latimes--2020-01-04--Wine country's iconic Jimtown Store forced to close by fires and blackouts, owner says

It had seemed like a bit of much-needed good news when the Kincade fire tore through Sonoma County ’ s Alexander Valley this fall .
The beloved Jimtown Store , a cafe and old-time mercantile on rural Highway 128 that had been around , in some form or another , since the 1890s , had survived the late October flames .
Just a mile and a half up the road , the historic Soda Rock Winery lay in ruins , its ashen image broadcast around the world .
“ We ’ re still standing !
” Jimtown Store owner Carrie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fire still raged .
Scores of messages from longtime customers were ecstatic .
But just over a month later , Brown made quite a different announcement : Jimtown Store was closing by year ’ s end .
For good .
Three years of lost income because of wildfires during the autumn grape harvest — peak tourist season in wine country — had proven too much for the small business to handle , Brown said .
Plus , there were the lengthy Pacific Gas & Electric Co. power outages and a lack of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ nearly impossible to hire and retain qualified people , ” Brown wrote on her website last month .
“ It was a great blow to people because they were so greatly relieved that we had been saved ” from the Kincade fire , Brown said in an interview .
“ I knew it was going to come as a major disappointment.
” Jimtown Store closed Dec. 30 , with an outdoor party that included plein air painters drawing the store on easels in the parking lot , Champagne toasts and salutary organized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had planned long excursions around stops at the cafe .
“ I feel that this expression of Jimtown is complete , ” said Brown , 64 , who has owned Jimtown for 28 years .
“ It ’ s a wonderful end to this chapter .
I feel good about it .
I feel sad for the community , but they shouldn ’ t be sad for me.
” The Kincade fire burned nearly 78,000 acres in Sonoma County and destroyed 374 structures , 174 of which were homes .
While most vineyards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of days of closures and canceled events will be felt well into the new year and beyond .
“ One of the things that makes Sonoma County so special is the small , family-owned , entrepreneurial nature of many of our businesses .
Unfortunately , during the blackouts and the fires , there is definitely an economic impact that is especially hard for these businesses , ” Karissa Kruse , president of Sonoma County Winegrowers , an industry group , said in an email .
The region also has been challenged by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making it “ hard to attract a workforce , ” she said .
“ The impact of the fires and blackouts just puts an exclamation point on the issues that have been facing us for the past decade , ” she said .
Kruse lost her own Santa Rosa home in the 2017 Tubbs fire .
The stress was so much that some of her hair fell out , she said .
Liz Johnson owns Thunderbird Ranch off Highway 128 , which hosts events like weddings , family reunions and company picnics .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was damaged by the flames — trees , the deck , the barbecue area — and she was besieged with event cancellations .
“ People back away once it hits September , worried that their event will get canceled because of fires , ” she said .
“ I am so much more fortunate than my neighbors who burned to the ground , but we don ’ t know what we ’ re going to do because insurance is so delayed with everything .
We don ’ t anticipate much going on in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ share her age , was born and raised in the Alexander Valley and has been going to Jimtown Store since she was a child tagging along with her grandmother .
When the previous owners called it a day in the early 1980s , she said , it was “ such a sad deal for the valley.
” Johnson was there the day Brown opened it back up in 1991 .
Johnson took her daily breaks from running her own ranch down the street and always came to Jimtown for a cappuccino or perhaps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Jimtown is the hub of the Alexander Valley , ” she said .
“ It ’ s where you got all your information , your nice gossip , like who was having a baby and who got married.
” Carlos Perez , who owns Bike Monkey , a Santa Rosa cycling event production company , said bicyclists flocked to Jimtown during long rides on the remote roads of the Alexander Valley , where there aren ’ t many places to take a break .
So many Spandex-clad cyclists visited Jimtown that Bike @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bigger bike rack , Perez said .
It was always full .
“ For us , it ’ s like , oh , my God , we ’ re losing a place that really was something that enabled us to do these long rides , ” Perez said .
“ It ’ s more than just the loss of a cool place to stop along the way ; it ’ s the kind of place that gave us a certain capacity to do some incredible rides in Sonoma County.
” On the store @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about 50 bicyclists in a ride from downtown Santa Rosa to Jimtown for a final sandwich .
Jimtown Store — and the hamlet that surrounds it — is named after James Patrick , who founded a general store and post office there in the 1890s .
While the store itself has been remodeled , the original redwood barn remains , and the historic galvanized metal barn that was once used to sell hay , feed and farm supplies was a party barn in recent years .
When Brown , a Bay Area native @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a former partner in New York ’ s famed Silver Palate gourmet takeout shop , stumbled onto the abandoned Jimtown Store in 1989 , it still had an antique cash register , boxes of old fishing lures stacked on the floor and outhouse toilets .
They spent a year and a half restoring it , envisioning an elegant , modern bistro in a rural setting .
They parked a faded red 1955 Ford pickup truck , once used as a country fire truck , out front and put up a sign with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GOOD FOOD.
” They published “ The Jimtown Store Cookbook , ” created a line of condiments and served dishes like Mom ’ s Potato Salad , Chain Gang Chili , and the Jimtown — a sandwich with prosciutto , blue cheese and olive tapenade on a French baguette .
Brown , who lives in a cottage on the property and is searching for new owners , said Jimtown grappled with problems now persistent throughout the region .
If it ’ s going to be reopened someday , she said , it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken off the grid .
The property ’ s water is pumped from a well , and “ if you don ’ t have power , you don ’ t have water , ” Brown said .
That means no kitchen , no restrooms .
The store has to close when the power ’ s off .
Jimtown would need a massive generator to support the refrigerators , heating and multiple stoves , not a “ little rinky-dink Home Depot generator , ” she said .
“ If you ’ re going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not be beholden to PG & E , ” she said .
It ’ s been three years of disaster , she said .
Before the Kincade fire , there was the 2017 Tubbs fire in Sonoma County that killed 22 people , then the 2018 Camp fire that obliterated the town of Paradise in Butte County .
Even though the Camp fire was 160 miles northeast , the smoke was so bad at Jimtown that Brown had to cancel multiple outdoor catered events .
In addition to the disasters , the store @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , has been chronically understaffed , she said .
She had five college students working there this summer .
After they went to off to school , she has not been able to replace them .
“ Things have to change in order to make it sustainable , ” Brown said .
“ We have to be smart .
We have to figure it out .
”

The Jimtown Store on Highway 128 in Sonoma County survived the Kincade fire in October that destroyed nearby wineries in the Alexander Valley. But owner Carrie Brown closed the shop on Dec. 30.
It had seemed like a bit of much-needed good news when the Kincade fire tore through Sonoma County’s Alexander Valley this fall.
The beloved Jimtown Store, a cafe and old-time mercantile on rural Highway 128 that had been around, in some form or another, since the 1890s, had survived the late October flames. Just a mile and a half up the road, the historic Soda Rock Winery lay in ruins, its ashen image broadcast around the world.
“We’re still standing!” Jimtown Store owner Carrie Brown posted on an Instagram story as the fire still raged. Scores of messages from longtime customers were ecstatic.
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But just over a month later, Brown made quite a different announcement: Jimtown Store was closing by year’s end. For good.
Three years of lost income because of wildfires during the autumn grape harvest — peak tourist season in wine country — had proven too much for the small business to handle, Brown said.
Plus, there were the lengthy Pacific Gas & Electric Co. power outages and a lack of affordable nearby housing that has made it “nearly impossible to hire and retain qualified people,” Brown wrote on her website last month.
“It was a great blow to people because they were so greatly relieved that we had been saved” from the Kincade fire, Brown said in an interview. “I knew it was going to come as a major disappointment.”
Jimtown Store closed Dec. 30, with an outdoor party that included plein air painters drawing the store on easels in the parking lot, Champagne toasts and salutary organized bike rides by cyclists who for years had planned long excursions around stops at the cafe.
The recently closed Jimtown Store is on rural Highway 128 in Sonoma County, near Healdsburg. (Los Angeles Times)
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“I feel that this expression of Jimtown is complete,” said Brown, 64, who has owned Jimtown for 28 years. “It’s a wonderful end to this chapter. I feel good about it. I feel sad for the community, but they shouldn’t be sad for me.”
The Kincade fire burned nearly 78,000 acres in Sonoma County and destroyed 374 structures, 174 of which were homes. While most vineyards survived the blaze, the economic impact of days of closures and canceled events will be felt well into the new year and beyond.
“One of the things that makes Sonoma County so special is the small, family-owned, entrepreneurial nature of many of our businesses. Unfortunately, during the blackouts and the fires, there is definitely an economic impact that is especially hard for these businesses,” Karissa Kruse, president of Sonoma County Winegrowers, an industry group, said in an email.
The region also has been challenged by the state’s affordable housing crisis, making it “hard to attract a workforce,” she said.
“The impact of the fires and blackouts just puts an exclamation point on the issues that have been facing us for the past decade,” she said.
Kruse lost her own Santa Rosa home in the 2017 Tubbs fire. The stress was so much that some of her hair fell out, she said.
Liz Johnson owns Thunderbird Ranch off Highway 128, which hosts events like weddings, family reunions and company picnics. While her buildings survived, the property was damaged by the flames — trees, the deck, the barbecue area — and she was besieged with event cancellations.
“People back away once it hits September, worried that their event will get canceled because of fires,” she said. “I am so much more fortunate than my neighbors who burned to the ground, but we don’t know what we’re going to do because insurance is so delayed with everything. We don’t anticipate much going on in 2020.”
Johnson, who declined to share her age, was born and raised in the Alexander Valley and has been going to Jimtown Store since she was a child tagging along with her grandmother.
When the previous owners called it a day in the early 1980s, she said, it was “such a sad deal for the valley.” Johnson was there the day Brown opened it back up in 1991.
Johnson took her daily breaks from running her own ranch down the street and always came to Jimtown for a cappuccino or perhaps a bowl of potato leek soup.
“Jimtown is the hub of the Alexander Valley,” she said. “It’s where you got all your information, your nice gossip, like who was having a baby and who got married.”
A firefighter watches as the Soda Rock Winery in Sonoma County is consumed by the Kincade fire on Oct. 27, 2019. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Carlos Perez, who owns Bike Monkey, a Santa Rosa cycling event production company, said bicyclists flocked to Jimtown during long rides on the remote roads of the Alexander Valley, where there aren’t many places to take a break.
So many Spandex-clad cyclists visited Jimtown that Bike Monkey last year bought the store a bigger bike rack, Perez said. It was always full.
“For us, it’s like, oh, my God, we’re losing a place that really was something that enabled us to do these long rides,” Perez said. “It’s more than just the loss of a cool place to stop along the way; it’s the kind of place that gave us a certain capacity to do some incredible rides in Sonoma County.”
On the store’s last day, Perez organized about 50 bicyclists in a ride from downtown Santa Rosa to Jimtown for a final sandwich.
Jimtown Store — and the hamlet that surrounds it — is named after James Patrick, who founded a general store and post office there in the 1890s. While the store itself has been remodeled, the original redwood barn remains, and the historic galvanized metal barn that was once used to sell hay, feed and farm supplies was a party barn in recent years.
When Brown, a Bay Area native, and her late husband John Werner, a former partner in New York’s famed Silver Palate gourmet takeout shop, stumbled onto the abandoned Jimtown Store in 1989, it still had an antique cash register, boxes of old fishing lures stacked on the floor and outhouse toilets.
They spent a year and a half restoring it, envisioning an elegant, modern bistro in a rural setting. They parked a faded red 1955 Ford pickup truck, once used as a country fire truck, out front and put up a sign with a red arrow and the words “GOOD FOOD.”
They published “The Jimtown Store Cookbook,” created a line of condiments and served dishes like Mom’s Potato Salad, Chain Gang Chili, and the Jimtown — a sandwich with prosciutto, blue cheese and olive tapenade on a French baguette.
Brown, who lives in a cottage on the property and is searching for new owners, said Jimtown grappled with problems now persistent throughout the region. If it’s going to be reopened someday, she said, it’s probably going to have to be taken off the grid.
Wine grapes on the vine in the Russian River Valley of Sonoma County. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
The property’s water is pumped from a well, and “if you don’t have power, you don’t have water,” Brown said. That means no kitchen, no restrooms. The store has to close when the power’s off. Jimtown would need a massive generator to support the refrigerators, heating and multiple stoves, not a “little rinky-dink Home Depot generator,” she said.
“If you’re going to have a business here, it cannot be beholden to PG&E,” she said.
It’s been three years of disaster, she said. Before the Kincade fire, there was the 2017 Tubbs fire in Sonoma County that killed 22 people, then the 2018 Camp fire that obliterated the town of Paradise in Butte County.
Even though the Camp fire was 160 miles northeast, the smoke was so bad at Jimtown that Brown had to cancel multiple outdoor catered events.
In addition to the disasters, the store, which typically employs about 20 people, has been chronically understaffed, she said. She had five college students working there this summer. After they went to off to school, she has not been able to replace them.
“Things have to change in order to make it sustainable,” Brown said. “We have to be smart. We have to figure it out.”


latimes--2020-01-04--With charges of 'cheating' and 'Trump-like tactics,' L.A. County supervisor race heats up

With the March primary election rapidly approaching , the stakes are high in the race for a rare open seat on the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors .
Until now , it has been a largely civil affair , with L.A. City Council President Herb Wesson the perceived front-runner to replace term-limited Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas .
But the gloves are finally starting to come off .
In recent weeks , Wesson and his top rivals , state Sen. Holly Mitchell and former City Council member Jan Perry , have been embroiled in a dispute over the Los Angeles County @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ What we think happened is that Herb Wesson tried to win by cheating , ” said Eric Hacopian , a consultant for Perry .
“ They tried to game the system when they didn ’ t have the votes.
” At issue is the way the party ’ s Dec. 10 vote was conducted at United Teachers Los Angeles headquarters in Koreatown .
The process is usually swift and occurs without controversy , following candidate recommendations from a party committee .
In this case , however , the committee was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wesson .
That prompted a floor vote , in which Wesson won the endorsement by one vote .
Scores of voting members and alternate members from the party , as well as nonvoting Democratic activists and campaign staffers , crowded into the conference room as the ballots were cast .
The chaos and close tally led to questions by the Perry and Mitchell campaigns .
On Dec. 20 , Perry ’ s staff reviewed the ballots cast for Wesson and reported finding 11 problems .
In response , Democratic Party officials launched an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leadership has defended the process , however , saying the endorsement will likely stand after an appeals committee hears a challenge from Perry ’ s campaign on Sunday .
Wesson ’ s campaign also stands by the results .
“ Our opponents , who are attempting to destabilize our party and disenfranchise Democratic Party voters to steal an election , sound a lot more like Donald Trump than Democratic candidates for L.A. County supervisor , ” the campaign said in statement .
“ It ’ s desperate , but sadly not surprising.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions and reveal internal concerns about a “ gray area ” in the voting process .
The Times has obtained copies of disputed sign-in logs and ballots — including ballots singled out by Perry ’ s campaign — that will be reviewed by a party appeals committee on Sunday .
Among the issues reported by the Perry campaign were party members or their designated alternates who cast votes without first signing in for credentials .
In four other cases , signatures on the sign-in logs and ballots appeared not to match — a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ documents obtained by The Times .
While not proof of malfeasance , the documents have raised enough questions to cast doubt on the endorsement .
The Mitchell campaign , though it didn ’ t make a formal complaint to the party , also has been critical of the process that resulted in Wesson ’ s endorsement .
“ I am concerned anytime the integrity of our democratic process comes into question , ” Mitchell told The Times in an emailed statement .
“ We can not succumb to the Donald-Trump-like tactics that undermine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Democrats always need to be better.
” Mitchell said she is encouraged by the internal review .
“ It is the right thing to do for the well being of the voters and the party activists who give of their time and energy to make the endorsement process work fair and square.
” The documents obtained by The Times appear to show examples of alternate members signing in for credentials — and letting regular members cast ballots .
Other documents appear to show signatures that don ’ t match or an alternate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of such activity that remain unclear .
The Democratic Party ’ s appeals committee has the power to decide on any remedy to the situation that it deems appropriate , party officials say .
But both Drexel Heard , executive director of the L.A. County Democratic Party , and its chairman , Mark Gonzalez , told The Times that they don ’ t believe the endorsement will change .
For example , nothing in the party ’ s rules , both men note , prevents a member from voting after an alternate has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , do specify that members can assign alternates to vote in their absence .
“ That does not mean that it ’ s not something that the [ party membership ] can adopt later and add to the bylaws , ” said Heard , who asked for the internal review in response to the Perry campaign ’ s concerns .
An internal email obtained and reviewed by The Times noted as much : “ This is a gray area to revisit , ” wrote Rosalba Gonzalez , who as operations director examined the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has asked the appeals committee to decide the matter by Jan. 10 .
Perry ’ s campaign is pressing for a more thorough review , asking the party to compare the signatures with records of the Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk , which has its own process for examining the legitimacy of mailed ballots .
State law , however , prohibits the external disclosure of signature records from voting files .
Whatever happens , the dispute signals that the contest for the 2nd District seat on the Board of Supervisors is likely to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ March primary .
Private polling suggests a wide-open contest to lead the district of 2 million people , which stretches from Culver City to Koreatown to Carson and contains roughly half of the county ’ s black population .
The race , which has drawn 10 candidates , has been dominated by concerns about redevelopment , gentrification and homelessness .
Wesson has handily led fundraising so far , but campaign money collected since the summer won ’ t be made public until days before the primary , eliminating a key indicator of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s campaign fundraising has also suggested strong grass-roots support in the district .
Wesson also has received a number of local endorsements .
Mitchell , meanwhile , has the backing of Gov .
Gavin Newsom and plenty of others , mostly at the state level .
Jaime Regalado , a political science professor emeritus at Cal State L.A. who has followed the race closely , said the contest is very much “ up for grabs , ” though he believes Wesson has an early advantage from his power base at City Hall .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ African American stronghold on the county board , ” he said .
“ That makes it very , very significant .
”

L.A. City Council President Herb Wesson is among the leading contenders in the race for the 2nd District seat on the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors. His opponents Jan Perry and Holly Mitchell are questioning his recent endorsement by the L.A. County Democratic Party.
With the March primary election rapidly approaching, the stakes are high in the race for a rare open seat on the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors.
Until now, it has been a largely civil affair, with L.A. City Council President Herb Wesson the perceived front-runner to replace term-limited Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas. But the gloves are finally starting to come off.
In recent weeks, Wesson and his top rivals, state Sen. Holly Mitchell and former City Council member Jan Perry, have been embroiled in a dispute over the Los Angeles County Democratic Party’s endorsement of Wesson.
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“What we think happened is that Herb Wesson tried to win by cheating,” said Eric Hacopian, a consultant for Perry. “They tried to game the system when they didn’t have the votes.”
At issue is the way the party’s Dec. 10 vote was conducted at United Teachers Los Angeles headquarters in Koreatown. The process is usually swift and occurs without controversy, following candidate recommendations from a party committee. In this case, however, the committee was a vote short of a consensus to recommend Wesson. That prompted a floor vote, in which Wesson won the endorsement by one vote.
Former L.A. Councilwoman Jan Perry is running for L.A. County supervisor. (Angel Jennings / Los Angeles Times)
Scores of voting members and alternate members from the party, as well as nonvoting Democratic activists and campaign staffers, crowded into the conference room as the ballots were cast. The chaos and close tally led to questions by the Perry and Mitchell campaigns.
On Dec. 20, Perry’s staff reviewed the ballots cast for Wesson and reported finding 11 problems.
In response, Democratic Party officials launched an internal review. The party’s leadership has defended the process, however, saying the endorsement will likely stand after an appeals committee hears a challenge from Perry’s campaign on Sunday.
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Wesson’s campaign also stands by the results.
“Our opponents, who are attempting to destabilize our party and disenfranchise Democratic Party voters to steal an election, sound a lot more like Donald Trump than Democratic candidates for L.A. County supervisor,” the campaign said in statement. “It’s desperate, but sadly not surprising.”
Internal party documents, however, raise questions and reveal internal concerns about a “gray area” in the voting process.
The Times has obtained copies of disputed sign-in logs and ballots — including ballots singled out by Perry’s campaign — that will be reviewed by a party appeals committee on Sunday.
Among the issues reported by the Perry campaign were party members or their designated alternates who cast votes without first signing in for credentials. In four other cases, signatures on the sign-in logs and ballots appeared not to match — a concern that appears to be supported in documents obtained by The Times.
While not proof of malfeasance, the documents have raised enough questions to cast doubt on the endorsement.
The Mitchell campaign, though it didn’t make a formal complaint to the party, also has been critical of the process that resulted in Wesson’s endorsement.
State Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles) discusses legislation during Senate floor debate at the state Capitol in Sacramento. Mitchell is running for L.A. County supervisor. (Robert Gourley / Los Angeles Times)
“I am concerned anytime the integrity of our democratic process comes into question,” Mitchell told The Times in an emailed statement. “We cannot succumb to the Donald-Trump-like tactics that undermine the pillars of our democracy. We as Democrats always need to be better.”
Mitchell said she is encouraged by the internal review. “It is the right thing to do for the well being of the voters and the party activists who give of their time and energy to make the endorsement process work fair and square.”
The documents obtained by The Times appear to show examples of alternate members signing in for credentials — and letting regular members cast ballots. Other documents appear to show signatures that don’t match or an alternate who isn’t named or logs of such activity that remain unclear.
The Democratic Party’s appeals committee has the power to decide on any remedy to the situation that it deems appropriate, party officials say.
But both Drexel Heard, executive director of the L.A. County Democratic Party, and its chairman, Mark Gonzalez, told The Times that they don’t believe the endorsement will change.
For example, nothing in the party’s rules, both men note, prevents a member from voting after an alternate has signed in. Party rules, however, do specify that members can assign alternates to vote in their absence.
“That does not mean that it’s not something that the [party membership] can adopt later and add to the bylaws,” said Heard, who asked for the internal review in response to the Perry campaign’s concerns.
An internal email obtained and reviewed by The Times noted as much: “This is a gray area to revisit,” wrote Rosalba Gonzalez, who as operations director examined the Perry campaign’s complaints.
Heard has asked the appeals committee to decide the matter by Jan. 10.
Perry’s campaign is pressing for a more thorough review, asking the party to compare the signatures with records of the Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk, which has its own process for examining the legitimacy of mailed ballots. State law, however, prohibits the external disclosure of signature records from voting files.
Whatever happens, the dispute signals that the contest for the 2nd District seat on the Board of Supervisors is likely to grow heated in the months before the March primary.
Private polling suggests a wide-open contest to lead the district of 2 million people, which stretches from Culver City to Koreatown to Carson and contains roughly half of the county’s black population. The race, which has drawn 10 candidates, has been dominated by concerns about redevelopment, gentrification and homelessness.
Wesson has handily led fundraising so far, but campaign money collected since the summer won’t be made public until days before the primary, eliminating a key indicator of the campaigns’ relative strength. Perry’s campaign fundraising has also suggested strong grass-roots support in the district.
Wesson also has received a number of local endorsements. Mitchell, meanwhile, has the backing of Gov. Gavin Newsom and plenty of others, mostly at the state level.
Jaime Regalado, a political science professor emeritus at Cal State L.A. who has followed the race closely, said the contest is very much “up for grabs,” though he believes Wesson has an early advantage from his power base at City Hall.
“It’s probably the last African American stronghold on the county board,” he said. “That makes it very, very significant.”


latimes--2020-01-04--Salaries skyrocket at California state insurance fund following years of scandal

A California public agency that offers workers ’ compensation insurance coverage to employers has recruited a high-priced team of former executives from the private sector to turn it around after years of scandal and financial problems .
But the hires are earning six-figure salaries that dwarf others in state government , drawing concerns from some in the state Capitol who question the cost as the agency rebuilds following investigations in years past that led to the removal of top managers and mass layoffs forced by loss of business .
The State Compensation Insurance Fund , known as State Fund , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spouses and adult children of agency managers .
Its 11-member board of directors , which is appointed by the governor and legislative leaders , has become a soft landing spot for former lawmakers and other political insiders .
Bonuses and incentives awarded by State Fund ’ s board have boosted compensation to more than $ 500,000 each for its seven top managers including its CEO , whose annual pay is some $ 732,000 — more than three times the $ 210,000 salary of the governor .
The salaries have prompted some lawmakers to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether the compensation is justified .
Carmen Balber , executive director of Consumer Watchdog , a group that keeps tabs on the insurance industry , said the pay “ seems beyond the pale.
” “ It sounds completely out of proportion for executives at any state agency to be making so much money , considering the governor makes only about $ 200,000 a year , ” she said .
Agency officials including Board Chairman David M. Lanier say the compensation is warranted due to the unique mission of State Fund , which was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide workers ’ compensation insurance to businesses in the state , including those who can ’ t afford coverage from the private sector .
State Fund currently insures some 110,000 California businesses , down from 292,000 policyholders in 2002 .
Its market share grew significantly from the mid- ’ 90s through 2002 as deregulation of rates and other factors led many private firms to reduce the price of their coverage , causing them to struggle financially and eventually leave California or go out of business .
State Fund was left to pick up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have helped bring more private insurers back into California , creating more competition and reducing State Fund ’ s market share from 52 % to 10.85 % , though it remains one of the top providers of workers ’ compensation insurance in the state .
The agency ’ s officials refer to it as a “ quasi state entity ” because , although its employees are state government workers , it does not receive taxpayer money from the state treasury , instead deriving its revenue from some $ 1 billion in premiums paid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well as returns on funds it invests .
“ The challenge we have is it ’ s a billion-dollar insurance company , ” Lanier said .
“ There ’ s not another one of those in state government , so we need and value talent and expertise from the insurance industry.
” The agency ’ s biggest troubles began in 2007 , when State Fund ’ s board fired its president and vice president after an audit found questionable financial practices involving the sale of discounted policies through outside associations linked to some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the resignation of two board members whose private firms collected at least $ 265 million over 10 years from State Fund for administering group policy programs .
In 2011 , State Fund laid off 25 % of its 6,800 workers in response to its loss of market share .
And its workforce has continued to drop , sitting now at 4,270 employees .
In the years after the scandal , the board of directors sought to expand its powers by persuading the Legislature to increase from one to 16 the number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and pay scales .
In 2014 , the board appointed Vernon Steiner as president and CEO of State Fund , who touted his 30 years of experience in the insurance industry .
He received a base salary of $ 450,000 as well as various performance-linked bonuses .
Steiner appealed in 2017 for the latest expansion of civil service exemptions , telling the state Senate Insurance Committee that he and the board needed more leeway to recruit additional talent in competition with the private sector as part of his efforts to turn the agency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are a public agency and that we serve the public , we do it in a way that is a little bit different than most other public agencies , ” Steiner told lawmakers .
“ We compete with private carriers , and although the labor pool within civil service offers a lot of rich expertise and experience , it doesn ’ t generally offer insurance expertise.
” Steiner has faced pointed questions about State Fund ‘ s executive salaries from legislators who said they were concerned about the fat paychecks from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state , and I look at these salaries that you are talking about paying and they are more than almost every university president at the California State University , who run an incredibly diverse campus of 40,000 students and employees , ” Sen. Steve Glazer ( D-Orinda ) told Steiner at the 2017 hearing .
“ That ’ s troubling to me.
” The average annual salary for presidents at California State University campuses is $ 330,000 .
Excluding the university systems — which pay some athletic coaches millions of dollars — Steiner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive after the chief investment officers for the two state retirement funds , who make more than $ 800,000 .
By comparison , University of California President Janet Napolitano ’ s base salary and car allowance total $ 578,000 to run a system with 227,000 employees and a budget of $ 37.2 billion .
Glazer voted for the five new executive positions after he was assured in early 2017 that the committee would get periodic reports on the compensation .
Committee members including Glazer said recently that they think an oversight hearing should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committee last heard from Steiner at a hearing in April that focused on the insurance industry , but not executive compensation issues .
He said his agency had “ engaged in a large-scale transformation ” that improved the financial strength and customer service and culture of the organization .
“ Although we have more work ahead of us , our efforts to date have yielded positive results and provided important benefits to California businesses and injured workers , ” Steiner said .
“ I would say we are financially as strong as we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to lawmakers in 2018 , Steiner said State Fund ’ s base pay and cash payouts to managers trended in the 25th to 50th percentile within the insurance industry .
Mike Mattoch , a former chief counsel for the Assembly Insurance Committee who has also worked as an industry executive with USAA , said the not-for-profit State Fund could pay its executives half as much and still draw talent with expertise in insurance .
“ It ’ s a very cushy gig , ” said Mattoch , who now works as an attorney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t do much of anything and they get paid a ton.
” In November , the State Fund board approved raises in base salary , bonuses and incentive payments for 17 managers , including Steiner , whose base pay this year has been increased by $ 36,000 , or 7 % , to $ 544,450 .
By comparison , State Fund ’ s then-CEO was paid $ 273,000 in 2007 .
Steiner also gets an annual “ at-risk compensation differential , ” which is linked to performance , according to State Fund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ currently $ 177,623 .
On top of that , Steiner receives a separate performance-based incentive payment of $ 30,000 , and $ 17,900 for a “ Long-Term Incentive Plan.
” State Fund also contributed $ 39,046 to Steiner ’ s CalPERS retirement plan .
Other executives who receive performance and incentive payments include the chief operating officer , whose annual compensation this year is $ 566,000 , and the chief information officer , whose yearly compensation is $ 588,000 .
Lanier said his satisfaction with the progress of State Fund reforms led him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the increases in salary and incentives and bonuses for the executives , including Steiner .
“ He walked into a very difficult circumstance .
State Fund has been on a remarkable transformation and turnaround , internally , externally , ” Lanier said .
High salaries are not the only concern some state officials have with the agency .
State Fund also employs the relatives of some of its executives .
Both of Steiner ’ s sons have worked at the agency — his son Bennett was hired by the agency last year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ annually .
“ All civil service rules were followed and extra steps were implemented to ensure a fair process , ” said Jonathon Tudor , an agency spokesman , who said Bennett Steiner ’ s application received an extra round of reviews in which his name was redacted and he was determined by a human-resources panel to meet the position qualifications .
Steiner ’ s other son , Casey , participated in a State Fund summer internship program in 2017 and 2018 , making $ 16 an hour while attending college , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
The agency ’ s vice president for human resources , Brandee Radaikin , was hired in July 2011 and receives a base salary of $ 130,600 .
Her husband , Bruce Radaikin , received an agency job in 2017 , and his pay is $ 44,000 .
“ Bruce ’ s relationship to Brandee was disclosed when he applied to State Fund , ” Tudor said .
“ Brandee played no role in his hiring .
All civil service rules were followed .
Bruce and Brandee are in different departments and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2013 , the agency hired Douglas Ziemer as a program manager with an annual salary of $ 130,000 , and two years later hired his wife , Nicole Ziemer to a personnel office job , with a top salary of $ 81,000 .
The Ziemers both left the agency in July and did not play a role in each others ’ hiring , Tudor said .
Balber said hiring family members of managers is a concern .
“ You might see that kind of nepotism in the insurance industry , but it has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ selling insurance with the state imprimatur , ” Balber said .
“ That ’ s a problem.
” Republican state Sen. John Moorlach of Costa Mesa , who also serves on the Senate Insurance Committee , said the state doesn ’ t have a central manager monitoring the hiring of family members at its many agencies , a practice he said is prevalent .
“ It is rampant within the state , ” he said .
“ I have heard plenty of stories and I don ’ t like what I have heard @ @

A California public agency that offers workers’ compensation insurance coverage to employers has recruited a high-priced team of former executives from the private sector to turn it around after years of scandal and financial problems.
But the hires are earning six-figure salaries that dwarf others in state government, drawing concerns from some in the state Capitol who question the cost as the agency rebuilds following investigations in years past that led to the removal of top managers and mass layoffs forced by loss of business.
The State Compensation Insurance Fund, known as State Fund, has also been criticized for hiring the spouses and adult children of agency managers. Its 11-member board of directors, which is appointed by the governor and legislative leaders, has become a soft landing spot for former lawmakers and other political insiders.
Bonuses and incentives awarded by State Fund’s board have boosted compensation to more than $500,000 each for its seven top managers including its CEO, whose annual pay is some $732,000 — more than three times the $210,000 salary of the governor. The salaries have prompted some lawmakers to call for an oversight hearing to determine whether the compensation is justified.
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Carmen Balber, executive director of Consumer Watchdog, a group that keeps tabs on the insurance industry, said the pay “seems beyond the pale.”
“It sounds completely out of proportion for executives at any state agency to be making so much money, considering the governor makes only about $200,000 a year,” she said.
Agency officials including Board Chairman David M. Lanier say the compensation is warranted due to the unique mission of State Fund, which was created by the Legislature in 1914 to provide workers’ compensation insurance to businesses in the state, including those who can’t afford coverage from the private sector.
State Fund currently insures some 110,000 California businesses, down from 292,000 policyholders in 2002. Its market share grew significantly from the mid-’90s through 2002 as deregulation of rates and other factors led many private firms to reduce the price of their coverage, causing them to struggle financially and eventually leave California or go out of business. State Fund was left to pick up the slack.
Changes in the law have helped bring more private insurers back into California, creating more competition and reducing State Fund’s market share from 52% to 10.85%, though it remains one of the top providers of workers’ compensation insurance in the state.
The agency’s officials refer to it as a “quasi state entity” because, although its employees are state government workers, it does not receive taxpayer money from the state treasury, instead deriving its revenue from some $1 billion in premiums paid by the businesses it insures, as well as returns on funds it invests.
“The challenge we have is it’s a billion-dollar insurance company,” Lanier said. “There’s not another one of those in state government, so we need and value talent and expertise from the insurance industry.”
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The agency’s biggest troubles began in 2007, when State Fund’s board fired its president and vice president after an audit found questionable financial practices involving the sale of discounted policies through outside associations linked to some board members. The scandal also resulted in the resignation of two board members whose private firms collected at least $265 million over 10 years from State Fund for administering group policy programs.
In 2011, State Fund laid off 25% of its 6,800 workers in response to its loss of market share. And its workforce has continued to drop, sitting now at 4,270 employees.
In the years after the scandal, the board of directors sought to expand its powers by persuading the Legislature to increase from one to 16 the number of executive positions exempt from civil service rules and pay scales.
In 2014, the board appointed Vernon Steiner as president and CEO of State Fund, who touted his 30 years of experience in the insurance industry. He received a base salary of $450,000 as well as various performance-linked bonuses.
Steiner appealed in 2017 for the latest expansion of civil service exemptions, telling the state Senate Insurance Committee that he and the board needed more leeway to recruit additional talent in competition with the private sector as part of his efforts to turn the agency around.
“Although I absolutely understand we are a public agency and that we serve the public, we do it in a way that is a little bit different than most other public agencies,” Steiner told lawmakers. “We compete with private carriers, and although the labor pool within civil service offers a lot of rich expertise and experience, it doesn’t generally offer insurance expertise.”
Steiner has faced pointed questions about State Fund‘s executive salaries from legislators who said they were concerned about the fat paychecks from the public agency.
“This is the state, and I look at these salaries that you are talking about paying and they are more than almost every university president at the California State University, who run an incredibly diverse campus of 40,000 students and employees,” Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda) told Steiner at the 2017 hearing. “That’s troubling to me.”
The average annual salary for presidents at California State University campuses is $330,000.
Excluding the university systems — which pay some athletic coaches millions of dollars — Steiner at $732,000 is the third-highest-paid state executive after the chief investment officers for the two state retirement funds, who make more than $800,000. By comparison, University of California President Janet Napolitano’s base salary and car allowance total $578,000 to run a system with 227,000 employees and a budget of $37.2 billion.
Glazer voted for the five new executive positions after he was assured in early 2017 that the committee would get periodic reports on the compensation. Committee members including Glazer said recently that they think an oversight hearing should be held by the Legislature.
The committee last heard from Steiner at a hearing in April that focused on the insurance industry, but not executive compensation issues. He said his agency had “engaged in a large-scale transformation” that improved the financial strength and customer service and culture of the organization.
“Although we have more work ahead of us, our efforts to date have yielded positive results and provided important benefits to California businesses and injured workers,” Steiner said. “I would say we are financially as strong as we have ever been.”
In a letter to lawmakers in 2018, Steiner said State Fund’s base pay and cash payouts to managers trended in the 25th to 50th percentile within the insurance industry.
Mike Mattoch, a former chief counsel for the Assembly Insurance Committee who has also worked as an industry executive with USAA, said the not-for-profit State Fund could pay its executives half as much and still draw talent with expertise in insurance.
“It’s a very cushy gig,” said Mattoch, who now works as an attorney for Consumer Watchdog. “They don’t do much of anything and they get paid a ton.”
In November, the State Fund board approved raises in base salary, bonuses and incentive payments for 17 managers, including Steiner, whose base pay this year has been increased by $36,000, or 7%, to $544,450. By comparison, State Fund’s then-CEO was paid $273,000 in 2007.
Steiner also gets an annual “at-risk compensation differential,” which is linked to performance, according to State Fund spokeswoman Jennifer Vargen. That amount is currently $177,623.
On top of that, Steiner receives a separate performance-based incentive payment of $30,000, and $17,900 for a “Long-Term Incentive Plan.” State Fund also contributed $39,046 to Steiner’s CalPERS retirement plan.
Other executives who receive performance and incentive payments include the chief operating officer, whose annual compensation this year is $566,000, and the chief information officer, whose yearly compensation is $588,000.
Lanier said his satisfaction with the progress of State Fund reforms led him to vote at November’s meeting for the increases in salary and incentives and bonuses for the executives, including Steiner.
“He walked into a very difficult circumstance. State Fund has been on a remarkable transformation and turnaround, internally, externally,” Lanier said.
High salaries are not the only concern some state officials have with the agency. State Fund also employs the relatives of some of its executives.
Both of Steiner’s sons have worked at the agency — his son Bennett was hired by the agency last year and is an underwriter making $50,400 annually.
“All civil service rules were followed and extra steps were implemented to ensure a fair process,” said Jonathon Tudor, an agency spokesman, who said Bennett Steiner’s application received an extra round of reviews in which his name was redacted and he was determined by a human-resources panel to meet the position qualifications.
Steiner’s other son, Casey, participated in a State Fund summer internship program in 2017 and 2018, making $16 an hour while attending college, but has never been an employee, Tudor said.
The agency’s vice president for human resources, Brandee Radaikin, was hired in July 2011 and receives a base salary of $130,600. Her husband, Bruce Radaikin, received an agency job in 2017, and his pay is $44,000.
“Bruce’s relationship to Brandee was disclosed when he applied to State Fund,” Tudor said. “Brandee played no role in his hiring. All civil service rules were followed. Bruce and Brandee are in different departments and report up through different executives.”
In 2013, the agency hired Douglas Ziemer as a program manager with an annual salary of $130,000, and two years later hired his wife, Nicole Ziemer to a personnel office job, with a top salary of $81,000. The Ziemers both left the agency in July and did not play a role in each others’ hiring, Tudor said.
Balber said hiring family members of managers is a concern.
“You might see that kind of nepotism in the insurance industry, but it has no place in an agency that is selling insurance with the state imprimatur,” Balber said. “That’s a problem.”
Republican state Sen. John Moorlach of Costa Mesa, who also serves on the Senate Insurance Committee, said the state doesn’t have a central manager monitoring the hiring of family members at its many agencies, a practice he said is prevalent.
“It is rampant within the state,” he said. “I have heard plenty of stories and I don’t like what I have heard.”


latimes--2020-01-04--Across California, Iranian Americans are shocked, alarmed or relieved at the killing of Qassem Sulei

Across California, Iranian Americans are shocked, alarmed or relieved at the killing of Qassem Suleimani

Farid Khanlou rearranged a basket of Persian cucumbers in his market in the heart of Tehrangeles on Friday morning as he reflected on the assassination of Gen. Qassem Suleimani , one of Iran ’ s highest-ranking officials .
He ’ d first heard the news at Jordan Market , on Westwood Boulevard , where customers whispered Suleimani ’ s name , saying he ’ d been killed , while wandering the aisles late Thursday .
Was it the U.S. , they wondered ?
When Khanlou , 63 , got home that night , he flipped on the TV and tuned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Pentagon had taken credit for the attack .
He rushed to tell his mother-in-law , in town visiting from Europe .
“ I ’ ve got a surprise for you , ” he told her .
But she ’ d already heard — and was relieved .
As word spread of Suleimani ’ s killing in Iraq by U.S. military drones , in a strike ordered by President Trump , few parts of the U.S. were more affected than California , home to the largest population of Iranians outside Iran .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a familiar position on Friday , straddling two worlds — at once concerned with how a sudden dramatic rise in Middle East tensions might further destabilize the region and affect friends and family in Iran , and afraid of being targeted at home should violence escalate and harm American citizens .
Across the state , Iranian Americans said they were variously shocked , alarmed or relieved that the man seen as a cultural icon in Iran , and the mastermind behind the Islamic Republic ’ s military operations throughout the region , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that has grown accustomed to the four-decade geopolitical chess match of Iran-U.S. relations are wondering what will follow , as Tehran quickly vowed “ harsh retaliation ” for the attack and the White House urged U.S. citizens to leave Iraq immediately .
Despite these uncertainties , Khanlou has no doubts about the character of the feared man who formerly led Iran ’ s elite Quds Force .
Khanlou said he doubts that the Iranian government will retaliate for the killing , but he can ’ t help but worry about friends and relatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ idea of more violence afflicting his beloved Tehran , which he fled during the Islamic Revolution of the late 1970s .
“ This country has been good to us , ” he said of the U.S .
He sighed and looked at the ground .
“ But where are our roots ?
Iran , always Iran.
” In the 40-plus years since the Islamic Revolution began , Iran and the West have clashed repeatedly : over the 1979 student seizure of the U.S. Embassy and the subsequent hostage crisis , over the 1980s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against author Salman Rushdie , and more recently over Iran ’ s role in the Syrian civil war , its support for militant groups such as Hezbollah , and its ambition to develop nuclear weapons .
Suleimani ’ s death felt “ very different ” from those previous flare-ups because of the important role the general played within the Iranian regime and throughout the region , said Narges Bajoghli , author of “ Iran Reframed , ” a book based on 10 years of field research with Iran ’ s Islamic Revolutionary Guard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close to [ Supreme Leader Ali ] Khamenei and played a significant leadership role in the IRGC , ” she said .
In Iran , she added , Suleimani was seen as one of the main reasons that the enemy Islamic State had been kept at bay .
“ Even among folks that really dislike the Islamic Republic , Hajj Qassem , as they call him , everyone talked about him in a respectful way , ” she said .
Bajoghli said that given how Iran has reacted in the past , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will attack the country within its own borders .
The alternative , she said , is continued proxy warfare within the region .
But any such military actions will ripple back to the diaspora , she believes .
“ I think whether it ’ s deliberate or not , it ’ s going to have an effect on the community , ” she said , “ because as we ’ ve seen from 1979 and the hostage crisis , we didn ’ t see specific policy against Iranians in U.S. , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here at the time.
” One of those feeling anxious in the attack ’ s aftermath was Persis Karim , who was at dinner with friends from college when a text message popped up on her cellphone telling her that Suleimani had been killed .
“ I immediately just thought , this is so terrible , ” said Karim , director of the Center for Iranian Diaspora Studies at San Francisco State University .
“ You can be critical and have feelings of disdain for a regime that murders its own people , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to be any kind of solution.
” Still , she said , it ’ s hard not to worry .
“ I think Iranian Americans don ’ t see themselves as one or the other — they see it as , ‘ These are both my homes , these are both my nations.
’ ” Porochista Khakpour , an author and essayist , said she was more worried for Iranians in the Islamic Republic than for Iranian Americans like her in the U.S .
Her native country , she said , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ On the one hand , as an American or New Yorker I feel safe , ” said Khakpour , 41 , who moved to the U.S. as a child .
“ On the other hand , as an Iranian , this clearly doesn ’ t do anything for the profile of Iranians abroad or anywhere.
” Among Los Angeles ’ Iranian Jewish community , many responded positively to Suleimani ’ s assassination .
Some who were doing their pre-Shabbat shopping in Pico-Robertson described Suleimani as an enemy of Israel , which has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a struggle for regional dominance .
An Iranian Realtor carrying bags of Shabbat groceries said the U.S. needed to take action after pro-Iranian militias attacked the U.S. Embassy in Iraq earlier this week — the event that apparently triggered Thursday ’ s military response .
“ The concern is about effects that will happen around the region , but I don ’ t think the U.S. could [ just ] stand there , ” said the man , who fled Iran with his family during the Islamic Revolution and did not want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump needed to make a stand in some way.
” Tabby Refael , an Iranian refugee and a prominent voice in L.A. 's Persian Jewish community , said “ the first ones to breathe a sigh of relief were the Persian Jews , because Suleimani was not only an enemy of the Iranian people , he was an enemy of the Jewish people.
” She and others in the Persian Jewish community said their most immediate concern was for family in Israel rather than about any direct retaliation against the U.S. “ In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a welcome development , ” said Sam Yebri , president and co-founder of 30 Years After , an Iranian American Jewish civic organization in Los Angeles .
“ With that said , most Iranian Americans , including myself and my family , are fearful of the repercussions .
This is a really dire situation if it escalates.
” At a computer repair shop in Westwood , Koorosh Adhami juggled phone calls from customers and questions from reporters arriving at the shop .
Adhami , 36 , said he ’ d learned about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Facebook on Thursday night .
In that moment , he said , a deep feeling of hope settled over him .
Maybe this was a turning point , he thought .
Maybe , he told himself , he was witnessing the early signs of the toppling of a regime he views as corrupt and beyond redemption .
“ I ’ m against the government , ” he said .
“ Anything that can bring the government down — anything — I ’ m for.
” Adhami said his heart breaks when he thinks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still living there , of their fear , of the high unemployment rates .
“ They ’ ve suffered enough , ” he said , shaking his head .
More than anything , he said , he dreams of one day returning safely to his country , which he left when he was 17 .
He ’ s never been back .
“ I want to freely walk into my country , ” he said .
“ I don ’ t have that now .
”

Sarah Parvini, Marisa Gerber, Sonja Sharp

Farid Khanlou, owner of Jordon Market in Westwood, shares his thoughts on the the U.S. drone strike that killed Iranian Gen. Qassem Suleimani.
Farid Khanlou rearranged a basket of Persian cucumbers in his market in the heart of Tehrangeles on Friday morning as he reflected on the assassination of Gen. Qassem Suleimani, one of Iran’s highest-ranking officials.
He’d first heard the news at Jordan Market, on Westwood Boulevard, where customers whispered Suleimani’s name, saying he’d been killed, while wandering the aisles late Thursday. Was it the U.S., they wondered?
When Khanlou, 63, got home that night, he flipped on the TV and tuned in to the BBC. By then, the Pentagon had taken credit for the attack. He rushed to tell his mother-in-law, in town visiting from Europe.
“I’ve got a surprise for you,” he told her. But she’d already heard — and was relieved.
As word spread of Suleimani’s killing in Iraq by U.S. military drones, in a strike ordered by President Trump, few parts of the U.S. were more affected than California, home to the largest population of Iranians outside Iran. Many in the diaspora found themselves in a familiar position on Friday, straddling two worlds — at once concerned with how a sudden dramatic rise in Middle East tensions might further destabilize the region and affect friends and family in Iran, and afraid of being targeted at home should violence escalate and harm American citizens.
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Across the state, Iranian Americans said they were variously shocked, alarmed or relieved that the man seen as a cultural icon in Iran, and the mastermind behind the Islamic Republic’s military operations throughout the region, is gone. Some members of a community that has grown accustomed to the four-decade geopolitical chess match of Iran-U.S. relations are wondering what will follow, as Tehran quickly vowed “harsh retaliation” for the attack and the White House urged U.S. citizens to leave Iraq immediately.
Despite these uncertainties, Khanlou has no doubts about the character of the feared man who formerly led Iran’s elite Quds Force.
“That guy was a monster,” Khanlou said. “He killed a million people.”
Khanlou said he doubts that the Iranian government will retaliate for the killing, but he can’t help but worry about friends and relatives living in Iran. He hates the idea of more violence afflicting his beloved Tehran, which he fled during the Islamic Revolution of the late 1970s.
“This country has been good to us,” he said of the U.S. He sighed and looked at the ground. “But where are our roots? Iran, always Iran.”
In the 40-plus years since the Islamic Revolution began, Iran and the West have clashed repeatedly: over the 1979 student seizure of the U.S. Embassy and the subsequent hostage crisis, over the 1980s Iran-Iraq war,over the 1989 fatwa against author Salman Rushdie, and more recently over Iran’s role in the Syrian civil war, its support for militant groups such as Hezbollah, and its ambition to develop nuclear weapons.
Suleimani’s death felt “very different” from those previous flare-ups because of the important role the general played within the Iranian regime and throughout the region, said Narges Bajoghli, author of “Iran Reframed,” a book based on 10 years of field research with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.
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“He was personally very close to [Supreme Leader Ali] Khamenei and played a significant leadership role in the IRGC,” she said.
In Iran, she added, Suleimani was seen as one of the main reasons that the enemy Islamic State had been kept at bay.
“Even among folks that really dislike the Islamic Republic, Hajj Qassem, as they call him, everyone talked about him in a respectful way,” she said.
Bajoghli said that given how Iran has reacted in the past, she doesn’t believe that the U.S. will attack the country within its own borders. The alternative, she said, is continued proxy warfare within the region. But any such military actions will ripple back to the diaspora, she believes.
“I think whether it’s deliberate or not, it’s going to have an effect on the community,” she said, “because as we’ve seen from 1979 and the hostage crisis, we didn’t see specific policy against Iranians in U.S., but the atmosphere created made it difficult to live here at the time.”
One of those feeling anxious in the attack’s aftermath was Persis Karim, who was at dinner with friends from college when a text message popped up on her cellphone telling her that Suleimani had been killed.
“I immediately just thought, this is so terrible,” said Karim, director of the Center for Iranian Diaspora Studies at San Francisco State University. “You can be critical and have feelings of disdain for a regime that murders its own people, and still believe that war is not going to be any kind of solution.”
Still, she said, it’s hard not to worry.
“I think Iranian Americans don’t see themselves as one or the other — they see it as, ‘These are both my homes, these are both my nations.’”
Porochista Khakpour, an author and essayist, said she was more worried for Iranians in the Islamic Republic than for Iranian Americans like her in the U.S. Her native country, she said, “has been reviled my whole life.”
“On the one hand, as an American or New Yorker I feel safe,” said Khakpour, 41, who moved to the U.S. as a child. “On the other hand, as an Iranian, this clearly doesn’t do anything for the profile of Iranians abroad or anywhere.”
Among Los Angeles’ Iranian Jewish community, many responded positively to Suleimani’s assassination. Some who were doing their pre-Shabbat shopping in Pico-Robertson described Suleimani as an enemy of Israel, which has been locked with Iran and Saudi Arabia in a struggle for regional dominance.
An Iranian Realtor carrying bags of Shabbat groceries said the U.S. needed to take action after pro-Iranian militias attacked the U.S. Embassy in Iraq earlier this week — the event that apparently triggered Thursday’s military response.
“The concern is about effects that will happen around the region, but I don’t think the U.S. could [just] stand there,” said the man, who fled Iran with his family during the Islamic Revolution and did not want to be identified. “I think Trump needed to make a stand in some way.”
Tabby Refael, an Iranian refugee and a prominent voice in L.A.’s Persian Jewish community, said “the first ones to breathe a sigh of relief were the Persian Jews, because Suleimani was not only an enemy of the Iranian people, he was an enemy of the Jewish people.”
She and others in the Persian Jewish community said their most immediate concern was for family in Israel rather than about any direct retaliation against the U.S.
“In a vacuum, objectively, his death is a welcome development,” said Sam Yebri, president and co-founder of 30 Years After, an Iranian American Jewish civic organization in Los Angeles. “With that said, most Iranian Americans, including myself and my family, are fearful of the repercussions. This is a really dire situation if it escalates.”
At a computer repair shop in Westwood, Koorosh Adhami juggled phone calls from customers and questions from reporters arriving at the shop.
Adhami, 36, said he’d learned about Suleimani’s killing while scrolling through Facebook on Thursday night. In that moment, he said, a deep feeling of hope settled over him. Maybe this was a turning point, he thought. Maybe, he told himself, he was witnessing the early signs of the toppling of a regime he views as corrupt and beyond redemption.
“I’m against the government,” he said. “Anything that can bring the government down — anything — I’m for.”
Adhami said his heart breaks when he thinks of his country — of the people still living there, of their fear, of the high unemployment rates.
“They’ve suffered enough,” he said, shaking his head. More than anything, he said, he dreams of one day returning safely to his country, which he left when he was 17. He’s never been back.
“I want to freely walk into my country,” he said. “I don’t have that now.”
Times staff writer Leila Miller contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-01-04--Column: Plenty of clubs  would reject me, but for the senior center, my credentials are perfect

Rebecca McEnany waited with three other women for the next session to begin .
“ Tai chi , ” she said , asking if I was going to join in .
“ No , ” I said .
“ I ’ m not a member .
But I ’ m thinking of joining.
” There , I said it .
I was thinking of joining a senior center .
But I was also thinking of not joining a senior center .
“ I didn ’ t think I was there yet , either , ” said McEnany , who signed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members of the Pasadena Senior Center .
“ But I came , and I love it .
You should just do it.
” There are plenty of clubs that wouldn ’ t have me , but for this one , I ’ ve got the credentials .
Two knee replacements .
A pacemaker .
A Medicare card in my wallet .
And I ’ m not suggesting seniors are cranky , but it ’ s something I can be good at .
Just the other day I was complaining about how restaurant employees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you tell them .
You could say you just vomited your appetizer into your shoe and they ’ d say “ perfect.
” I don ’ t live all that far from the center , where a membership is just $ 45 , classes range from meditation to tap dancing to French and painting , and for an additional $ 90 , you get access to a full-range fitness center for a year .
Did I just write that ?
Look at me , talking about good bargains , like my parents always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that my mother would drive 40 miles to fill up at a station where gas was 2 cents a gallon cheaper .
Maybe I can find a half-price coupon somewhere for the gym access .
Speaking of , I had visited the fitness center 10 years ago while working on a column .
At the time , a 72-year-old lad named Jerry Brown was running for governor of California , and a poll found that 37 % of voters said they were less likely to support anyone past 70 .
I wanted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We ’ re not age-conscious around here , ” a woman named Virginia said as she lofted a 12-pound dumbbell over her head like it was a doughnut .
“ There ’ s nothing wrong with 70 .
I ’ ll give you 30 push-ups right now.
” I like that fighting spirit , even though I ’ m not sure I could get through 10 push-ups without slipping a disc .
Getting old , by the way , is a big story .
The population is aging faster than those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heard about what ’ s been referred to as the silver tsunami ?
“ The massive baby boomer generation has already begun aging into retirement , and will begin passing away in large numbers in coming decades — releasing a flood of currently owner-occupied homes that could hit the market , ” said a report from Zillow .
Thanks , Zillow .
Millions will soon die , happy house hunting !
USC demographer Dowell Myers has been pointing out for years that a growing number of seniors are becoming more dependent on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ My indicator of rising senior burden is not looking good , ” Myers told me this week by email .
“ We really need to invest far more in young people so that they can sustain the growing senior burden .
Generations are connected.
” I ’ ve got to admit I ’ m not loving the term “ senior burden.
” Do I really want to join a club full of other burdensome people ?
“ With the name Pasadena Senior Center , people think they age 10 years just walking in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the marketing director .
But then they join the book or film club , make a new friend , and keep coming back .
On Thursday morning , several people attended a session called “ Fun Places to Go on the Metro.
” In the nearby lounge , a silver-haired gent tickled a jazz tune out of the piano while a man in a USC Trojans jersey swayed to the music .
“ Aging is something our society doesn ’ t support , and youth is glamorized , ” said Akila Gibbs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think it ’ s much better to embrace it .
Aging is the gift you get for living.
” Unfortunately , it ’ s not a gift that can be returned .
Gibbs said she gets calls from people who say one parent died and the other is lonely but feels too young to join a senior center .
“ I tell them to come in and volunteer , and then they like it , ” said Gibbs .
And then they join .
At the Pasadena Senior Center , you can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 50 to 102 , and the income range is just as vast .
Gibbs said that after the sub-prime loan crash , a lot of seniors began sleeping in the park next door .
“ We had two who were kind of camping outside our place and we were able to get them housing , and now they ’ re volunteers , ” she said .
“ We have people come on a daily basis who we know are hungry , and we have a food pantry .
The first Friday of each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up.
” Sandy Greenstein told me she always thought the senior center was such a community asset , she began making annual donations to the nonprofit when she was in her 40s .
Later , as a senior , she joined the board of directors for two reasons : To be of greater service to fellow seniors , and to trick her husband Albert into joining .
“ He said he wasn ’ t going to any senior center , ” said Greenstein .
But he began accompanying her to meetings and events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Parkinson ’ s disease , he made good use of the fitness center in his final years , and also the counseling services on healthcare options .
Most of the seniors I know are engaged in the world .
They vote , they have histories and perspective and stories to tell .
My semi-retirement plan , down the road , is to write a weekly column called Golden State .
Maybe I should join the senior center just to get more material .
I met a member named Dorothy Brown , who sometimes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she told me her family moved to California from Mississippi in 1960 .
I asked if employment opportunities drew her west .
“ Do you really want to know ?
” she asked .
“ My husband was a truck driver , ” she said , “ and one afternoon he was late with a load of V.A .
laundry , and a Caucasian man looked at him and said , ‘ Let me tell you something .
I will try to make sure you never earn another paycheck in Mississippi.
’ ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Los Angeles , where Brown worked as a housekeeper so she could tailor her schedule to be available to her three kids before and after school .
She and her husband took advantage of a “ rent to buy ” program and bought a house , she said .
One of her daughters , Alice , was a track-and-field Olympian who won two gold medals and a silver .
Brown told me she joined the senior center 10 years ago to be around people she could talk to .
While we were chatting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her a happy new year .
I ’ m joining the senior center because it seems like a good way to start the year .
Not because I ’ m getting old , but because I still feel pretty young .
By Easter , I intend to be able to say , to anyone who asks , I ’ ll give you 30 push-ups right now .

Rebecca McEnany waited with three other women for the next session to begin.
“What’s this class?” I asked.
“Tai chi,” she said, asking if I was going to join in.
“No,” I said. “I’m not a member. But I’m thinking of joining.”
There, I said it. I was thinking of joining a senior center. But I was also thinking of not joining a senior center.
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Mark Akita, 59, of Eagle Rock plays the piano at the Pasadena Senior Center as his friend Linda E., 36, of Glendale sings. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
It’s a big step.
“I didn’t think I was there yet, either,” said McEnany, who signed up in July, joining 2,000 other members of the Pasadena Senior Center. “But I came, and I love it. You should just do it.”
Should I?
There are plenty of clubs that wouldn’t have me, but for this one, I’ve got the credentials.
Two knee replacements. A pacemaker. A Medicare card in my wallet.
And I’m not suggesting seniors are cranky, but it’s something I can be good at. Just the other day I was complaining about how restaurant employees say “perfect” no matter what you tell them. You could say you just vomited your appetizer into your shoe and they’d say “perfect.”
Dorothy R. Brown, 81, of Altadena volunteers at the coffee stand at the Pasadena Senior Center. Brown has been a member of the center for 10-plus years. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
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I don’t live all that far from the center, where a membership is just $45, classes range from meditation to tap dancing to French and painting, and for an additional $90, you get access to a full-range fitness center for a year.
Did I just write that? Look at me, talking about good bargains, like my parents always did. My father used to say that my mother would drive 40 miles to fill up at a station where gas was 2 cents a gallon cheaper.
Maybe I can find a half-price coupon somewhere for the gym access.
Speaking of, I had visited the fitness center 10 years ago while working on a column. At the time, a 72-year-old lad named Jerry Brown was running for governor of California, and a poll found that 37% of voters said they were less likely to support anyone past 70. I wanted to see what the seniors thought about that.
“We’re not age-conscious around here,” a woman named Virginia said as she lofted a 12-pound dumbbell over her head like it was a doughnut.
A guy named Joel told me:
“There’s nothing wrong with 70. I’ll give you 30 push-ups right now.”
I like that fighting spirit, even though I’m not sure I could get through 10 push-ups without slipping a disc.
Brajandra Singh, 71, of Altadena works out at the Pasadena Senior Center. Singh is a certified fitness trainer for seniors. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
Getting old, by the way, is a big story. The population is aging faster than those bananas on your counter. Have you heard about what’s been referred to as the silver tsunami?
“The massive baby boomer generation has already begun aging into retirement, and will begin passing away in large numbers in coming decades — releasing a flood of currently owner-occupied homes that could hit the market,” said a report from Zillow.
Thanks, Zillow. Millions will soon die, happy house hunting!
USC demographer Dowell Myers has been pointing out for years that a growing number of seniors are becoming more dependent on a shrinking number of young folks.
“My indicator of rising senior burden is not looking good,” Myers told me this week by email. “We really need to invest far more in young people so that they can sustain the growing senior burden. Generations are connected.”
I’ve got to admit I’m not loving the term “senior burden.” Do I really want to join a club full of other burdensome people?
“With the name Pasadena Senior Center, people think they age 10 years just walking in the door,” said Charmaine Nelson, the marketing director. But then they join the book or film club, make a new friend, and keep coming back.
On Thursday morning, several people attended a session called “Fun Places to Go on the Metro.” In the nearby lounge, a silver-haired gent tickled a jazz tune out of the piano while a man in a USC Trojans jersey swayed to the music.
A senior enters the Pasadena Senior Center. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
“Aging is something our society doesn’t support, and youth is glamorized,” said Akila Gibbs, the executive director. “But I think it’s much better to embrace it. Aging is the gift you get for living.”
Unfortunately, it’s not a gift that can be returned.
Gibbs said she gets calls from people who say one parent died and the other is lonely but feels too young to join a senior center.
“I tell them to come in and volunteer, and then they like it,” said Gibbs.
And then they join.
At the Pasadena Senior Center, you can join young. The age range is 50 to 102, and the income range is just as vast. Gibbs said that after the sub-prime loan crash, a lot of seniors began sleeping in the park next door.
“We had two who were kind of camping outside our place and we were able to get them housing, and now they’re volunteers,” she said. “We have people come on a daily basis who we know are hungry, and we have a food pantry. The first Friday of each month, 400 people come and line up.”
Sandy Greenstein told me she always thought the senior center was such a community asset, she began making annual donations to the nonprofit when she was in her 40s. Later, as a senior, she joined the board of directors for two reasons:
Nancy Sharrett, 78, of Los Angeles, a member of the Tap Chicks, enjoys practicing at the Pasadena Senior Center. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
To be of greater service to fellow seniors, and to trick her husband Albert into joining.
“He said he wasn’t going to any senior center,” said Greenstein. But he began accompanying her to meetings and events, and when he was diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease, he made good use of the fitness center in his final years, and also the counseling services on healthcare options.
Most of the seniors I know are engaged in the world. They vote, they have histories and perspective and stories to tell. My semi-retirement plan, down the road, is to write a weekly column called Golden State.
Get it?
Maybe I should join the senior center just to get more material.
I met a member named Dorothy Brown, who sometimes runs the 50-cents-a-cup coffee bar, and she told me her family moved to California from Mississippi in 1960. I asked if employment opportunities drew her west.
“Do you really want to know?” she asked.
Yes, I said.
“My husband was a truck driver,” she said, “and one afternoon he was late with a load of V.A. laundry, and a Caucasian man looked at him and said, ‘Let me tell you something. I will try to make sure you never earn another paycheck in Mississippi.’ ”
They packed up immediately and moved to Los Angeles, where Brown worked as a housekeeper so she could tailor her schedule to be available to her three kids before and after school. She and her husband took advantage of a “rent to buy” program and bought a house, she said. One of her daughters, Alice, was a track-and-field Olympian who won two gold medals and a silver.
Brown told me she joined the senior center 10 years ago to be around people she could talk to. While we were chatting, three people came over to wish her a happy new year.
I’m joining the senior center because it seems like a good way to start the year. Not because I’m getting old, but because I still feel pretty young.
By Easter, I intend to be able to say, to anyone who asks, I’ll give you 30 push-ups right now.
steve.lopez@latimes.com


latimes--2020-01-03--Midwinter dry spells like this are not unusual in California, even in wet years

California has an extended period of dry weather in the winter almost as regularly as the swallows return to San Juan Capistrano , said meteorologist Jan Null of Golden Gate Weather Services .
Medium-range forecast models aren ’ t projecting significant rain in the state for at least a week .
Null compiled data for San Francisco based on the last 69 rainfall seasons , which are measured from July 1 to June 30 , and found that dry periods during December and January averaged 19 days .
If it ’ s dry in Northern California , it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the state that you go , Null said .
So if Northern California isn ’ t getting any rain , Southern California usually isn ’ t either .
Null defines a dry period as consecutive days with no rain , or dry periods broken by no more than two nonconsecutive days of very light precipitation .
Light is defined as no more than 0.08 inches of rain .
Such dry periods occur in both wet and dry years .
Even the unusually wet El Niño seasons of 1982-83 and 1997-98 featured dry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respectively .
Eight days is the shortest dry spell , which occurred twice : in 1957-58 and again in 1994-95 .
These were also El Niño years .
The longest dry period was 56 days in 2014-15 .
All of these midwinter dry spells began in December or January , with the exception of a 19-day dry period in 1964-65 that didn ’ t start until February 6 .
So a midwinter break from precipitation happens almost every year when the atmosphere settles into a period of equilibrium dominated by high pressure , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Null said .
Bill Patzert , former climatologist at NASA ’ s Jet Propulsion Laboratory , agrees that this break will not be long .
“ These hiatuses are totally normal .
The rain waxes and wanes , just like drought , ” he said .
“ Californians are fickle .
When we have rain we complain , and when we don ’ t have rain we complain .
If you want rain , just wait a week .
”

California has an extended period of dry weather in the winter almost as regularly as the swallows return to San Juan Capistrano, said meteorologist Jan Null of Golden Gate Weather Services.
Medium-range forecast models aren’t projecting significant rain in the state for at least a week.
Null compiled data for San Francisco based on the last 69 rainfall seasons, which are measured from July 1 to June 30, and found that dry periods during December and January averaged 19 days. If it’s dry in Northern California, it’s generally even more so the farther south in the state that you go, Null said. So if Northern California isn’t getting any rain, Southern California usually isn’t either.
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(Paul Duginski / Los Angeles Times)
Null defines a dry period as consecutive days with no rain, or dry periods broken by no more than two nonconsecutive days of very light precipitation. Light is defined as no more than 0.08 inches of rain.
Such dry periods occur in both wet and dry years. Even the unusually wet El Niño seasons of 1982-83 and 1997-98 featured dry spells of 22 and 17 days, respectively.
Eight days is the shortest dry spell, which occurred twice: in 1957-58 and again in 1994-95. These were also El Niño years. The longest dry period was 56 days in 2014-15. All of these midwinter dry spells began in December or January, with the exception of a 19-day dry period in 1964-65 that didn’t start until February 6.
So a midwinter break from precipitation happens almost every year when the atmosphere settles into a period of equilibrium dominated by high pressure, usually lasting two or three weeks, Null said.
Bill Patzert, former climatologist at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory, agrees that this break will not be long. “These hiatuses are totally normal. The rain waxes and wanes, just like drought,” he said. “Californians are fickle. When we have rain we complain, and when we don’t have rain we complain. If you want rain, just wait a week.”


latimes--2020-01-03--After killing of Iranian general, California authorities boost security, eye Iranian assets

The escalation of tensions between the United States and Iran has local law enforcement on alert , though officials stress there is no specific threat .
Law enforcement sources told The Times that agencies have stepped up patrols at transit hubs and other key potential targets , which is a standard response to terrorist acts and other national security threats .
The sources also said they were aware of Iranian officials and assets in the Southern California region and were monitoring them .
But officials emphasized that there are no credible threats locally and they believe any acts would likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Another area they are watching is possible cyberattacks , which they believe would be more likely to affect California .
Other law enforcement agencies throughout the nation , including the New York and Boston police departments , shared similar messages on social media .
But none garnered the mass response in Southern California after the LAPD ’ s statement reverberated throughout the region , home of the largest Iranian community outside of Iran .
While hundreds shared the message on social media , many deemed it an unnecessary provocation of fear in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Census Bureau , roughly 87,000 people of Iranian descent call home .
The moves come after the U.S. killed Qassem Suleimani , the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps ’ elite Quds Force , who has been described as the second-most powerful official in Iran .
There are currently no direct threats to Southern California or the Los Angeles area , officials said .
“ Nearly every nationality in the world can be found in the County of Los Angeles .
Keeping all residents and visitors safe is always a top priority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Department are aware of the unfolding events in the Middle East , ” Sheriff Alex Villanueva said .
“ Our Sheriff ’ s Intelligence Unit is working with our local , state , and federal partners to monitor and investigate any potential threats should they arise .
California Governor ’ s Office of Emergency Services said that while there is no threat to the state , OES will continue to work with local , state and federal officials to monitor the safety of Californians , including cyber-security .
“ Cal OES @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intelligence partners around the country and the world and is continually monitoring for possible emerging threats to the state .
At the same time , the California Cybersecurity Integration Center is working closely with its partner networks to prevent , protect against and mitigate possible cyber-attacks , ” said Mark Ghilarducci , the director of Cal OES and the Homeland Security advisor to Gov .
Gavin Newsom .
Los Angeles International Airport has no immediate plans to publicly address the situation in Iran , a spokesman said .
Airport officials work constantly with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ potential threats , public information officer Rob Pedregon said .
“ We ’ re constantly monitoring ... .
We adjust our protocols constantly .
Anything like this is pretty standard for us , ” Pedregon said .
Pedregon said that the only influx in questions airport police have received about security has come from media calls .
San Francisco International Airport , like LAX , has not implemented any changes to its security procedures .
“ We are in close contact with federal agencies and our law enforcement partners to determine if any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officer Doug Yakel .
Los Angeles port police are monitoring developments in conjunction with the Department of Homeland Security , the U.S. Coast Guard and state and other local law enforcement agencies .
“ Our patrols and inspections will be heightened as deemed necessary , ” director of media relations Phillip Sanfield said .
In Long Beach , police will increase visibility and perform additional patrols throughout the weekend .
Public information officer Jennifer De Prez said that while there is no direct connection to the city of Long Beach and developments in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alert police if they see something suspicious .
Los Angeles officials have been modifying their response to world conflicts and terrorist acts as tactics have changed .
After the Sept. 11 attacks , authorities focused on protecting large-scale targets like LAX , skyscrapers and landmarks .
More recently , however , they have been looking more at so-called “ soft targets ” after several attacks in England and France targeting pedestrians and crowds of celebrating people .
Some analysts believe that the major threat within the U.S. likely would come from assets of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ listed by U.S. authorities as a foreign terrorist organization .
Multiple sources not authorized to discuss threat assessments said that , historically , the group ’ s allies and agents in the U.S. have been considered to be amongIran ’ s most dangerous assets .
Last November , a “ sleeper agent ” in New York was sentenced to 40 years in prison by a federal court over planned terrorist attacks in the New York area .
Prosecutors charged that Ali Kourani was “ recruited , trained and deployed by Hezbollah ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surveillance on the city ’ s critical infrastructure , federal buildings , international airports , and even daycare centers.
” Various federal investigations and prosecutions have uncovered dozens of Hezbollah fundraisers and supporters in the United States .
But few have fallen under the category of “ sleeper agents ” seeking to commit acts of terror .

Law enforcement agencies in Southern California have stepped up patrols at transit hubs and other key potential targets after the U.S. killed an Iranian general in Iraq.
The escalation of tensions between the United States and Iran has local law enforcement on alert, though officials stress there is no specific threat.
Law enforcement sources told The Times that agencies have stepped up patrols at transit hubs and other key potential targets, which is a standard response to terrorist acts and other national security threats. The sources also said they were aware of Iranian officials and assets in the Southern California region and were monitoring them.
But officials emphasized that there are no credible threats locally and they believe any acts would likely occur overseas, said the sources. Another area they are watching is possible cyberattacks, which they believe would be more likely to affect California.
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Other law enforcement agencies throughout the nation, including the New York and Boston police departments, shared similar messages on social media. But none garnered the mass response in Southern California after the LAPD’s statement reverberated throughout the region, home of the largest Iranian community outside of Iran. While hundreds shared the message on social media, many deemed it an unnecessary provocation of fear in a city that, according to the U.S. Census Bureau, roughly 87,000 people of Iranian descent call home.
The moves come after the U.S. killed Qassem Suleimani, the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ elite Quds Force, who has been described as the second-most powerful official in Iran.
There are currently no direct threats to Southern California or the Los Angeles area, officials said.
“Nearly every nationality in the world can be found in the County of Los Angeles. Keeping all residents and visitors safe is always a top priority. We at Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department are aware of the unfolding events in the Middle East,” Sheriff Alex Villanueva said. “Our Sheriff’s Intelligence Unit is working with our local, state, and federal partners to monitor and investigate any potential threats should they arise.
California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services said that while there is no threat to the state, OES will continue to work with local, state and federal officials to monitor the safety of Californians, including cyber-security.
“Cal OES maintains strong relationships with our security and intelligence partners around the country and the world and is continually monitoring for possible emerging threats to the state. At the same time, the California Cybersecurity Integration Center is working closely with its partner networks to prevent, protect against and mitigate possible cyber-attacks,” said Mark Ghilarducci, the director of Cal OES and the Homeland Security advisor to Gov. Gavin Newsom.
Los Angeles International Airport has no immediate plans to publicly address the situation in Iran, a spokesman said.
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Airport officials work constantly with intelligence agencies to monitor and address any potential threats, public information officer Rob Pedregon said.
“We’re constantly monitoring .... We adjust our protocols constantly. Anything like this is pretty standard for us,” Pedregon said.
Pedregon said that the only influx in questions airport police have received about security has come from media calls.
San Francisco International Airport, like LAX, has not implemented any changes to its security procedures.
“We are in close contact with federal agencies and our law enforcement partners to determine if any are warranted,” said public information officer Doug Yakel.
Los Angeles port police are monitoring developments in conjunction with the Department of Homeland Security, the U.S. Coast Guard and state and other local law enforcement agencies.
“Our patrols and inspections will be heightened as deemed necessary,” director of media relations Phillip Sanfield said.
In Long Beach, police will increase visibility and perform additional patrols throughout the weekend. Public information officer Jennifer De Prez said that while there is no direct connection to the city of Long Beach and developments in Iran, the public is asked to alert police if they see something suspicious.
Los Angeles officials have been modifying their response to world conflicts and terrorist acts as tactics have changed. After the Sept. 11 attacks, authorities focused on protecting large-scale targets like LAX, skyscrapers and landmarks. More recently, however, they have been looking more at so-called “soft targets” after several attacks in England and France targeting pedestrians and crowds of celebrating people.
Some analysts believe that the major threat within the U.S. likely would come from assets of Hezbollah, the Iran-backed, Lebanon-based group listed by U.S. authorities as a foreign terrorist organization .
Multiple sources not authorized to discuss threat assessments said that, historically, the group’s allies and agents in the U.S. have been considered to be amongIran’s most dangerous assets.
Last November, a “sleeper agent” in New York was sentenced to 40 years in prison by a federal court over planned terrorist attacks in the New York area. Prosecutors charged that Ali Kourani was “recruited, trained and deployed by Hezbollah’s Islamic Jihad Organization” and conducted “surveillance on the city’s critical infrastructure, federal buildings, international airports, and even daycare centers.”
Various federal investigations and prosecutions have uncovered dozens of Hezbollah fundraisers and supporters in the United States. But few have fallen under the category of “sleeper agents” seeking to commit acts of terror.