latimes--2020-06-15--How do clowns survive the pandemic? Joke through masks, perform on camera — and disinfect those ball

How do clowns survive the pandemic? Joke through masks, perform on camera — and disinfect those balloon animals

Guilford Adams makes children laugh .
That ’ s been his job for nearly two decades .
But that was before the novel coronavirus hit , changing not only his profession but his humor as well .
On the first Monday in June , as he filled a large green suitcase with the props he would need to try to entertain 10 fidgety preschoolers at a Glendale day-care center for nearly an hour , Adams was worried his act would no longer work .
Would the kids understand the jokes he must now shout through a face mask ?
Could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sleight of hand from a socially safe distance ?
Would they even want the balloon animals once they had been scrubbed with a disinfectant ?
Such are the fears of a clown in the time of COVID-19 .
“ It feels a little bit disjointed , ” Adams said while pulling on a pair of blue plastic gloves and covering a worried frown with a broad toothy smile and bulbous red nose painted on a white cloth mask .
“ You can ’ t do everything you want to do.
” As he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a rocky start .
Wearing oversized black-and-white polka-dot pants , a checkerboard shirt and red suspenders under a red hat , Adams struggled to connect with the kids who were sitting on the other side of the lawn .
The first couple of jokes fell flat and when a magic trick proved less than magical , the audience began to squirm in their chairs .
Unable to use the physical stunts and interactions that clowns rely on to connect with kids , Adams began to sweat under the punishing late-morning sun .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ been financially devastated by the pandemic and the dramatic changes it brought to daily life .
Before the outbreak , he could do a half-dozen shows over a long weekend and earn as much as $ 1,000 .
The performance in the backyard of a Glendale day-care center would be only his third since stay-at-home orders were put in place three months ago .
He hasn ’ t had another since that day .
“ I have a mortgage .
I need to start paying bills , ” said Adams , who , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imagination but gets his mail at the small house in Highland Park he shares with his wife and 3-year-old twin boys .
“ I need to figure out what it ’ s like to work in a sort of a COVID world now .
We ’ re all trying to navigate it.
” But if the coronavirus has drained the bank accounts and bloodied the fake noses of party clowns like Adams , it has opened new possibilities for other performers .
As COVID-19 has forced most hospitals to close to all but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Robin Williams in “ Patch Adams ” — have moved their acts to Zoom , FaceTime and other video platforms .
“ This will forever change our view of what is possible , ” said Zachary Steel , an assistant professor of theater practice at USC who teaches medical clowning at the university .
“ We don ’ t look at this like ‘ Oh , let ’ s just wait for the pandemic to pass and then we ’ ll go about our business the way that we ’ re used to.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of lemons.
” Just a few months ago , Steel ’ s medical clowns — volunteers , former students and others — were limited to certain floors , certain rooms , even certain hospitals by disease , symptoms and geography .
Then COVID cut off even that limited access .
Taking their performances to the internet , however , has removed all those barriers .
“ We were very concerned at the beginning that this wouldn ’ t be possible because it ’ s a very in-the-moment , in-person , immediate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 39 , who is also co-artistic director of the Clown School in Los Angeles , where students pay for classes .
“ But we have found incredible possibility and opportunity through virtual clowning .
It ’ s been amazing.
” Hospital clowning , also known as clown care , has been around for more than 30 years and is especially popular in Israel , Australia and throughout Latin America , where clowns don ’ t have the stigma , nor promote the fright , they often do in the U.S. “ At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the doctors didn ’ t know about the benefits , ” said Raquel Gendry , 51 , whose clown care program in Ecuador has trained 200 volunteer clowns who have worked with 300,000 patients over 14 years .
For the last six months , she has been working with Steel at USC .
“ We do not heal , but we are like doctors of the soul , ” she said in Spanish .
“ Play and love is universal .
We get smiles , we play games and people forget for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” At its best , clown care both relaxes and distracts patients by introducing whimsy and diversion into what is normally a serious and regimented environment .
Numerous clinical studies have vouched for its efficacy , especially among children , at reducing the fear and uncertainty of being treated for a life-threatening condition .
And while the power of direct contact and physical spontaneity is lost in the move to Zoom and other videoconferencing services , COVID-19 had already taken much of that away anyway .
It also allowed performers to see that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Virtual clowns still dress in full costume , wear a red nose and hat and use the same time-worn props , but online they can change their background , manipulate the camera angle and bounce between screens .
More important , they have access virtually to hospitals that they can not enter physically .
Before the pandemic , Steel ’ s clowns were visiting three hospitals in Southern California .
Now they can perform for patients anywhere in the world , including those in elder-care facilities , which have been hard-hit by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s clowns are all students and volunteers , the financial consequences of COVID-19 haven ’ t affected them as much as a party clown such as Adams .
“ We sort of adapted and created this virtual medical clowning program , and I actually think this is a huge plus , ” said Rebecca Mellinger , who took Steel ’ s class in her final semester at USC in 2017 and now , as coordinator for the medical clown program , is guiding its transition to digital platforms .
“ We realized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be in the room to support these patients.
” Back in Glendale , Adams is searching for a way to restart his career , rummaging through his blue PT Cruiser — the license plates read “ LA CLWN , ” short for Los Angeles Clown Co. , his one-man troupe — and discarding props that no longer fit into his COVID-safe show .
Losing work is just one of the challenges that party clowns are having to deal with — learning how to perform in the new normal , with masks and social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are adept at that kind of improvisation because being one , even in the best of times , isn ’ t all fun and games .
Hollywood can be particularly cruel .
With movies such as “ Joker ” and “ It ” portraying clowns as sadistic sociopaths , it can be tough to get a smile even when you have one painted on your face .
“ If you ’ re a clown , you ’ re used to falling down and picking yourself up , ” Adams said .
“ And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it because you wouldn ’ t keep doing it .
“ Now everybody feels like me .
We ’ re all anxious now .
There ’ s no relief .
We ’ re still moving forward .
You know I don ’ t have any other options .
I don ’ t have any fallback.
” Adams , 46 , has been clowning so long , the skateboard-sized shoes his mom bought him almost 20 years ago have been resoled six times .
Yet in all that time he ’ s never experienced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has not only stopped him from working but is altering the way he will have to work going forward .
“ I ’ ve had to adapt my show , ” said Adams , who estimates he has done nearly 4,000 performances since his first clown show when he was in the seventh grade .
But none , before now , were done wearing personal protective equipment , standing at least six feet from his audience and sterilizing everything he touches , including those balloon animals .
“ To be completely honest , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fix my messaging .
I ’ ve been doing this for 20 years and I don ’ t know what I ’ m walking into.
” But the alternative — doing the show the old way — is unacceptable as long as the virus lingers .
So Adams insists on wearing a mask and gloves and encourages the adults around him to do the same thing .
If nothing else , it sets a good example for the children who may be living with the disease for some time .
“ I don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see us trying to have to mold into what is a new thing , ” he said .
“ But the reality is if I was asymptomatic and I contributed to hurting somebody , I ’ d be devastated.
” He admits he may have jumped the gun a bit on coming back before L.A. County had completely opened up .
But then which health official do you call to find out when it ’ s safe to be a clown again ?
“ There ’ s something very arm ’ s-length about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clowns do , ” he said .
“ Clowns kind of get into your space a little bit .
You break social customs .
And now you have this artificial social custom of six feet away.
” At the Glendale day-care center , it was painfully clear his initial attempts to make a connection with the kids weren ’ t working .
But when he stumbled through a purposely inept attempt at juggling , one girl began to laugh .
Soon others joined in and Adams quickly found his stride .
By the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teacher had to intervene to keep the kids in their seats .
He left to the cheers of a clown .
“ COVID is not going away .
I don ’ t see it changing , so I ’ m going to have to change , ” said Adams , who seemed both weary and relieved as he followed his massive clown shoes back to the PT Cruiser .
“ Kids who are 5 or 6 , this is a real shakeup for them .
They know something ’ s wrong , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And I think there ’ s kind of a need for clowns even more to create some normalcy for these kids .
”

Guilford Adams makes children laugh. That’s been his job for nearly two decades.
But that was before the novel coronavirus hit, changing not only his profession but his humor as well. On the first Monday in June, as he filled a large green suitcase with the props he would need to try to entertain 10 fidgety preschoolers at a Glendale day-care center for nearly an hour, Adams was worried his act would no longer work.
Would the kids understand the jokes he must now shout through a face mask? Could they follow the silly magic tricks and sleight of hand from a socially safe distance? Would they even want the balloon animals once they had been scrubbed with a disinfectant?
Such are the fears of a clown in the time of COVID-19.
“It feels a little bit disjointed,” Adams said while pulling on a pair of blue plastic gloves and covering a worried frown with a broad toothy smile and bulbous red nose painted on a white cloth mask. “You can’t do everything you want to do.”
Advertisement
As he feared, the day-care gig got off to a rocky start. Wearing oversized black-and-white polka-dot pants, a checkerboard shirt and red suspenders under a red hat, Adams struggled to connect with the kids who were sitting on the other side of the lawn.
The first couple of jokes fell flat and when a magic trick proved less than magical, the audience began to squirm in their chairs. Unable to use the physical stunts and interactions that clowns rely on to connect with kids, Adams began to sweat under the punishing late-morning sun.
Guilford Adams disinfects his guitar before performing a show at a preschool in Glendale. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
Like most gig workers, Adams has been financially devastated by the pandemic and the dramatic changes it brought to daily life. Before the outbreak, he could do a half-dozen shows over a long weekend and earn as much as $1,000. The performance in the backyard of a Glendale day-care center would be only his third since stay-at-home orders were put in place three months ago.
He hasn’t had another since that day.
“I have a mortgage. I need to start paying bills,” said Adams, who, like most clowns, lives in our imagination but gets his mail at the small house in Highland Park he shares with his wife and 3-year-old twin boys. “I need to figure out what it’s like to work in a sort of a COVID world now. We’re all trying to navigate it.”
Guilford Adams makes balloon animals as part of his 45-minute performance. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
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But if the coronavirus has drained the bank accounts and bloodied the fake noses of party clowns like Adams, it has opened new possibilities for other performers. As COVID-19 has forced most hospitals to close to all but essential personnel, medical clowns — think Robin Williams in “Patch Adams” — have moved their acts to Zoom, FaceTime and other video platforms.
“This will forever change our view of what is possible,” said Zachary Steel, an assistant professor of theater practice at USC who teaches medical clowning at the university. “We don’t look at this like ‘Oh, let’s just wait for the pandemic to pass and then we’ll go about our business the way that we’re used to.’ ... We need to make lemonade out of lemons.”
Just a few months ago, Steel’s medical clowns — volunteers, former students and others — were limited to certain floors, certain rooms, even certain hospitals by disease, symptoms and geography. Then COVID cut off even that limited access.
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Taking their performances to the internet, however, has removed all those barriers.
“We were very concerned at the beginning that this wouldn’t be possible because it’s a very in-the-moment, in-person, immediate, interactive art form,” said Steel, 39, who is also co-artistic director of the Clown School in Los Angeles, where students pay for classes. “But we have found incredible possibility and opportunity through virtual clowning. It’s been amazing.”
Hospital clowning, also known as clown care, has been around for more than 30 years and is especially popular in Israel, Australia and throughout Latin America, where clowns don’t have the stigma, nor promote the fright, they often do in the U.S.
“At the beginning, both the community and the doctors didn’t know about the benefits,” said Raquel Gendry, 51, whose clown care program in Ecuador has trained 200 volunteer clowns who have worked with 300,000 patients over 14 years. For the last six months, she has been working with Steel at USC.
“We do not heal, but we are like doctors of the soul,” she said in Spanish. “Play and love is universal. We get smiles, we play games and people forget for a moment that they are in the hospital.”
Clowns perform for Alejo Lacone at a pediatric hospital in Buenos Aires in 2015. A law in Buenos Aires makes it obligatory that children’s hospitals provide specially trained clowns as part of their healthcare facilities. (Natacha Pisarenko / Associated Press)
At its best, clown care both relaxes and distracts patients by introducing whimsy and diversion into what is normally a serious and regimented environment. Numerous clinical studies have vouched for its efficacy, especially among children, at reducing the fear and uncertainty of being treated for a life-threatening condition.
And while the power of direct contact and physical spontaneity is lost in the move to Zoom and other videoconferencing services, COVID-19 had already taken much of that away anyway.
It also allowed performers to see that there are certain advantages in performing remotely.
Virtual clowns still dress in full costume, wear a red nose and hat and use the same time-worn props, but online they can change their background, manipulate the camera angle and bounce between screens. More important, they have access virtually to hospitals that they cannot enter physically.
Before the pandemic, Steel’s clowns were visiting three hospitals in Southern California. Now they can perform for patients anywhere in the world, including those in elder-care facilities, which have been hard-hit by COVID-19. In addition, because Steel’s clowns are all students and volunteers, the financial consequences of COVID-19 haven’t affected them as much as a party clown such as Adams.
“We sort of adapted and created this virtual medical clowning program, and I actually think this is a huge plus,” said Rebecca Mellinger, who took Steel’s class in her final semester at USC in 2017 and now, as coordinator for the medical clown program, is guiding its transition to digital platforms. “We realized that we don’t have to be in the room to support these patients.”
Guilford Adams checks his makeup in the car before performing a show for children at a preschool in Glendale. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
Back in Glendale, Adams is searching for a way to restart his career, rummaging through his blue PT Cruiser — the license plates read “LA CLWN,” short for Los Angeles Clown Co., his one-man troupe — and discarding props that no longer fit into his COVID-safe show.
Advertisement
Losing work is just one of the challenges that party clowns are having to deal with — learning how to perform in the new normal, with masks and social distancing, is another.
But clowns are adept at that kind of improvisation because being one, even in the best of times, isn’t all fun and games. Hollywood can be particularly cruel. With movies such as “Joker” and “It” portraying clowns as sadistic sociopaths, it can be tough to get a smile even when you have one painted on your face.
“If you’re a clown, you’re used to falling down and picking yourself up,” Adams said. “And you must get some enjoyment out of it because you wouldn’t keep doing it.
“Now everybody feels like me. We’re all anxious now. There’s no relief. We’re still moving forward. You know I don’t have any other options. I don’t have any fallback.”
Adams, 46, has been clowning so long, the skateboard-sized shoes his mom bought him almost 20 years ago have been resoled six times. Yet in all that time he’s never experienced anything like the coronavirus outbreak, which has not only stopped him from working but is altering the way he will have to work going forward.
Guilford Adams has had to adapt his show due to the coronavirus. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
“I’ve had to adapt my show,” said Adams, who estimates he has done nearly 4,000 performances since his first clown show when he was in the seventh grade. But none, before now, were done wearing personal protective equipment, standing at least six feet from his audience and sterilizing everything he touches, including those balloon animals.
“To be completely honest, I don’t know how to fix my messaging. I’ve been doing this for 20 years and I don’t know what I’m walking into.”
But the alternative — doing the show the old way — is unacceptable as long as the virus lingers. So Adams insists on wearing a mask and gloves and encourages the adults around him to do the same thing. If nothing else, it sets a good example for the children who may be living with the disease for some time.
Advertisement
“I don’t see it improving. I see us trying to have to mold into what is a new thing,” he said. “But the reality is if I was asymptomatic and I contributed to hurting somebody, I’d be devastated.”
He admits he may have jumped the gun a bit on coming back before L.A. County had completely opened up. But then which health official do you call to find out when it’s safe to be a clown again?
“There’s something very arm’s-length about it, which is contrary to what clowns do,” he said. “Clowns kind of get into your space a little bit. You break social customs. And now you have this artificial social custom of six feet away.”
At the Glendale day-care center, it was painfully clear his initial attempts to make a connection with the kids weren’t working. But when he stumbled through a purposely inept attempt at juggling, one girl began to laugh. Soon others joined in and Adams quickly found his stride.
By the time the 45-minute show ended, a teacher had to intervene to keep the kids in their seats.
He left to the cheers of a clown.
Preschool kids laugh as Guilford Adams performs a show. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
“COVID is not going away. I don’t see it changing, so I’m going to have to change,” said Adams, who seemed both weary and relieved as he followed his massive clown shoes back to the PT Cruiser.
Advertisement
“Kids who are 5 or 6, this is a real shakeup for them. They know something’s wrong,” he added. “People seem panicked. And I think there’s kind of a need for clowns even more to create some normalcy for these kids.”


latimes--2020-06-15--Why you're being left in the dark about coronavirus hot spots in your area

According to Tesla , more than 10,000 people work at its electric-car assembly plant in Fremont , Calif. How many have been infected with COVID-19 ?
Tesla won ’ t say .
Neither will the Alameda County Public Health Department .
The county , which includes the cities of Fremont and Oakland , cites federal health privacy law to explain the silence .
But experts say the law in question is not so clear cut .
And elected officials and worker advocates are beginning to speak out , not only about Tesla but also about the tight hold public health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better inform the public on matters of life and death .
Some go so far as to say the agencies , by withholding detailed information about where COVID-19 is clustering , risk losing the support of the people they are trying to protect .
“ When you ’ re not giving people that kind of information , people get justifiably cynical , ” said Santa Clara County Supervisor Dave Cortese , who has grappled with his own public health department over data transparency .
“ My constituents start to wonder , how serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ On the one hand , they ’ re told it ’ s important to wear masks , that businesses need to shut down .
On the other hand , they won ’ t tell me where the clusters [ of cases ] are .
This isn ’ t about transparency for the sake of transparency .
It ’ s about whether my neighbor should head to the convenience store because there ’ ve been 14 infections there . ''
The issue is especially charged in Alameda County , where Tesla defied @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a week earlier than the date the county had given .
Chief Executive Elon Musk invited officials to arrest him .
The county caved , the plant reopened , and thousands were back at work on the assembly line .
In a recent internal email sent to workers by Tesla safety head Laurie Shelby , the company acknowledged workers have been infected but didn ’ t say how many .
The email also claimed that all infections occurred outside the factory , with “ zero Covid-19 workplace transmissions.
” The email offered no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that conclusion .
The Washington Post reported the existence of cases at Tesla on Tuesday .
Alameda County has the highest number of COVID-19 cases in Northern California ; since Musk defied the county order May 11 , cumulative cases have more than doubled , up 104 % from 2,064 to 4,207 by Sunday .
Across Alameda ’ s eastern border in San Joaquin County , where housing is relatively affordable to factory workers , cases are up 149 % since May 11 , to 1,550 .
Santa Clara County — the heart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among the highest in the nation and filled with software specialists who can work from home — had more cases than Alameda on May 11 but now has 983 fewer .
Its case count since May 11 is up only 27 % .
The public doesn ’ t know whether Tesla contributed to Alameda ’ s mushrooming caseload , and if so , by how much .
The Alameda County Public Health Department has the numbers but is keeping them confidential .
An Alameda County spokeswoman said federal health privacy law prevents disclosure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specify exactly which parts of the law prohibit dissemination of aggregated data , the spokeswoman sent a link to the language of the law — the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act — and offered no further comment .
Alameda County Administrator Susan Muranishi declined a request for comment .
Alameda ’ s top health officer , Dr. Erica Pan , also declined .
Four of the five elected Alameda County supervisors did not return phone calls or emails from The Times .
A representative for Supervisor Scott Haggerty said , “ Maybe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a request for comment .
All workers deserve to know whether their business place is a coronavirus hot spot , said Mara Ortenburger , communications and research head at Worksafe , a workers rights group .
“ They deserve to know so they can take steps to support themselves and their family ” by deciding whether to go to work or not , she said .
“ It ’ s especially crucial if they have elder or immunocompromised family at home.
” Sallie Milam , deputy director of the Network for Public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also might provide management incentive to comply with public health orders and provide measures to protect their workforce.
” Tesla workers have complained about receiving only scant information about coronavirus infections at the Fremont plant , the San Francisco Chronicle reported .
“ They said you don ’ t need to know unless you ’ re on the trace end of it , ” a worker told the Chronicle , referring to efforts to trace infected workers ’ contacts .
Data transparency has become a hot topic among county health officials across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the National Assn .
of County and City Health Officials .
“ There ’ s been a lot of pressure on health departments to release information , ” she said .
“ They started out being very conservative , but the pressure has mounted over time ” — pressure , she said , mainly from elected officials .
Many health officials echo Alameda County ’ s contention that HIPAA , on the books since 1996 , prevents any disclosure of public health information that could identify an individual .
But the law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a labyrinth of regulations , ” Milam said .
Many health agencies are taking too strict an interpretation of the law , said Al-Amyn Sumar , an attorney at the Ballard Spahr law firm in Washington .
HIPAA gives some leeway to public health agencies , especially if there are state laws that supersede HIPAA .
“ There would be minimal privacy interest ” in more site-specific location information but “ a significant public interest in knowing where the outbreaks are happening and what the public health response is to that , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how California law fits into his analysis , he said .
In Iowa last month , the Black Hawk County Health Department , under pressure from the public and the news media , announced that 1,031 workers had been infected at a Tyson Foods meatpacking plant there .
Public health agencies generally are unaccustomed to public controversies over data release and tend to be conservative , Milam said .
Provisions in HIPAA could be interpreted as barring identification of an employer , she said .
But there ’ s a way for public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ HIPAA yoke .
It involves an organizational structure change into a “ hybrid entity.
” The concept is simple : Public health agencies are subject to HIPAA when they provide any health services directly to patients .
That makes the agency “ covered ” by HIPAA .
Even one practicing physician on staff makes the entire health agency a covered entity .
If the health agency doesn ’ t provide health services , it doesn ’ t come under HIPAA .
Large counties throughout the U.S. typically provide health services .
Any covered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agency , however , by creating an information wall between the health providers and the rest of the public health department , Milam said .
The California Department of Public Health , for example , is a hybrid entity .
Pre-pandemic , public health agencies in general were under no pressure to make the conversion , and many may not even know the option exists .
Freeman , of the county and city health association , said she ’ s intrigued .
“ The pandemic is going to change a lot of things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ll cause us to pause and determine whether what we have in place fits our needs and perhaps readdress ” some policies .
The Times emailed the Alameda County spokeswoman Friday morning and asked whether the health department had ever considered becoming a hybrid entity or might consider it in the future .
Thus far , there ’ s been no response .

Neither Tesla nor Alameda County will report whether anyone’s been infected with COVID-19 at the Fremont plant. Above, a metal stamping press.
According to Tesla, more than 10,000 people work at its electric-car assembly plant in Fremont, Calif. How many have been infected with COVID-19?
Tesla won’t say. Neither will the Alameda County Public Health Department. The county, which includes the cities of Fremont and Oakland, cites federal health privacy law to explain the silence.
But experts say the law in question is not so clear cut. And elected officials and worker advocates are beginning to speak out, not only about Tesla but also about the tight hold public health agencies are keeping on information that could better inform the public on matters of life and death.
Some go so far as to say the agencies, by withholding detailed information about where COVID-19 is clustering, risk losing the support of the people they are trying to protect.
Advertisement
“When you’re not giving people that kind of information, people get justifiably cynical,” said Santa Clara County Supervisor Dave Cortese, who has grappled with his own public health department over data transparency.
“My constituents start to wonder, how serious is this really?” he said. “On the one hand, they’re told it’s important to wear masks, that businesses need to shut down. On the other hand, they won’t tell me where the clusters [of cases] are. This isn’t about transparency for the sake of transparency. It’s about whether my neighbor should head to the convenience store because there’ve been 14 infections there.”
The issue is especially charged in Alameda County, where Tesla defied public health orders and reopened the factory a week earlier than the date the county had given.
Chief Executive Elon Musk invited officials to arrest him. The county caved, the plant reopened, and thousands were back at work on the assembly line.
In a recent internal email sent to workers by Tesla safety head Laurie Shelby, the company acknowledged workers have been infected but didn’t say how many. The email also claimed that all infections occurred outside the factory, with “zero Covid-19 workplace transmissions.” The email offered no details on how it could have reached that conclusion. The Washington Post reported the existence of cases at Tesla on Tuesday.
Alameda County has the highest number of COVID-19 cases in Northern California; since Musk defied the county order May 11, cumulative cases have more than doubled, up 104% from 2,064 to 4,207 by Sunday.
Across Alameda’s eastern border in San Joaquin County, where housing is relatively affordable to factory workers, cases are up 149% since May 11, to 1,550. Santa Clara County — the heart of Silicon Valley, with housing prices among the highest in the nation and filled with software specialists who can work from home — had more cases than Alameda on May 11 but now has 983 fewer. Its case count since May 11 is up only 27%.
The public doesn’t know whether Tesla contributed to Alameda’s mushrooming caseload, and if so, by how much. The Alameda County Public Health Department has the numbers but is keeping them confidential.
An Alameda County spokeswoman said federal health privacy law prevents disclosure of the Tesla data. Asked to specify exactly which parts of the law prohibit dissemination of aggregated data, the spokeswoman sent a link to the language of the law — the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act — and offered no further comment.
Alameda County Administrator Susan Muranishi declined a request for comment. Alameda’s top health officer, Dr. Erica Pan, also declined. Four of the five elected Alameda County supervisors did not return phone calls or emails from The Times. A representative for Supervisor Scott Haggerty said, “Maybe next week.” Tesla did not respond to a request for comment.
All workers deserve to know whether their business place is a coronavirus hot spot, said Mara Ortenburger, communications and research head at Worksafe, a workers rights group. “They deserve to know so they can take steps to support themselves and their family” by deciding whether to go to work or not, she said. “It’s especially crucial if they have elder or immunocompromised family at home.”
Advertisement
Sallie Milam, deputy director of the Network for Public Health Law, said employer data “also might provide management incentive to comply with public health orders and provide measures to protect their workforce.”
Tesla workers have complained about receiving only scant information about coronavirus infections at the Fremont plant, the San Francisco Chronicle reported. “They said you don’t need to know unless you’re on the trace end of it,” a worker told the Chronicle, referring to efforts to trace infected workers’ contacts.
Data transparency has become a hot topic among county health officials across the country, said Lori Freeman, CEO of the National Assn. of County and City Health Officials. “There’s been a lot of pressure on health departments to release information,” she said. “They started out being very conservative, but the pressure has mounted over time” — pressure, she said, mainly from elected officials.
Many health officials echo Alameda County’s contention that HIPAA, on the books since 1996, prevents any disclosure of public health information that could identify an individual.
But the law is complicated. “It’s a labyrinth of regulations,” Milam said. Many health agencies are taking too strict an interpretation of the law, said Al-Amyn Sumar, an attorney at the Ballard Spahr law firm in Washington. HIPAA gives some leeway to public health agencies, especially if there are state laws that supersede HIPAA.
“There would be minimal privacy interest” in more site-specific location information but “a significant public interest in knowing where the outbreaks are happening and what the public health response is to that,” he said. It’s unclear how California law fits into his analysis, he said.
In Iowa last month, the Black Hawk County Health Department, under pressure from the public and the news media, announced that 1,031 workers had been infected at a Tyson Foods meatpacking plant there.
Public health agencies generally are unaccustomed to public controversies over data release and tend to be conservative, Milam said. Provisions in HIPAA could be interpreted as barring identification of an employer, she said. But there’s a way for public health agencies to free themselves from the HIPAA yoke. It involves an organizational structure change into a “hybrid entity.”
The concept is simple: Public health agencies are subject to HIPAA when they provide any health services directly to patients. That makes the agency “covered” by HIPAA. Even one practicing physician on staff makes the entire health agency a covered entity. If the health agency doesn’t provide health services, it doesn’t come under HIPAA. Large counties throughout the U.S. typically provide health services.
Any covered agency can convert itself into a hybrid agency, however, by creating an information wall between the health providers and the rest of the public health department, Milam said. The California Department of Public Health, for example, is a hybrid entity.
Pre-pandemic, public health agencies in general were under no pressure to make the conversion, and many may not even know the option exists.
Freeman, of the county and city health association, said she’s intrigued. “The pandemic is going to change a lot of things,” she said. “It’ll cause us to pause and determine whether what we have in place fits our needs and perhaps readdress” some policies.
The Times emailed the Alameda County spokeswoman Friday morning and asked whether the health department had ever considered becoming a hybrid entity or might consider it in the future. Thus far, there’s been no response.


latimes--2020-06-15--L.A. sheriff touts reform despite a record of fighting transparency, civilian oversight

Amid growing calls for police reforms , Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva took to social media recently to tout the department ’ s progressive force policies .
He posted a list of eight reforms being pushed by local politicians , with a green check mark next to each .
“ One through eight , they ’ re already in play with the Sheriff ’ s Department ; they ’ ve been for years , ” he said in a live broadcast on Instagram .
“ We ’ re constantly reinventing ourself and making sure our policies conform to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including the duty to intervene when another officer is using excessive force , aren ’ t explicitly spelled out in the manual for patrol deputies , which experts say makes them nearly impossible to enforce .
And since taking office in December 2018 , Villanueva has reinstated deputies who were fired for dishonesty or using unreasonable force and has snubbed transparency laws , refusing to publicly release records as required by law about misconduct within his ranks .
It ’ s been a year and a half since the landmark Senate Bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law enforcement agencies to disclose previously confidential records related to serious uses of force , sexual misconduct and dishonesty .
The Sheriff ’ s Department still has not turned over records requested by watchdogs and news organizations , including The Times , for hundreds of deputies .
“ He ’ s terminated investigations into misconduct , repeatedly come under fire for failing to investigate officers , for taking a stand against efforts to discipline by his predecessors , ” said Peter Bibring , an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been characterized by a resistance to accountability , transparency and oversight.
” Villanueva did not respond to multiple requests for interviews .
The Times has sued L.A. County on multiple occasions alleging California Public Records Act violations .
A 2018 lawsuit accused the Sheriff ’ s Department of refusing to release information about the status of homicide investigations , mundane information such as email addresses for Sheriff ’ s Department employees , and disciplinary records involving prosecutors and other employees of the district attorney ’ s office who have been disciplined for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also in 2016 contested exorbitant fees that the Sheriff ’ s Department tried to charge to obtain emails containing certain racist terms sent , received or forwarded by members of the agency ’ s command staff .
Just before he took office , Villanueva was quoted in L.A. Taco as saying he would settle one of the cases .
“ I think the press has a right to know , and acting on behalf of the public and disseminating information to the public .
That ’ s part of transparency .
We have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the public ’ s information .
It doesn ’ t belong to the department .
It belongs to the taxpayers , ” he was quoted as saying .
The Times also intervened last year in cases brought by the Los Angeles Police Protective League and the Assn .
for Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs , which sought unsuccessfully to keep records related to discipline and serious uses of force before 2019 confidential .
The ACLU said the Los Angeles County Sheriff ’ s Department is the only one of 400 agencies in California to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under SB 1421 , calling the query “ too broad in scope.
” At a town hall meeting in October , Villanueva said his agency had produced more than 1,400 records since the bill became law , but still had a backlog of about 3,300 requests .
It ’ s unclear how many of the 1,400 he referenced are in direct response to SB 1421 requests .
“ I ’ m hoping that by the end of the year , we ’ ll have got at least to the halfway point , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And we ’ ll pick up the pace , as we get more people trained on this.
” Since then , the Sheriff ’ s Department has produced records about one deputy to the Los Angeles Times .
Bibring said the ACLU has gotten none , but two families it represents received some records .
Relatives of others killed by deputies say they are also still waiting .
“ We haven ’ t gotten any information , ” said Dominique Brown , whose brother , Ryan Twyman , was shot and killed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in June of last year .
The Sheriff ’ s Department released a video of the incident later that month , showing two deputies firing 34 rounds at a white Kia they say Twyman was driving as the vehicle backed out of a parking space at an apartment complex in Willowbrook .
Authorities said they had been trying to arrest Twyman for several weeks when they spotted his vehicle in the parking lot .
Two months earlier , according to police , gang investigators had found guns at his home , but Twyman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not there .
The video raised questions about whether deputies acted within department policy by firing into the car and whether the use of force was justified .
“ Who are these officers , and where are they right now ?
” Brown said .
“ We feel like they need to be fired , and we feel like they need to be charged with manslaughter.
” Villanueva has rebuffed other moves for greater oversight .
In March , L.A. County voters overwhelmingly approved Measure R , which gave the Sheriff Civilian Oversight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testimony from the Sheriff ’ s Department .
The panel has since authorized two subpoenas , including one in May to Villanueva himself for his testimony on jail conditions during the COVID-19 pandemic .
“ He just ignored it , ” Demetra Johnson , whose 16-year-old son , Anthony Weber , was by a sheriff ’ s deputy in February 2018 , said of the subpoena .
Johnson , a plaintiff in the ACLU ’ s lawsuit for records , said her requests for documents under SB 1421 related to her son ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we just ignore it , we got a warrant for our arrest… .
It ’ s like they ’ re above the law , they can do whatever.
” Villanueva questioned the legality of Measure R , and an assistant sheriff attended the commission ’ s May meeting instead .
That month , Villanueva told residents at a virtual town hall that the oversight panel was acting as “ attack dogs ” for the county Board of Supervisors , which has long had a strained relationship with the sheriff .
The oversight commission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brutality in the jails led to indictments of several sheriff ’ s deputies and high-ranking commanders , including former Sheriff Lee Baca .
All nine members are appointed by the Board of Supervisors , with five nominated by supervisors and four recommended by community groups .
Patti Giggans , chairwoman of the commission , said even routine requests for information from the sheriff are met with resistance .
The commission recently was denied details about a traffic stop in which a deputy is seen in a video reaching inside a car and striking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has said multiple times that he plans to post every document possible on the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s website in the interest of transparency .
Giggans called the pledge “ baloney ” and “ distracting.
” “ It ’ s very disturbing that everything you say , anything about the Sheriff ’ s Department , the sheriff says , ‘ Go look it up .
I put it up on our website , ’ ” Giggans said .
“ We ’ re not toddlers being told how to go use a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Villanueva has clashed with the supervisors over hiring decisions and oversight .
The board sued Villanueva over his controversial decision to reinstate a deputy who had been fired for violating department policies on domestic violence and lying , and in August , a judge overturned the rehiring .
The deputy , who has denied wrongdoing , reapplied in March to join the department as a trainee and was placed on an eligibility list .
In a letter to Villanueva later that month , the county ’ s director of personnel said she was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defeated incumbent Jim McDonnell in 2018 , ran on a platform that included ending cronyism and revisiting cases of deputies who he contended were unfairly disciplined .
The Office of Inspector General reported that in the first five months of 2019 , the Sheriff ’ s Department inactivated 58 administrative investigations .
In that same period , the number of administrative investigations it initiated dropped significantly , to 106 from 247 the year before , the office reported .
Lt. John Satterfield said the Sheriff ’ s Department is updating its policies to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the eight reforms that have been proposed by two supervisors and backed for all law enforcement agencies by the national advocacy group Campaign Zero .
They include prohibiting officers from firing at people in moving cars unless they pose a deadly threat and requiring a verbal warning before using deadly force .
Last week , the department announced that it was restricting use of carotid restraints , another of the reforms , to when a suspect ’ s actions threatened a life or serious bodily injury to someone .
Deputies were previously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ person ’ s actions were “ assaultive or high risk.
” Satterfield called the change “ the right thing to do.
” “ The community ’ s made it clear that this isn ’ t a force option that they want where it ’ s currently at , ” Satterfield said .
“ We hear the community , and we ’ re going to react.
” He said that requiring an officer to intervene to stop another from using excessive force has been part of academy training since the mid-1990s .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interpretation anymore , ” Satterfield said .
“ Policies are going to be tightened up so that all of the training is congruent with the policies.
” Some said it wouldn ’ t matter .
“ They are taught , they are trained — they don ’ t follow it , ” said John Sweeney , an attorney who has represented families of people killed by deputies .
In the last several years , he said , he has won nearly $ 30 million in judgments and settlements .
“ What we see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ codified are the same thing , which is a lack of compliance in combination with an increase in police budgets because they ask for money for training and implementation , ” said Lex Steppling , director of campaigns and policy for Dignity and Power Now .
“ So for us it ’ s a lose-lose .
”

L.A. County Sheriff Alex Villanueva has yet to disclose many previously confidential deputy records as required by law.
Amid growing calls for police reforms, Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva took to social media recently to tout the department’s progressive force policies.
He posted a list of eight reforms being pushed by local politicians, with a green check mark next to each.
“One through eight, they’re already in play with the Sheriff’s Department; they’ve been for years,” he said in a live broadcast on Instagram. “We’re constantly reinventing ourself and making sure our policies conform to the law.”
But some of the policies, including the duty to intervene when another officer is using excessive force, aren’t explicitly spelled out in the manual for patrol deputies, which experts say makes them nearly impossible to enforce.
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And since taking office in December 2018, Villanueva has reinstated deputies who were fired for dishonesty or using unreasonable force and has snubbed transparency laws, refusing to publicly release records as required by law about misconduct within his ranks.
It’s been a year and a half since the landmark Senate Bill 1421 went into effect, requiring California law enforcement agencies to disclose previously confidential records related to serious uses of force, sexual misconduct and dishonesty. The Sheriff’s Department still has not turned over records requested by watchdogs and news organizations, including The Times, for hundreds of deputies.
“He’s terminated investigations into misconduct, repeatedly come under fire for failing to investigate officers, for taking a stand against efforts to discipline by his predecessors,” said Peter Bibring, an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California. “His relatively brief tenure has been characterized by a resistance to accountability, transparency and oversight.”
Villanueva did not respond to multiple requests for interviews.
The Times has sued L.A. County on multiple occasions alleging California Public Records Act violations. A 2018 lawsuit accused officials of refusing to release information about the status of homicide investigations, mundane information such as email addresses for Sheriff’s Department employees, and records involving prosecutors and others in the district attorney’s office who have been disciplined for sexual harassment or misconduct. The Times also in 2016 contested exorbitant fees that the Sheriff’s Department tried to charge to obtain emails containing certain racist terms sent, received or forwarded by members of the agency’s command staff.
Just before he took office, Villanueva was quoted in L.A. Taco as saying he would settle one of the cases.
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“I think the press has a right to know, and acting on behalf of the public and disseminating information to the public. That’s part of transparency. We have nothing to hide. It’s the public’s information. It doesn’t belong to the department. It belongs to the taxpayers,” he was quoted as saying.
Both lawsuits remain pending.
The Times also intervened last year in cases brought by the Los Angeles Police Protective League and the Assn. for Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs, which sought unsuccessfully to keep records related to discipline and serious uses of force before 2019 confidential.
The ACLU said the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department is the only one of 400 agencies in California to flat out deny its request for records under SB 1421, calling the query “too broad in scope.”
At a town hall meeting in October, Villanueva said his agency had produced more than 1,400 records since the bill became law, but still had a backlog of about 3,300 requests. It’s unclear how many of the 1,400 he referenced are in direct response to SB 1421 requests.
“I’m hoping that by the end of the year, we’ll have got at least to the halfway point,” Villanueva said at the time. “And we’ll pick up the pace, as we get more people trained on this.”
Since then, the Sheriff’s Department has produced records about one deputy to the Los Angeles Times. Bibring said the ACLU has gotten none, but two families it represents received some records. Relatives of others killed by deputies say they are also still waiting.
Charles Twyman, center, father of Ryan Twyman, comforts his daughter, Chiquita Twyman, at a 2019 news conference. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
“We haven’t gotten any information,” said Dominique Brown, whose brother, Ryan Twyman, was shot and killed by two L.A. County sheriff’s deputies in June of last year.
The Sheriff’s Department released a video of the incident later that month, showing two deputies firing 34 rounds at a white Kia they say Twyman was driving as the vehicle backed out of a parking space at an apartment complex in Willowbrook.
Authorities said they had been trying to arrest Twyman for several weeks when they spotted his vehicle in the parking lot. Two months earlier, according to police, gang investigators had found guns at his home, but Twyman, who was on probation, was not there.
The video raised questions about whether deputies acted within department policy by firing into the car and whether the use of force was justified.
“Who are these officers, and where are they right now?” Brown said. “We feel like they need to be fired, and we feel like they need to be charged with manslaughter.”
Villanueva has rebuffed other moves for greater oversight.
In March, L.A. County voters overwhelmingly approved Measure R, which gave the Sheriff Civilian Oversight Commission the power to subpoena records and testimony from the Sheriff’s Department. The panel has since authorized two subpoenas, including one in May to Villanueva himself for his testimony on jail conditions during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Villanueva didn’t show up.
“He just ignored it,” Demetra Johnson, whose 16-year-old son, Anthony Weber, was shot and killed by a sheriff’s deputy in February 2018, said of the subpoena. Johnson, a plaintiff in the ACLU’s lawsuit for records, said her requests for documents under SB 1421 related to her son’s shooting were denied. “If we just ignore it, we got a warrant for our arrest…. It’s like they’re above the law, they can do whatever.”
Villanueva questioned the legality of Measure R, and an assistant sheriff attended the commission’s May meeting instead.
That month, Villanueva told residents at a virtual town hall that the oversight panel was acting as “attack dogs” for the county Board of Supervisors, which has long had a strained relationship with the sheriff.
The oversight commission was formed in 2016 after corruption and brutality in the jails led to indictments of several sheriff’s deputies and high-ranking commanders, including former Sheriff Lee Baca. All nine members are appointed by the Board of Supervisors, with five nominated by supervisors and four recommended by community groups.
Patti Giggans, chairwoman of the commission, said even routine requests for information from the sheriff are met with resistance. The commission recently was denied details about a traffic stop in which a deputy is seen in a video reaching inside a car and striking the driver, Giggans said.
Villanueva has said multiple times that he plans to post every document possible on the Sheriff’s Department’s website in the interest of transparency. Giggans called the pledge “baloney” and “distracting.”
“It’s very disturbing that everything you say, anything about the Sheriff’s Department, the sheriff says, ‘Go look it up. I put it up on our website,’” Giggans said. “We’re not toddlers being told how to go use a dictionary.”
Since he took office, Villanueva has clashed with the supervisors over hiring decisions and oversight. The board sued Villanueva over his controversial decision to reinstate a deputy who had been fired for violating department policies on domestic violence and lying, and in August, a judge overturned the rehiring.
The deputy, who has denied wrongdoing, reapplied in March to join the department as a trainee and was placed on an eligibility list. In a letter to Villanueva later that month, the county’s director of personnel said she was rejecting his application.
Villanueva, who defeated incumbent Jim McDonnell in 2018, ran on a platform that included ending cronyism and revisiting cases of deputies who he contended were unfairly disciplined.
The Office of Inspector General reported that in the first five months of 2019, the Sheriff’s Department inactivated 58 administrative investigations. In that same period, the number of administrative investigations it initiated dropped significantly, to 106 from 247 the year before, the office reported.
Lt. John Satterfield said the Sheriff’s Department is updating its policies to make the language better conform to that of the eight reforms that have been proposed by two supervisors and backed for all law enforcement agencies by the national advocacy group Campaign Zero. They include prohibiting officers from firing at people in moving cars unless they pose a deadly threat and requiring a verbal warning before using deadly force.
Last week, the department announced that it was restricting use of carotid restraints, another of the reforms, to when a suspect’s actions threatened a life or serious bodily injury to someone. Deputies were previously allowed to use the restraint when a person’s actions were “assaultive or high risk.”
Satterfield called the change “the right thing to do.”
“The community’s made it clear that this isn’t a force option that they want where it’s currently at,” Satterfield said. “We hear the community, and we’re going to react.”
He said that requiring an officer to intervene to stop another from using excessive force has been part of academy training since the mid-1990s.
“We’re going to leave nothing to interpretation anymore,” Satterfield said. “Policies are going to be tightened up so that all of the training is congruent with the policies.”
Some said it wouldn’t matter.
“They are taught, they are trained — they don’t follow it,” said John Sweeney, an attorney who has represented families of people killed by deputies. In the last several years, he said, he has won nearly $30 million in judgments and settlements.
“What we see every time those kind of measures are codified are the same thing, which is a lack of compliance in combination with an increase in police budgets because they ask for money for training and implementation,” said Lex Steppling, director of campaigns and policy for Dignity and Power Now. “So for us it’s a lose-lose.”


latimes--2020-06-15--All Black Lives Matter march calls for LGBTQ rights and racial justice

Thousands of people filled the streets of Hollywood and West Hollywood on Sunday , in a march denouncing racial injustice and supporting LGBTQ rights .
They walked atop an enormous street mural on Hollywood Boulevard , where “ All Black Lives Matter ” was painted in rainbow colors and the pale pink , blue and white of the transgender pride flag .
They chanted “ Prosecute killer cops !
” They danced .
Nearly all wore masks because of the COVID-19 pandemic .
They carried signs : “ Racism ain ’ t a good look , honey.
” “ Racists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Karens , more caring.
” The All Black Lives Matter march — held amid the pandemic that has canceled LGBTQ pride parades across the country — was the latest massive street demonstration for racial justice since George Floyd , a Black man , died last month after a white Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck for eight minutes and 46 seconds .
The spirited crowd on Sunday was huge , diverse and young .
Jolie Ruffin , 24 , of Leimert Park , wore a blue surgical mask and carried a sign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black queer woman in Amerikkka is a triple threat ... and NOT in a good way.
” This was her first-ever protest .
“ I ’ m a Black , bisexual woman in America , ” she said .
“ It ’ s intimidating to men especially ...
I ’ m hurt that Black people want to live their lives , and their lives are taken from them.
” Hollywood Boulevard was closed to traffic , and there was little police presence .
A portrait of Floyd flashed on a screen outside the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hollywood Walk of Fame , a white woman with a rainbow flag draped over her shoulders blew bubbles as she passed David Hasselhoff ’ s star , and a Black man passed with a cardboard sign that said , “ Black Trans Lives Matter.
” Greg Austin , 31 , said the massive turnout was evidence of a desire for change that ’ s been building for years amid high-profile police shootings across the country .
“ We ’ re not saying that every cop is bad .
We just wish they would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Austin , who is gay and Black .
“ This is an eye-opener for everyone.
” Eyvonne Leach stood on Hollywood Boulevard , wearing a Black Lives Matter T-shirt and a pair of feathery , rainbow-colored wings .
As a Black lesbian , Leach , 40 , of Inglewood , said she ’ d had to fight doubly hard against discrimination .
It was rare , she said , that she got to make a statement for both parts of her identity .
“ You have to put your Blackness first , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that comes later .
Being Black and a woman in America , it is really tough.
” Leach said she believed that because Americans were forced to put their lives on pause during the pandemic , they could not ignore Floyd ’ s death and the racism the country has always struggled with .
“ I believe this is the universe working , ” she said .
“ People are tired .
If we weren ’ t forced to stay in the house , we wouldn ’ t have seen what happened .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , another Black killing.
” “ It brings my heart much joy , ” she said of the march .
The All Black Lives Matter march , though , came about amid controversy .
Critics said they believed organizers appropriated the Black Lives Matter cause in order to hold a “ mini Pride ” after festivities for the 50th anniversary of LA Pride were suspended because of the pandemic .
The march was announced June 3 by Christopher Street West , the organization that produces LA Pride , as a solidarity march with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lives Matter Los Angeles group never endorsed the event , and numerous leaders within the Black LGBTQ community said Christopher Street West — long criticized for being too white and too corporate — did not communicate with them before announcing it .
“ With Christopher Street West , you don ’ t get to go from 0 to 10 .
This moment for Black Lives Matter is not going to exclude the white gay community and all their years of mistreatment and anti-Black behavior , ” said Jasmyne Cannick , a political strategist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 42 , noted that the separate , annual Los Angeles Black Pride , founded in 1988 , was created in large part because Black LGBTQ people had endured so much racism from LA Pride and within West Hollywood , which is mostly white .
Cannick also criticized Christopher Street West for last year getting rid of its hip-hop stage , which she said was both a safe space for Black people and a paid gig for Black artists .
Christopher Street West also was denounced for trying to organize the “ solidarity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Police Department at the same time protesters nationwide are decrying systemic racism within law enforcement and pushing to defund the police .
On behalf of Christopher Street West , event producer Jeff Consoletti had submitted a special-event permit application to the LAPD citing LA Pride ’ s “ strong and unified partnership with law enforcement.
” “ Your support of this peaceful gathering is the key to its success and continues a LA tradition of support , advocacy and the peaceful right to protest for all , ” Consoletti wrote .
Under pressure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ longer organize the march and apologized .
A newly formed group , Black LGBTQ+ Activists for Change , or BLAC , whose board is composed entirely of Black LGBTQ people , organized Sunday ’ s All Black Lives Matter march .
But critics said it was still too closely tied to LA Pride , because BLAC board member Gerald Garth is the Christopher Street West board treasurer , and BLAC board member Brandon Anthony is an LA Pride event producer .
In an interview , Garth , 37 , said that while “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goal of the All Black Lives Matter march was to “ amplify and highlight the Black LGBTQ experience.
” “ My whole life , I have experienced racism and homophobia , ” Garth said .
“ I ’ m Black .
I ’ m 6 foot 4 .
Dark skin and 240 pounds .
There ’ s a certain perception people have when they hear certain identity markers .
There ’ s often a point where people need to check themselves.
” Jeffrey King , founder of In the Meantime Men ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Black LGBTQ men that supported the event , said the conflict showed a generational divide .
King , 61 , said that while younger Black LGBTQ people may feel more comfortable attending LA Pride than in years past , there are “ deep-rooted scars ” among older people because of the racism they experienced .
“ It was clear Pride was never for us , ” King said .
He had drinks poured on him , was aggressively and inappropriately touched and had difficulty entering event venues , he said .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the young Black LGBTQ people he works with have “ different lived experiences ” and that he supports what the All Black Lives Matter march represented .
He said he has often felt he had to forgo the fight for LGBTQ rights in favor of fighting for equality of Black people .
“ The Blackness comes first , and everything else follows , ” he said .
“ If someone sees me walking down the street , there will be no question I ’ m a Black man , but they won ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I am .
“ Most of us are taught to be certain ways for survival ... and we learn those very early in life .
It ’ s rare that you will find a large number of us who will prioritize being gay or our sexual identity , expression , who we love , over our Blackness.
” On Sunday , Ammie Robinson , 37 , of Huntington Park , walked down Sunset Boulevard with her girlfriend , Kimiko McCarthy , 31 .
Robinson said that as a Black and queer person and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ triple whammy ” when it came to fighting for her rights .
Discrimination exists even within the LGBTQ community , she added .
“ Sometimes , there ’ s not space for Black people , ” she said .
“ You ’ re fighting for space in your own community.
” McCarthy carried a cardboard sign that read , “ Hey WeHo Black Queers Exist !
!
!
# MakeSpace.
” She said she had just spoken with a friend , another queer woman , who did not attend the march because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a Black person .
“ I respect that , ” McCarthy said .
“ I told her I ’ d let her know how it goes .
I heard about this weeks ago , and of course I wanted to be here to represent both sides of who I am .
”

Jason De Puy of West Hollywood attends the All Black Lives Matter march Sunday on Hollywood Boulevard.
Thousands of people filled the streets of Hollywood and West Hollywood on Sunday, in a march denouncing racial injustice and supporting LGBTQ rights.
They walked atop an enormous street mural on Hollywood Boulevard, where “All Black Lives Matter” was painted in rainbow colors and the pale pink, blue and white of the transgender pride flag.
Pedro Chavez dances on Hollywood Blvd with numerous demonstrators as George Floyd protests continue in Hollywood. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times)
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They chanted “Prosecute killer cops!” They danced. Nearly all wore masks because of the COVID-19 pandemic. They carried signs: “Racism ain’t a good look, honey.” “Racists, sashay away!” “Less Karens, more caring.”
The All Black Lives Matter march — held amid the pandemic that has canceled LGBTQ pride parades across the country — was the latest massive street demonstration for racial justice since George Floyd, a Black man, died last month after a white Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck for eight minutes and 46 seconds.
1 / 82 A protester dances on top of Donald Trump’s star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame during a demonstration by members of Refuse Fascism who are calling an end to the Trump administration on June 20, 2020. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 2 / 82 Deborah Jay Winams cries after singing a song at a Black Lives Matter Los Angeles rally to call for justice in the fatal shooting of Kenneth Ross Jr. by Gardena police in 2018. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 3 / 82 People participate in the All Black Lives Matter march in West Hollywood on Sunday, June 14. Thousands of demonstrators marched for racial justice and LGBTQ rights. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times) 4 / 82 A protester waves a rainbow flag on Sunset Boulevard during the All Black Lives Matter march on Sunday. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times) 5 / 82 Thousands hold up signs and march in the All Black Lives Matter solidarity protest on Hollywood Boulevard. The procession started at Hollywood and Highland and moved into West Hollywood. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times) 6 / 82 Jason De Puy of West Hollywood wears a mask that reads “Black Trans Lives Matter” as people fill Hollywood Boulevard during a solidarity march called All Black Lives Matter on Sunday, June 14. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times) 7 / 82 Protesters hold up signs at the All Black Lives Matter march, which was organized by Black LGBTQ leaders and organizations in place of a previously planned event by the group behind LA Pride. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times) 8 / 82 Protesters march, raising fists and signs in the air, on La Brea Avenue in Hollywood on Sunday. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times) 9 / 82 The Compton Cowboys ride horseback down South Tamarind Avenue, joining thousand of protesters Sunday during the Compton peace ride, which ended at City Hall. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 10 / 82 Houston Rockets star Russell Westbrook speaks to the crowd of protesters and the Compton Cowboys at the end of a peace walk at Compton City Hall on Sunday. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times) 11 / 82 Elijah Estrada, 6, holds up his fist for 8:46, the length of time George Floyd was held down by Minneapolis Police Officer Derek Chauvin, at the conclusion of a peace ride and walk with the Compton Cowboys at Compton City Hall on Sunday. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 12 / 82 A family member of Breonna Taylor, right, is hugged by another woman after speaking to protesters in Beverly Hills Saturday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 13 / 82 A woman tries to get between Black Lives Matter protesters and pro-Trump counter protesters during a demonstration at the intersection of Main Street and Pacific Coast Highway in Huntington Beach on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 14 / 82 Los Angeles Police Deputy Chief Regina Scott takes knee next to Johnathan Jasper, brother of slain teen Anthony Weber, during a rally in front of LA City Councilman Marqueece Harris-Dawson’s office Saturday. (Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times) 15 / 82 A protester yells in front of a Black Lives Matter mural with the names of victims on Fairfax Ave. during a march Saturday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 16 / 82 David Blackgold hugs Huntington Beach police officer K. Wood during a Black Lives Matter protest in Huntington Beach Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 17 / 82 A National Guardsman holds a rose given to him by a protester along Fairfax Ave. during a march Saturday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 18 / 82 A Black Lives Matter protester blows bubbles by a police line in Huntington Beach on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 19 / 82 A protester lies on the ground under his horse with his hands behind his back as demonstrators including some on horseback rally in front of LA City Councilman Marqueece Harris-Dawson’s office in Los Angeles Saturday. (Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times) 20 / 82 Tempers flare between Black Lives Matter demonstratiors and pro-Trump counterprotesters in Huntington Beach on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 21 / 82 Black Lives Matter demonstrators raise clenched fist in Huntington Beach on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 22 / 82 Mek Bitul held up a sign with the words, “This Is The Tipping Point!!!” in front of City Hall, joining nearly 1,000 people gathered to protest the death of George Floyd and in support of Black Lives Matter, in downtown Los Angeles. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 23 / 82 Katyana DeCampos, a citizen of France visiting California, marched with a sign with the words “Anti Racism,” joining nearly 1,000 people gathered to protest the death of George Floyd and in support of Black Lives Matter, in downtown Los Angeles. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 24 / 82 Zoe Perkins, 4, of Glendale and her mother brought flowers to the Hall of Justice in downtown Los Angeles to protest the death of George Floyd. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times) 25 / 82 LAPD Chief Michel Moore, left, talks with community leaders outside police headquarters after a candlelight vigil for George Floyd on Friday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 26 / 82 A man lays a rose at the Hall of Justice in downtown Los Angeles. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times) 27 / 82 Braydon Deauce White, 4, fist-bumps a National Guardsman at LAPD headquarters Thursday morning. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 28 / 82 Allison Bracy of Fontana hugs daughter Brielle Bracy, 10, while attending a rally in Riverside on Thursday. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 29 / 82 A protester drapes himself with a flag during a demonstration in downtown Los Angeles on Thursday. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 30 / 82 Gustavo R. Ramirez of Pomona kneels in front of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. statue in Riverside. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 31 / 82 Protesters at Moonlight State Beach in Encinitas. (Gabriella Angotti-Jones / Los Angeles Times) 32 / 82 Crowds gather in downtown L.A. to protest the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. At 9 p.m., for exactly 8 minutes and 46 seconds, protesters shone lights into the sky. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 33 / 82 Protesters dance on Spring Street in downtown Los Angeles as a march attracted thousands of people. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 34 / 82 Thousands of protesters gather at the Los Angeles Civic Center. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 35 / 82 Thousands of protesters gather at the Los Angeles Civic Center. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 36 / 82 Thousands of protesters gather at the Los Angeles Civic Center. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 37 / 82 Stephen Chang, 32, left, of Silver Lake, with an American flag draped over his head, joins other demonstrators at the intersection of Spring and Temple streets in downtown Los Angeles, as they protest against L.A. Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey and also demand justice in the death of George Floyd. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times) 38 / 82 Miles Miles, 8, left, and Memphis Miley, 6, center, of Newport Beach, join protest against racism in Newport Beach. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times) 39 / 82 Protester Vailing high-fives National Guardsmen as they march through Hollywood to demand justice for the killing of George Floyd in Hollywood. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 40 / 82 Protesters march through a residential neighborhood in Hollywood. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 41 / 82 Protesters walk through a residential neighborhood in Hollywood. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 42 / 82 A L.A. Sheriff’s deputy watches as protester Annik Chung holds a sign while cheering on marchers along La Brea Ave. in Hollywood. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 43 / 82 Mustafa-Ali, 27, from Lancaster, Pennsylvania, joins other demonstrators as they protest on Spring St. in downtown Los Angeles. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times) 44 / 82 Paul Villalobos, 28, from Oakland, joins other demonstrators as they protest on Spring St. in downtown Los Angeles. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times) 45 / 82 A huge crowd gathers in downtown Los Angeles to protest the death of George Floyd and in support of Black Lives Matter. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 46 / 82 Protestors march through downtown Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 47 / 82 Protestors march through downtown Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 48 / 82 Protestors march through downtown Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 49 / 82 Riverside County Sheriff Lt Chris Durham tries to calm nerves after hundreds of demonstrators that marched to the police station protest the death of George Floyd in Moreno Valley. (Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times) 50 / 82 In a sign of peace, protesters reach out to Riverside County Sheriff deputies, who were there to enforce an 8pm curfew during a demonstration to protest the death of George Floyd’s in Moreno Valley. (Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times) 51 / 82 Hundreds of demonstrators block traffic as they march down both sides of Balboa Blvd. to protest against racism in Newport Beach. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times) 52 / 82 Protesters march through West Hollywood to demand justice for the killing of George Floyd during march on Wednesday. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 53 / 82 Protesters march through West Hollywood to demand justice for the killing of George Floyd during march on Wednesday. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 54 / 82 Protestors rally on the steps Anaheim City Hall steps against last week’s in-custody death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times) 55 / 82 Protestors rally on the steps Anaheim City Hall steps against last week’s in-custody death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times) 56 / 82 Protestors rally on the steps Anaheim City Hall steps against last week’s in-custody death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times) 57 / 82 Protestors rally on the steps Anaheim City Hall steps against last week’s in-custody death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times) 58 / 82 Bando Kev prays along Hollywood Blvd. in front of the National Guard and near TCL Chinese Theatre in Hollywood. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 59 / 82 A couple promote peace on Highland Ave. in Hollywood as protesters continue to demonstrate. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 60 / 82 Makenzie Anderson, 2, rides on her father, Shawn’s shoulders as they join hundreds of protesters marching throughout downtown. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 61 / 82 Marcus Owen, yells out chants for George Floyd as hundreds of protesters gather outside City Hall in a daylong protest. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 62 / 82 Hussain Sharif, left, Mari Drake, and Thomas Rosado chant as they ride along with hundreds of protesters at a downtown demonstration. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 63 / 82 Hundreds of protesters march throughout downtown ending with many arrested for curfew violations. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 64 / 82 “Hands up. Don’t shoot,” say hundreds participating in a march against the of George Floyd on Abbot Kinney Blvd. in Venice onTuesday. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times) 65 / 82 Members of the California National Guard flash peace signs after protesters had marched by in support of Black Lives Matter in Venice. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times) 66 / 82 Protesters shoot hoops while taking a break from marching against the death of George Floyd by police on Abbot Kinney Blvd. in Venice on Tuesday. The basketball hoop was attached to the front of a bus that followed the protest for a while. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times) 67 / 82 Several hundred protesters take a knee and hold their fists in the air during a moment of silence to honor George Floyd during a peaceful protest march from Manhattan Beach to Hermosa Beach. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times) 68 / 82 A woman stands next to an image of George Floyd as hundreds participate in a march against the in-custody death of Floyd in Venice. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times) 69 / 82 Terrence Burney, 36, left, and Commander of the LAPD Operation West Bureau Cory Palka, right, talk together peacefully in front of Getty House in Hancock Park. (Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times) 70 / 82 Protestors gather outside Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti’s Hancock Park house as they continue to demonstrate against police brutality. (Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times) 71 / 82 Jessica Jordan takes a knee as she joins other protesters at Sunset & Vine in Hollywood on Tuesday. (Al Seib/Los Angeles Times) 72 / 82 A young woman reacts to a group chant, while gathered with a couple hundred people to protest the death of George Floyd and in support of Black Lives Matter, near the Manhattan Beach Pier. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 73 / 82 Jayse Garcia, 27, of Los Angeles takes part in a demonstration in Hollywood. (Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times) 74 / 82 Protesters sit in front of National Guardsmen closing Sunset Blvd at Vine Street in Hollywood. (Al Seib/Los Angeles Times) 75 / 82 Mira Ercingoz,16, from Palos Verdes, center in red hat, holds a poster with an image of George Floyd alongside protesters in Manhattan Beach. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 76 / 82 Demonstrators take a knee during protests in Hollywood on Tuesday.
(Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times) 77 / 82 A mother and daughter pass protestors in Hollywood. (Al Seib/Los Angeles Times) 78 / 82 Several hundred protesters gather to demand justice for George Floyd at the Manhattan Beach Pier Plaza Tuesday. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times) 79 / 82 Janie Hill,15, from Lawndale, receives a hug from a friend, following an emotional discussion with a Manhattan Beach Police officer, at the conclusion of a protest in Manhattan Beach. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 80 / 82 LAPD Cmdr. Gerald Woodyard takes a knee with clergy members from the Los Angeles area as they participate in a march and demonstration outside LAPD headquarters in Los Angeles. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 81 / 82 L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti walks out to address protesters and clergy members outside LAPD headquarters on Tuesday. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 82 / 82 Several hundred protesters take a knee and hold their fists in the air during a moment of silence to honor George Floyd during a peaceful protest march from Manhattan Beach to Hermosa Beach. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)
The spirited crowd on Sunday was huge, diverse and young.
Jolie Ruffin, 24, of Leimert Park, wore a blue surgical mask and carried a sign that read: “To be a Black queer woman in Amerikkka is a triple threat ... and NOT in a good way.” This was her first-ever protest.
“I’m a Black, bisexual woman in America,” she said. “It’s intimidating to men especially ... I’m hurt that Black people want to live their lives, and their lives are taken from them.”
Hollywood Boulevard was closed to traffic, and there was little police presence. A portrait of Floyd flashed on a screen outside the legendary TCL Chinese Theatre. On the Hollywood Walk of Fame, a white woman with a rainbow flag draped over her shoulders blew bubbles as she passed David Hasselhoff’s star, and a Black man passed with a cardboard sign that said, “Black Trans Lives Matter.”
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Greg Austin, 31, said the massive turnout was evidence of a desire for change that’s been building for years amid high-profile police shootings across the country.
“We’re not saying that every cop is bad. We just wish they would follow a different method,” said Austin, who is gay and Black. “This is an eye-opener for everyone.”
Eyvonne Leach stood on Hollywood Boulevard, wearing a Black Lives Matter T-shirt and a pair of feathery, rainbow-colored wings.
As a Black lesbian, Leach, 40, of Inglewood, said she’d had to fight doubly hard against discrimination. It was rare, she said, that she got to make a statement for both parts of her identity.
“You have to put your Blackness first,” she said. “My lesbianism, that comes later. Being Black and a woman in America, it is really tough.”
Leach said she believed that because Americans were forced to put their lives on pause during the pandemic, they could not ignore Floyd’s death and the racism the country has always struggled with.
“I believe this is the universe working,” she said. “People are tired. If we weren’t forced to stay in the house, we wouldn’t have seen what happened. ... It would have been another killing, another Black killing.”
“It brings my heart much joy,” she said of the march.
The All Black Lives Matter march, though, came about amid controversy.
Critics said they believed organizers appropriated the Black Lives Matter cause in order to hold a “mini Pride” after festivities for the 50th anniversary of LA Pride were suspended because of the pandemic.
The march was announced June 3 by Christopher Street West, the organization that produces LA Pride, as a solidarity march with Black Lives Matter.
But the Black Lives Matter Los Angeles group never endorsed the event, and numerous leaders within the Black LGBTQ community said Christopher Street West — long criticized for being too white and too corporate — did not communicate with them before announcing it.
“With Christopher Street West, you don’t get to go from 0 to 10. This moment for Black Lives Matter is not going to exclude the white gay community and all their years of mistreatment and anti-Black behavior,” said Jasmyne Cannick, a political strategist and longtime Black LGBTQ activist.
Cannick, 42, noted that the separate, annual Los Angeles Black Pride, founded in 1988, was created in large part because Black LGBTQ people had endured so much racism from LA Pride and within West Hollywood, which is mostly white. Cannick also criticized Christopher Street West for last year getting rid of its hip-hop stage, which she said was both a safe space for Black people and a paid gig for Black artists.
Christopher Street West also was denounced for trying to organize the “solidarity” march collaboratively with the Los Angeles Police Department at the same time protesters nationwide are decrying systemic racism within law enforcement and pushing to defund the police.
On behalf of Christopher Street West, event producer Jeff Consoletti had submitted a special-event permit application to the LAPD citing LA Pride’s “strong and unified partnership with law enforcement.”
“Your support of this peaceful gathering is the key to its success and continues a LA tradition of support, advocacy and the peaceful right to protest for all,” Consoletti wrote.
Under pressure, LA Pride said it would no longer organize the march and apologized.
A newly formed group, Black LGBTQ+ Activists for Change, or BLAC, whose board is composed entirely of Black LGBTQ people, organized Sunday’s All Black Lives Matter march. But critics said it was still too closely tied to LA Pride, because BLAC board member Gerald Garth is the Christopher Street West board treasurer, and BLAC board member Brandon Anthony is an LA Pride event producer.
In an interview, Garth, 37, said that while “it started very rocky,” the goal of the All Black Lives Matter march was to “amplify and highlight the Black LGBTQ experience.”
“My whole life, I have experienced racism and homophobia,” Garth said. “I’m Black. I’m 6 foot 4. Dark skin and 240 pounds. There’s a certain perception people have when they hear certain identity markers. There’s often a point where people need to check themselves.”
Jeffrey King, founder of In the Meantime Men’s Group, a South L.A. outreach organization for Black LGBTQ men that supported the event, said the conflict showed a generational divide. King, 61, said that while younger Black LGBTQ people may feel more comfortable attending LA Pride than in years past, there are “deep-rooted scars” among older people because of the racism they experienced.
“It was clear Pride was never for us,” King said. He had drinks poured on him, was aggressively and inappropriately touched and had difficulty entering event venues, he said.
But King said he recognizes that many of the young Black LGBTQ people he works with have “different lived experiences” and that he supports what the All Black Lives Matter march represented. He said he has often felt he had to forgo the fight for LGBTQ rights in favor of fighting for equality of Black people.
“The Blackness comes first, and everything else follows,” he said. “If someone sees me walking down the street, there will be no question I’m a Black man, but they won’t always know the otherness of who I am.
“Most of us are taught to be certain ways for survival ... and we learn those very early in life. It’s rare that you will find a large number of us who will prioritize being gay or our sexual identity, expression, who we love, over our Blackness.”
On Sunday, Ammie Robinson, 37, of Huntington Park, walked down Sunset Boulevard with her girlfriend, Kimiko McCarthy, 31. Robinson said that as a Black and queer person and as a woman, she had a “triple whammy” when it came to fighting for her rights. Discrimination exists even within the LGBTQ community, she added.
“Sometimes, there’s not space for Black people,” she said. “You’re fighting for space in your own community.”
McCarthy carried a cardboard sign that read, “Hey WeHo Black Queers Exist!!! #MakeSpace.” She said she had just spoken with a friend, another queer woman, who did not attend the march because she didn’t feel comfortable there as a Black person.
“I respect that,” McCarthy said. “I told her I’d let her know how it goes. I heard about this weeks ago, and of course I wanted to be here to represent both sides of who I am.”


latimes--2020-06-15--LAPD spent $40 million during protests, coronavirus; officer overtime pay is curtailed

The Los Angeles Police Department spent more than $ 40 million in overtime handling protests over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd as well as dealing with fallout from the coronavirus .
Chief Michel Moore said in a memorandum that despite a multibillion budget , the LAPD is so cash-strapped that any overtime earned from June 7 onward will be paid out in compensation time .
With the entire department of nearly 10,000 officers working every day for a week since the mobilization May 30 , the LAPD burned through more than it allotted even for emergencies .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these past couple weeks during the protests and prior to that during the Safer At Home order .
Your dedication and commitment have not gone unnoticed .
During this extraordinary time , including the full mobilization of our sworn members , the Department has expended more than $ 40 million dollars in overtime expenses , ” Moore wrote Thursday .
“ This amount far exceeds any budgetary reserve to address unusual occurrences .
“ Additionally , all non-essential overtime is canceled , ” said Moore , adding that this includes work on task @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Work by officers protecting the homeless shelters , he wrote , will be compensated in the form of time .
The LAPD said in a statement that it “ offers cash overtime to officers when it is available , and when those allotted amounts are depleted that compensation is offered in time .
The COVID-19 pandemic and full mobilization of the Department depleted that cash reserve before the end of the fiscal year , and we transitioned to comp time last week.
” It is not the first time the department has run @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other special incidents have led to large deployments .
The department , however , relies on a certain amount of those hours to function .
Some work by the LAPD relies on overtime , and that is how it provides services to the buses and subways .
Moore said the overtime for the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority will continue and be compensated in the form of time until the department is reimbursed by MTA .
At that time , employees will have the option to convert the related hours into cash @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every effort to ensure “ essential overtime ” for court appearances and that shift overruns be curtailed .
The moves come as the City Council is scheduled Tuesday to take up a request to cut the LAPD ’ s budget by $ 100 million to $ 150 million , and put the money into other programs .
Neither Mayor Eric Garcetti nor the council has explained how those reductions would be achieved .
The council ’ s Budget and Finance Committee voted unanimously Monday to move forward with the proposal , which won @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month .
An existing LAPD contract is slated to pay officers a 4.8 % pay raise in the coming fiscal year that begins July 1 .
As part of a three-year contract , officers are also getting an education bonus that boosts pay for officers with college degrees at a cost of an additional $ 41 million .
That amounts to an extra $ 290 every two weeks for officers with bachelor ’ s degrees .

The Los Angeles Police Department spent more than $40 million in overtime handling protests over the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd as well as dealing with fallout from the coronavirus.
Chief Michel Moore said in a memorandum that despite a multibillion budget, the LAPD is so cash-strapped that any overtime earned from June 7 onward will be paid out in compensation time.
With the entire department of nearly 10,000 officers working every day for a week since the mobilization May 30, the LAPD burned through more than it allotted even for emergencies.
“I recognize that you have worked tirelessly these past couple weeks during the protests and prior to that during the Safer At Home order. Your dedication and commitment have not gone unnoticed. During this extraordinary time, including the full mobilization of our sworn members, the Department has expended more than $40 million dollars in overtime expenses,” Moore wrote Thursday. “This amount far exceeds any budgetary reserve to address unusual occurrences.
“Additionally, all non-essential overtime is canceled,” said Moore, adding that this includes work on task forces for cannabis and human trafficking. Work by officers protecting the homeless shelters, he wrote, will be compensated in the form of time.
The LAPD said in a statement that it “offers cash overtime to officers when it is available, and when those allotted amounts are depleted that compensation is offered in time. The COVID-19 pandemic and full mobilization of the Department depleted that cash reserve before the end of the fiscal year, and we transitioned to comp time last week.”
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It is not the first time the department has run out of overtime money when protests or other special incidents have led to large deployments. The department, however, relies on a certain amount of those hours to function.
Some work by the LAPD relies on overtime, and that is how it provides services to the buses and subways.
Moore said the overtime for the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority will continue and be compensated in the form of time until the department is reimbursed by MTA. At that time, employees will have the option to convert the related hours into cash.
Moore also directed supervisors to make every effort to ensure “essential overtime” for court appearances and that shift overruns be curtailed.
The moves come as the City Council is scheduled Tuesday to take up a request to cut the LAPD’s budget by $100 million to $150 million, and put the money into other programs. Neither Mayor Eric Garcetti nor the council has explained how those reductions would be achieved. The council’s Budget and Finance Committee voted unanimously Monday to move forward with the proposal, which won’t be finalized until later this month.
An existing LAPD contract is slated to pay officers a 4.8% pay raise in the coming fiscal year that begins July 1. As part of a three-year contract, officers are also getting an education bonus that boosts pay for officers with college degrees at a cost of an additional $41 million. That amounts to an extra $290 every two weeks for officers with bachelor’s degrees.


latimes--2020-06-15--UCLA to reopen with mainly online classes because of the coronavirus, officials say

The vast majority of classes at UCLA this fall will be virtual , with only a small percentage offered on campus , the university announced Monday .
Officials announced the plan in a letter to the community as each university in the 10-campus UC system is likewise preparing to release its own reopening plans .
At UCLA , only about 15 % to 20 % of courses would probably be offered on campus or in a hybrid format , including some that involve laboratory work , performing arts and clinical health fields .
In addition , officials said they will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less dense by prioritizing housing offers based on factors such as financial need and how far away a student ’ s primary residence is from the Westwood university .
Officials said they will also try to “ offer housing to as many first-year students as feasible.
” The school will take several other steps to prevent the spread of COVID-19 , including requiring face coverings while on campus , physical distancing and daily symptom checks for anyone coming onto campus or living in campus housing .
“ We are committed to helping ensure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ location , can continue making progress toward their degrees , ” said Emily A. Carter , executive vice chancellor and provost , adding that students who are “ concerned about their access to courses or making timely progress toward their degrees should contact the college or their school or departmental academic advisors for guidance.
” The decision to operate mainly online reflects how universities are grappling with reopening challenges inflicted by the coronavirus crisis — and what campuses will look like when they do decide to reopen .
Several UC campuses have previously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has said that classes will be taught remotely , in-person and with a hybrid model , with the goal of 20 % to 30 % of classes to take place in-person .
And UC Irvine officials said that almost all undergraduate courses will be delivered remotely in the fall .
Officials at UC San Diego said they will be announcing their plans for the fall on Friday .
USC said this month that it will bring students back to campus with safety measures that include both online and in-person classes , more spacing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ California State University , the largest four-year college system in the U.S. , was the first major system in the nation to decide to cancel the vast majority of in-person classes in the fall and instead offer instruction primarily online .

A student walks in the courtyard in front of Royce Hall at the UCLA campus in Westwood.
The vast majority of classes at UCLA this fall will be virtual, with only a small percentage offered on campus, the university announced Monday.
Officials announced the plan in a letter to the community as each university in the 10-campus UC system is likewise preparing to release its own reopening plans. At UCLA, only about 15% to 20% of courses would probably be offered on campus or in a hybrid format, including some that involve laboratory work, performing arts and clinical health fields.
In addition, officials said they will be taking steps to make on-campus housing less dense by prioritizing housing offers based on factors such as financial need and how far away a student’s primary residence is from the Westwood university. Officials said they will also try to “offer housing to as many first-year students as feasible.”
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The school will take several other steps to prevent the spread of COVID-19, including requiring face coverings while on campus, physical distancing and daily symptom checks for anyone coming onto campus or living in campus housing.
“We are committed to helping ensure that our enrolled students, regardless of location, can continue making progress toward their degrees,” said Emily A. Carter, executive vice chancellor and provost, adding that students who are “concerned about their access to courses or making timely progress toward their degrees should contact the college or their school or departmental academic advisors for guidance.”
The decision to operate mainly online reflects how universities are grappling with reopening challenges inflicted by the coronavirus crisis — and what campuses will look like when they do decide to reopen.
Several UC campuses have previously released some reopening details. UC Merced has said that classes will be taught remotely, in-person and with a hybrid model, with the goal of 20% to 30% of classes to take place in-person. And UC Irvine officials said that almost all undergraduate courses will be delivered remotely in the fall.
Officials at UC San Diego said they will be announcing their plans for the fall on Friday.
USC said this month that it will bring students back to campus with safety measures that include both online and in-person classes, more spacing in dorms and testing for COVID-19.
California State University, the largest four-year college system in the U.S., was the first major system in the nation to decide to cancel the vast majority of in-person classes in the fall and instead offer instruction primarily online.
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Times staff writer Teresa Watanabe contributed to this report.