latimes--2020-06-22--Calls to defund the police spread to L.A.'s transit system

As calls to defund police have grown into a chorus in the wake of the George Floyd protests , some Los Angeles County activists are turning their attention to the sprawling transit system .
The cost to police the Metropolitan Transportation Authority ’ s 1,433-mile service area , including 93 rail stations and nearly 14,000 bus stops , is nearly $ 650 million over five years .
Activists and community groups argue that , on a system where violent crime is relatively low , the money could be better spent : on free fares , on better and more frequent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ When we ask for these improvements , Metro says money is tight , ” said Oscar Zarate , an organizer with the community advocacy group SAJE .
“ We say , ‘ Well , if the budget is tight , we know where you can look.
’ ” Since 2017 , Metro has split policing duties between the Los Angeles Police Department , which patrols buses , trains and stations in the city of L.A. ; the Long Beach police , who work at eight Blue Line stations ; and the L.A. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ patrols the rest of the system .
The contracts expire in 2022 .
Metro ’ s directors will consider this week whether to move toward a “ community-based approach ” to policing , including no longer sending sworn officers to respond to nonviolent crimes .
Los Angeles City Councilman and Metro Director Mike Bonin , who introduced the motion , said Thursday that he hears routinely “ from young people , particularly young people of color , that they feel that they are treated differently on the system.
” Directors will also consider @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and to make recommendations on further reform , including spending more on homeless outreach .
The policy would be a first step toward rethinking policing , said Metro Director and county Supervisor Janice Hahn , who introduced the motion .
But , she said , Metro will “ probably always have a layer of law enforcement or police that may be armed.
” The push for police reform at Metro comes as other transit agencies in the U.S. have made changes to their policing practices .
Transit officials in Portland , Ore. , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million .
Boston ’ s transit police department banned the use of choke holds .
And in Washington , D.C. , officials have said they are developing a plan to address systemic racism on the subway , including longstanding complaints that officers checking fares target Black teenagers .
In L.A. , police officers patrol the system , work with homeless outreach teams , and help security guards perform fare checks , Metro spokesman Dave Sotero said .
Were Metro to make cuts in the future and “ remove these elements , we do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide these services , ” he said in an email .
Metro ’ s policing contracts pay for 11 LAPD officers , ` 11 sheriff ’ s deputies and three Long Beach officers who do homeless outreach , Sotero said .
That work represents $ 18.4 million of the $ 645.7-million cost .
Metro also spends about $ 5 million annually for eight teams of social workers who help assist homeless riders .
Over a 10-month period ending April 30 , they helped 1,645 people find temporary housing , and 250 people move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A thoughtful rethinking of Metro ’ s police deployment could free up money for a “ tremendous increase ” in homeless outreach workers , to address the most pressing issue on the system , said Bart Reed , the executive director of the Transit Coalition .
The biggest threat to bus riders is rarely a robbery or a shooting , he said , but someone with a mental illness who is yelling , harassing or attacking the bus driver , other passengers or themselves .
The best way to help that person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he said .
“ The whole city is becoming unglued , and we aren ’ t really reacting to help address the worst of the problems , ” Reed said .
“ With all that going on , do we need three or four cops standing in a group at the 7th Street Metro station ?
” How Metro would address violent crimes such as rape , robbery and assault without a police force is still being discussed , activists said .
But , Zarate said , “ we can not let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety can look like.
” Metro ’ s decision to hire multiple police agencies followed a blistering audit in 2014 which found that assaults , robberies and other violent crimes had soared while the sheriff ’ s department had sole oversight of the transit system .
Assaults on bus drivers and complaints of sexual harassment were surging , while ridership plummeted .
In a survey in 2016 , 29 % of former riders said they left Metro because they felt unsafe or uncomfortable .
“ We ’ ve heard from our transit riders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expect improved safety and security on our system , ” Sotero said in an email .
The new policing contracts nearly doubled the number of armed officers .
Metro also spent more than $ 100 million on private security guards .
That approach has led to a nearly 23 % decline in reported violent crime between 2015 and 2019 , Sotero said .
Metro also shifted fare-checking duties from police officers to Metro guards who issue $ 75 administrative citations , not misdemeanor charges .
Seeing police officers and fare checkers on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to me , ” said Leticia Andrade , a Metro rider who lives in Boyle Heights .
Fare checkers can single out and harass young Latino and Black riders , she said , and seeing their weapons makes her nervous .
Thurmon Green , 29 , a bus rider in Mid-City , said he has seen passengers tense up when an LAPD officer boards .
If police have to play a role on transit , he said , “ it should be a very , very small one — minuscule.
” “ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the space , ” Green said .
“ It does not make people feel safer .
”

As calls to defund police have grown into a chorus in the wake of the George Floyd protests, some Los Angeles County activists are turning their attention to the sprawling transit system.
The cost to police the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s 1,433-mile service area, including 93 rail stations and nearly 14,000 bus stops, is nearly $650 million over five years.
Activists and community groups argue that, on a system where violent crime is relatively low, the money could be better spent: on free fares, on better and more frequent service, on homeless outreach workers.
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“When we ask for these improvements, Metro says money is tight,” said Oscar Zarate, an organizer with the community advocacy group SAJE. “We say, ‘Well, if the budget is tight, we know where you can look.’”
Since 2017, Metro has split policing duties between the Los Angeles Police Department, which patrols buses, trains and stations in the city of L.A.; the Long Beach police, who work at eight Blue Line stations; and the L.A. County Sheriff’s Department, which patrols the rest of the system. The contracts expire in 2022.
Metro’s directors will consider this week whether to move toward a “community-based approach” to policing, including no longer sending sworn officers to respond to nonviolent crimes.
Los Angeles City Councilman and Metro Director Mike Bonin, who introduced the motion, said Thursday that he hears routinely “from young people, particularly young people of color, that they feel that they are treated differently on the system.”
Directors will also consider asking Metro officials to evaluate use-of-force policies and to make recommendations on further reform, including spending more on homeless outreach.
The policy would be a first step toward rethinking policing, said Metro Director and county Supervisor Janice Hahn, who introduced the motion. But, she said, Metro will “probably always have a layer of law enforcement or police that may be armed.”
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The push for police reform at Metro comes as other transit agencies in the U.S. have made changes to their policing practices.
Transit officials in Portland, Ore., trimmed the policing budget by $1.8 million. Boston’s transit police department banned the use of choke holds. And in Washington, D.C., officials have said they are developing a plan to address systemic racism on the subway, including longstanding complaints that officers checking fares target Black teenagers.
In L.A., police officers patrol the system, work with homeless outreach teams, and help security guards perform fare checks, Metro spokesman Dave Sotero said. Were Metro to make cuts in the future and “remove these elements, we do not see where we could continue to provide these services,” he said in an email.
Metro’s policing contracts pay for 11 LAPD officers, `11 sheriff’s deputies and three Long Beach officers who do homeless outreach, Sotero said. That work represents $18.4 million of the $645.7-million cost.
Metro also spends about $5 million annually for eight teams of social workers who help assist homeless riders. Over a 10-month period ending April 30, they helped 1,645 people find temporary housing, and 250 people move in to permanent housing, Metro said.
A thoughtful rethinking of Metro’s police deployment could free up money for a “tremendous increase” in homeless outreach workers, to address the most pressing issue on the system, said Bart Reed, the executive director of the Transit Coalition.
The biggest threat to bus riders is rarely a robbery or a shooting, he said, but someone with a mental illness who is yelling, harassing or attacking the bus driver, other passengers or themselves. The best way to help that person is not by putting them in handcuffs, he said.
“The whole city is becoming unglued, and we aren’t really reacting to help address the worst of the problems,” Reed said. “With all that going on, do we need three or four cops standing in a group at the 7th Street Metro station?”
How Metro would address violent crimes such as rape, robbery and assault without a police force is still being discussed, activists said. But, Zarate said, “we cannot let those things stifle our imaginations around what safety can look like.”
Metro’s decision to hire multiple police agencies followed a blistering audit in 2014 which found that assaults, robberies and other violent crimes had soared while the sheriff’s department had sole oversight of the transit system.
Assaults on bus drivers and complaints of sexual harassment were surging, while ridership plummeted. In a survey in 2016, 29% of former riders said they left Metro because they felt unsafe or uncomfortable.
“We’ve heard from our transit riders loud and clear that they want and expect improved safety and security on our system,” Sotero said in an email.
The new policing contracts nearly doubled the number of armed officers. Metro also spent more than $100 million on private security guards. That approach has led to a nearly 23% decline in reported violent crime between 2015 and 2019, Sotero said.
Metro also shifted fare-checking duties from police officers to Metro guards who issue $75 administrative citations, not misdemeanor charges.
Seeing police officers and fare checkers on the Gold Line “does not imply safety to me,” said Leticia Andrade, a Metro rider who lives in Boyle Heights. Fare checkers can single out and harass young Latino and Black riders, she said, and seeing their weapons makes her nervous.
Thurmon Green, 29, a bus rider in Mid-City, said he has seen passengers tense up when an LAPD officer boards. If police have to play a role on transit, he said, “it should be a very, very small one — minuscule.”
“The presence of a gun, it transforms the space,” Green said. “It does not make people feel safer.”


latimes--2020-06-22--Police unions see their clout crater amid protests, but for how long?

For decades , law enforcement unions in California have held powerful sway over local and state politicians , wielding the cash and clout to punish those who crossed them and to reward those who didn ’ t .
Their often pugnacious style of politics was on display in Los Angeles recently , when officers , including a union board member , berated Councilwoman Monica Rodriguez over proposals to redirect some law enforcement funding and threatened to take their anger to the ballot box .
In San Francisco , a union leader suggested that city bus drivers , who rely on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lose our number ” after the transportation agency said it would no longer carry officers to protests against police brutality .
But in a reversal that largely began in 2018 with the death of a Black man , Stephon Clark , at the hands of Sacramento police and came to a peak in May with the killing of George Floyd in Minnesota , the power of California ’ s police unions has been severely diminished .
Even once-staunch allies are distancing themselves at a time when the future of the profession is being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the state Legislature .
“ The consensus feeling is there has been an abandonment by the majority of our elected officials , and a lot of the community members who supported us are being silent right now , ” said Brian Marvel , president of the Peace Officers Research Assn .
of California , which lobbies for officers at the Capitol .
“ They are saying we are toxic and no one wants to talk to us.
” It is a shift that many say is long overdue and vital to restoring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of power over law enforcement , but it has left union leaders fearing they will be left out of conversations about their own future .
For politicians intent on criminal justice reform , it ’ s a window of opportunity to move forward on changes that only a few months ago would have been unimaginable .
“ The mood has changed , ” said state Assemblyman Kevin McCarty ( D-Sacramento ) , who has two police reform measures gaining traction this year after previous defeats — including one that would increase the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of in-custody deaths .
“ Even law enforcement knows they need to get out of their comfort zone and push some reforms.
” The large sums of campaign money police unions contribute also is under increasing scrutiny .
Some elected officials are pushing for a ban on contributions from law enforcement in certain races , or for returning contributions that previously were made .
Removing the financial power of police , especially from local elections , would increase community trust , they say .
Tori Verber Salazar , the Republican district attorney for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and former Democratic district attorneys in calling on the State Bar of California to prohibit those seeking public prosecutor roles from taking political or financial support from law enforcement unions , because they determine if officers are charged after deadly force is used .
Another district attorney making the plea , San Francisco ’ s Chesa Boudin , faced more than $ 600,000 in spending against his campaign from law enforcement unions that fear his liberal policies , including promises for more police accountability in use-of-force cases .
Verber Salazar said when she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first thing everyone told me is you have to get law enforcement ’ s endorsement , and so I did.
” But after winning , she said , she slowly realized “ this is at a minimum a perceived conflict and probably a true conflict.
” Verber Salazar , who is trying a felony manslaughter case against a Stanislaus County sheriff ’ s deputy who shot a bipolar woman in her car after a slow-speed chase , said prosecutors already face pressures — and often anger — when investigating local law enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and sheriffs .
Taking money adds an unnecessary burden to that relationship , she said , but charging officers must be on the table when circumstances demand it .
While the idea of holding officers accountable for misconduct is simple , the reality has not been .
For years , union contracts for officers and deputy sheriffs have solidified arbitration rules and hurdles that can stymie disciplinary action .
Police unions “ are different from other labor organizations , ” said state Sen. Holly Mitchell ( D-Los Angeles ) , who has sparred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice legislation .
“ Their work to protect their interests is sometimes counter to [ that of ] the general public.
” Fights over problematic officers are often key battlegrounds .
When reformers lose those battles , it sends a signal that rank-and-file officers are not accountable .
“ Culture will eat policy for lunch every day , ” said Rick Braziel , a former Sacramento police chief who serves on the state ’ s training commission for law enforcement .
For pro-reform chiefs and local governments , the inability to remove or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fight is a formidable roadblock .
Marvel , the head of the state lobbying organization , sees it as a necessary check .
“ We don ’ t protect bad cops ; we protect due process rights , ” he said .
Chris Magnus , the former police chief in Richmond and current chief in Tucson , said that as a reform-minded leader , he has found the contract rules make it “ ridiculously hard ” to discipline officers .
But ultimately , he said , unions “ only have as much power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them.
” The clout of police unions in California began to crack at the state Capitol two years ago , as civil unrest surrounding the death of Clark — shot by police who mistook his cell phone for a gun — tapped into a collective outrage over years of killings of Black men by police .
Spurned reform ideas from past legislative sessions gained acceptance from lawmakers as hallways crowded with impassioned activists .
Two bills came to the forefront and eventually were enacted , despite law enforcement opposition to their original versions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ updated the state ’ s rules for when deadly force can be used .
Police ultimately did not oppose that measure after its language was softened .
The second measure , Senate Bill 1421 , which opened a small slice of police misconduct records to the public , was a different matter , with law enforcement vehemently fighting it .
As pressure for reforms has grown to include current ideas like defunding police , union leaders — many of whom say they are not against improving policies — are seeking to reposition themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once dominated .
Braziel said he sees a split within California ’ s police unions between those who are taking a more progressive , business-oriented view of the current crisis and those stuck in old ways .
He sees some unions using the moment to embrace ridding the ranks of troublesome officers .
“ The progressive ones are basically saying it ’ s a business , and we don ’ t want bad cops in the business , ” Braziel said .
Last week , unions representing officers in Los Angeles , San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ newspaper ads , including in The Times , to call for reforms .
One would require the completion of all internal affairs investigations , even if an officer resigns — a move that could allow for better tracking of problem personnel who move from department to department .
Union leaders also point out that the current idea of having someone besides an officer respond to calls such as mental health checks is one for which they have advocated , with little success .
“ I have been pushing that for 10-plus years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a spokesman for the Los Angeles Police Protective League and other police unions , said that instituting quick reform without police input could have unintended consequences .
He pointed to areas like domestic violence , where some reform activists have suggested that an armed police response is unnecessary .
Saggau and other experts said those calls are some of the most unpredictable and volatile .
“ So , you are going to send someone with a clipboard and a white coat to say , ‘ Hey , I ’ m here to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ That is a recipe for disaster.
” Some union leaders have signaled that much of their pushback in the near future likely will revolve around protecting jobs , a reality that appeals to politicians who fear that fewer cops will mean more crime .
Few significant police reform measures have been introduced in the Legislature so far this year , in part because of the havoc caused by the COVID-19 pandemic .
Jack Glaser , a public policy professor at UC Berkeley , said he believes local government is “ where the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the L.A. councilwoman , said she has not spoken with the union since being lambasted by officers .
But she believes reform will require everyone being at the table .
“ If I didn ’ t want people to yell at me , ” she said , “ I sure as hell wouldn ’ t have taken a career in politics .
”

In a Black Lives Matter memorial, photographs of Black people killed by police are set up on the front lawn of the Universalist Unitarian Church of Riverside.
For decades, law enforcement unions in California have held powerful sway over local and state politicians, wielding the cash and clout to punish those who crossed them and to reward those who didn’t.
Their often pugnacious style of politics was on display in Los Angeles recently, when officers, including a union board member, berated Councilwoman Monica Rodriguez over proposals to redirect some law enforcement funding and threatened to take their anger to the ballot box.
In San Francisco, a union leader suggested that city bus drivers, who rely on police when safety issues arise, “lose our number” after the transportation agency said it would no longer carry officers to protests against police brutality.
Advertisement
But in a reversal that largely began in 2018 with the death of a Black man, Stephon Clark, at the hands of Sacramento police and came to a peak in May with the killing of George Floyd in Minnesota, the power of California’s police unions has been severely diminished.
Even once-staunch allies are distancing themselves at a time when the future of the profession is being reimagined by city councils, supervisor boards and the state Legislature.
“The consensus feeling is there has been an abandonment by the majority of our elected officials, and a lot of the community members who supported us are being silent right now,” said Brian Marvel, president of the Peace Officers Research Assn. of California, which lobbies for officers at the Capitol. “They are saying we are toxic and no one wants to talk to us.”
It is a shift that many say is long overdue and vital to restoring trust in public officials with varying degrees of power over law enforcement, but it has left union leaders fearing they will be left out of conversations about their own future.
For politicians intent on criminal justice reform, it’s a window of opportunity to move forward on changes that only a few months ago would have been unimaginable.
“The mood has changed,” said state Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), who has two police reform measures gaining traction this year after previous defeats — including one that would increase the state attorney general’s involvement in investigations of in-custody deaths. “Even law enforcement knows they need to get out of their comfort zone and push some reforms.”
The large sums of campaign money police unions contribute also is under increasing scrutiny.
Some elected officials are pushing for a ban on contributions from law enforcement in certain races, or for returning contributions that previously were made. Removing the financial power of police, especially from local elections, would increase community trust, they say.
Tori Verber Salazar, the Republican district attorney for San Joaquin County, recently joined current and former Democratic district attorneys in calling on the State Bar of California to prohibit those seeking public prosecutor roles from taking political or financial support from law enforcement unions, because they determine if officers are charged after deadly force is used.
Advertisement
Another district attorney making the plea, San Francisco’s Chesa Boudin, faced more than $600,000 in spending against his campaign from law enforcement unions that fear his liberal policies, including promises for more police accountability in use-of-force cases.
Verber Salazar said when she ran for office in 2014, “the first thing everyone told me is you have to get law enforcement’s endorsement, and so I did.”
But after winning, she said, she slowly realized “this is at a minimum a perceived conflict and probably a true conflict.”
Verber Salazar, who is trying a felony manslaughter case against a Stanislaus County sheriff’s deputy who shot a bipolar woman in her car after a slow-speed chase, said prosecutors already face pressures — and often anger — when investigating local law enforcement conduct because they work closely with police and sheriffs.
Taking money adds an unnecessary burden to that relationship, she said, but charging officers must be on the table when circumstances demand it.
While the idea of holding officers accountable for misconduct is simple, the reality has not been. For years, union contracts for officers and deputy sheriffs have solidified arbitration rules and hurdles that can stymie disciplinary action.
Police unions “are different from other labor organizations,” said state Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles), who has sparred with police unions many times over criminal justice legislation. “Their work to protect their interests is sometimes counter to [that of] the general public.”
Fights over problematic officers are often key battlegrounds. When reformers lose those battles, it sends a signal that rank-and-file officers are not accountable.
“Culture will eat policy for lunch every day,” said Rick Braziel, a former Sacramento police chief who serves on the state’s training commission for law enforcement.
For pro-reform chiefs and local governments, the inability to remove or punish officers without a protracted and unpredictable fight is a formidable roadblock.
Marvel, the head of the state lobbying organization, sees it as a necessary check. “We don’t protect bad cops; we protect due process rights,” he said.
Chris Magnus, the former police chief in Richmond and current chief in Tucson, said that as a reform-minded leader, he has found the contract rules make it “ridiculously hard” to discipline officers.
But ultimately, he said, unions “only have as much power as elected leaders at various bodies give them.”
The clout of police unions in California began to crack at the state Capitol two years ago, as civil unrest surrounding the death of Clark — shot by police who mistook his cell phone for a gun — tapped into a collective outrage over years of killings of Black men by police. Spurned reform ideas from past legislative sessions gained acceptance from lawmakers as hallways crowded with impassioned activists.
Politics Why California’s proposed law on deadly police force isn’t as tough as it seems In the aftermath of several controversial police shootings in California, activists and victims’ families have hoped their anguish would lead to action.
Two bills came to the forefront and eventually were enacted, despite law enforcement opposition to their original versions.
One, Assembly Bill 392, updated the state’s rules for when deadly force can be used. Police ultimately did not oppose that measure after its language was softened. The second measure, Senate Bill 1421, which opened a small slice of police misconduct records to the public, was a different matter, with law enforcement vehemently fighting it.
As pressure for reforms has grown to include current ideas like defunding police, union leaders — many of whom say they are not against improving policies — are seeking to reposition themselves for a seat at a table they once dominated.
Braziel said he sees a split within California’s police unions between those who are taking a more progressive, business-oriented view of the current crisis and those stuck in old ways. He sees some unions using the moment to embrace ridding the ranks of troublesome officers.
“The progressive ones are basically saying it’s a business, and we don’t want bad cops in the business,” Braziel said.
Last week, unions representing officers in Los Angeles, San Jose and San Francisco took out full-page newspaper ads, including in The Times, to call for reforms. One would require the completion of all internal affairs investigations, even if an officer resigns — a move that could allow for better tracking of problem personnel who move from department to department.
Union leaders also point out that the current idea of having someone besides an officer respond to calls such as mental health checks is one for which they have advocated, with little success.
“I have been pushing that for 10-plus years,” Marvel said.
But Tom Saggau, a spokesman for the Los Angeles Police Protective League and other police unions, said that instituting quick reform without police input could have unintended consequences. He pointed to areas like domestic violence, where some reform activists have suggested that an armed police response is unnecessary. Saggau and other experts said those calls are some of the most unpredictable and volatile.
“So, you are going to send someone with a clipboard and a white coat to say, ‘Hey, I’m here to help?’” he asked. “That is a recipe for disaster.”
Some union leaders have signaled that much of their pushback in the near future likely will revolve around protecting jobs, a reality that appeals to politicians who fear that fewer cops will mean more crime.
Few significant police reform measures have been introduced in the Legislature so far this year, in part because of the havoc caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Jack Glaser, a public policy professor at UC Berkeley, said he believes local government is “where the action is going to be.”
Rodriguez, the L.A. councilwoman, said she has not spoken with the union since being lambasted by officers. But she believes reform will require everyone being at the table.
“If I didn’t want people to yell at me,” she said, “I sure as hell wouldn’t have taken a career in politics.”


latimes--2020-06-22--A change of plans, not of heart: Angelenos say 'I do' in weddings scaled back by coronavirus

It takes enormous effort to arrange a big wedding — to find the perfect spot to say “ I do , ” to settle the guest list , the music , the food .
This spring , countless couples saw that work swept away when the coronavirus nixed gathering in crowds .
QueJonné and David Cross of South L.A. were just a few days away from the sparkly , elegant Sunday evening they ’ d planned when Californians got the March 19 order to stay home .
“ It wasn ’ t just us .
Everyone was losing something , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the middle of her Las Vegas bachelorette party , when they were forced to put off their 350-guest celebration .
Still , she said , they feel blessed to have quietly gotten married before about 20 loved ones in their church on that day — and to have their health and each other .
Russel and Kathleen Sion celebrate those last small wonders daily — especially now , when his work in particular carries great risk .
A respiratory therapist at a downtown hospital , he has treated many coronavirus patients , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care .
He has stood at the heads of their beds as they cough .
A colleague he ’ s close to had to be intubated , but thankfully recovered .
Other patients haven ’ t .
Kathleen is a nurse practitioner at a family medicine clinic , where she ’ s also been in contact with those with COVID-19 .
The couple met in school when they were 8 and dated briefly at 13 .
April was to be their perfect month — with celebrations each Friday .
First their fifth anniversary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hers , then the wedding .
They ’ d planned their vows to focus on becoming a family , for Russel ’ s 10-year-old son Jayden .
The big April 24 wedding had to wait .
But on April 23 , the pair went to the parking lot of the Honda Center for a civil ceremony — via walkie-talkie .
It wasn ’ t the stuff of all their dreams , but their biggest was to be married .
Now they are .
So are Debbie and Jonathan Gryn of Huntington Beach , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ March 27 wedding date .
Postponed : the picture-perfect San Juan Capistrano venue , the Italian buffet , the deejay .
They broke that news to their 130 guests in a photo , writing a tentative late July date on the surgical masks they posed in .
In that moment , said Debbie , “ we felt this weight lifted off our shoulders.
” In the end , so did Martha Suarez Ballesteros , who had been anxious about her April 17 wedding near Puerto Vallarta .
She hates being in the spotlight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get Frank Sanchez to elope .
Then , in late March , their wedding planner called to describe the mass exodus of tourists .
Somehow rescheduling for next April eased Martha ’ s jitters , she said .
“ Now I ’ m excited , whereas before I was nervous.
” Meray and Rafi Halajian got married May 16 — their planned date , at their planned church .
Just 10 relatives could be there out of 500 guests , though they livestreamed the ceremony .
Rafi was looking forward to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parents , in Armenia , couldn ’ t be there .
“ We ’ re waiting for the dust to settle , ” he said , before they replan the big party .
For now , they ’ re simply happy .
On the couch in Rafi ’ s Glendale condo recently , Meray realized , “ I didn ’ t have to go home , I was already home.
” It felt wonderful .

It takes enormous effort to arrange a big wedding — to find the perfect spot to say “I do,” to settle the guest list, the music, the food.
This spring, countless couples saw that work swept away when the coronavirus nixed gathering in crowds.
QueJonné and David Cross of South L.A. were just a few days away from the sparkly, elegant Sunday evening they’d planned when Californians got the March 19 order to stay home.
“It wasn’t just us. Everyone was losing something,” QueJonné said of the moment, in the middle of her Las Vegas bachelorette party, when they were forced to put off their 350-guest celebration.
QueJonné Cross, foreground, and David Cross Jr., background, quietly got married before 20 guests instead of the 350 they had planned for. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
Still, she said, they feel blessed to have quietly gotten married before about 20 loved ones in their church on that day — and to have their health and each other.
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Russel and Kathleen Sion celebrate those last small wonders daily — especially now, when his work in particular carries great risk.
A respiratory therapist at a downtown hospital, he has treated many coronavirus patients, helping to intubate them and manage their care. He has stood at the heads of their beds as they cough. A colleague he’s close to had to be intubated, but thankfully recovered. Other patients haven’t.
Kathleen is a nurse practitioner at a family medicine clinic, where she’s also been in contact with those with COVID-19.
The couple met in school when they were 8 and dated briefly at 13.
April was to be their perfect month — with celebrations each Friday. First their fifth anniversary, then his 29th birthday, then hers, then the wedding. They’d planned their vows to focus on becoming a family, for Russel’s 10-year-old son Jayden.
The big April 24 wedding had to wait. But on April 23, the pair went to the parking lot of the Honda Center for a civil ceremony — via walkie-talkie.
It wasn’t the stuff of all their dreams, but their biggest was to be married. Now they are.
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Jonathan Gryn and Debbie Rey signed their wedding license, but postponed festivities planned for guests in San Juan Capistrano. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
So are Debbie and Jonathan Gryn of Huntington Beach, who signed their marriage license on their March 27 wedding date. Postponed: the picture-perfect San Juan Capistrano venue, the Italian buffet, the deejay.
They broke that news to their 130 guests in a photo, writing a tentative late July date on the surgical masks they posed in. In that moment, said Debbie, “we felt this weight lifted off our shoulders.”
In the end, so did Martha Suarez Ballesteros, who had been anxious about her April 17 wedding near Puerto Vallarta. She hates being in the spotlight, she said, and had tried to get Frank Sanchez to elope.
Then, in late March, their wedding planner called to describe the mass exodus of tourists.
Martha Suarez Ballesteros is excited about her wedding near Puerto Vallarta, Mexico, tentatively rescheduled for next April. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
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Somehow rescheduling for next April eased Martha’s jitters, she said. “Now I’m excited, whereas before I was nervous.”
Meray and Rafi Halajian got married May 16 — their planned date, at their planned church. Just 10 relatives could be there out of 500 guests, though they livestreamed the ceremony.
Rafi was looking forward to the reunion of 28 first cousins. His parents, in Armenia, couldn’t be there.
“We’re waiting for the dust to settle,” he said, before they replan the big party. For now, they’re simply happy.
On the couch in Rafi’s Glendale condo recently, Meray realized, “I didn’t have to go home, I was already home.” It felt wonderful.


latimes--2020-06-21--Los Angeles County reports 1,784 new coronavirus cases, 11 deaths

Los Angeles County public health officials on Sunday reported 1,784 new cases of the coronavirus and 11 related deaths .
The county now has recorded more than 83,000 cases of the virus and over 3,120 deaths .
The continued rise in new cases came amid the first weekend of more businesses sectors reopening , as bars , card rooms and some personal care services were given the green light to resume operations Friday , provided they take certain precautions .
They include ensuring that customers practice physical distancing and wear face coverings .
“ These are the actions that allow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and these actions will be essential to ensure that we don ’ t overwhelm our healthcare system and see increased numbers of deaths from COVID-19 , ” Barbara Ferrer , the county health director , said Sunday in a statement .
The average number of daily deaths in L.A. County continues to decrease , while average daily hospitalizations have also declined slightly , according to the Department of Public Health dashboard that tracks reopening metrics .
As of Sunday , there were 1,426 confirmed coronavirus patients in county hospitals , with 29 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ventilators .
That was a slight increase from the day before , when there were 1,406 patients .
Nearly 945,000 people had been tested for the virus and received their results , with about 8 % testing positive , officials said .
That rate has remained steady for the past several weeks .
Still , L.A. County continues to report high numbers of new cases each day .
Officials have said that is a result of both stepped-up testing and an increase in community transmission as more establishments reopen , putting more people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County has also seen an increase in new coronavirus cases , reporting its highest one-day total on Saturday and then again on Sunday .

Los Angeles County public health officials on Sunday reported 1,784 new cases of the coronavirus and 11 related deaths.
The county now has recorded more than 83,000 cases of the virus and over 3,120 deaths.
The continued rise in new cases came amid the first weekend of more businesses sectors reopening, as bars, card rooms and some personal care services were given the green light to resume operations Friday, provided they take certain precautions.
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They include ensuring that customers practice physical distancing and wear face coverings.
“These are the actions that allow us to continue our recovery journey, and these actions will be essential to ensure that we don’t overwhelm our healthcare system and see increased numbers of deaths from COVID-19,” Barbara Ferrer, the county health director, said Sunday in a statement.
The average number of daily deaths in L.A. County continues to decrease, while average daily hospitalizations have also declined slightly, according to the Department of Public Health dashboard that tracks reopening metrics.
As of Sunday, there were 1,426 confirmed coronavirus patients in county hospitals, with 29% in intensive care and 21% on ventilators. That was a slight increase from the day before, when there were 1,406 patients.
Nearly 945,000 people had been tested for the virus and received their results, with about 8% testing positive, officials said. That rate has remained steady for the past several weeks.
Still, L.A. County continues to report high numbers of new cases each day. Officials have said that is a result of both stepped-up testing and an increase in community transmission as more establishments reopen, putting more people in contact with one another.
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Orange County has also seen an increase in new coronavirus cases, reporting its highest one-day total on Saturday and then again on Sunday.


latimes--2020-06-21--Mysterious deaths of infants and others raise questions about how early coronavirus hit California

A cluster of mysterious deaths , some involving infants and children , is under scrutiny amid questions of whether the novel coronavirus lurked in California months before it was first detected .
But eight weeks after Gov .
Gavin Newsom declared a statewide hunt for undetected early COVID-19 deaths , the effort remains hobbled by bureaucracy and testing limits .
Among those awaiting answers is Maribeth Cortez , whose adult son , Jeremiah DeLap , died Jan. 7 in Orange County while visiting his parents .
He had been healthy , suffering on a Friday from what he thought was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bed the following Tuesday , drowned by fluid in his lungs .
China didn ’ t announce its first COVID-19 death until four days later .
But by DeLap ’ s Feb. 1 funeral service , frightening stories of a deadly new virus in Wuhan dominated the news .
“ Everybody that knew him when they were talking to me after this all started would say , ‘ Do you think he died from that ?
’ ” Cortez said .
Preserved samples of DeLap ’ s lungs are among tissue from more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on whether to test for COVID-19 .
Orange County has nine of the cases , as does Los Angeles County .
Kern County has identified two respiratory deaths that might suggest COVID-19 , both of young women , one of whom died Dec. 21 .
Interviews and internal documents show medical examiners in Shasta , Sacramento and Santa Clara counties , meanwhile , are scrutinizing the deaths of children and babies , amid growing recognition of COVID-19 infection rates in children who show @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in any of the cases could dramatically rewrite the narrative of COVID-19 in the United States .
Researchers tracking the virus ’ genetic mutations peg its jump from an unknown animal host to humans as occurring in November .
China ’ s first documented illnesses began in early December .
It was well into March before most California coroners and medical examiners began to routinely test decedents who fell under their jurisdiction for COVID-19 , using now-familiar nasal swab tests that must be done within days of death .
Even then , testing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — those who had symptoms of respiratory failure , traveled to China or died without witness .
Checking for missed cases of COVID-19 requires examining preserved tissue , a test available only through the CDC .
It took months for CDC pathologists to realize the virus had already killed people in the United States in early February .
At the time , U.S. health officials believed they could control the spread of the virus by monitoring international travelers and isolating a dozen known infected individuals in California and four other states .
DeLap @ @ @ @ @ @ @ painter in Basalt , Colo. , near the Aspen ski area .
He returned to his inland Riverside County hometown for Christmas , and was at the home of his roommate ’ s parents in nearby Orange County on Jan. 3 when he became sick .
He thought the cause was something he ate the night before .
DeLap believed he was on the mend , even going for a walk Monday , but was worsening again Tuesday morning when he spoke to his mother .
“ He was having trouble breathing and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go to the urgent care , ” Cortez said .
“ He told me he ’ d talk to me later and he went and [ lay ] down.
” He was found dead in bed hours later , his lungs filled with fluid and his body still burning from fever .
The Orange County coroner ruled DeLap ’ s death the result of severe acute lobar pneumonia , one lung so congested it had doubled in weight .
But the coroner did not identify the organism infecting DeLap .
The thought that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cortez as she heard story after story of similar deaths .
DeLap was an organ donor , so four weeks ago Cortez called the organization that received his tissue to ask if they were going to test it for COVID-19 .
Unknown to Cortez , the Orange County coroner harbored similar questions .
DeLap ’ s death is among nine cases from late December to March that the county has asked the California Department of Public Health to consider .
The deceased range in age from 33 to 61 and include an elderly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a young surfer who collapsed .
Initial autopsies attributed their deaths to congested lungs , pneumonia or blood clots .
If the state agency agrees , the cases will be forwarded to the CDC for more review before preserved tissue is tested for COVID-19 .
Los Angeles County ’ s medical examiner has forwarded nine cases for review , but county lawyers blocked the release of details .
Tissue from a 10th Los Angeles death , a 17-year-old boy who died March 18 , was sent two months ago to the CDC for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week positive for two other viruses : streptococcal pneumonia and human metapneumovirus .
After the CDC confirmed a Silicon Valley tech worker ’ s Feb. 6 death as the nation ’ s first known COVID-19 fatality , Newsom called on medical examiners statewide to hunt for missed cases extending back to mid-December .
But the CDC is limiting California — a state of 39 million people — to just eight to 10 cases a week .
The state Health Department has stepped in as a gatekeeper between county morgues and the federal lab @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state agency had forwarded only two cases to the CDC and had 40 other deaths under state review .
Such restrictions did not exist before the COVID-19 pandemic .
They are new to Dr. Deirdre Amaro , the Shasta County sheriff ’ s forensic pathologist who relies on the CDC lab for infectious disease workups when someone dies inexplicably in her rugged , deeply forested Northern California county .
Amaro was jolted this winter by the back-to-back deaths of two children , one an infant , and local accounts of other sick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meeting with county health and hospital officials .
She remembered someone in the room theorizing that it was a “ bad year ” for respiratory syncytial virus , usually referred to as RSV .
It is a common childhood disease that seldom kills .
“ Since I ’ ve been here ... we have never had sequential cases that are pediatric deaths .
I do NOT want to practice forensic pathology in a setting where that is the norm , ” Amaro said .
“ The emotional/psychological toll is too great.
” She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those pediatric deaths to the CDC for testing when the California Health Department set up hurdles .
She has since sought virus testing for another pediatric death and is awaiting a decision on whether the CDC will accept the cases .
Early reports out of China and California suggested COVID-19 had very low infection rates among children .
“ What has emerged now , the experience we ’ ve had on the East Coast and in Europe has been markedly different , ” said Dr. Roberta Lynn DeBiasi , chief of the pediatric @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Washington , D.C. , and a co-author of several studies on COVID-19 and children .
DeBiasi is among researchers who in May began documenting growing numbers of hospitalized children with COVID-19 and symptoms normally associated with an otherwise rare inflammatory illness called Kawasaki disease .
Some had high fever , joint pain and rashes .
Others had abdominal pain .
An alarming number showed organ failure and heart damage , DeBiasi said .
Amid those reports , a California Health Department physician phoned Amaro , who in addition to her own two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infants sent from Shasta County to hospitals in Sacramento .
Dr. Chante Buntin , the state Health Department medical consultant , wrote to Sacramento County ’ s coroner expressing interest in infants and children who died with what might have been “ COVID-like symptoms , Kawasaki-like symptoms in California during the period of December to present.
” Sacramento County ’ s coroner has sent a single case to the CDC for testing but has not provided further details .
California has no confirmed child deaths from COVID-19 .
The CDC in early April @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nationwide , but has since not updated that information .
The federal health agency has , however , alerted pediatricians to watch for signs of what it now calls “ multisystem inflammatory syndrome in children , ” or MIS-C .
The California Department of Public Health did not answer questions about its hunt for child deaths , and gave only limited responses to broader questions about postmortem testing .
The agency did provide an email exchange in which a state epidemiologist offered to intervene on a “ flood of requests ” from California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking COVID-19 testing for both deceased adults and children .
Dr. Shua Chai told the CDC that California would narrow its criteria for testing the dead , based not on the questions arising in morgues but to fit the number of cases the CDC lab would take .
“ The capacity will really help drive our prioritization , ” Chai said .
At first the federal agency said it could handle only three to four cases a week and that it could take as long as two months to send back results .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the CDC ’ s COVID-19 mortality team suggested the federal lab would take as many as 10 a week .
“ I ’ m not saying this will be acceptable by my leadership , ” warned Dr. Sarah Reagan-Steiner , clinical lead on the CDC ’ s COVID-19 mortality unit .
There was no response to repeated questions sent to the CDC public affairs office over several months regarding postmortem testing .
The state Health Department ’ s press office defended the state ’ s reliance on the CDC and the federal agency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ examiners in other states are not only testing many more dead , but also using other methods such as postmortem testing for antibodies .
The state agency ’ s press office said the CDC testing was “ highly specialized and requires careful validation.
” “ Other types of testing may not provide results that are as reliable as CDC testing.
” In Seattle , the King County medical examiner considers death itself as a reason to test on the spot for the virus with a nasal swab .
“ COVID-19 is so new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affects different people in different ways , ” associate Medical Examiner Dr. Sharon Yarid said .
“ So anyone who dies basically had , you know , already some reason to be tested.
” King County is scanning funeral homes for cases to test and checking blood serum from older cases for signs of COVID-19 antibodies .
Family members have only to ask to have a death tested for the virus .
The liberal guidelines have led to the identification of 58 additional COVID-19 deaths , including young adults , and accounting for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deaths attributed to the virus .
That ’ s nearly double the 29 coronavirus deaths identified under the more restrictive policies of the Los Angeles County medical examiner , though Los Angeles County has more than five times the number of COVID-19 cases .
( The medical examiner handles only violent , sudden or unusual deaths , which account for a relatively small percentage of overall COVID-19 deaths . )
Yet when it comes to testing preserved tissue , Yarid is also at the mercy of the CDC .
She said she had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ troubling Feb. 6 death .
As of last week , Yarid said she had not received an answer .
Those frustrated by the hurdle in answering the question — was it COVID-19 ?
— include family members of a man found dead on a Los Angeles bus bench in late January .
The Los Angeles County medical examiner-coroner ’ s office classified the death as “ complications of alcohol abuse , ” though there was no sign of recent alcohol use .
The man ’ s brother , who asked not to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said the medical examiner had refused repeated requests to test the body for COVID-19 .
“ They have not , they haven ’ t really gotten off of that February , March , early April mindset that we live in an environment of testing scarcity , ” said the brother .
Los Angeles County supervisors cited such complaints this month in telling the medical examiner ’ s office to provide COVID-19 testing for families who ask for it .
A spokeswoman for the medical examiner said the office was still working out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ examiners are seeking CDC testing for missed COVID-19 deaths .
“ So you found that there were several cases that were not identified early on ... what does that tell you ?
” Ventura County Medical Examiner Dr. Christopher Young said .
“ How does that add to where we ’ re at with dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic right now ?
” San Diego officials told The Times that a paper review of more than 700 deaths had turned up none that met the state ’ s written criteria — deaths from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signs of respiratory failure , fever or cough , or known exposure to COVID-19 or international travel .
San Mateo County , a part of Silicon Valley home to California ’ s earliest COVID-19 cases , identified one suspect death .
According to agency emails , a county pathologist checked the freezer for tissue to send to the CDC , and discovered the samples had been “ tossed , ” along with tissue from everyone else who died prior to March 11 .

Maribeth Cortez, with her husband, Jerry, wonders if her son Jeremiah DeLap, 39, died of COVID-19 after a four-day illness in early January. The Orange County coroner wants to know too.
A cluster of mysterious deaths, some involving infants and children, is under scrutiny amid questions of whether the novel coronavirus lurked in California months before it was first detected. But eight weeks after Gov. Gavin Newsom declared a statewide hunt for undetected early COVID-19 deaths, the effort remains hobbled by bureaucracy and testing limits.
Among those awaiting answers is Maribeth Cortez, whose adult son, Jeremiah DeLap, died Jan. 7 in Orange County while visiting his parents. He had been healthy, suffering on a Friday from what he thought was food poisoning, and found dead in bed the following Tuesday, drowned by fluid in his lungs.
For the record: This article incorrectly refers to streptococcal pneumonia as a virus. It is caused by a bacterial pathogen.
In an earlier version of this article, Maribeth Cortez was erroneously referred to as Maribeth Ortiz.
China didn’t announce its first COVID-19 death until four days later. But by DeLap’s Feb. 1 funeral service, frightening stories of a deadly new virus in Wuhan dominated the news.
“Everybody that knew him when they were talking to me after this all started would say, ‘Do you think he died from that?’” Cortez said.
“And I said, ‘I don’t know.’”
She still doesn’t.
Preserved samples of DeLap’s lungs are among tissue from more than 40 California deaths waiting for a decision by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on whether to test for COVID-19. Orange County has nine of the cases, as does Los Angeles County. Kern County has identified two respiratory deaths that might suggest COVID-19, both of young women, one of whom died Dec. 21.
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Interviews and internal documents show medical examiners in Shasta, Sacramento and Santa Clara counties, meanwhile, are scrutinizing the deaths of children and babies, amid growing recognition of COVID-19 infection rates in children who show mysterious inflammatory symptoms.
A positive finding in any of the cases could dramatically rewrite the narrative of COVID-19 in the United States.
Researchers tracking the virus’ genetic mutations peg its jump from an unknown animal host to humans as occurring in November. China’s first documented illnesses began in early December.
It was well into March before most California coroners and medical examiners began to routinely test decedents who fell under their jurisdiction for COVID-19, using now-familiar nasal swab tests that must be done within days of death. Even then, testing is limited to a fraction of cases — those who had symptoms of respiratory failure, traveled to China or died without witness.
Checking for missed cases of COVID-19 requires examining preserved tissue, a test available only through the CDC. It took months for CDC pathologists to realize the virus had already killed people in the United States in early February. At the time, U.S. health officials believed they could control the spread of the virus by monitoring international travelers and isolating a dozen known infected individuals in California and four other states.
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DeLap, 39, worked as a house painter in Basalt, Colo., near the Aspen ski area. He returned to his inland Riverside County hometown for Christmas, and was at the home of his roommate’s parents in nearby Orange County on Jan. 3 when he became sick. He thought the cause was something he ate the night before. DeLap believed he was on the mend, even going for a walk Monday, but was worsening again Tuesday morning when he spoke to his mother.
“He was having trouble breathing and I told him he should try and go to the urgent care,” Cortez said. “He told me he’d talk to me later and he went and [lay] down.”
He was found dead in bed hours later, his lungs filled with fluid and his body still burning from fever.
The sudden January death of Jeremiah DeLap, 39, is among cases now considered for COVID-19 testing. (Family photo)
The Orange County coroner ruled DeLap’s death the result of severe acute lobar pneumonia, one lung so congested it had doubled in weight. But the coroner did not identify the organism infecting DeLap. The thought that it might have been the coronavirus haunted Cortez as she heard story after story of similar deaths. DeLap was an organ donor, so four weeks ago Cortez called the organization that received his tissue to ask if they were going to test it for COVID-19.
Unknown to Cortez, the Orange County coroner harbored similar questions. DeLap’s death is among nine cases from late December to March that the county has asked the California Department of Public Health to consider. The deceased range in age from 33 to 61 and include an elderly homeless man found in his RV and a young surfer who collapsed. Initial autopsies attributed their deaths to congested lungs, pneumonia or blood clots.
If the state agency agrees, the cases will be forwarded to the CDC for more review before preserved tissue is tested for COVID-19. Los Angeles County’s medical examiner has forwarded nine cases for review, but county lawyers blocked the release of details. Tissue from a 10th Los Angeles death, a 17-year-old boy who died March 18, was sent two months ago to the CDC for COVID-19 testing. It came back last week positive for two other viruses: streptococcal pneumonia and human metapneumovirus.
After the CDC confirmed a Silicon Valley tech worker’s Feb. 6 death as the nation’s first known COVID-19 fatality, Newsom called on medical examiners statewide to hunt for missed cases extending back to mid-December.
But the CDC is limiting California — a state of 39 million people — to just eight to 10 cases a week. The state Health Department has stepped in as a gatekeeper between county morgues and the federal lab.
By the end of May, the state agency had forwarded only two cases to the CDC and had 40 other deaths under state review.
Such restrictions did not exist before the COVID-19 pandemic. They are new to Dr. Deirdre Amaro, the Shasta County sheriff’s forensic pathologist who relies on the CDC lab for infectious disease workups when someone dies inexplicably in her rugged, deeply forested Northern California county.
Amaro was jolted this winter by the back-to-back deaths of two children, one an infant, and local accounts of other sick children. She called a Jan. 29 meeting with county health and hospital officials. She remembered someone in the room theorizing that it was a “bad year” for respiratory syncytial virus, usually referred to as RSV. It is a common childhood disease that seldom kills.
“Since I’ve been here ... we have never had sequential cases that are pediatric deaths. I do NOT want to practice forensic pathology in a setting where that is the norm,” Amaro said. “The emotional/psychological toll is too great.”
She had already sent tissue from one of those pediatric deaths to the CDC for testing when the California Health Department set up hurdles. She has since sought virus testing for another pediatric death and is awaiting a decision on whether the CDC will accept the cases.
Early reports out of China and California suggested COVID-19 had very low infection rates among children.
“What has emerged now, the experience we’ve had on the East Coast and in Europe has been markedly different,” said Dr. Roberta Lynn DeBiasi, chief of the pediatric division at Children’s National Hospital in Washington, D.C., and a co-author of several studies on COVID-19 and children.
DeBiasi is among researchers who in May began documenting growing numbers of hospitalized children with COVID-19 and symptoms normally associated with an otherwise rare inflammatory illness called Kawasaki disease. Some had high fever, joint pain and rashes. Others had abdominal pain. An alarming number showed organ failure and heart damage, DeBiasi said.
Amid those reports, a California Health Department physician phoned Amaro, who in addition to her own two deaths told her of others — two infants sent from Shasta County to hospitals in Sacramento.
Dr. Chante Buntin, the state Health Department medical consultant, wrote to Sacramento County’s coroner expressing interest in infants and children who died with what might have been “COVID-like symptoms, Kawasaki-like symptoms in California during the period of December to present.”
Sacramento County’s coroner has sent a single case to the CDC for testing but has not provided further details.
California has no confirmed child deaths from COVID-19. The CDC in early April listed three suspected virus-related deaths of children nationwide, but has since not updated that information. The federal health agency has, however, alerted pediatricians to watch for signs of what it now calls “multisystem inflammatory syndrome in children,” or MIS-C.
The California Department of Public Health did not answer questions about its hunt for child deaths, and gave only limited responses to broader questions about postmortem testing. The agency did provide an email exchange in which a state epidemiologist offered to intervene on a “flood of requests” from California medical examiners, health departments and pathologists seeking COVID-19 testing for both deceased adults and children.
California The pandemic’s toll: Lives lost in California Hundreds of people have died in California due to the COVID-19 pandemic. These are some of their stories.
Dr. Shua Chai told the CDC that California would narrow its criteria for testing the dead, based not on the questions arising in morgues but to fit the number of cases the CDC lab would take.
“The capacity will really help drive our prioritization,” Chai said.
At first the federal agency said it could handle only three to four cases a week and that it could take as long as two months to send back results. On May 1, the head of the CDC’s COVID-19 mortality team suggested the federal lab would take as many as 10 a week.
“I’m not saying this will be acceptable by my leadership,” warned Dr. Sarah Reagan-Steiner, clinical lead on the CDC’s COVID-19 mortality unit. There was no response to repeated questions sent to the CDC public affairs office over several months regarding postmortem testing.
The state Health Department’s press office defended the state’s reliance on the CDC and the federal agency’s 10-case weekly limit. Medical examiners in other states are not only testing many more dead, but also using other methods such as postmortem testing for antibodies.
The state agency’s press office said the CDC testing was “highly specialized and requires careful validation.”
“Other types of testing may not provide results that are as reliable as CDC testing.”
In Seattle, the King County medical examiner considers death itself as a reason to test on the spot for the virus with a nasal swab.
“COVID-19 is so new as an infection, and it probably affects different people in different ways,” associate Medical Examiner Dr. Sharon Yarid said. “So anyone who dies basically had, you know, already some reason to be tested.”
King County is scanning funeral homes for cases to test and checking blood serum from older cases for signs of COVID-19 antibodies. Family members have only to ask to have a death tested for the virus.
The liberal guidelines have led to the identification of 58 additional COVID-19 deaths, including young adults, and accounting for more than one out of 10 local deaths attributed to the virus. That’s nearly double the 29 coronavirus deaths identified under the more restrictive policies of the Los Angeles County medical examiner, though Los Angeles County has more than five times the number of COVID-19 cases. (The medical examiner handles only violent, sudden or unusual deaths, which account for a relatively small percentage of overall COVID-19 deaths.)
Yet when it comes to testing preserved tissue, Yarid is also at the mercy of the CDC. She said she had asked the federal lab to evaluate a troubling Feb. 6 death. As of last week, Yarid said she had not received an answer.
Those frustrated by the hurdle in answering the question — was it COVID-19? — include family members of a man found dead on a Los Angeles bus bench in late January. The Los Angeles County medical examiner-coroner’s office classified the death as “complications of alcohol abuse,” though there was no sign of recent alcohol use.
The man’s brother, who asked not to be named in order to preserve family privacy, said the medical examiner had refused repeated requests to test the body for COVID-19.
“They have not, they haven’t really gotten off of that February, March, early April mindset that we live in an environment of testing scarcity,” said the brother.
Los Angeles County supervisors cited such complaints this month in telling the medical examiner’s office to provide COVID-19 testing for families who ask for it. A spokeswoman for the medical examiner said the office was still working out a procedure.
Not all California medical examiners are seeking CDC testing for missed COVID-19 deaths.
“So you found that there were several cases that were not identified early on ... what does that tell you?” Ventura County Medical Examiner Dr. Christopher Young said. “How does that add to where we’re at with dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic right now?”
San Diego officials told The Times that a paper review of more than 700 deaths had turned up none that met the state’s written criteria — deaths from Dec. 17 to March 16, with signs of respiratory failure, fever or cough, or known exposure to COVID-19 or international travel.
San Mateo County, a part of Silicon Valley home to California’s earliest COVID-19 cases, identified one suspect death.
According to agency emails, a county pathologist checked the freezer for tissue to send to the CDC, and discovered the samples had been “tossed,” along with tissue from everyone else who died prior to March 11.


latimes--2020-06-23--Rose Bowl says no to fireworks but yes to drive-in movies amid coronavirus outbreak

As the coronavirus continues to alter summer plans for many Southern Californians , the Rose Bowl is nixing some events while adding others .
The annual July 4 celebration , AmericaFest , has canceled its in-person festivities and will swap its typical daylong tailgate for a one-hour virtual program this year .
The event will include music from cellist Cecilia Tsan and colorful light displays courtesy of “ Sunstar , ” a prismatic art installation at Mt .
Wilson .
Rather than fireworks , this year ’ s ceremony will culminate in a flyover .
For more information about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ RoseBowlLive.tv .
And while the COVID-19 pandemic is forcing the Rose Bowl to get creative in its entertainment offerings , the venue has come up with another use of the stadium this summer .
Movie buffs itching to see a film but still wary of trying a traditional theater can catch a flick at the “ Tribeca Drive-In ” series .
The partnership between Tribeca Enterprises , AT & T and Imax will bring a slate of movie screenings and stand-up comedy performances to the Pasadena site on select days through July .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a tribute to movies and the shared experience of watching them , even if from our cars , ” Tribeca Enterprises and Tribeca Film Festival co-founder Robert De Niro said in a statement .
“ In anticipation of theaters reopening imminently , we look back at what we love about the big screen experience , ” he added .
The Pasadena playbill will include a bit of everything — including classics such as “ The Wizard of Oz , ” summer blockbusters including “ Jaws , ” superhero showstoppers such as “ Wonder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as “ Creed.
” Also in the lineup are family-friendly movies including “ Inside Out ” and several stand-up comedy performances .
For a full schedule , or to purchase tickets , visit tribecafilm.com/drive-in/RoseBowl .
“ As the nation begins to emerge from months of quarantine , we look forward to movie theaters reopening and hope that the ‘ Drive-In ’ serves as a reminder of the magic of the moviegoing experience , ” Tribeca Enterprises and Tribeca Film Festival co-founder and Chief Executive Jane Rosenthal said in a statement .
Measures will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the spread of the coronavirus .
Attendees to the Rose Bowl events will have to stay in their vehicles except to buy concessions or use the restroom .
When outside their cars , visitors must wear masks and observe physical distancing , organizers said .

The Rose Bowl will host a series of movie screenings and comedy performances this summer as part of the “Tribeca Drive-In” series.
As the coronavirus continues to alter summer plans for many Southern Californians, the Rose Bowl is nixing some events while adding others.
The annual July 4 celebration, AmericaFest, has canceled its in-person festivities and will swap its typical daylong tailgate for a one-hour virtual program this year.
The event will include music from cellist Cecilia Tsan and colorful light displays courtesy of “Sunstar,” a prismatic art installation at Mt. Wilson.
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Rather than fireworks, this year’s ceremony will culminate in a flyover.
For more information about the event, or to register, visit RoseBowlLive.tv.
And while the COVID-19 pandemic is forcing the Rose Bowl to get creative in its entertainment offerings, the venue has come up with another use of the stadium this summer.
Movie buffs itching to see a film but still wary of trying a traditional theater can catch a flick at the “Tribeca Drive-In” series. The partnership between Tribeca Enterprises, AT&T and Imax will bring a slate of movie screenings and stand-up comedy performances to the Pasadena site on select days through July.
The series is meant to be “a tribute to movies and the shared experience of watching them, even if from our cars,” Tribeca Enterprises and Tribeca Film Festival co-founder Robert De Niro said in a statement.
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“In anticipation of theaters reopening imminently, we look back at what we love about the big screen experience,” he added.
California California to allow movie theaters to reopen in most counties California counties that have been allowed to accelerate their reopening of their economy could decide to reopen movie theaters as early as Friday, according to new state guidelines released Monday.
The Pasadena playbill will include a bit of everything — including classics such as “The Wizard of Oz,” summer blockbusters including “Jaws,” superhero showstoppers such as “Wonder Woman” and adrenaline-pumping sports films such as “Creed.”
Also in the lineup are family-friendly movies including “Inside Out” and several stand-up comedy performances.
For a full schedule, or to purchase tickets, visit tribecafilm.com/drive-in/RoseBowl.
“As the nation begins to emerge from months of quarantine, we look forward to movie theaters reopening and hope that the ‘Drive-In’ serves as a reminder of the magic of the moviegoing experience,” Tribeca Enterprises and Tribeca Film Festival co-founder and Chief Executive Jane Rosenthal said in a statement.
Measures will still be in place to help stem the spread of the coronavirus. Attendees to the Rose Bowl events will have to stay in their vehicles except to buy concessions or use the restroom.
When outside their cars, visitors must wear masks and observe physical distancing, organizers said.


latimes--2020-06-23--L.A. Councilman Jose Huizar arrested in corruption probe

Los Angeles City Councilman Jose Huizar , an ambitious player in city politics for nearly two decades , was arrested Tuesday , becoming the most prominent figure to face charges in the federal investigation into corruption at City Hall , according to people with knowledge of the case .
Huizar faces charges arising from allegations he ran a sprawling pay-to-play scheme , in which real estate developers allegedly were shaken down for cash bribes and campaign donations in exchange for Huizar ’ s help getting high-rise development projects through the city ’ s arduous approval process .
Along the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enjoyed free plane travel , lavish meals , poker chips and other perks offered up by developers .
Charges against Huizar had long been anticipated .
FBI agents raided his home and offices in 2018 , and prosecutors from the U.S. attorney ’ s office have closed in on Huizar in recent months , methodically charging associates who admitted to taking part in illicit deals involving the councilman .
In plea deals they struck with the government , a former aide to Huizar , one of his political fundraisers , and a real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation into Huizar and others in City Hall .
Huizar , who was taken into custody by federal agents at his Boyle Heights home , is expected to make an initial court appearance Tuesday afternoon .
An attorney for Huizar did not immediately comment .
U.S Atty .
Nick Hanna was expected to announce the specific charges against Huizar at a news conference Tuesday morning .
Council President Nury Martinez said she would immediately seek to remove Huizar from office .
“ While today ’ s announcement on the arrest of Councilmember Huizar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disgusting allegations leveled against him and others have painted a dark cloud over our city government for a long time now , ” Martinez said in a statement .
“ Effective today , I will begin the process of removing him from office , so that the good people of Council District 14 and the City of Los Angeles will be fairly and honorably represented .
That is our duty and we must do it.
” Prior to his arrest , prosecutors had not identified Huizar by name , referring to him in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A.
” But Huizar ’ s identity was clear in court documents in which prosecutors described a councilman who was heavily involved in the city ’ s oversight of real estate planning and had a relative running to replace him when he reached his term limit .
Huizar chaired the influential Planning and Land Use Management Committee , and his wife briefly mounted a campaign to replace him before abandoning the idea shortly after the FBI raids .
Richelle Huizar ’ s short-lived run for her husband ’ s council seat figures prominently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the councilman , who prosecutors said was intent on getting his wife elected to preserve the clout and access to developers ’ cash he had amassed while in office .
The money laundering , extortion and other illicit activities Huizar is accused of deploying to carry out his plan amounted to a criminal enterprise , prosecutors argued in court filings .
Richelle Huizar has not been charged in the case , and it is unclear from court records whether prosecutors believe she participated in her husband ’ s alleged crimes .
Huizar ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of his colleagues , former City Councilman Mitchell Englander , agreed to plead guilty in a related corruption case centered on envelopes of cash and other bribes provided by a Southern California businessman .
And it comes almost two years after FBI agents searched Huizar ’ s home and offices , giving the public their first indication that the councilman was under investigation .
After those raids , Huizar was removed from two powerful council committees — one that reviews major real estate projects and another that green lights tax breaks for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Huizar stopped attending council meetings altogether , amid calls from his colleagues for him to step down .
The arrest represents a dizzying fall for Huizar .
Five years ago , he won a resounding election victory , securing his third and final term on the council .
At that point , he had widespread support from business leaders , the city ’ s labor unions and advocates for transportation improvements , such as bicycle lanes .
During that campaign , then-Council President Herb Wesson described Huizar as his best friend on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s wife was viewed as a strong candidate to run for his seat once he was forced to step down at the end of this year due to term limits .
Huizar began pressing donors to give big to a political action committee set up to support her candidacy — activities that later became part of the federal government ’ s case .
But Richelle Huizar abandoned her campaign in the wake of the FBI raids .
In recent months , prosecutors filed a series of cases alleging the councilman received , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three different developers pursuing three different projects in his district .
Political fundraiser Justin Jangwoo Kim pleaded guilty to helping the developer of a 20-story residential tower to arrange a bribe for the councilman .
Kim admitted ferrying cash to a Huizar aide , who in turn delivered $ 200,000 in a box to Huizar , according to details in federal filings .
Prosecutors also struck a plea agreement with real estate consultant George Chiang , who admitted to participating in a separate bribery scheme involving the councilman and developers of a planned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not named , details in federal filings show that the businessmen were seeking to redevelop the site of the Luxe Hotel on Figueroa Street , across from the L.A. Live entertainment complex .
Last month , former Huizar aide George Esparza reached his own plea deal , affirming that a Chinese billionaire provided him and the councilman trips to Las Vegas , casino chips and other bribes .
That same billionaire provided Huizar with $ 600,000 in financial assistance to help him settle a sexual harassment lawsuit filed by a former aide , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Huizar to dispose of a thorny political problem months before he faced reelection in 2015 .

Joel Rubin, David Zahniser, Emily Alpert Reyes

Law enforcement officials document some of the nearly $130,000 in cash they say was found in L.A. City Councilman Jose Huizar’s residence during a 2018 FBI raid.
Los Angeles City Councilman Jose Huizar, an ambitious player in city politics for nearly two decades, was arrested Tuesday, becoming the most prominent figure to face charges in the federal investigation into corruption at City Hall.
Huizar faces a racketeering charge arising from allegations he ran a sprawling pay-to-play scheme in which real estate developers were shaken down for cash bribes and campaign donations in exchange for Huizar’s help getting high-rise development projects through the city’s arduous approval process.
Along the way, the councilman and his associates allegedly enjoyed free plane travel, lavish meals, casino chips and other perks offered up by developers, prosecutors said. In all, Huizar improperly received approximately $1.5 million in financial benefits, according to federal filings.
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Prosecutors portrayed Huizar as the head of the enterprise, with others involved in the scheme referring to him as “the boss.” The case against Huizar was detailed in a 116-page affidavit made public on Tuesday.
“This case pulled back the curtain on rampant corruption at City Hall,” said U.S. Atty. Nick Hanna. “Councilman Huizar violated the public trust to a staggering degree.”
Hanna described corruption at City Hall as a “cancer” — a “disease of elected officials and staff members breaking a series of laws in order to line their own pockets, maintain power and keep open a spigot of illicit bribes.”
Los Angeles City Councilman Jose Huizar was arrested Tuesday on a federal racketeering charge. (Kirk McKoy / Los Angeles Times)
Charges against Huizar, 51, had long been anticipated.
FBI agents raided his home and offices in 2018. Prosecutors from the U.S. attorney’s office had been closing in on Huizar in recent months, methodically charging associates who admitted to taking part in illicit deals involving the councilman.
In plea deals they struck with the government, a former Huizar aide, one of his political fundraisers and a real estate consultant agreed to cooperate with the investigation into Huizar and others in City Hall.
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Huizar was taken into custody Tuesday morning by federal agents at his Boyle Heights home. He made his initial court appearance by video in the afternoon before U.S. Magistrate Judge Paul L. Abrams, who ordered Huizar released on a $100,000 bond.
In a statement, lawyers for Huizar said the councilman “intends to respond to the government’s allegations in court.”
“He firmly believes that these matters should be handled in a court of law and not in the media,” they said. “Councilman Huizar requests that the press respect the privacy of his family and children.”
Fallout from the arrest was swift. While Huizar was still in custody, the City Council voted unanimously to suspend him. Council President Nury Martinez described his arrest as “a stain on our city government.”
The suspension means that Huizar cannot exercise any powers of the office and leaves his seat temporarily vacant, according to a spokesman in the city attorney’s office.
An obvious replacement would be former state Sen. Kevin de León, who was elected in March to replace Huizar at the end of the year. Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti proposed this on Tuesday, and De León said he is prepared to serve when called.
Prosecutors alleged that Huizar operated what amounted to a criminal enterprise, in which he and others worked to enrich themselves through “bribery, extortion and honest services fraud” while also plotting a way to hold on to the power and access to illicit cash that Huizar had built up even after he would leave his council office.
Protestors prevent a police car from passing through while outside Councilman Jose Huizar’s home in Boyle Heights on Tuesday. (Dania Maxwell/Los Angeles Times)
The plan was for Huizar to ascend to an even more powerful political position, such as mayor or city attorney, while his wife succeeded him on the council, allowing the pay-to-play scheme to continue for at least a dozen more years, prosecutors alleged.
Richelle Huizar, his wife, has not been charged in the case, and it is unclear from court records whether prosecutors believe she knowingly participated in her husband’s alleged crimes.
If convicted, Huizar faces as much as 20 years in prison. Before his arrest, Huizar posted an image on his Instagram account of El Santo Niño de Atocha, a symbol of his native Zacatecas, Mexico, that is popularly known as a source of protection for those in need, including prisoners.
Until Tuesday, prosecutors had not identified Huizar by name, referring to him in the associates’ cases as “Councilmember A.” But details in court documents made clear it was Huizar: Prosecutors described a councilman who was heavily involved in overseeing real estate development and had a relative running to replace him when he reached his term limit.
Huizar chaired the influential Planning and Land Use Management Committee, and his wife briefly mounted a campaign to replace him before abandoning the idea shortly after the FBI raids.
Huizar’s arrest comes nearly three months after one of his colleagues, former City Councilman Mitchell Englander, agreed to plead guilty in a related corruption case centered on envelopes of cash and other bribes provided by a Southern California businessman.
U.S. Atty. Nick Hanna and FBI Special Agent in Charge Voviette Morgan discuss the arrest of L.A. City Councilman Jose Huizar on Tuesday. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
And it comes almost two years after FBI agents searched Huizar’s home and offices, giving the public its first indication that the councilman was under investigation. Prosecutors said Tuesday that they had recovered nearly $130,000 in cash hidden in a closet in Huizar’s home, including money tucked into red envelopes with Chinese characters.
After those raids, Huizar was removed from the planning committee. In recent weeks, Huizar stopped attending council meetings entirely amid calls from his colleagues to step down.
The arrest represents a dizzying fall for Huizar. Five years ago, he won a resounding reelection, securing his third and final term on the council. At that point, he had widespread support from business leaders, the city’s labor unions and advocates for transportation improvements, such as bicycle lanes.
During that campaign, Herb Wesson, the council president at the time, described Huizar as his best friend on the council.
By 2018, Huizar’s wife was viewed as a strong candidate to run for his seat as he approached term limits. Huizar began pressing donors to give to political action committees set up to support his wife’s candidacy — activities that later became part of the federal case.
Since March, prosecutors have filed a series of cases against other figures in the pay-to-play probe, each containing allegations that Huizar sought or obtained bribes from developers pursuing projects in his district.
Political fundraiser Justin Jangwoo Kim pleaded guilty to helping the developer of a 20-story residential tower with a bribe intended for the councilman. Kim admitted to ferrying cash to a Huizar aide, who in turn delivered $200,000 in a box to Huizar, according to details in federal filings.
Prosecutors also struck a plea agreement with real estate consultant George Chiang, who admitted to participating in a separate bribery scheme involving the councilman and developers of a planned hotel tower. And last month, former Huizar aide George Esparza reached his own plea deal, affirming that a Chinese billionaire planning a 77-story skyscraper provided him and the councilman with trips to Las Vegas and other bribes.
Huizar attends a council meeting in 2018 with an unidentified person next to him. (Katie Falkenberg / Los Angeles Times)
That same billionaire provided Huizar with $600,000 in financial assistance to help the councilman settle a sexual harassment lawsuit filed by a former aide, according to prosecutors. The settlement allowed Huizar to dispose of a thorny political problem months before the 2015 election.
In federal filings released Tuesday, prosecutors alleged that the billionaire also sought favors from Huizar that had nothing to do with City Hall, such as reaching out to a Southern California university about an admissions application for his son.
Prosecutors said another unnamed businessman, who was previously mentioned in the case against Englander, provided Huizar $10,000 in cash per month in exchange for setting up meetings with developers. That businessman also paid for massage services and hotel stays for Huizar to have “discreet encounters with a woman with whom he was having an affair,” the filing said.
In Tuesday’s filing, prosecutors mentioned yet another real estate project that had not been previously cited in the case: a 35-story tower planned in the city’s Arts District. The project’s developer provided Huizar with opposition research on two former staffers who had filed harassment suits against the councilman, federal prosecutors alleged.
Federal prosecutors said in their filing Tuesday that the criminal enterprise began as an alliance between Huizar and a building department chief who later became a deputy mayor — biographical details that match former Deputy Mayor Raymond Chan.
The building chief introduced Huizar and his aide, Esparza, to the Chinese billionaire who ended up lavishing them with casino trips and other financial benefits, prosecutors alleged in their filings. Harland Braun, an attorney for Chan, declined to comment Tuesday but has previously stated that Chan did nothing wrong.
Huizar worked to conceal some of his bribe proceeds, funneling money through unnamed relatives between 2013 and 2017, according to the affidavit. Those relatives deposited the funds into their personal accounts and later returned it to Huizar or paid his credit card bills and other expenses, prosecutors claimed.
Huizar did not report the bribes and gifts he received on his taxes or financial disclosure forms, as required by law, prosecutors said. In 2017, after he learned the FBI was zeroing in on him, the councilman met with Esparza in his private City Hall bathroom to discuss the need to withhold incriminating information from investigators, according to prosecutors.
“We are both in this together,” Huizar told his aide, according to the filing.


latimes--2020-06-23--Huntington Harbour closed for swimming after sewage spill

The bay water area of Huntington Harbour has been closed for swimming and other activities following a sewage spill , @ @ @ @ @ The Orange County Health Care Agency ’ s Environmental Health Division announced the closure Monday @ @ @ @ @ remain in effect until the water quality returns to an acceptable standard .
Officials did @ @ @ @ @ spill was or where it originated .
They said it was the result of a @ @ @ @ @ more information on beach advisories or closures , call ( 714 ) 433-6400 or visit @ @

Kayakers, boaters and a paddle boarder in Huntington Harbour in April. The harbor was closed to swimming and other activities Monday after a sewage spill.
The bay water area of Huntington Harbour has been closed for swimming and other activities following a sewage spill, according to health officials.
The Orange County Health Care Agency’s Environmental Health Division announced the closure Monday night and said it will remain in effect until the water quality returns to an acceptable standard.
Officials did not say how large the spill was or where it originated. They said it was the result of a cracked force main.
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For more information on beach advisories or closures, call (714) 433-6400 or visit OCBeachInfo.com.