latimes--2020-10-30--West Hollywood warns of curfew, fines if revelers show up for canceled Halloween Carnaval

It ’ s typically one of the biggest parties of the year in West Hollywood , but like so many other events canceled because of the COVID-19 pandemic , the annual Halloween Carnaval won ’ t be happening in 2020 .
Citing “ super-spreader ” potential , the city is reminding residents that its annual Halloween festival was canceled and said it will not hesitate to issue a curfew or citations if crowds show up .
The decision to nix the celebration — which regularly draws thousands of costumed revelers , DJs and partygoers to Santa Monica Boulevard — was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hollywood City Council issued a reminder Thursday .
“ We never come to these decisions lightly , ” said West Hollywood Mayor Lindsey Horvath .
“ Of course we love to celebrate West Hollywood ’ s carnaval every year and welcome people to the boulevard , but we know this year it ’ s just not safe to do that because of COVID-19.
” L.A. County public health guidelines currently prohibit public gatherings of more than 10 people , Horvath said , and that limitation is just “ not possible ” with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As a result , the Los Angeles County Sheriff ’ s Department will be on hand to monitor compliance with local requirements and may issue a curfew in order to protect public health , the city said .
In addition , fines of up to $ 300 may be given to people and businesses that fail to follow public health protocols .
Sgt .
Eric Moyer of the West Hollywood sheriff ’ s station said officials are hoping people will follow the guidelines , but that they are taking steps to prepare for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Based on all the protests that went on in the summer , we just don ’ t want to be caught with our pants down on this , ” he said .
“ We ’ re all getting prepared throughout the county , not just here.
” L.A. County is currently reporting an increase in coronavirus cases , which has been linked to celebrations following the Lakers ’ and Dodgers ’ championship wins .
Horvath said she doesn ’ t want West Hollywood to become the focal point of an outbreak after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , the city will not be closing Santa Monica Boulevard to vehicles as it usually does on Halloween .
“ We won ’ t have the public safety setups that we normally do , with road blockades and closure redirection , so if people try to [ congregate ] , it ’ s going to be a real mess , ” she said .
“ It ’ s not going to be like years past.
” The decision to cancel the carnaval follows similar measures that West Hollywood took after canceling its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will expand to include New Year ’ s Eve events , officials said .
West Hollywood ’ s Halloween Carnaval began in 1987 and has grown year by year .
Over 100,000 people attended in 2019 , according to the City Council .
But the carnaval is more than just a party , said West Hollywood City Councilman John Duran .
The holiday carries deep meaning for the historically inclusive neighborhood .
“ I don ’ t know if people realize the significance of the holiday for LGBT people , ” Duran said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were once subject to arrests for cross-dressing .
“ We play dress-up all the time — we pretend to be straight , we pretend to be average or normal , we pretend to fit in — and Halloween night is one of those nights when we can finally let our hair down and be anything or anyone that we want , and it ’ s really deeply ingrained in our culture.
” Duran said he has attended the carnaval for more than 40 years , long before he joined the City Council .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ health measures , he is also said it ’ s not the first time the LGBTQ community has been faced with a pandemic , and that officials have to be realistic about people ’ s desire to be together .
“ I imagine tomorrow night I ’ m going to see masked-up Ruth Bader-Ginsbergs , Donald Trumps and Stormy Daniels out on the boulevard , ” he said , “ so we have to be practical .
People are going to dress up , they ’ re going to celebrate Thanksgiving , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trees , they ’ re going to light their Hanukkah candles , and they ’ re going to want to gather .
Let ’ s start to talk about a mask as being a modern-day version of the condom for the AIDS epidemic .
Put on your mask !
” But it ’ s not just the LGBTQ community that will take a hit .
West Hollywood businesses and restaurants who look forward to the annual boost in foot traffic will be limited to takeout , delivery and other options that meet current @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hollywood has already seen a 10 % to 15 % revenue reduction in 2020 due to COVID-19 but that public safety has to take precedence .
“ We ’ re not going to be able to open up more businesses , we ’ re not going to be able to get back to that nightlife state that everyone loves in West Hollywood , until we know we can keep everyone safe , ” she said , “ and so it ’ s really important that people stay home.
” In place of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community members to stay home and partake in safe Halloween activities to prevent the spread of the virus .
Permissible activities include online parties , drive-by events , drive-in movies , yard decorations and pumpkin carving .
Health and government officials also recommend skipping trick-or-treating .
Día de los Muertos celebrations on Nov. 1 and 2 are also canceled , the city said .
Councilman John D ’ Amico had one additional suggestion for people looking for safe ways to celebrate the holiday this year : “ Do something really spooky on Halloween @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballot propositions and candidates , discuss them with family and friends , fill out your ballots and make a plan to drop them off at an official drop box or polling place , ” he said .

A man argues with sheriffs Saturday night, October 31, 2020 in West Hollywood. The annual West Hollywood Carnaval on Halloween was canceled due to the coronavirus pandemic.
It’s typically one of the biggest parties of the year in West Hollywood, but like so many other events canceled because of the COVID-19 pandemic, the annual Halloween Carnaval won’t be happening in 2020.
Citing “super-spreader” potential, the city is reminding residents that its annual Halloween festival was canceled and said it will not hesitate to issue a curfew or citations if crowds show up.
The decision to nix the celebration — which regularly draws thousands of costumed revelers, DJs and partygoers to Santa Monica Boulevard — was made in May, but the West Hollywood City Council issued a reminder Thursday.
“We never come to these decisions lightly,” said West Hollywood Mayor Lindsey Horvath. “Of course we love to celebrate West Hollywood’s Carnaval every year and welcome people to the boulevard, but we know this year it’s just not safe to do that because of COVID-19.”
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L.A. County public health guidelines prohibit public gatherings of more than 10 people, Horvath said, and that limitation is just “not possible” with the crowd size the event typically draws.
As a result, the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department will be on hand to monitor compliance with local requirements and may issue a curfew, the city said. In addition, fines of up to $300 may be given to people and businesses that fail to follow public health protocols.
Sgt. Eric Moyer of the West Hollywood sheriff’s station said officials are hoping people will follow the guidelines but are taking steps to prepare for a crowd, just in case.
“Based on all the protests that went on in the summer, we just don’t want to be caught with our pants down on this,” he said. “We’re all getting prepared throughout the county, not just here.”
L.A. County is reporting an increase in coronavirus cases, which has been linked in part to celebrations following the Lakers’ and Dodgers’ championship wins. Horvath said she doesn’t want West Hollywood to become the focal point of an outbreak after Halloween.
As a deterrent, she said, the city will not be closing Santa Monica Boulevard to vehicles as it usually does on Halloween.
“We won’t have the public safety setups that we normally do, with road blockades and closure redirection, so if people try to [congregate], it’s going to be a real mess,” she said. “It’s not going to be like years past.”
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The decision to cancel the Carnaval follows similar measures that West Hollywood took after canceling its annual Pride festival in June, and it will expand to include New Year’s Eve events, officials said.
West Hollywood’s Halloween Carnaval began in 1987 and has grown year by year. Over 100,000 people attended in 2019, according to the City Council.
But the Carnaval is more than just a party, said City Councilman John Duran. The holiday carries deep meaning for the historically inclusive city.
“I don’t know if people realize the significance of the holiday for LGBT people,” Duran said, noting that gay men and lesbians were once subject to arrests for cross-dressing. “We play dress-up all the time — we pretend to be straight, we pretend to be average or normal, we pretend to fit in — and Halloween night is one of those nights when we can finally let our hair down and be anything or anyone that we want, and it’s really deeply ingrained in our culture.”
Duran said he has attended the Carnaval for more than 40 years, long before he joined the City Council. And although he supports the necessary public health measures, he is also said that it’s not the first time the LGBTQ community has been faced with a pandemic and that officials have to be realistic about people’s desire to be together.
“I imagine tomorrow night I’m going to see masked-up Ruth Bader Ginsburgs, Donald Trumps and Stormy Daniels out on the boulevard,” he said, “so we have to be practical. People are going to dress up, they’re going to celebrate Thanksgiving, they’re going to set up Christmas trees, they’re going to light their Hanukkah candles, and they’re going to want to gather. Let’s start to talk about a mask as being a modern-day version of the condom for the AIDS epidemic. Put on your mask!”
But it’s not just the LGBTQ community that will take a hit. West Hollywood businesses and restaurants that look forward to the annual boost in foot traffic will be limited to takeout, delivery and other options that meet current public health guidelines. Horvath said that West Hollywood has already seen a 10% to 15% revenue reduction in 2020 because of the pandemic but that public safety has to take precedence.
“We’re not going to be able to open up more businesses, we’re not going to be able to get back to that nightlife state that everyone loves in West Hollywood, until we know we can keep everyone safe,” she said, “and so it’s really important that people stay home.”
In place of the spooky bash, West Hollywood is imploring community members to stay home and partake in safe Halloween activities to prevent the spread of the virus. Permissible activities include online parties, drive-by events, drive-in movies, yard decorations and pumpkin carving.
Health and government officials also recommend skipping trick-or-treating. Día de los Muertos celebrations on Nov. 1 and 2 are also canceled, the city said.
Councilman John D’Amico had one additional suggestion for people looking for safe ways to celebrate the holiday this year:
“Do something really spooky on Halloween, like read up on all the ballot propositions and candidates, discuss them with family and friends, fill out your ballots and make a plan to drop them off at an official drop box or polling place,” he said.


latimes--2020-10-30--From weddings to dinner out, how wholesome gatherings could bring next COVID-19 wave

There are growing concerns that the coronavirus might be spiking again in Los Angeles County .
Officials have been desperately trying to keep infection rates down as the fall and winter holiday season approaches .
On Thursday , the county announced its highest one-day increase in cases not connected to a reporting backlog since August .
There has been much focus on the role of social gatherings tied to the Lakers ’ and Dodgers ’ recent championship runs as possible causes — including images of the Dodgers ’ Justin Turner celebrating with teammates Tuesday despite having tested positive for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go well beyond world championships .
A huge problem is COVID fatigue : people resuming old routines after months of restrictions .
So how can seemingly wholesome celebrations turn into potentially deadly coronavirus outbreaks ?
Los Angeles County ’ s public health director , Barbara Ferrer , tried to answer that question this week , showcasing three national examples that explain how it can happen .
An Aug. 7 wedding in a small town in Maine has been linked to eight COVID-19 deaths and 180 confirmed coronavirus infections .
The wedding ceremony and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was attended by about 65 guests , few of whom wore masks , Ferrer said .
“ The day after the wedding , one of the guests began to experience symptoms and eventually fell ill with COVID-19.
” None of the wedding guests have died .
But someone in attendance passed the virus to a local senior living facility , either directly or through an employee at the home , resulting in seven deaths .
Similarly , the virus was transmitted to a county jail , where 87 people have been infected , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ It may seem harmless to bring a group of people together for a celebration , ” Ferrer said .
“ However , if not done appropriately , this type of gathering — even if only one person was infected — has the potential to result in hundreds of cases of COVID-19 .
And unfortunately , even worse , it can lead to the deaths of people who had no connection to the event at all.
” Because of the pandemic , California has banned wedding receptions , but it does permit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rules vary by county , depending on the severity of the disease in a particular area .
Under the statewide order , counties in the most restrictive tier are only allowed to hold ceremonies outdoors , in which guests from different households remain six feet from one another .
The risk of dining in restaurants Infections , especially in younger adults , can begin at restaurants and bars , health experts say .
People infected with the virus were twice as likely to have eaten at a restaurant in the two weeks prior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a recent U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention study found .
The study did not distinguish between indoor and outdoor dining settings .
States also have reported similar findings , Ferrer said .
Louisiana has found that 25 % of its coronavirus cases had their origins in bars and restaurants .
In Maryland , 12 % of cases were traced to restaurants , and 9 % of new cases in Colorado were linked to bars and restaurants .
In Los Angeles County , about 10 % to 15 % of confirmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Ferrer said .
“ This makes sense , because when people go to restaurants and bars , they often spend a prolonged period of time in the presence of others who are outside of their household without their face covering , ” she said .
Drinking , eating and talking without a mask can spread the virus .
“ Particularly indoors , it becomes easier for this virus to spread , ” Ferrer said .
“ Younger people can come in contact with others in a work or social environment and spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ higher-risk population of having serious disease if they get COVID-19.
” After a brief reopening on June 19 , bars in L.A. County that don ’ t serve food were shut down again on June 28 and have remained closed since .
After reopening in late May , restaurants ’ indoor dining rooms have been closed since July 1 .
The main cause of a large outbreak that infected more than 1,500 students and 17 staff members at the University of Colorado Boulder is believed to be off-campus social gatherings .
“ Behavior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ classroom and onto the campus and accelerates the spread of the virus , ” Ferrer said .
“ They were forced to move all of their classes to remote in an effort to slow the spread.
” Nine fraternities were placed under mandatory quarantine orders by the local health department .
In L.A. County , universities are already operating with mostly or fully remote campuses , Ferrer said .
Still , schools such as Cal State Long Beach and USC have wrestled with outbreaks among students .
The infections have been linked to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beyond campus borders .

Numerous COVID-19 cases and several deaths have been linked to an Aug. 7 wedding at the Tri Town Baptist Church in East Millinocket, Maine.
There are growing concerns that the coronavirus might be spiking again in Los Angeles County.
Officials have been desperately trying to keep infection rates down as the fall and winter holiday season approaches. On Thursday, the county announced its highest one-day increase in cases not connected to a reporting backlog since August.
There has been much focus on the role of social gatherings tied to the Lakers’ and Dodgers’ recent championship runs as possible causes — including images of the Dodgers’ Justin Turner celebrating with teammates Tuesday despite having tested positive for the virus.
But experts say the risks go well beyond world championships. A huge problem is COVID fatigue: people resuming old routines after months of restrictions.
Advertisement
So how can seemingly wholesome celebrations turn into potentially deadly coronavirus outbreaks?
Los Angeles County’s public health director, Barbara Ferrer, tried to answer that question this week, showcasing three national examples that explain how it can happen.
A wedding turns tragic
An Aug. 7 wedding in a small town in Maine has been linked to eight COVID-19 deaths and 180 confirmed coronavirus infections.
The wedding ceremony and reception in the town of East Millinocket was attended by about 65 guests, few of whom wore masks, Ferrer said.
“The day after the wedding, one of the guests began to experience symptoms and eventually fell ill with COVID-19.”
None of the wedding guests have died. But someone in attendance passed the virus to a local senior living facility, either directly or through an employee at the home, resulting in seven deaths.
Similarly, the virus was transmitted to a county jail, where 87 people have been infected, including inmates and staff, Ferrer said.
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“It may seem harmless to bring a group of people together for a celebration,” Ferrer said. “However, if not done appropriately, this type of gathering — even if only one person was infected — has the potential to result in hundreds of cases of COVID-19. And unfortunately, even worse, it can lead to the deaths of people who had no connection to the event at all.”
Because of the pandemic, California has banned wedding receptions, but it does permit wedding ceremonies with certain limitations, and rules vary by county, depending on the severity of the disease in a particular area. Under the statewide order, counties in the most restrictive tier are only allowed to hold ceremonies outdoors, in which guests from different households remain six feet from one another.
Business Coronavirus closures rock California restaurants, again The coronavirus crisis has left millions unemployed, but few businesses have been hit as hard as California’s estimated 90,000 restaurants.
The risk of dining in restaurants
Infections, especially in younger adults, can begin at restaurants and bars, health experts say.
People infected with the virus were twice as likely to have eaten at a restaurant in the two weeks prior to their infection than people without infections, a recent U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention study found. The study did not distinguish between indoor and outdoor dining settings.
States also have reported similar findings, Ferrer said.
Louisiana has found that 25% of its coronavirus cases had their origins in bars and restaurants. In Maryland, 12% of cases were traced to restaurants, and 9% of new cases in Colorado were linked to bars and restaurants. In Los Angeles County, about 10% to 15% of confirmed cases are connected to a dining experience, Ferrer said.
“This makes sense, because when people go to restaurants and bars, they often spend a prolonged period of time in the presence of others who are outside of their household without their face covering,” she said. Drinking, eating and talking without a mask can spread the virus.
“Particularly indoors, it becomes easier for this virus to spread,” Ferrer said. “Younger people can come in contact with others in a work or social environment and spread it to those who are in a higher-risk population of having serious disease if they get COVID-19.”
After a brief reopening on June 19, bars in L.A. County that don’t serve food were shut down again on June 28 and have remained closed since. After reopening in late May, restaurants’ indoor dining rooms have been closed since July 1.
Freshman arrive at the University of Colorado Boulder on Aug 18. Boulder County officials have restricted gatherings of college-age residents after more than 1,500 coronavirus cases were reported on the campus. (Mark Makela / Getty Images)
A large college outbreak
The main cause of a large outbreak that infected more than 1,500 students and 17 staff members at the University of Colorado Boulder is believed to be off-campus social gatherings.
“Behavior outside the classroom unfortunately spills into the classroom and onto the campus and accelerates the spread of the virus,” Ferrer said. “They were forced to move all of their classes to remote in an effort to slow the spread.”
Nine fraternities were placed under mandatory quarantine orders by the local health department.


latimes--2020-10-30--Fright night in Southern California: Halloween photos during a pandemic

It should be time to dress up and collect candy , but not in 2020 .
Eight months into the @ @ @ @ @ Los Angeles is doing its best to get into the All Hallows ’ spirit .
@ @ @ @ @ , elaborate decorations and drive-through celebrations are keeping Halloween alive .
Take a look .

Boo.
It should be time to dress up and collect candy, but not in 2020. Eight months into the COVID-19 pandemic, though, Los Angeles is doing its best to get into the All Hallows’ spirit.
In neighborhoods throughout the Southland, elaborate decorations and drive-through celebrations are keeping Halloween alive. Take a look.
Witches paddle board in the Ventura Habor. This is the second annual ride of the Ventura Harbor Witches. (Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times)
Brentwood
A pedestrian walks past a home with a ghostly entrance on 25th Street in Brentwood. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
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The Brentwood home features a scary “Alice in Wonderland” scene. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
Carbon Canyon
A skeleton perched on a bench encourages motorists to slow down near the Sleepy Hollow community on Carbon Canyon Road in Orange County. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Watts
Aadori Jackson, 4, strikes a pose with Black Panther (Rakeem Addison) at Nickerson Gardens in Watts. Addison, director of the DJ Rara Foundation, dressed up to pass out candy. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
Monterey Park
Soap bubbles and Halloween decorations greet visitors at Bruggemeyer Library during the Monterey Park Candy Caravan. The drive-through trick-or-treat was held at five locations throughout the city. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
Woodland Hills
A costumed youngster enjoys the ride during the drive-through Hauntoween LA experience in Woodland Hills. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
Dancing skeletons at the drive-through Hauntoween LA in Woodland Hills. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
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Reseda
A pedestrian makes her way past a decorated home on Victory Boulevard in Reseda. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Redondo Beach
Boats and silhouettes of dozens of witches on stand-up paddle boards make their way across King Harbor in Redondo Beach, CA, taking part in a Halloween float, sparked by a Facebook group titled, “Witches SUPers of South Bay Paddle,” Saturday, Oct. 31, 2020. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times)
West Hollywood


latimes--2020-10-30--After year of civil unrest, Measure J asks voters to approve criminal justice reforms

After months of civil unrest triggered by controversial police shootings , the momentum for criminal justice reforms has reached the ballot box , with voters in Los Angeles County for the first time being asked if more public funds should be diverted to social services instead of police and jails .
The voter question , called Measure J , would require that 10 % of locally generated , unrestricted county money — estimated between $ 360 million and $ 900 million — be spent on a variety of social services , including housing , mental health treatment and jail diversion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from using the money on prisons , jails or law enforcement agencies .
The measure has pitted community justice activists against law enforcement officials and their backers over sharply differing visions of how the measure would affect policing .
While it doesn ’ t call directly for police budget cuts , opponents claim that funds would inevitably be slashed from law enforcement , with L.A. County Sheriff Alex Villanueva , in a tweet , going so far as to raise the specter of a “ Mad Max ” future in the region if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in response to a national reckoning on racism , as voters in several states will see proposals on their ballots promising police reform .
Measure J appears to be one of the few options favoring increased social services funding over direct police reforms .
It is the first time something like this has been tried in L.A. County , home to the largest jail system in the country , said Kelly Lytle Hernández , a UCLA professor who has extensively researched L.A. ’ s criminal justice system .
Proponents say the measure ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staffing but instead address the significant costs of jailing low-income residents who commit low-level offenses as well as people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders .
An estimated 61 % of the mental health population in L.A. County ’ s jails — about 3,400 people — would be more appropriate candidates for less costly , more effective diversion programs , if those programs had space or existed , according to a report by RAND Corp. published earlier this year .
“ We can ’ t take them out of the jail system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them in the community , ” said Eunisses Hernandez , co-chair of the Re-Imagine L.A. County campaign , which is leading the charge on supporting Measure J .
“ That where we are , where we have relied too much on the carceral system to deal with our most vulnerable folks.
” Opponents of the measure include the Assn .
for Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs , which has spent more than $ 3.5 million on campaign advertising on TV and social media aimed at convincing the public that Measure J ’ s goal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Measure J could mean deep cuts to vital services like 911 emergency response , public health nurses and first responders , ” the narrator says in one ad .
Supervisor Sheila Kuehl , one of four supervisors on the five-person board who back the measure , said there isn ’ t a “ shred of truth ” in the No on J campaign ads that claim essential workers will be harmed .
Kuehl said jobs based in punishment , such as the Sheriff ’ s Department detention officers in county jails , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proved to be ineffective in curbing crime .
“ Punishment has not really worked well for society , and society is saying more , and louder , ‘ We would like to try another way , ’ and that ’ s what this reform is about , ” Kuehl said .
It is unclear the exact amount of money Measure J will divert because much of the county ’ s unrestricted funds varies from year to year .
Of the $ 9 billion in unrestricted money in the county ’ s $ 35-billion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion goes to the Sheriff ’ s Department .
Measure J funds would total about $ 360 million based on this year ’ s budget , according to an estimate provided by county officials .
Supporters insist that Measure J does not require money to be taken from the Sheriff ’ s Department — only that the 10 % it carves from the budget couldn ’ t go to the agency .
But in a board meeting in August , acting county Chief Executive Fesia Davenport said that the Sheriff ’ s Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first responders if Measure J passed .
“ The category of first responders that would be impacted and that would have the highest likelihood are staff in the Sheriff ’ s Department , ” Davenport said .
Villanueva , a regular sparring partner of the board , was immediately against the measure , tweeting in late July when the board voted on it that if voters “ don ’ t want your streets to look like a scene from Mad Max , use your VOICE to tell the board what you think , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ post-apocalyptic world highlighting the collapse of modern society .
“ Measure J is profoundly dishonest because it doesn ’ t tell you that when you lose 10 % of your budget , what happens to the department , ” Villanueva said Sunday night during a Feel the Bern Democratic Club meeting , arguing that if Measure J passes , it could lead to the closure of sheriff ’ s stations and a decrease in homicide investigators and would harm marginalized communities that suffer disproportionate rates of violence .
Measure J made it to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ factors : the massive upswing in support to address systemic racism after George Floyd ’ s killing , a spate of police shootings of local residents in recent weeks that heightened demands for more police oversight , and existing momentum from the L.A. County Board of Supervisors to address criminal justice reform , including a recent board measure that pushes to close the decrepit Men ’ s Central Jail .
Hernandez said advocates want to see the county use Measure J money to invest in a decentralized system of care that makes healthcare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents in need , regardless of where they live in the largest county in America , making investments that address the root causes of crime through evidence-based programs rather than punishment .
Although opponents argue it would hurt county jobs , Measure J could actually increase the number and types of first responders in L.A. County , providing funding for unarmed emergency mobile teams who respond to 911 calls involving mental health crises , Hernandez said .
As the need for jails decreases , there would be a decline in “ punishment ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s investments in mental health and community programs , the county would see a substantial uptick in social service employment opportunities , Kuehl said .
If the county were to build another 4,000 mental health beds , or make similar moves to expand addiction treatment , there ’ d be a major need for those workers .
“ The same with people who are building housing and helping find housing for people , ” Kuehl said .
“ There will be quite an increase in services and helping jobs.
” Measure J @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s unnecessary to mandate spending on causes that the Board of Supervisors has already invested in .
The Los Angeles County Professional Peace Officers Assn.
, a union representing some sheriff ’ s deputies , has said the measure “ will cripple public safety ” and “ harm the communities it aims to help ” by diverting nearly $ 500 million “ away from essential county services.
” Supervisor Kathryn Barger , the only Republican on the board , has said she supports the needs of investing in community but fundamentally disagrees with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all agree that we need to commit essential resources to support investment in our communities and alternatives to incarceration , ” Barger said in a statement .
“ Instead of moving forward with this rushed measure , the Board of Supervisors should take this opportunity to discuss these issues at length with our stakeholders and community leaders .
”

After months of civil unrest triggered by controversial police shootings, the momentum for criminal justice reforms has reached the ballot box, with voters in Los Angeles County for the first time being asked if more public funds should be diverted to social services instead of police and jails.
The voter question, called Measure J, would require that 10% of locally generated, unrestricted county money — estimated between $360 million and $900 million — be spent on a variety of social services, including housing, mental health treatment and jail diversion programs. The county would be prohibited from using the money on prisons, jails or law enforcement agencies.
The measure has pitted community justice activists against law enforcement officials and their backers over sharply differing visions of how the measure would affect policing. While it doesn’t call directly for police budget cuts, opponents claim that funds would inevitably be slashed from law enforcement, with L.A. County Sheriff Alex Villanueva, in a tweet, going so far as to raise the specter of a “Mad Max” future in the region if the measure passes.
The measure comes in response to a national reckoning on racism, as voters in several states will see proposals on their ballots promising police reform. Measure J appears to be one of the few options favoring increased social services funding over direct police reforms. It is the first time something like this has been tried in L.A. County, home to the largest jail system in the country, said Kelly Lytle Hernández, a UCLA professor who has extensively researched L.A.’s criminal justice system.
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“This is watershed moment,” Hernández said.
Proponents say the measure’s aim is not to slash police staffing but instead address the significant costs of jailing low-income residents who commit low-level offenses as well as people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders.
An estimated 61% of the mental health population in L.A. County’s jails — about 3,400 people — would be more appropriate candidates for less costly, more effective diversion programs, if those programs had space or existed, according to a report by RAND Corp. published earlier this year.
“We can’t take them out of the jail system because there’s nowhere to put them in the community,” said Eunisses Hernandez, co-chair of the Re-Imagine L.A. County campaign, which is leading the charge on supporting Measure J. “That where we are, where we have relied too much on the carceral system to deal with our most vulnerable folks.”
Opponents of the measure include the Assn. for Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs, which has spent more than $3.5 million on campaign advertising on TV and social media aimed at convincing the public that Measure J’s goal is to essentially defund the police.
“Measure J could mean deep cuts to vital services like 911 emergency response, public health nurses and first responders,” the narrator says in one ad.
Supervisor Sheila Kuehl, one of four supervisors on the five-person board who back the measure, said there isn’t a “shred of truth” in the No on J campaign ads that claim essential workers will be harmed.
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Kuehl said jobs based in punishment, such as the Sheriff’s Department detention officers in county jails, are becoming an outdated concept that has proved to be ineffective in curbing crime. “Punishment has not really worked well for society, and society is saying more, and louder, ‘We would like to try another way,’ and that’s what this reform is about,” Kuehl said.
It is unclear the exact amount of money Measure J will divert because much of the county’s unrestricted funds varies from year to year. Of the $9 billion in unrestricted money in the county’s $35-billion budget this year, about $2 billion goes to the Sheriff’s Department. Measure J funds would total about $360 million based on this year’s budget, according to an estimate provided by county officials.
Supporters insist that Measure J does not require money to be taken from the Sheriff’s Department — only that the 10% it carves from the budget couldn’t go to the agency. But in a board meeting in August, acting county Chief Executive Fesia Davenport said that the Sheriff’s Department would probably be more affected than other first responders if Measure J passed.
“The category of first responders that would be impacted and that would have the highest likelihood are staff in the Sheriff’s Department,” Davenport said.
Villanueva, a regular sparring partner of the board, was immediately against the measure, tweeting in late July when the board voted on it that if voters “don’t want your streets to look like a scene from Mad Max, use your VOICE to tell the board what you think,” referencing a 1979 film about a post-apocalyptic world highlighting the collapse of modern society.
The @LACountyBOS just pushed forward agenda item 51-C, advancing the campaign to cont. defunding @LASDHQ & change public safety forever. Do YOU share their opinions? If you don’t want your streets to look like a scene from Mad Max, use your VOICE to tell the board what you think pic.twitter.com/Rzzh9nGo6l — Alex Villanueva (@LACoSheriff) July 21, 2020
“Measure J is profoundly dishonest because it doesn’t tell you that when you lose 10% of your budget, what happens to the department,” Villanueva said Sunday night during a Feel the Bern Democratic Club meeting, arguing that if Measure J passes, it could lead to the closure of sheriff’s stations and a decrease in homicide investigators and would harm marginalized communities that suffer disproportionate rates of violence.
Measure J made it to the ballot thanks to a confluence of factors: the massive upswing in support to address systemic racism after George Floyd’s killing, a spate of police shootings of local residents in recent weeks that heightened demands for more police oversight, and existing momentum from the L.A. County Board of Supervisors to address criminal justice reform, including a recent board measure that pushes to close the decrepit Men’s Central Jail.
Hernandez said advocates want to see the county use Measure J money to invest in a decentralized system of care that makes healthcare, jobs and housing programs accessible to residents in need, regardless of where they live in the largest county in America, making investments that address the root causes of crime through evidence-based programs rather than punishment.
Although opponents argue it would hurt county jobs, Measure J could actually increase the number and types of first responders in L.A. County, providing funding for unarmed emergency mobile teams who respond to 911 calls involving mental health crises, Hernandez said.
As the need for jails decreases, there would be a decline in “punishment” type jobs — but with Measure J’s investments in mental health and community programs, the county would see a substantial uptick in social service employment opportunities, Kuehl said.
If the county were to build another 4,000 mental health beds, or make similar moves to expand addiction treatment, there’d be a major need for those workers.
“The same with people who are building housing and helping find housing for people,” Kuehl said. “There will be quite an increase in services and helping jobs.”
Measure J’s opponents argue that it’s unnecessary to mandate spending on causes that the Board of Supervisors has already invested in. The Los Angeles County Professional Peace Officers Assn., a union representing some sheriff’s deputies, has said the measure “will cripple public safety” and “harm the communities it aims to help” by diverting nearly $500 million “away from essential county services.”
Supervisor Kathryn Barger, the only Republican on the board, has said she supports the needs of investing in community but fundamentally disagrees with “budgeting by ballot.”
“We all agree that we need to commit essential resources to support investment in our communities and alternatives to incarceration,” Barger said in a statement. “Instead of moving forward with this rushed measure, the Board of Supervisors should take this opportunity to discuss these issues at length with our stakeholders and community leaders.”


latimes--2020-10-30--In red California, election tests friendships, worsens divisions. 'You can feel the tension'

Victor Castellanos says the presidential election feels a lot like this : a choice between a raw jalapeño and a snow-cone .
Two radically disparate things he ’ s not really in the mood for .
“ I can ’ t wait until it ’ s over , ” Castellanos , 58 , said as he washed the windows of his Dodge Ram outside the Shingletown Store .
Ultimately , he said , he held his nose and cast his mail-in ballot for Joe Biden — a man he believes is too old to be seeking the presidency — because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote for that narcissistic [ expletive ] Trump.
” In this Shasta County hamlet of 2,200 people named for the shingle-makers who supplied Gold Rush miners , enormous flags backing President Trump flap in the autumn wind all along Highway 44 .
Like vast swaths of rural California , this is Republican country .
But in these final days before the election , voters on both sides of the aisle in the old logging towns of Northern California and flat farmlands of the Central Valley seem to agree : They want the campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has infiltrated all aspects of life , to end .
“ I almost wish I could be put to sleep and be woken up in February or something , ” said Doni Chamberlain , an independent journalist who lives in Redding .
“ You can feel the tension.
” A self-described liberal , Chamberlain , 64 , sees Trump gear in the local hardware store and MAGA hats all over town .
When she ’ s out in public , she feels people staring at her for wearing a face mask amid the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after being hospitalized with COVID-19 .
Chamberlain , like many Americans in these divided times , has learned to navigate what she can and can ’ t talk about with conservative loved ones .
She has lost friends who wrote hurtful Facebook posts calling liberals derogatory names .
“ When all this shakes out after the election , it ’ ll be interesting to see what friends I have standing , ” she said .
Barring the politically unimaginable , Biden will win California .
But the president has legions of supporters in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 2016 , Trump won 4.5 million votes in California , fewer only than Texas ( where he got 4.7 million votes ) and Florida ( 4.6 million ) .
Shasta County is part of a vast area north of Sacramento where people talk seriously about carving a separate out of California ’ s rural , conservative northern counties .
Stickers plastered on pickup trucks feature the Jefferson flag with its pair of X ’ s — called a “ double cross ” — that represent a sense of rural abandonment .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ dislike California ’ s strict gun-control policies and liberal immigration laws .
If Jefferson became a state — a proposition experts have said is doomed to fail — it would have about 1.7 million residents , a population larger than 13 other states .
It would also be three-quarters white .
Farther south , in the increasingly Latino , agricultural Central Valley , the president has found a new voter in Kenneth Smith , a 35-year-old cook from western Fresno County who registered to vote for the first time this year just to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Smith stood by a maroon El Camino in his driveway in Coalinga — a small city from which California withheld COVID-19 relief funds after local officials declared all businesses to be essential in defiance of state orders .
Smith said he has to wear a mask at work but doesn ’ t wear one elsewhere .
He thinks the president “ has done an amazing job ” handling the pandemic , and said Trump has fulfilled numerous biblical prophesies — pointing to the recent U.S.-brokered agreement to establish relations between Israel and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I walk as a Christian , my vote stands with Trump , ” he said .
Smith said he was visiting a friend in Bakersfield earlier this year and went to a Black Lives Matter protest , where he got into an altercation with demonstrators .
“ I said some things I ’ m pretty embarrassed of , ” he said .
Although the vast majority of protests that followed the killing of George Floyd were peaceful , Smith said he worries about violence overtaking the country .
“ All of this craziness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I don ’ t even want my daughter to come outside .
I don ’ t want to take her outside of town ... .
I believe in another four years , Trump will have all this fixed.
” All along the dusty , hour-long drive northeast from Coalinga to Hanford , signs affixed to mesh cotton trailers read “ Another Farmer for Trump ” and “ The only thing worse than COVID-19 would be Biden-20.
” At the Kings County Republican headquarters in Hanford , volunteer Mary Jane Loya said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she did in 2016 — and is frustrated by what she sees as an unprecedented effort by his critics to sabotage his presidency .
“ It ’ s just so unfair — they won ’ t let him do his job , ” the 74-year-old said .
Her late husband ’ s family is liberal , she said , and some have unfriended her on Facebook over politics .
“ Let ’ s face it , he doesn ’ t have a filter , ” Loya said of the president .
“ He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But I think his heart ’ s in the right place.
” Back in Shasta County , a small group protesting coronavirus restrictions , mask mandates and vaccinations stood last week near Redding ’ s Sundial Bridge .
Among them was Robert Flynn , 30 , who wore a homemade , 17th century-style plague doctor mask with a bird-like beak .
“ It ’ s more political than an actual pandemic , ” he said of the coronavirus .
“ If it were a real pandemic , we should have been wearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over your whole head.
” His stance on COVID-19 hasn ’ t always gone well .
“ I lost friends for my views and my beliefs , ” he said .
“ At first , it was hard .
But then I decided , you know what , they ’ re not my real friends .
If they ’ re your real friends , they stick with you .
But if they ’ re not ?
Bye , Felicia.
” Speaking with Flynn was Lori Bridgeford , a 62-year-old healing arts therapist from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is an effort by the government to manipulate and control the population and to force vaccines .
“ We ’ re a rural area .
We ’ re not the kind of people who are doormats , ” she said .
“ We ’ re not violent people but , I tell you what , we ’ ve got a lot of people [ for whom ] there ’ s a limit and a line in the sand .
When you start violating our First Amendment , Second Amendment and all the rest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when we can worship ?
No .
We ’ re going to bark back .
We might threaten to bite , but we ’ re going to bark and shout.
” Trump beat Hillary Clinton by 36 percentage points in 2016 in Shasta County .
Castellanos , a longtime Democrat , said he is so disillusioned with both parties that he doesn ’ t even know what to call himself any more .
On the Facebook page for his motorcycle club , he tells people to skip the politics because he doesn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I ’ m embarrassed to identify , ” he said .
“ Social media has got it to where it ’ s not even real politics ; it ’ s just people bashing each other.
” “ This is just insane , ” Castellanos said , hoping that after the election “ the chaos will stop.
” Well , one can dream .

Victor Castellanos says the presidential election feels a lot like this: a choice between a raw jalapeño and a snow-cone. Two radically disparate things he’s not really in the mood for.
“I can’t wait until it’s over,” Castellanos, 58, said as he washed the windows of his Dodge Ram outside the Shingletown Store. Ultimately, he said, he held his nose and cast his mail-in ballot for Joe Biden — a man he believes is too old to be seeking the presidency — because “I’m not going to vote for that narcissistic [expletive] Trump.”
Victor Castellanos, of Redding, stands next to his Dodge Ram in Shingletown, Calif. He is ready for the 2020 election to be over. He voted for Joe Biden but isn’t thrilled about it. (Hailey Branson-Potts / Los Angeles Times)
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In this Shasta County hamlet of 2,200 people named for the shingle-makers who supplied Gold Rush miners, enormous flags backing President Trump flap in the autumn wind all along Highway 44.
Like vast swaths of rural California, this is Republican country. But in these final days before the election, voters on both sides of the aisle in the old logging towns of Northern California and flat farmlands of the Central Valley seem to agree: They want the campaign, and the constant partisan bickering that has infiltrated all aspects of life, to end.
“I almost wish I could be put to sleep and be woken up in February or something,” said Doni Chamberlain, an independent journalist who lives in Redding. “You can feel the tension.”
A self-described liberal, Chamberlain, 64, sees Trump gear in the local hardware store and MAGA hats all over town. When she’s out in public, she feels people staring at her for wearing a face mask amid the pandemic — an act Trump mocks even after being hospitalized with COVID-19.
Chamberlain, like many Americans in these divided times, has learned to navigate what she can and can’t talk about with conservative loved ones. She has lost friends who wrote hurtful Facebook posts calling liberals derogatory names.
“When all this shakes out after the election, it’ll be interesting to see what friends I have standing,” she said.
Barring the politically unimaginable, Biden will win California. But the president has legions of supporters in the nation’s most populous state. In 2016, Trump won 4.5 million votes in California, fewer only than Texas (where he got 4.7 million votes) and Florida (4.6 million).
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Shasta County is part of a vast area north of Sacramento where people talk seriously about carving a separate State of Jefferson out of California’s rural, conservative northern counties. Stickers plastered on pickup trucks feature the Jefferson flag with its pair of X’s — called a “double cross” — that represent a sense of rural abandonment.
Many here chafe at government regulation and dislike California’s strict gun-control policies and liberal immigration laws. If Jefferson became a state — a proposition experts have said is doomed to fail — it would have about 1.7 million residents, a population larger than 13 other states. It would also be three-quarters white.
Farther south, in the increasingly Latino, agricultural Central Valley, the president has found a new voter in Kenneth Smith, a 35-year-old cook from western Fresno County who registered to vote for the first time this year just to support Trump.
On a recent afternoon, Smith stood by a maroon El Camino in his driveway in Coalinga — a small city from which California withheld COVID-19 relief funds after local officials declared all businesses to be essential in defiance of state orders.
Smith said he has to wear a mask at work but doesn’t wear one elsewhere. He thinks the president “has done an amazing job” handling the pandemic, and said Trump has fulfilled numerous biblical prophesies — pointing to the recent U.S.-brokered agreement to establish relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates.
“As I walk as a Christian, my vote stands with Trump,” he said.
Smith said he was visiting a friend in Bakersfield earlier this year and went to a Black Lives Matter protest, where he got into an altercation with demonstrators.
“I said some things I’m pretty embarrassed of,” he said.
Although the vast majority of protests that followed the killing of George Floyd were peaceful, Smith said he worries about violence overtaking the country.
“All of this craziness is too much,” Smith said. “I don’t even want my daughter to come outside. I don’t want to take her outside of town.... I believe in another four years, Trump will have all this fixed.”
All along the dusty, hour-long drive northeast from Coalinga to Hanford, signs affixed to mesh cotton trailers read “Another Farmer for Trump” and “The only thing worse than COVID-19 would be Biden-20.”
Volunteers Pam Mills, left, Mary Jane Loya and Kim Harmon at the Kings County Republican headquarters. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
At the Kings County Republican headquarters in Hanford, volunteer Mary Jane Loya said she will vote for Trump just as she did in 2016 — and is frustrated by what she sees as an unprecedented effort by his critics to sabotage his presidency.
“It’s just so unfair — they won’t let him do his job,” the 74-year-old said.
Her late husband’s family is liberal, she said, and some have unfriended her on Facebook over politics.
“Let’s face it, he doesn’t have a filter,” Loya said of the president. “He doesn’t always say things right. But I think his heart’s in the right place.”
Back in Shasta County, a small group protesting coronavirus restrictions, mask mandates and vaccinations stood last week near Redding’s Sundial Bridge. Among them was Robert Flynn, 30, who wore a homemade, 17th century-style plague doctor mask with a bird-like beak.
“It’s more political than an actual pandemic,” he said of the coronavirus. “If it were a real pandemic, we should have been wearing, like, gas masks that go over your whole head.”
His stance on COVID-19 hasn’t always gone well.
“I lost friends for my views and my beliefs,” he said. “At first, it was hard. But then I decided, you know what, they’re not my real friends. If they’re your real friends, they stick with you. But if they’re not? Bye, Felicia.”
Robert Flynn, dressed as a 17th century plague doctor, during an open mic event for people opposed to coronavirus restrictions and vaccines, near the Sundial Bridge in Redding on Oct. 24. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Speaking with Flynn was Lori Bridgeford, a 62-year-old healing arts therapist from Shasta Lake. She says the pandemic is an effort by the government to manipulate and control the population and to force vaccines.
“We’re a rural area. We’re not the kind of people who are doormats,” she said. “We’re not violent people but, I tell you what, we’ve got a lot of people [for whom] there’s a limit and a line in the sand. When you start violating our First Amendment, Second Amendment and all the rest — assemblies, gatherings, telling us when we can worship? No. We’re going to bark back. We might threaten to bite, but we’re going to bark and shout.”
Trump beat Hillary Clinton by 36 percentage points in 2016 in Shasta County. Castellanos, a longtime Democrat, said he is so disillusioned with both parties that he doesn’t even know what to call himself any more.
On the Facebook page for his motorcycle club, he tells people to skip the politics because he doesn’t want to see the bickering.
“I’m embarrassed to identify,” he said. “Social media has got it to where it’s not even real politics; it’s just people bashing each other.”
“This is just insane,” Castellanos said, hoping that after the election “the chaos will stop.”
Well, one can dream.


latimes--2020-10-30--Column: Latino ambivalence about affirmative action could doom Prop. 16

For my generation of Latinos , the mid-1990s felt like a series of gut punches delivered by the California electorate .
There was Prop .
187 , then 209 and finally 227 .
Make life miserable for undocumented immigrants , ban affirmative action , then end bilingual education .
Voters gladly passed them in 1994 , 1996 , and 1998 .
If you were a Latino coming of age during this era , it felt like a big chunk of the Golden State was telling us we weren ’ t welcome here .
That we were takers and contributed nothing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ propositions did not fool you : You could hear in them a common and long familiar prejudice .
A generation later , the past that 187 , 209 and 227 represented looks as imposing as a toppled Confederate monument .
Prop .
187 got vanquished in courts , and California declared itself a sanctuary state in 2017 .
Bilingual education is back .
Now , Proposition 16 on this year ’ s ballot seeks to drive a stake into the ‘ 90s Hispanic hate parade once and for all by bringing back affirmative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an Oct. 26 rally at Mariachi Plaza in Boyle Heights that at first looked like politics at its most pandering .
A mariachi played the jaunty song “ El Mariachi Loco ” as a who ’ s who of Eastside power introduced themselves — we ’ re talking people like Assemblyman Miguel Santiago , State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo and Rep. Jimmy Gomez .
They swayed and cheered as if a fiesta could conjure up affirmative action from the dead with days to go before election day .
They were college students and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Proposition 209 .
Now , as some of the most powerful politicos in California , they wanted revenge .
“ We lived the moment when they took [ Proposition 209 ] away , ” Los Angeles Councilmember and former State Senate pro tem Kevin De Leon said before the event .
“ We carry a sense of guilt .
[ Latinos ] have made progress , but we would ’ ve made so much more.
” “ 209 is part of the trifecta of hate legislation in the ‘ 90s that we get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , president of the nonprofit Campaign for College Education .
“ For voters who feel frustrated against racism from yesterday and today , voting yes on 16 is something they can do.
” California is a vastly different place in no small part because these propositions rallied angry Latinos to the polls .
Latinos are now the largest ethnic group in the state and make up a much larger portion of the electorate than in the ‘ 90s .
And yet ... the polls and pundits say Prop .
16 is doomed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ just a week before election day , showed only 38 % of California voters supported the measure .
Whites and Asians voters are overwhelmingly against its ; Black voters support it .
Latinos ?
Only 40 % of those surveyed sided with the pro-affirmative action measure .
That apathy was apparent at the Yes on 16 pachanga .
There were almost as many distinguished guests as there were attendees — and most of the audience seemed to be staffers .
Pedestrians ambled by .
A group of teens who had skateboarded around Mariachi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ event disappeared once it started .
But supporters weren ’ t too worried .
At least that ’ s what they said .
“ We vote late as a community , ” said Los Angeles Community College District trustee Steven Veres .
“ That ’ s why things like this are important .
If you talk to people for just one minute about it , they get it without a doubt.
” “ We ’ re still in a pandemic , ” Christian Arana , director of policy for the Latino Community Foundation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Suffice to say , we as a community haven ’ t had the luxury to sit down and comb through what Prop .
16 could do.
” Their optimism has history behind it .
Only 42 % of Latino voters surveyed in a Los Angeles Times poll a week before the 1996 election opposed Prop .
209 — but 76 % of Latinos eventually voted against it .
The past 25 years , however , have seen Latinos advance in the state .
Our numbers are nowhere near where they should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , yet enough of us have made it so that affirmative action has become a general afterthought for many middle- and upper-class Latinos .
And surprisingly , some blue-collar Latinos can see affirmative action as an affront .
Latinos who might believe they are the hardest working people around , and who have achieved a measure of success in the U.S. despite many obstacles , might well question the need for it .
That ’ s how I felt when I first heard about Proposition 209 as a high-school senior in the fall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parents completed high school , yet they were able to buy a three-bedroom , two-bath , one swimming pool American dream home .
If they could do it , I thought , why couldn ’ t others ?
And why help those who couldn ’ t ?
That ’ s the philosophy of Rosa Paniagua , a personal trainer from Woodland Hills and the daughter of Mexican immigrants .
She and her friends , all Joe Biden supporters and mostly Latinas , were at a birthday party recently when a Yes on 16 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to “ level the playing field in California.
” “ We hated it , ” said the 43-year-old mother of four .
“ It ’ s our culture to work hard and earn our living .
You see people at the exit of freeways , and there ’ s a homeless guy and an immigrant selling oranges .
I ’ m going to support the guy who sells oranges rather than give a dollar to the one with the sign.
” That rancho libertarianism mentality is a phenomenon that Prop .
209 author @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defeating Prop .
16 .
“ People who thought it would be a soft sell were engaging in their own worst kind of bigotry , ” said Connerly , a former UC regent .
“ It ’ s not surprising at all to me that once understood , Latinos will reject the call of affirmative action.
” Besides , Connerly argued , Latinos should reject the return of affirmative action in part because “ if known and practiced , it will only separate them from the declining white and rising Asian ” population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chaos.
” I doubt that .
Such doomsday rhetoric employed by Connerly and other opponents of affirmative action quickly made me change my mind on the matter as a youngster .
Arana said Latinos can find the term “ affirmative action ” nebulous , which is hurting Prop .
16 .
“ You have to walk them through what a ‘ Yes ’ is , ” he said .
But polling by the Latino Community Foundation shows that when Prop .
16 is explained explicitly — as a way to get more Latinos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ definition of equality — voter support shoots up to 76 % .
“ It ’ s this understanding that we don ’ t all start in the same place , and that it ’ s important to help out our future , ” he said .
That ’ s the message the Yes on 16 Mariachi Plaza people preached as they took their cause to the streets .
The mariachi played “ La Marcha de Zacatecas , ” a thundering instrumental that ’ s like a Bat Signal for Mexicans to stop whatever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Cars slowed down and honked .
Pedestrians gladly took fliers .
Javier and Angelica Maldonado stopped to record the parade .
“ Sixteen ?
You mean September 16 ?
” Javier cracked , referring to Mexican Independence Day .
Then he got serious .
“ Of course we ’ re going to vote for it , ” said the 56-year-old Guadalajara native .
“ Our son and his friends should have all the chances to succeed , ” added Angelica .
East L.A residents Bryant Orta and Eunice Juarez , both 32 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fina .
Both knew about Prop .
16 but were noncommittal about their vote .
“ We do need to close the gap with other groups , ” said Juarez , a psychotherapist .
“ But we also need to get more competitive and make sure students aren ’ t set up to fail , ” countered Orta , a music manager .
The sun was setting , and the Yes on 16 returned to their cars .
Too much , too little , too late ?
We ’ ll find out soon @ @

From left, Assemblywoman Wendy Carrillo, L.A. Councilmember Kevin De Leon, L.A. Community College District trustee David Vela, and Rep. Jimmy Gomez at an Oct. 26 rally in Boyle Heights for Prop. 16
For my generation of Latinos, the mid-1990s felt like a series of gut punches delivered by the California electorate.
There was Prop. 187, then 209 and finally 227. Make life miserable for undocumented immigrants, ban affirmative action, then end bilingual education.
Voters gladly passed them in 1994, 1996, and 1998. If you were a Latino coming of age during this era, it felt like a big chunk of the Golden State was telling us we weren’t welcome here. That we were takers and contributed nothing. The coldly political language of the propositions did not fool you: You could hear in them a common and long familiar prejudice.
A generation later, the past that 187, 209 and 227 represented looks as imposing as a toppled Confederate monument.
Advertisement
Prop. 187 got vanquished in courts, and California declared itself a sanctuary state in 2017. Bilingual education is back. Now, Proposition 16 on this year’s ballot seeks to drive a stake into the ‘90s Hispanic hate parade once and for all by bringing back affirmative action.
This was the backdrop to an Oct. 26 rally at Mariachi Plaza in Boyle Heights that at first looked like politics at its most pandering.
A mariachi played the jaunty song “El Mariachi Loco” as a who’s who of Eastside power introduced themselves — we’re talking people like Assemblyman Miguel Santiago, State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo and Rep. Jimmy Gomez. They swayed and cheered as if a fiesta could conjure up affirmative action from the dead with days to go before election day.
Students rally at UCLA in support of Proposition 16 on Oct. 16. (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)
They were college students and activists in 1996 who unsuccessfully fought against Proposition 209. Now, as some of the most powerful politicos in California, they wanted revenge.
“We lived the moment when they took [Proposition 209] away,” Los Angeles Councilmember and former State Senate pro tem Kevin De Leon said before the event. “We carry a sense of guilt. [Latinos] have made progress, but we would’ve made so much more.”
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“209 is part of the trifecta of hate legislation in the ‘90s that we get to dismantle,” said Michele Siqueiros, president of the nonprofit Campaign for College Education. “For voters who feel frustrated against racism from yesterday and today, voting yes on 16 is something they can do.”
California is a vastly different place in no small part because these propositions rallied angry Latinos to the polls. Latinos are now the largest ethnic group in the state and make up a much larger portion of the electorate than in the ‘90s.
And yet...the polls and pundits say Prop. 16 is doomed.
The latest Berkeley ISG polls, released just a week before election day, showed only 38% of California voters supported the measure. Whites and Asians voters are overwhelmingly against its; Black voters support it.
Latinos? Only 40% of those surveyed sided with the pro-affirmative action measure.
That apathy was apparent at the Yes on 16 pachanga.
There were almost as many distinguished guests as there were attendees — and most of the audience seemed to be staffers. Pedestrians ambled by. A group of teens who had skateboarded around Mariachi Plaza just before the Yes on 16 event disappeared once it started.
But supporters weren’t too worried. At least that’s what they said.
“We vote late as a community,” said Los Angeles Community College District trustee Steven Veres. “That’s why things like this are important. If you talk to people for just one minute about it, they get it without a doubt.”
“We’re still in a pandemic,” Christian Arana, director of policy for the Latino Community Foundation, told me in a phone interview. “Suffice to say, we as a community haven’t had the luxury to sit down and comb through what Prop. 16 could do.”
Their optimism has history behind it. Only 42% of Latino voters surveyed in a Los Angeles Times poll a week before the 1996 election opposed Prop. 209 — but 76% of Latinos eventually voted against it.
The past 25 years, however, have seen Latinos advance in the state. Our numbers are nowhere near where they should be in terms of wealth and education, yet enough of us have made it so that affirmative action has become a general afterthought for many middle- and upper-class Latinos.
And surprisingly, some blue-collar Latinos can see affirmative action as an affront. Latinos who might believe they are the hardest working people around, and who have achieved a measure of success in the U.S. despite many obstacles, might well question the need for it.
That’s how I felt when I first heard about Proposition 209 as a high-school senior in the fall of 1996. Neither of my immigrant parents completed high school, yet they were able to buy a three-bedroom, two-bath, one swimming pool American dream home.
If they could do it, I thought, why couldn’t others? And why help those who couldn’t?
That’s the philosophy of Rosa Paniagua, a personal trainer from Woodland Hills and the daughter of Mexican immigrants. She and her friends, all Joe Biden supporters and mostly Latinas, were at a birthday party recently when a Yes on 16 ad appeared on the television that promised to “level the playing field in California.”
“We hated it,” said the 43-year-old mother of four. “It’s our culture to work hard and earn our living. You see people at the exit of freeways, and there’s a homeless guy and an immigrant selling oranges. I’m going to support the guy who sells oranges rather than give a dollar to the one with the sign.”
That rancho libertarianism mentality is a phenomenon that Prop. 209 author Ward Connerly hopes will guide Latinos toward defeating Prop. 16.
“People who thought it would be a soft sell were engaging in their own worst kind of bigotry,” said Connerly, a former UC regent. “It’s not surprising at all to me that once understood, Latinos will reject the call of affirmative action.”
Besides, Connerly argued, Latinos should reject the return of affirmative action in part because “if known and practiced, it will only separate them from the declining white and rising Asian” population and leave a state “simmering in chaos.”
I doubt that. Such doomsday rhetoric employed by Connerly and other opponents of affirmative action quickly made me change my mind on the matter as a youngster.
Arana said Latinos can find the term “affirmative action” nebulous, which is hurting Prop. 16. “You have to walk them through what a ‘Yes’ is,” he said. But polling by the Latino Community Foundation shows that when Prop. 16 is explained explicitly — as a way to get more Latinos into higher education instead of a vague definition of equality — voter support shoots up to 76%.
“It’s this understanding that we don’t all start in the same place, and that it’s important to help out our future,” he said.
That’s the message the Yes on 16 Mariachi Plaza people preached as they took their cause to the streets.
The mariachi played “La Marcha de Zacatecas,” a thundering instrumental that’s like a Bat Signal for Mexicans to stop whatever they’re doing and pay attention.
Cars slowed down and honked. Pedestrians gladly took fliers. Javier and Angelica Maldonado stopped to record the parade.
“Sixteen? You mean September 16?” Javier cracked, referring to Mexican Independence Day. Then he got serious. “Of course we’re going to vote for it,” said the 56-year-old Guadalajara native.
“Our son and his friends should have all the chances to succeed,” added Angelica.
East L.A residents Bryant Orta and Eunice Juarez, both 32, finished an early dinner at Casa Fina. Both knew about Prop. 16 but were noncommittal about their vote. “We do need to close the gap with other groups,” said Juarez, a psychotherapist.
“But we also need to get more competitive and make sure students aren’t set up to fail,” countered Orta, a music manager.
The sun was setting, and the Yes on 16 returned to their cars. Too much, too little, too late? We’ll find out soon enough.


latimes--2020-10-30--Irvine fire was a recipe for disaster. It became a rare victory for firefighters in grim year

The conditions seemed ripe for disaster .
Gusting Santa Ana winds had grounded water-dumping aircraft for hours , and flames were spreading across a tinder-dry fuel bed .
Downwind sat a tangled maze of suburban streets where more than 80,000 people were ordered to evacuate .
Had this week ’ s Silverado fire began anywhere else , and at any other time , firefighters said it could have been the latest disaster in California ’ s busiest fire year on record — a time when firefighting resources have been stretched perilously thin .
But this latest fire started on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the roads are smooth and wide , communities were built under the state ’ s most recent fire code and the largest regional firefighting force in the world was at the ready and just a phone call away .
Despite 45-mph gusts launching embers into the suburban sprawl , where cars sat bumper to bumper trying to flee the oncoming flames , not a single home was lost or seriously damaged .
In the end , thanks to a semi-formal agreement among the region ’ s biggest fire departments and the first-ever use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fastest water-dropping helicopter at night , crews were able to stand their ground , keeping the flames largely north of Portola Parkway , a major road that divides the subdivisions of Irvine from the backcountry .
“ In some ways , we got a little bit lucky , ” said Orange County Fire Chief Brian Fennessy .
In a year when firefighters have lost so many battles — in part because the number of blazes has stretched firefighting resources — this firefight and a second battle that began hours later in Yorba Linda @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
When the Silverado fire began , about a third of Orange County ’ s firefighters were in their last hour of a two-day shift and were about to be replaced , in essence , putting twice as many firefighters at the ready than would typically be available , Fennessy said .
As the chief headed to department headquarters down Portola Parkway that morning , he managed to come across the fire the moment it jumped the road and moved toward the subdivisions , giving commanders on-the-ground intel of where the fire was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I just got off the phone with the [ operations ] chief , he ’ s telling me the fire is still high up on the hill and right in front of me the fire is coming up the road , ” Fennessy said .
“ Like so many of these fires , they show up so much faster than people think.
” Fennessy pulled into the neighborhood and , along with one Irvine police officer , began urging residents to flee , he said .
At one point the chief jumped out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fire extinguisher and put out a spot fire burning next to a home , video on his cellphone shows .
As authorities cleared out the neighborhoods , a surge of crews were headed into the area thanks to a pact reached among Orange , Los Angeles and Ventura counties and the city of Los Angeles .
Fire chiefs in those districts had all agreed to help one another in dire situations , avoiding the state ’ s usual mutual aid system because it ’ s viewed as being slow to dispatch resources .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ within an hour of the call , had 25 engines racing to help .
More crews flowed into the county in the following days .
More than 2,200 firefighters arrived overall .
Had either of these fires erupted in August or September , when firefighters and equipment were busy battling record wildfires in the central and northern parts of the state , there ’ s no telling what could have happened , Fennessy said .
When the Blue Ridge fire broke out in the afternoon in Yorba Linda , commanders were able to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Only one home was destroyed , while seven others were damaged .
“ All of us were stunned that there were only two fires , ” Fennessy said .
“ We dodged a bullet in Orange County.
” Battling a wind-driven fire on the ground , and head-on , is a dangerous proposition , so hotshot crews worked the rear and sides of the fire to limit its spread while other firefighters took up positions in neighborhoods to protect homes from an onslaught of firebrands .
Two hotshot crew members were critically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fire ’ s flank and remain hospitalized .
Though aircraft were grounded for several hours in the morning , winds died down by the afternoon , according to National Weather Service data , and the aerial assault on the fires went into full swing .
Air tankers caked the grass and shrub-covered hillsides with pink retardant while helicopters doused flare-ups with water — even at night .
“ Southern California is an oddity in the world , you guys have a true air force down there , ” said Mel Ceccanti , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coulson Aviation , a firefighting aviation company that holds contracts around the world and has crews stationed in Orange County for a three-month period this year .
Throughout the first night of the Silverado fire , Ceccanti operated the company ’ s retrofitted CH-47 Chinook , a beast of a helicopter used by the Army that can fly 200 mph and drop 3,000 gallons of water or retardant at once — a payload on par with some fixed-wing tankers .
With night skies relatively clear and plenty of lakes and reservoirs in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 47,000 gallons of water over four hours .
“ It ’ s safe to say we dropped more water in Orange County than Orange County has ever had dropped , ” Ceccanti said .
Though the fire burned through bone-dry vegetation , Orange County ’ s landscape is markedly different from the terrain in Northern California — a key advantage to firefighters .
There ’ s no timber-heavy forest to sustain fire for long periods of time , so while the light grass and shrubs can burn extremely hot and launch embers into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as fast as they begin , Fennessy said .
“ It burns so frickin ’ quick , the ember cast can only last for so long , ” he said .
In retrospect , both Fennessy , who battled the 2007 firestorm in San Diego , and Ceccanti , who most recently flew over Australia ’ s massive bushfires , say the county caught a break this week .
Had the fire reached Trabuco Canyon , it could have raged out of control as winds pushed it deeper into rugged terrain .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ they were initially , aircraft wouldn ’ t have been able to help .
“ We support ground firefighters , no matter how much you put on that fire , someone has to come through with a hose to put that fire out , ” Ceccanti said .
“ If you bet the farm on aviation alone , you might catch yourself with your pants around your ankles.
” As of Thursday , the Silverado fire had burned 13,390 acres and was 51 % contained , and the Blue Ridge fire had burned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Most evacuations in the county were lifted in the afternoon .

A wind-driven blaze, dubbed the Silverado fire, sparked around 6:45 a.m. Monday morning and is spreading at a “moderate” speed in the area of Santiago Canyon and Silverado Canyon roads in Orange County. (KTLA)
A deer navigates through the smoke of the Silverado fire that broke out in Orange County on Monday morning. (OnScene.TV)
The Silverado fire broke out in Orange County on Monday morning, threatening communities and forcing residents from their homes. (OnScene.TV)
Orange County Fire Authority firefighters do structure protection for homes in the Orchard Hills neighborhood of Irvine as the Silverado fire continues to burn. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Orange County Fire Authority firefighters have to look away because of the gusty, hot wind, debris and approaching flames while defending homes from the Silverado fire in the Orchard Hills neighborhood of Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
A firefighter sustained second- and third-degree burns near Santiago Canyon Road and Limestone Spur fighting the Silverado fire and was transported to a nearby trauma center. (OnScene.TV)
An Orange County Fire Authority firefighter stands ready to defend a home as the Silverado fire approaches the Orchard Hills neighborhood of Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
A water truck operator is overcome after running through thick smoke from the advancing Silverado fire in Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
A water truck operator runs through the thick smoke of the advancing Silverado fire at the 241 Freeway and Portola Parkway in Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
A hot spot flares in the Silverado fire at the 241 Freeway and Portola Parkway in Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
A firefighter hoses down a home in Yorba Linda that was ablaze due to the Blue Ridge fire Monday. (OnScene.TV)
A bicyclist takes a look at fire activity on Via Lomas de Yorba amid the Blue Ridge fire in Yorba Linda. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
Firefighter Raymond Vasquez fights the Silverado fire, fueled by Santa Ana winds, at the 241 Freeway and Portola Parkway in Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Yorba Linda residents gather around an Orange County Fire Authority vehicle at the intersection of Fairmont Boulevard and San Antonio Road, inquiring about the Blue Ridge fire that was burning close to their homes. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
A flare-up fills the sky with smoke from the Silverado fire burning in Irvine on Tuesday. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
A firefighting helicopter makes a drop on the Silverado fire, which has been fanned by gusty Santa Ana winds for a second day in the Whiting Ranch Wilderness Park in Lake Forest. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
The conditions seemed ripe for disaster.
Gusting Santa Ana winds had grounded water-dumping aircraft for hours, and flames were spreading across a tinder-dry fuel bed. Downwind sat a tangled maze of suburban streets where more than 80,000 people were ordered to evacuate.
Had this week’s Silverado fire began anywhere else, and at any other time, firefighters said it could have been the latest disaster in California’s busiest fire year on record — a time when firefighting resources have been stretched perilously thin.
Firefighter Raymond Vasquez braves tall flames as he fights the advancing Silverado Fire fueled by Santa Ana winds at the 241 toll road and Portola Parkway in Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)
But this latest fire started on the outskirts of master-planned Orange County, where the roads are smooth and wide, communities were built under the state’s most recent fire code and the largest regional firefighting force in the world was at the ready and just a phone call away.
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Despite 45-mph gusts launching embers into the suburban sprawl, where cars sat bumper to bumper trying to flee the oncoming flames, not a single home was lost or seriously damaged. In the end, thanks to a semi-formal agreement among the region’s biggest fire departments and the first-ever use of the world’s biggest, fastest water-dropping helicopter at night, crews were able to stand their ground, keeping the flames largely north of Portola Parkway, a major road that divides the subdivisions of Irvine from the backcountry.
“In some ways, we got a little bit lucky,” said Orange County Fire Chief Brian Fennessy.
In a year when firefighters have lost so many battles — in part because the number of blazes has stretched firefighting resources — this firefight and a second battle that began hours later in Yorba Linda could be considered successes, officials said.
When the Silverado fire began, about a third of Orange County’s firefighters were in their last hour of a two-day shift and were about to be replaced, in essence, putting twice as many firefighters at the ready than would typically be available, Fennessy said. As the chief headed to department headquarters down Portola Parkway that morning, he managed to come across the fire the moment it jumped the road and moved toward the subdivisions, giving commanders on-the-ground intel of where the fire was and how it was behaving.
An Orange County firefighter stands ready to defend a home as the Silverado fire approaches in an Orchard Hills neighborhood of Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
“I just got off the phone with the [operations] chief, he’s telling me the fire is still high up on the hill and right in front of me the fire is coming up the road,” Fennessy said. “Like so many of these fires, they show up so much faster than people think.”
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Fennessy pulled into the neighborhood and, along with one Irvine police officer, began urging residents to flee, he said. At one point the chief jumped out of his vehicle, grabbed a nearby fire extinguisher and put out a spot fire burning next to a home, video on his cellphone shows.
As authorities cleared out the neighborhoods, a surge of crews were headed into the area thanks to a pact reached among Orange, Los Angeles and Ventura counties and the city of Los Angeles. Fire chiefs in those districts had all agreed to help one another in dire situations, avoiding the state’s usual mutual aid system because it’s viewed as being slow to dispatch resources.
Fennessy reached out to his peers and within an hour of the call, had 25 engines racing to help. More crews flowed into the county in the following days. More than 2,200 firefighters arrived overall.
Had either of these fires erupted in August or September, when firefighters and equipment were busy battling record wildfires in the central and northern parts of the state, there’s no telling what could have happened, Fennessy said. When the Blue Ridge fire broke out in the afternoon in Yorba Linda, commanders were able to quickly divert firefighters to the new threat. Only one home was destroyed, while seven others were damaged.
Orange County firefighters protect homes in the Orchard Hills neighborhood of Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
“All of us were stunned that there were only two fires,” Fennessy said. “We dodged a bullet in Orange County.”
Battling a wind-driven fire on the ground, and head-on, is a dangerous proposition, so hotshot crews worked the rear and sides of the fire to limit its spread while other firefighters took up positions in neighborhoods to protect homes from an onslaught of firebrands. Two hotshot crew members were critically burned in that initial attack on the fire’s flank and remain hospitalized.
Though aircraft were grounded for several hours in the morning, winds died down by the afternoon, according to National Weather Service data, and the aerial assault on the fires went into full swing. Air tankers caked the grass and shrub-covered hillsides with pink retardant while helicopters doused flare-ups with water — even at night.
“Southern California is an oddity in the world, you guys have a true air force down there,” said Mel Ceccanti, a pilot and director of flight operations for Coulson Aviation, a firefighting aviation company that holds contracts around the world and has crews stationed in Orange County for a three-month period this year.
Orange County firefighters have to look away because of the hot wind, debris and approaching flames while defending homes in the Orchard Hills neighborhood of Irvine. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Throughout the first night of the Silverado fire, Ceccanti operated the company’s retrofitted CH-47 Chinook, a beast of a helicopter used by the Army that can fly 200 mph and drop 3,000 gallons of water or retardant at once — a payload on par with some fixed-wing tankers.
With night skies relatively clear and plenty of lakes and reservoirs in the area, Ceccanti was able to drop 47,000 gallons of water over four hours.
“It’s safe to say we dropped more water in Orange County than Orange County has ever had dropped,” Ceccanti said.
Though the fire burned through bone-dry vegetation, Orange County’s landscape is markedly different from the terrain in Northern California — a key advantage to firefighters.
There’s no timber-heavy forest to sustain fire for long periods of time, so while the light grass and shrubs can burn extremely hot and launch embers into the air, the fires go out just as fast as they begin, Fennessy said.
“It burns so frickin’ quick, the ember cast can only last for so long,” he said.
In retrospect, both Fennessy, who battled the 2007 firestorm in San Diego, and Ceccanti, who most recently flew over Australia’s massive bushfires, say the county caught a break this week. Had the fire reached Trabuco Canyon, it could have raged out of control as winds pushed it deeper into rugged terrain. Had the winds remained as strong as they were initially, aircraft wouldn’t have been able to help.
“We support ground firefighters, no matter how much you put on that fire, someone has to come through with a hose to put that fire out,” Ceccanti said. “If you bet the farm on aviation alone, you might catch yourself with your pants around your ankles.”
As of Thursday, the Silverado fire had burned 13,390 acres and was 51% contained, and the Blue Ridge fire had burned 14,334 acres and was 39% contained. Most evacuations in the county were lifted in the afternoon.