody’s health and safety first and foremost.”
Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease, on Wednesday emphasized the importance reopening campuses.
“If we really want to get society back to some form of normality one of the first things you have to do is get children back in school,” Fauci said during a virtual event with Newsom on Wednesday.
Parents will still have the option to keep their children learning from home, even if their local schools reopen.
Newsom’s plan, expected to be submitted to the Legislature as an adjustment of the state budget for the current fiscal year, prioritizes returning students in kindergarten through the second grade as well as those with special instructional needs. The remainder of elementary school students could return as early as sometime in March. It remained unclear when older students would return to campuses.
Students who return to school would be required to wear face coverings. School employees would have to wear surgical masks.
Before a school can return to in-person classes, school districts must submit their safety reopening plans to both state and local health officials. Local health departments would have the authority to reject that plan but, once schools open, those agencies would have an obligation to provide them coronavirus monitoring, technical assistance and other support, Newsom said.
Advertisement
Newsom said schools in counties with a seven-day average of fewer than 28 cases per 100,000 residents would be eligible to open — a threshold that allows some campuses in purple tier regions, the most restrictive, to reopen. Los Angeles County and many other urban areas are experiencing far higher rates of transmission and would not be expected to reopen for some time.
The adjusted case rate in L.A. County, for example, is 66 per 100,000 residents; Orange County, 54; San Diego County, 38; Ventura County, 40 and San Bernardino County, 83.
Campuses that had already opened in these counties can remain open, regardless of the infection rate. And campuses can continue to open under waivers for elementary schools and to serve students with special needs, such as students with disabilities and students learning English.
The amount of coronavirus testing required will depend on the severity of the the virus’ spread in each county. Those minimally affected counties will only be required to test students, teachers and staff who are symptomatic or have been in contact with someone with COVID-19. In counties where virus transmission is widespread, weekly testing will be mandatory for everyone.
The state’s largest teachers union, California Teachers Assn., offered measured praise for Newsom, while also flagging concerns.
The new framework is fully in line with the union’s repeated calls “for tougher safety standards, rigorous and consistent testing, data collection and transparency,” said union President E. Toby Boyd. All the same, “there are many unanswered questions and the devil is always in the details, particularly as it relates to implementation and execution.”
Boyd said he hopes the details will reveal “a coherent statewide plan rather than creating more confusion for parents and school districts.”
Noting the state’s ongoing health crisis, Boyd said his union “continues to support distance learning” for schools in counties that remain in the purple tier.
“This must be a joint effort to ensure a safe return to our classrooms where we know our students learn best and thrive,” Boyd said.
Local teachers unions will have an influential say on school reopening plans, which will require bargaining between the labor organizations and the district administration. Newsom defended that requirement, adding that he expects that teachers will be eager to return to the classroom because of their “deep desire for service.”
“It’s a foundational principle that workers should have a voice, that management should have a responsibility as well as an opportunity to learn and listen to that voice and have the collective wisdom and engage in a dialectic, and an important conversation,” Newsom said.
L.A. school board member Nick Melvoin said that while he supports the governor’s efforts, he worries that local politics or union bargaining positions could have more to do with campus reopenings than safety or science.
He would like to see the governor’s plan stipulate that “once you meet these public health conditions, you must provide an in-person option, at least for high-need students... What that option looks like would be bargained with unions,” he added, but it would have to be provided.
L.A. County Office of Education Supt. Debra Duardo praised the governor for bringing to bear more resources and consistency to the task of reopening schools. But she also emphasized the importance of vaccinations.
“I continue to urge the state to prioritize the vaccination of K-12 and early education teachers, administrators and staff as an essential step in getting our public schools and early learning and care centers fully reopened,” Duardo said in a statement.
Some education advocates may be particularly worried about the details of how the plan is funded. The proposal includes the $2 billion as part of the funding guaranteed to schools under the California Constitution — which means the money needed for coronavirus testing and new school safety measures would have otherwise been spent on a variety of existing school programs.
Under Newsom’s plan, districts that offer in-person instruction would receive about $450 per student, a figure that could increase to $750 per student to account for those from low-income families, English learners, foster youth and others with special education needs.
In November, superintendents from some of California’s largest school districts — including the Los Angeles Unified School District and Long Beach Unified School District — sent a letter to Newsom urging him to establish common statewide standards for school reopenings, including testing requirements. social distancing criteria and employee protections.
The governor’s announcement comes after months of demands for Newsom to lay out a more far-reaching, statewide set of guidelines for when K-12 campuses would reopen. The governor’s most notable decision on when to resume in-person learning, unveiled in July, still left the final decision in the hands of individual school districts as virus transmissions decreased in a number of California communities in early fall.
Critics said the result was an ever-widening gap between schools with resources, largely in affluent communities, and those serving lower-income families and left to full-time remote learning. Those criticisms also noted that a number of private schools were the ones to open first, and have been allowed to remain open even as local public health conditions have worsened.
Earlier this month, a group of prominent Democrats in the Legislature demanded a plan that would tightly link the return of in-person learning with reduced local virus transmissions. Legislation introduced earlier this month would require school districts to open campuses in California counties that had been removed from the most restrictive purple tier of COVID-19 protections. Current policy makes it optional for schools to reopen in the less restrictive tiers.
The funds for the new effort will be included in Newsom’s budget proposal for the coming year, to be unveiled next week. Legislative analysts and the governor have estimated a large windfall of tax revenue — of $15.5 billion or more — resulting from a smaller than expected drop in personal income taxes paid by Californians. Some of the surprise revenue will, under longstanding rules, automatically be spent on public schools, but lawmakers could add more cash to that total in support of the governor’s proposal and other efforts.
The governor’s new proposal comes on top of about $6.5 billion that will be available to K-12 public schools from a new coronavirus relief package signed into law this week by President Trump.


latimes--2020-12-30--Paramedics having some patients stay home as hospitals struggle with COVID-19 wave

Paramedics and emergency medical technicians are declining to transport some less severely ill patients whom they might take to the hospital under ordinary circumstances , one of the many extreme steps being taken in Los Angeles County to deal with the COVID-19 surge crippling hospitals .
It ’ s one of a limited number of tools left to deal with the wave amid a crisis due to a flood of COVID-19 patients .
In Los Angeles County , EMTs “ are assessing patients and releasing them to stay at home , because they aren ’ t quite sick enough to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did come to the hospital , they may not get the type of attention that they might expect , ” said Dr. Mark Ghaly , the California health and human services secretary .
Many hospitals are now going to contingency care , in which staffers work longer hours and wards are reconfigured to take more patients .
The next step could be “ crisis care , ” in which more medical rationing would occur .
State officials have yet to hear reports of the direst circumstances , such as a hospital having to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But there are fears that day could come .
For the first time , the number of people hospitalized for COVID-19 statewide has exceeded 20,000 , a figure eight times higher than that on Nov. 1 .
In Southern California , hospitals are at the breaking point , doing all they can to treat patients with the staff they have .
Providence St. Joseph of Orange has been working at a constant level of overcapacity , and ambulances that would usually drop off patients at smaller hospitals have increasingly become more frequent .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ daily , ” said Dr. Glenn Raup , executive director for critical care , emergency and behavioral health services , in describing the increase in COVID-19 patients at the hospital .
“ This wave started with a lot more of a vengeance.
” On Tuesday , it had about 250 COVID-19 patients .
Staffed beds were 67 % over capacity , he said , a number that is constantly fluctuating but has remained the norm for the last month .
“ That is a very hard thing for a hospital to maintain that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Raup said .
“ That ’ s 67 % more staff , 67 % more resources , such as oxygen.
” The signs of how much worse the situation could get are there .
Raup said the hospital was put on notice by distributors that distribution and creation of oxygen and oxygen tanks are becoming a concern .
“ We ’ re trying to be very frugal in how we use and when we use and where we use and how much we use of the oxygen reserves that we do have , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is going on now in hospitals and what would come : What are strategies medical officials are now using ?
Hospital systems are already coming up with triage plans , which entail prioritizing the time of highly trained staff — such as respiratory therapists , ICU nurses and critical care doctors — in a way to keep as many people alive as possible .
That means that those less likely to survive might not receive the same level of care they would have otherwise .
Most hospitals in California are no longer able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instead to “ contingency care , ” Ghaly said , in which staff are asked to work longer shifts , hospital rooms are reconfigured to hold more beds than originally intended , scarce supplies are conserved or even reused and the movement of patients within the hospital is delayed because of a lack of space or staff .
What would ‘ crisis care ’ look like ?
Even worse is “ crisis care , ” when patients are placed on cots instead of standard hospital beds ; patients normally grouped in one unit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ certain supplies , therapies and staff need to be rationed , Ghaly said .
If some hospitals in a region declare that they ’ re in “ crisis care ” mode , other hospitals in the region will be asked to share their resources to relieve the worst-hit facilities , Ghaly said .
Kim McCoy Wade , director of the California Department of Aging , said Tuesday that tough decisions on how to allocate medical care must be “ grounded in the likelihood of [ a patient ] surviving in the near term.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ on age , race , disability , chronic medical conditions , gender , sexual orientation , gender identity , ethnicity , national origin , language spoken , ability to pay , weight , socioeconomic status , insurance status , perceived self-worth , perceived quality of life , immigration status , incarceration status , homelessness or past or future use of resources , she said .
The state Department of Public Health on Monday issued a memo about its “ , ” which , they said , must follow ethical principles , health equity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that need to begin to ration critical care resources must notify local and state public health departments immediately .
According to a issued in June , in a situation when there is a severe shortage of medical resources and a patient has a poor immediate survival prognosis , healthcare providers may need to decide to give palliative care aimed at providing patients relief from pain as they die , rather than improving their prognosis .
When it comes to deciding who is eligible for ICU admission or should have access to a ventilator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ survive with such care will receive priority .
A hospital-appointed triage officer is expected to make decisions to benefit populations of patients , “ even though these decisions may not necessarily be best for some individual patients , ” according to the memo .
What has the trendline looked like ?
At Providence St. Joseph of Orange , November began as a quiet month for the hospital , reaching its lowest number of COVID-19 patients since March , said Jeremy Zoch , chief executive of the hospital .
But that is no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once shared rooms with one other person , are now four to a room , and the hospital placed 12 beds in what was once the neonatal intensive care unit .
There are plans in place to move into other parts of the hospital if needed , but staff across all parts of the hospital has been stretched thin — last week , Zoch said he worked the tray line to help serve food because it was short-staffed .
“ It ’ s really pushed us to the absolute max , ” he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now coming in with COVID-19 , Raup said , but the staff has managed to triage patients needing ICU beds .
On any given day , the number of people waiting for an ICU bed can range from a couple to 10 on particularly bad days .
Raup , who helped during Hurricane Katrina , has been through trying moments like going without a ventilator and having people come off ventilators .
He knows what it ’ s like to go through a disaster , and the hospital has so far been prepared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of patients is comparable to what happens after a hurricane , he said , with surges of people getting sick .
But he worries that some individuals have not done enough to take precautionary measures seriously , and the coming month , after Christmas and New Year ’ s , could push the hospital further .
Orange County has been ground zero for protests against measures to stop the spread of COVID-19 .
“ This is ongoing , and individuals and communities need to recognize that , like any viral condition , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ longer period of time if you really want to return to what you consider a state of normalcy , ” Raup said .
“ And I think that ’ s where everybody ’ s tired .
And unfortunately , that fatigue in the community is going to lead to more stress on the hospitals .
”

Paramedics and emergency medical technicians are declining to transport some less severely ill patients whom they might take to the hospital under ordinary circumstances, one of the many extreme steps being taken in Los Angeles County to deal with the COVID-19 surge crippling hospitals.
It’s one of a limited number of tools left to deal with the wave amid a crisis due to a flood of COVID-19 patients.
In Los Angeles County, EMTs “are assessing patients and releasing them to stay at home, because they aren’t quite sick enough to need hospital-level care. ... If they did come to the hospital, they may not get the type of attention that they might expect,” said Dr. Mark Ghaly, the California health and human services secretary.
Advertisement
Many hospitals are now going to contingency care, in which staffers work longer hours and wards are reconfigured to take more patients. The next step could be “crisis care,” in which more medical rationing would occur.
State officials have yet to hear reports of the direst circumstances, such as a hospital having to choose who gets the last ventilator. But there are fears that day could come.
For the first time, the number of people hospitalized for COVID-19 statewide has exceeded 20,000, a figure eight times higher than that on Nov. 1.
In Southern California, hospitals are at the breaking point, doing all they can to treat patients with the staff they have.
Providence St. Joseph of Orange has been working at a constant level of overcapacity, and ambulances that would usually drop off patients at smaller hospitals have increasingly become more frequent.
The situation is “overwhelming and growing daily,” said Dr. Glenn Raup, executive director for critical care, emergency and behavioral health services, in describing the increase in COVID-19 patients at the hospital. “This wave started with a lot more of a vengeance.”
Advertisement
On Tuesday, it had about 250 COVID-19 patients. Staffed beds were 67% over capacity, he said, a number that is constantly fluctuating but has remained the norm for the last month.
“That is a very hard thing for a hospital to maintain that day in and day out,” Raup said. “That’s 67% more staff, 67% more resources, such as oxygen.” The signs of how much worse the situation could get are there.
Raup said the hospital was put on notice by distributors that distribution and creation of oxygen and oxygen tanks are becoming a concern. “We’re trying to be very frugal in how we use and when we use and where we use and how much we use of the oxygen reserves that we do have,” Raup said.
Here is what is going on now in hospitals and what would come:
What are strategies medical officials are now using?
Hospital systems are already coming up with triage plans, which entail prioritizing the time of highly trained staff — such as respiratory therapists, ICU nurses and critical care doctors — in a way to keep as many people alive as possible. That means that those less likely to survive might not receive the same level of care they would have otherwise.
Most hospitals in California are no longer able to offer regular hospital services, switching instead to “contingency care,” Ghaly said, in which staff are asked to work longer shifts, hospital rooms are reconfigured to hold more beds than originally intended, scarce supplies are conserved or even reused and the movement of patients within the hospital is delayed because of a lack of space or staff.
What would ‘crisis care’ look like?
Even worse is “crisis care,” when patients are placed on cots instead of standard hospital beds; patients normally grouped in one unit are scattered across the facility; and certain supplies, therapies and staff need to be rationed, Ghaly said.
If some hospitals in a region declare that they’re in “crisis care” mode, other hospitals in the region will be asked to share their resources to relieve the worst-hit facilities, Ghaly said.
Kim McCoy Wade, director of the California Department of Aging, said Tuesday that tough decisions on how to allocate medical care must be “grounded in the likelihood of [a patient] surviving in the near term.”
Such decisions cannot be based on age, race, disability, chronic medical conditions, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, ethnicity, national origin, language spoken, ability to pay, weight, socioeconomic status, insurance status, perceived self-worth, perceived quality of life, immigration status, incarceration status, homelessness or past or future use of resources, she said.
The state Department of Public Health on Monday issued a memo about its “ California Crisis Care Continuum Guidelines ,” which, they said, must follow ethical principles, health equity goals and civil rights laws. Facilities that need to begin to ration critical care resources must notify local and state public health departments immediately.
According to a state memo issued in June, in a situation when there is a severe shortage of medical resources and a patient has a poor immediate survival prognosis, healthcare providers may need to decide to give palliative care aimed at providing patients relief from pain as they die, rather than improving their prognosis.
When it comes to deciding who is eligible for ICU admission or should have access to a ventilator, patients who are more likely to survive with such care will receive priority.
A hospital-appointed triage officer is expected to make decisions to benefit populations of patients, “even though these decisions may not necessarily be best for some individual patients,” according to the memo.
What has the trendline looked like?
At Providence St. Joseph of Orange, November began as a quiet month for the hospital, reaching its lowest number of COVID-19 patients since March, said Jeremy Zoch, chief executive of the hospital.
But that is no longer the case. COVID-19 patients, who once shared rooms with one other person, are now four to a room, and the hospital placed 12 beds in what was once the neonatal intensive care unit. There are plans in place to move into other parts of the hospital if needed, but staff across all parts of the hospital has been stretched thin — last week, Zoch said he worked the tray line to help serve food because it was short-staffed.
“It’s really pushed us to the absolute max,” he said.
A majority of patients are now coming in with COVID-19, Raup said, but the staff has managed to triage patients needing ICU beds.
On any given day, the number of people waiting for an ICU bed can range from a couple to 10 on particularly bad days. Raup, who helped during Hurricane Katrina, has been through trying moments like going without a ventilator and having people come off ventilators.
He knows what it’s like to go through a disaster, and the hospital has so far been prepared for a worsening situation. The surges of patients is comparable to what happens after a hurricane, he said, with surges of people getting sick. But he worries that some individuals have not done enough to take precautionary measures seriously, and the coming month, after Christmas and New Year’s, could push the hospital further.
Orange County has been ground zero for protests against measures to stop the spread of COVID-19.
“This is ongoing, and individuals and communities need to recognize that, like any viral condition, you really have to be diligent for a longer period of time if you really want to return to what you consider a state of normalcy,” Raup said. “And I think that’s where everybody’s tired. And unfortunately, that fatigue in the community is going to lead to more stress on the hospitals.”


latimes--2020-12-30--Discussion of 'backdoor offer' extended to murder defendant raises tensions in district attorney's o

Discussion of 'backdoor offer' extended to murder defendant raises tensions in district attorney's office

One Friday night four years ago , Fernando Rojo Jr. , 26 , was sharing a cooler of beer with friends outside his parents ’ home in South Los Angeles when a white SUV pulled up in front of them .
“ Where you from ?
” someone in the car called out .
Rojo and his five friends , who weren ’ t in a gang , didn ’ t respond .
Their silence was met with gunfire .
A bullet tore through Rojo ’ s back , piercing his heart .
Two weeks ago , the man who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in court for a hearing .
Rudy Dominguez , an admitted member of the 18th Street gang , was charged with Rojo ’ s murder , the attempted murder of Rojo ’ s five friends and six counts of discharging a firearm from a vehicle .
If convicted , Dominguez , 24 , faced a maximum sentence of life in prison without parole .
As the Dec. 15 hearing wound down , his lawyer , Deputy Public Defender Traci Blackburn , mentioned “ an offer that was conveyed to me ” — a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for seven years .
“ From who ?
” Judge Mark S. Arnold asked , according to a transcript of the proceeding .
Blackburn said that Mario Trujillo , a newly-elevated member of Dist .
Atty .
George Gascón ’ s executive staff , had extended the offer to Dominguez ’ s previous attorney , Tiffiny Blacknell , a deputy public defender and a member of Gascón ’ s public policy committee during his campaign .
Blackburn told the judge that Blacknell , from whom she ’ d recently inherited Dominguez ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offer to her .
The deal ’ s disclosure startled both the judge and the line prosecutor assigned to the case .
Blackburn told the judge she believed Trujillo was handling Dominguez ’ s prosecution , prompting the line prosecutor , Jeffrey Herring , to say , “ It ’ s news to me that I ’ m not the attorney of record on this case.
” Blackburn emailed Trujillo a week after the hearing .
She acknowledged Dominguez ’ s case was “ serious and complicated , ” but given his lack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issues , ” she wanted to “ explore the possibility of disposition , ” according to correspondence reviewed by The Times .
Trujillo told her to make the request with “ the appropriate Head Deputy from our office.
” That supervisor , Head Deputy Dist .
Atty .
Larry Droeger , appeared in court Monday and told Arnold there was no offer on the table .
Had Trujillo extended one , Droeger told the court , he did so outside the office ’ s policy of following a chain of command in cutting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said was important to guard against “ improper influence or bias ” or the perception of it .
Droeger , who oversees gang homicide prosecutions , said he had not been contacted by Dominguez ’ s lawyers about a potential offer and didn ’ t know of any deal that may have been extended outside his unit ’ s chain of command .
“ Whatever it was , it was not a valid offer in this case , ” he said .
“ It ’ s a good thing , ” Arnold said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way I could look myself in the mirror and live with an offer , a plea bargain , of seven years in this case.
” Though such a deal appears to no longer be in play , a member of Gascón ’ s executive staff extending what an attorney for Rojo ’ s family called “ a sweetheart deal ” to a murder defendant raises questions about the new administration ’ s willingness to bypass line prosecutors to intervene in individual cases — particularly the case of a defendant who had been represented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allies .
Blacknell was Dominguez ’ s attorney of record as recently as Oct. 10 , court records show .
The episode underscores the tensions in a district attorney ’ s office that has seen unprecedented change since Gascón ’ s swearing-in three weeks ago .
His decision to forgo sentencing enhancements and gang allegations drew support from the progressive base that propelled him to office but incensed some rank-and-file prosecutors whose views of their roles in the criminal justice system are fundamentally at odds with those of their new boss .
Max @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s transition team , said : “ There is no offer in this case , and there has been no plea agreement.
” Trujillo , Blacknell and Blackburn did not return messages seeking comment .
The prospect of a seven-year offer contrasts with a probation officer ’ s recommendation , made in a report filed with the court in 2019 , that Dominguez deserved “ nothing less than a long-term state prison commitment.
” The probation officer described Dominguez as “ a serious threat to innocent citizens ” who has shown “ absolutely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the report says .
In Dominguez ’ s defense , Blackburn argued in court that he had no prior criminal history and was just 19 years old at the time of Rojo ’ s death .
Dominguez confessed to driving the car used in the shooting , according to testimony from a preliminary hearing .
While not accused of firing the shots that killed Rojo , Dominguez was charged with his murder and the attempted murders of his five friends under a legal doctrine that holds that people who take an active role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ murder even if they do not pull the trigger or inflict the fatal wound themselves .
This concept has been criticized by advocates of criminal justice reform .
Samuel Dordulian , a private attorney representing Rojo ’ s family , had asked the judge to take the case from the district attorney ’ s office and hand it to the California attorney general ’ s office .
In arguing for why county prosecutors should be recused , Dordulian , a former deputy district attorney , said Trujillo had made a “ backdoor offer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gascón ’ s administration amounted to a “ clear conflict of interest.
” “ She has direct access to George Gascón , ” he said “ She has direct contact with Mario Trujillo.
” The parties had returned to Arnold ’ s courtroom on Monday , two weeks after Dominguez ’ s attorney first disclosed the seven-year offer — only this time , neither Blackburn nor Blacknell , the lawyers previously representing Dominguez , were in court .
Another deputy public defender , Jimmy Chu , told the judge he ’ d been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nor Blacknell would be representing Dominguez , who at the moment had no trial lawyer , Chu told the court .
Arnold expressed disappointment that Trujillo , Blackburn and Blacknell had not shown up .
“ I was hoping [ Trujillo ] would be here today , ” he said .
“ I ’ d really like to know what he based that offer on.
” Herring , the deputy district attorney assigned to Dominguez ’ s prosecution , told the judge that Trujillo had not contacted him about the case or asked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the charges .
Dominguez was arrested two years after Rojo was killed .
After his arrest , Dominguez admitted driving the car used in the shooting and acknowledged belonging to 18th Street ’ s 54 Tiny Locos set in South L.A. , Refugio Garza , a detective with the Los Angeles Police Department , testified during a preliminary hearing last year .
Dominguez ’ s affiliation with 18th Street , one of the city ’ s largest gangs , dates to his time in high school , Garza said he was told .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dominguez until 18th Street gang members stepped in .
“ As a favor , ” he explained to the detective .
The night Rojo was killed , an 18th Street gang member called Dominguez and said “ it was time to repay a favor , ” according to Garza .
Dominguez told the detective he agreed to drive some 18th Street gang members to seek revenge for an associate who ’ d been shot in the leg a day earlier .
They blamed a rival gang , Playboys .
At the time , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were encroaching on 18th Street territory in the South L.A. neighborhood where Rojo ’ s family lived .
Alleyways and walls were covered with the gangs ’ dueling , crossed-out graffiti .
Dominguez drove to Playboys territory with an 18th Street member nicknamed “ Psycho , ” who was carrying a gun .
They spotted a group gathered outside a house ; the way the men were dressed — one person was wearing a hat — they thought they might be gang-affiliated , Garza testified .
Rojo ’ s friends testified that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as they did every Friday night after getting off work , to split a cooler of beer .
Dominguez told the detective he circled the block and pulled to a stop in front of the group .
“ Psycho , ” he said , stuck his head out of the car and called out : “ Where you from ?
” Rojo and his friends weren ’ t gang members .
“ We were just quiet , stunned , ” one testified .
“ Psycho ” asked the question again , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Garza .
Rojo was shot in the back and collapsed .
One of his friends was shot in the leg .
The others took cover behind cars or ran .
After the shooting , Dominguez told the detective , four gang members jumped him into 18th Street .
He now has a tattoo of an “ 18 ” that extends from his shoulders to his lower back , according to Garza .
He said Dominguez told him , “ I have my barrio on my back .
”

One Friday night four years ago, Fernando Rojo Jr., 26, was sharing a cooler of beer with friends outside his parents’ home in South Los Angeles when a white SUV pulled up in front of them.
“Where you from?” someone in the car called out. Rojo and his five friends, who weren’t in a gang, didn’t respond. Their silence was met with gunfire. A bullet tore through Rojo’s back, piercing his heart.
Two weeks ago, the man who prosecutors say was driving the SUV appeared in court for a hearing. Rudy Dominguez, an admitted member of the 18th Street gang, was charged with Rojo’s murder, the attempted murder of Rojo’s five friends and six counts of discharging a firearm from a vehicle. If convicted, Dominguez, 24, faced a maximum sentence of life in prison without parole.
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As the Dec. 15 hearing wound down, his lawyer, Deputy Public Defender Traci Blackburn, mentioned “an offer that was conveyed to me” — a deal that would send Dominguez to prison for seven years.
“From who?” Judge Mark S. Arnold asked, according to a transcript of the proceeding.
Blackburn said that Mario Trujillo, a newly-elevated member of Dist. Atty. George Gascón’s executive staff, had extended the offer to Dominguez’s previous attorney, Tiffiny Blacknell, a deputy public defender and a member of Gascón’s public policy committee during his campaign. Blackburn told the judge that Blacknell, from whom she’d recently inherited Dominguez’s case, had relayed Trujillo’s offer to her.
The deal’s disclosure startled both the judge and the line prosecutor assigned to the case. Blackburn told the judge she believed Trujillo was handling Dominguez’s prosecution, prompting the line prosecutor, Jeffrey Herring, to say, “It’s news to me that I’m not the attorney of record on this case.”
Blackburn emailed Trujillo a week after the hearing. She acknowledged Dominguez’s case was “serious and complicated,” but given his lack of criminal record and other “defensible issues,” she wanted to “explore the possibility of disposition,” according to correspondence reviewed by The Times. Trujillo told her to make the request with “the appropriate Head Deputy from our office.”
That supervisor, Head Deputy Dist. Atty. Larry Droeger, appeared in court Monday and told Arnold there was no offer on the table. Had Trujillo extended one, Droeger told the court, he did so outside the office’s policy of following a chain of command in cutting deals with defendants, a policy he said was important to guard against “improper influence or bias” or the perception of it.
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Droeger, who oversees gang homicide prosecutions, said he had not been contacted by Dominguez’s lawyers about a potential offer and didn’t know of any deal that may have been extended outside his unit’s chain of command. “Whatever it was, it was not a valid offer in this case,” he said.
The judge seemed relieved.
“It’s a good thing,” Arnold said, “because there’s no way I could look myself in the mirror and live with an offer, a plea bargain, of seven years in this case.”
Though such a deal appears to no longer be in play, a member of Gascón’s executive staff extending what an attorney for Rojo’s family called “a sweetheart deal” to a murder defendant raises questions about the new administration’s willingness to bypass line prosecutors to intervene in individual cases — particularly the case of a defendant who had been represented by one of Gascón’s campaign allies. Blacknell was Dominguez’s attorney of record as recently as Oct. 10, court records show.
The episode underscores the tensions in a district attorney’s office that has seen unprecedented change since Gascón’s swearing-in three weeks ago. His decision to forgo sentencing enhancements and gang allegations drew support from the progressive base that propelled him to office but incensed some rank-and-file prosecutors whose views of their roles in the criminal justice system are fundamentally at odds with those of their new boss.
Max Szabo, a spokesman for Gascón’s transition team, said: “There is no offer in this case, and there has been no plea agreement.” Trujillo, Blacknell and Blackburn did not return messages seeking comment.
The prospect of a seven-year offer contrasts with a probation officer’s recommendation, made in a report filed with the court in 2019, that Dominguez deserved “nothing less than a long-term state prison commitment.” The probation officer described Dominguez as “a serious threat to innocent citizens” who has shown “absolutely no regard for human life,” the report says.
In Dominguez’s defense, Blackburn argued in court that he had no prior criminal history and was just 19 years old at the time of Rojo’s death.
Dominguez confessed to driving the car used in the shooting, according to testimony from a preliminary hearing. While not accused of firing the shots that killed Rojo, Dominguez was charged with his murder and the attempted murders of his five friends under a legal doctrine that holds that people who take an active role in a killing can be guilty of murder even if they do not pull the trigger or inflict the fatal wound themselves. This concept has been criticized by advocates of criminal justice reform.
Samuel Dordulian, a private attorney representing Rojo’s family, had asked the judge to take the case from the district attorney’s office and hand it to the California attorney general’s office. In arguing for why county prosecutors should be recused, Dordulian, a former deputy district attorney, said Trujillo had made a “backdoor offer” to Blacknell, whose proximity to Gascón’s administration amounted to a “clear conflict of interest.”
“She has direct access to George Gascón,” he said “She has direct contact with Mario Trujillo.”
Arnold declined his request for recusal.
The parties had returned to Arnold’s courtroom on Monday, two weeks after Dominguez’s attorney first disclosed the seven-year offer — only this time, neither Blackburn nor Blacknell, the lawyers previously representing Dominguez, were in court. Another deputy public defender, Jimmy Chu, told the judge he’d been asked to stand in. Neither Blackburn nor Blacknell would be representing Dominguez, who at the moment had no trial lawyer, Chu told the court.
Arnold expressed disappointment that Trujillo, Blackburn and Blacknell had not shown up.
“I was hoping [Trujillo] would be here today,” he said. “I’d really like to know what he based that offer on.”
Herring, the deputy district attorney assigned to Dominguez’s prosecution, told the judge that Trujillo had not contacted him about the case or asked to see the police reports that support the charges.
Dominguez was arrested two years after Rojo was killed. After his arrest, Dominguez admitted driving the car used in the shooting and acknowledged belonging to 18th Street’s 54 Tiny Locos set in South L.A., Refugio Garza, a detective with the Los Angeles Police Department, testified during a preliminary hearing last year.
Dominguez’s affiliation with 18th Street, one of the city’s largest gangs, dates to his time in high school, Garza said he was told. Black gang members had been beating up Dominguez until 18th Street gang members stepped in. “As a favor,” he explained to the detective.
The night Rojo was killed, an 18th Street gang member called Dominguez and said “it was time to repay a favor,” according to Garza.
Dominguez told the detective he agreed to drive some 18th Street gang members to seek revenge for an associate who’d been shot in the leg a day earlier. They blamed a rival gang, Playboys. At the time, Garza and another detective testified, Playboys were encroaching on 18th Street territory in the South L.A. neighborhood where Rojo’s family lived. Alleyways and walls were covered with the gangs’ dueling, crossed-out graffiti.
Dominguez drove to Playboys territory with an 18th Street member nicknamed “Psycho,” who was carrying a gun. They spotted a group gathered outside a house; the way the men were dressed — one person was wearing a hat — they thought they might be gang-affiliated, Garza testified.
Rojo’s friends testified that they had gathered outside his parents’ home, as they did every Friday night after getting off work, to split a cooler of beer.
Dominguez told the detective he circled the block and pulled to a stop in front of the group. “Psycho,” he said, stuck his head out of the car and called out: “Where you from?”
Rojo and his friends weren’t gang members. “We were just quiet, stunned,” one testified.
“Psycho” asked the question again, then opened fire, Dominguez said, according to Garza. Rojo was shot in the back and collapsed. One of his friends was shot in the leg. The others took cover behind cars or ran.
After the shooting, Dominguez told the detective, four gang members jumped him into 18th Street. He now has a tattoo of an “18” that extends from his shoulders to his lower back, according to Garza. He said Dominguez told him, “I have my barrio on my back.”


latimes--2020-12-30--COVID-19 'super-spreader' event feared in L.A. as Christian singer defies health order for concerts

A conservative evangelical Christian singer with a history of defying COVID-19 health mandates plans three days of New Year ’ s gatherings in the Los Angeles area , including stops on skid row and at a tent city in Echo Park , raising fears that the events will be viral “ super-spreaders.
” Skid row activists plan a car blockade to stop Sean Feucht — a Redding , Calif. , volunteer pastor and failed Republican congressional candidate — and his followers from staging what is billed as a “ massive outreach ” Wednesday evening on skid row , at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic crisis .
Feucht ’ s plans come as California , facing record case counts and a severe shortage of intensive care hospital beds , has extended its stay-at-home order .
Feucht began hosting “ Let Us Worship ” open-air concerts nationwide to push back against government restrictions on religious gatherings , then broadened his focus to cities that erupted in protest after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis .
Feucht ’ s events have featured hundreds of maskless worshipers tightly packed together and singing and dancing .
He has another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lake , site of nearly 100 homeless tents , followed by a New Year ’ s Eve party and concert at a church parking lot in Valencia .
In a YouTube video —part of an extensive social media campaign to promote the L.A. dates — Feucht said a couple of thousand glow sticks had been ordered for a bash he predicted could rival his worship service this year on the National Mall , which drew hundreds of people .
Charles Karuku , a Feucht associate who travels with the singer , said they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ but we are not law enforcement .
It ’ s up to the people how they choose to come.
” But Stephen “ Cue ” Jn-Marie , pastor of Church Without Walls , a skid row congregation , said , “ We know based on his track record whatever he ’ s going to do is going to be maskless.
” Jn-Marie is organizing the car blockade with Los Angeles Community Action Network , a skid row anti-poverty activist group .
“ The problem we ’ re facing is even prior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the community and say they ’ re bringing resources but what they ’ re bringing is the disease , ” said Jn-Marie , adding that the outreach event could undo the self-help measures the skid row community took , including distributing masks and street wash stations and sponsoring testing events .
“ It doesn ’ t take thousands to start an outbreak.
” The homeless population in Los Angeles has generally avoided serious COVID outbreaks throughout most of the pandemic , although it has seen a significant uptick in recent weeks , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infections nationwide .
The California Poor People ’ s Campaign wrote a letter calling for city and county officials to quash Feucht ’ s events .
The campaign offered a legal justification for enforcement of county health orders , but Los Angeles has not generally used police powers on individuals to back up pandemic restrictions , and homeless outreach events do not require permits .
“ Police know how to show up and issue orders to disperse an illegal gathering , ” said Nell Myhand , co-chair of the California Poor People ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the enforcement question , mayoral spokesman Alex Comisar said Mayor Eric Garcetti implored everyone to wear masks and practice social distancing .
L.A. Councilman Kevin de León , who represents skid row , said his office and the mayor ’ s staff will be on skid row Wednesday morning distributing personal protective equipment and sanitation kits to homeless people , but did not comment on possible enforcement of county COVID-19 health orders .
“ Our expectation is that those attending the scheduled outreach event take steps to care for our community and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wearing masks and honoring social distancing guidelines , ” de Leon said in a statement .
Feucht has upcoming events scheduled in Orange County and San Diego , according to his website .
Tom Grode , a skid row resident and activist who began petitioning the city a month ago to stop the skid row event , called Feucht ’ s plan to come to Los Angeles “ incredibly foolish ... divisive and dangerous.
” “ The problem is any of these events could get weird in different ways , ” Grode said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ following Feucht ’ s career online with dismay , spent two hours Tuesday calling the Los Angeles Police Department , the mayor ’ s office , county health officials and the state attorney general , asking if they were going to shut the New Year ’ s events down .
She said she was bounced from office to office without receiving an answer .
” If not , why is California issuing lockdowns or stay-at-home orders ?
” Callahan asked .

A conservative evangelical Christian singer with a history of defying COVID-19 health mandates plans three days of New Year’s gatherings in the Los Angeles area, including stops on skid row and at a tent city in Echo Park, raising fears that the events will be viral “super-spreaders.”
Skid row activists plan a car blockade to stop Sean Feucht — a Redding, Calif., volunteer pastor and failed Republican congressional candidate — and his followers from staging what is billed as a “massive outreach” Wednesday evening on skid row, at the height of Los Angeles County’s pandemic crisis. Feucht’s plans come as California, facing record case counts and a severe shortage of intensive care hospital beds, has extended its stay-at-home order.
Feucht began hosting “Let Us Worship” open-air concerts nationwide to push back against government restrictions on religious gatherings, then broadened his focus to cities that erupted in protest after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis.
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Feucht’s events have featured hundreds of maskless worshipers tightly packed together and singing and dancing. He has another homeless outreach planned Thursday at Echo Park Lake, site of nearly 100 homeless tents, followed by a New Year’s Eve party and concert at a church parking lot in Valencia.
In a YouTube video —part of an extensive social media campaign to promote the L.A. dates — Feucht said a couple of thousand glow sticks had been ordered for a bash he predicted could rival his worship service this year on the National Mall, which drew hundreds of people.
Charles Karuku, a Feucht associate who travels with the singer, said they tell followers to heed government health guidelines, “but we are not law enforcement. It’s up to the people how they choose to come.”
But Stephen “Cue” Jn-Marie, pastor of Church Without Walls, a skid row congregation, said, “We know based on his track record whatever he’s going to do is going to be maskless.” Jn-Marie is organizing the car blockade with Los Angeles Community Action Network, a skid row anti-poverty activist group.
“The problem we’re facing is even prior to the stay-at-home order, people come into the community and say they’re bringing resources but what they’re bringing is the disease,” said Jn-Marie, adding that the outreach event could undo the self-help measures the skid row community took, including distributing masks and street wash stations and sponsoring testing events. “It doesn’t take thousands to start an outbreak.”
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The homeless population in Los Angeles has generally avoided serious COVID outbreaks throughout most of the pandemic, although it has seen a significant uptick in recent weeks, in keeping with the wider surge in infections nationwide.
The California Poor People’s Campaign wrote a letter calling for city and county officials to quash Feucht’s events. The campaign offered a legal justification for enforcement of county health orders, but Los Angeles has not generally used police powers on individuals to back up pandemic restrictions, and homeless outreach events do not require permits.
“Police know how to show up and issue orders to disperse an illegal gathering,” said Nell Myhand, co-chair of the California Poor People’s Campaign.
Asked for a response to the enforcement question, mayoral spokesman Alex Comisar said Mayor Eric Garcetti implored everyone to wear masks and practice social distancing.
L.A. Councilman Kevin de León, who represents skid row, said his office and the mayor’s staff will be on skid row Wednesday morning distributing personal protective equipment and sanitation kits to homeless people, but did not comment on possible enforcement of county COVID-19 health orders.
“Our expectation is that those attending the scheduled outreach event take steps to care for our community and protect vulnerable Angelenos on skid row by wearing masks and honoring social distancing guidelines,” de Leon said in a statement.
Feucht has upcoming events scheduled in Orange County and San Diego, according to his website. Tom Grode, a skid row resident and activist who began petitioning the city a month ago to stop the skid row event , called Feucht’s plan to come to Los Angeles “incredibly foolish ... divisive and dangerous.”
“The problem is any of these events could get weird in different ways,” Grode said.
Cathy Callahan, who has been following Feucht’s career online with dismay, spent two hours Tuesday calling the Los Angeles Police Department, the mayor’s office, county health officials and the state attorney general, asking if they were going to shut the New Year’s events down. She said she was bounced from office to office without receiving an answer.
”If not, why is California issuing lockdowns or stay-at-home orders?” Callahan asked.