latimes--2020-05-14--News Analysis: California's $54-billion deficit fueled by coronavirus will test a decade of preparat

News Analysis: California's $54-billion deficit fueled by coronavirus will test a decade of preparations

The warnings had been sounded in Sacramento for years : California was long overdue for an economic downturn , one in which tax revenues would evaporate and leave lawmakers with a series of painful choices in balancing the state budget .
“ The next governor ’ s going to be on the cliff , ” then-Gov .
Jerry Brown said as he unveiled his final state budget plan in January 2018 , pointing to a horizontal line on a chart showing California ’ s record-breaking economic expansion .
“ That big red line is what I ’ ve had .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , uncertainty , decline and recession .
So good luck , baby !
” But few thought Brown ’ s doomsday warning would come true so soon .
On Thursday , Gov .
Gavin Newsom will offer the Legislature his ideas on how to eliminate a deficit that could total $ 54.3 billion between now and July of next year , fueled by the coronavirus crisis .
No economic collapse in modern times has ever happened so fast .
Government cash receipts were $ 1.3 billion above projections through March with only three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now revenues are projected to miss the mark by $ 9.7 billion through June 30 .
“ The United States , every state in this nation , will be struggling with unprecedented shortfalls that happened in such a very short period of time , ” Newsom said May 7 .
“ And California is no different.
” But California is in a different position — at least in comparison to where it used to be , when the wounds of one crisis were rarely healed by the time the next crisis arrived .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it is found in the condition of California ’ s budget , which entered 2020 on strong footing , ” wrote Legislative Analyst Gabriel Petek in a report in March .
“ Throughout the economic expansion , policymakers maintained a focus on enhancing fiscal resilience by adding significantly to the state ’ s budget reserves.
” The efforts to stockpile cash and pay off short-term debts were championed by lawmakers and Brown over the course of almost a decade and largely embraced by Newsom in the budget he signed last summer .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ protect vital state services if the economy recovers slowly , they could buy the state valuable time if signs of improvement appear later this year or in early 2021 .
The state ’ s main cash reserves — some of which can be easily spent as needs arise , and other money set aside for a “ rainy day ” kind of emergency — were at near , or record , levels when Newsom declared a statewide emergency due to the pandemic in March .
With tax collections through this winter still above @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion in its short-term reserves to quickly spend on COVID-19 response efforts .
Added to that was $ 1.1 billion in spending for similar needs approved in March by the Legislature .
More than $ 2 billion in spending would normally cause concern , but the federal government is expected to reimburse the state for a sizable amount of those costs .
Untapped , so far , is California ’ s “ rainy day ” fund , the Budget Stabilization Account .
Voters created the reserve account in 2004 , but it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suspended by lawmakers to make much of a difference during the Great Recession .
Legislators and Brown asked voters to beef up the account in 2014 , and it now stands at $ 16 billion .
A separate cash reserve for social services programs , many of which were cut deeply during previous recessions , was created in 2018 and has a balance of about $ 900 million .
How Newsom and the Legislature choose to use these dollars to help pay the costs of operating schools , prisons , healthcare programs and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weeks .
It ’ s unclear whether the Budget Stabilization Account can be used for expenses both in the current fiscal year and the one beginning on July 1 .
But beyond the reserves , the state has a robust amount of operating cash — close to $ 40 billion of “ cash cushion , ” according to a report last week by the Legislative Analyst ’ s Office .
Though that money is committed to various government functions , much of it can be used for immediate needs and repaid at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a key difference from financial meltdowns of the past .
In 2009 , for example , empty coffers forced state finance officials to issue short-term promissory notes , similar to IOUs , to vendors and taxpayers for the first time since the Great Depression .
Nor was the money quickly replaced in past crises .
Services suffered , bond ratings fell and billions of dollars owed to public schools under constitutional mandates were delayed until future years .
It took a years-long push by lawmakers , egged on by Brown , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ management schemes that had created what he called a $ 35-billion “ wall of debt.
” Newsom ’ s first budget made the final $ 4.5-billion payment to erase the problems of that era .
The historic run of good economic times allowed other stains too to be washed off California ’ s budget ledger .
In 2004 , voters approved the sale of $ 15 billion in deficit bonds , a solution no longer allowed under state law .
The final payment was made in 2015 — earlier payments averaged $ 1 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 11 years .
It was hardly the era ’ s only brazen budget gimmick .
In 2009 , lawmakers not only changed the dates for Californians who pay quarterly estimated taxes — still on the books a decade later — but shifted the payday for state workers by a single day so it would be counted in the following fiscal year ’ s expenses .
Newsom also undid that maneuver last year .
What happens this time around depends on whether lawmakers see the tough choices as the solution to a problem or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other words , whether they seek to use the various tools at their disposal — cash reserves , short-term internal borrowing — as a temporary fix to pave the way for a faster recovery .
One early idea was floated last week by Assemblyman Phil Ting ( D-San Francisco ) , who suggested lawmakers use state tax dollars to help the unemployed when their jobless benefits run out .
“ That additional assistance will help us in the long term , ” he said , by keeping struggling Californians from using more expensive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Newsom and lawmakers may not be able to avoid all of the tough choices .
But compared to the gloomy landscape their predecessors saw in the wake of economic collapses , there are bright spots this time that could , at the very least , buy them some time .

The warnings had been sounded in Sacramento for years: California was long overdue for an economic downturn, one in which tax revenues would evaporate and leave lawmakers with a series of painful choices in balancing the state budget.
“The next governor’s going to be on the cliff,” then-Gov. Jerry Brown said as he unveiled his final state budget plan in January 2018, pointing to a horizontal line on a chart showing California’s record-breaking economic expansion. “That big red line is what I’ve had. What’s out there is darkness, uncertainty, decline and recession. So good luck, baby!”
But few thought Brown’s doomsday warning would come true so soon. On Thursday, Gov. Gavin Newsom will offer the Legislature his ideas on how to eliminate a deficit that could total $54.3 billion between now and July of next year, fueled by the coronavirus crisis. No economic collapse in modern times has ever happened so fast. Government cash receipts were $1.3 billion above projections through March with only three months left in the fiscal year; now revenues are projected to miss the mark by $9.7 billion through June 30.
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“The United States, every state in this nation, will be struggling with unprecedented shortfalls that happened in such a very short period of time,” Newsom said May 7. “And California is no different.”
But California is in a different position — at least in comparison to where it used to be, when the wounds of one crisis were rarely healed by the time the next crisis arrived.
“If there is any silver lining, it is found in the condition of California’s budget, which entered 2020 on strong footing,” wrote Legislative Analyst Gabriel Petek in a report in March. “Throughout the economic expansion, policymakers maintained a focus on enhancing fiscal resilience by adding significantly to the state’s budget reserves.”
The efforts to stockpile cash and pay off short-term debts were championed by lawmakers and Brown over the course of almost a decade and largely embraced by Newsom in the budget he signed last summer. While those assets will do little to protect vital state services if the economy recovers slowly, they could buy the state valuable time if signs of improvement appear later this year or in early 2021.
The state’s main cash reserves — some of which can be easily spent as needs arise, and other money set aside for a “rainy day” kind of emergency — were at near recordlevels when Newsom declared a statewide emergency due to the pandemic in March. With tax collections through this winter still above expectations, the state had $1.3 billion in its short-term reserves to quickly spend on COVID-19 response efforts. Added to that was $1.1 billion in spending for similar needs approved in March by the Legislature.
More than $2 billion in spending would normally cause concern, but the federal government is expected to reimburse the state for a sizable amount of those costs.
Untapped, so far, is California’s “rainy day” fund, the Budget Stabilization Account. Voters created the reserve account in 2004, but it was too small and its deposits too easily suspended by lawmakers to make much of a difference during the Great Recession. Legislators and Brown asked voters to beef up the account in 2014, and it now stands at $16 billion. A separate cash reserve for social services programs, many of which were cut deeply during previous recessions, was created in 2018 and has a balance of about $900 million.
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How Newsom and the Legislature choose to use these dollars to help pay the costs of operating schools, prisons, healthcare programs and more will be crucial in the coming weeks. It’s unclear whether the Budget Stabilization Account can be used for expenses both in the current fiscal year and the one beginning on July 1.
But beyond the reserves, the state has a robust amount of operating cash — close to $40 billion of “cash cushion,” according to a report last week by the Legislative Analyst’s Office. Though that money is committed to various government functions, much of it can be used for immediate needs and repaid at a later date.
That kind of flexibility is a key difference from financial meltdowns of the past. In 2009, for example, empty coffers forced state finance officials to issue short-term promissory notes, similar to IOUs, to vendors and taxpayers for the first time since the Great Depression.
Nor was the money quickly replaced in past crises. Services suffered, bond ratings fell and billions of dollars owed to public schools under constitutional mandates were delayed until future years.
It took a years-long push by lawmakers, egged on by Brown, to pay off all of the various cash management schemes that had created what he called a $35-billion “wall of debt.” Newsom’s first budget made the final $4.5-billion payment to erase the problems of that era.
The historic run of good economic times allowed other stains too to be washed off California’s budget ledger. In 2004, voters approved the sale of $15 billion in deficit bonds, a solution no longer allowed under state law. The final payment was made in 2015 — earlier payments averaged $1 million a day, every day for 11 years.
It was hardly the era’s only brazen budget gimmick. In 2009, lawmakers not only changed the dates for Californians who pay quarterly estimated taxes — still on the books a decade later — but shifted the payday for state workers by a single day so it would be counted in the following fiscal year’s expenses. Newsom also undid that maneuver last year.
What happens this time around depends on whether lawmakers see the tough choices as the solution to a problem or a means to an end. In other words, whether they seek to use the various tools at their disposal — cash reserves, short-term internal borrowing — as a temporary fix to pave the way for a faster recovery.
One early idea was floated last week by Assemblyman Phil Ting (D-San Francisco), who suggested lawmakers use state tax dollars to help the unemployed when their jobless benefits run out.
“That additional assistance will help us in the long term,” he said, by keeping struggling Californians from using more expensive safety net programs for years to come.
Newsom and lawmakers may not be able to avoid all of the tough choices. But compared to the gloomy landscape their predecessors saw in the wake of economic collapses, there are bright spots this time that could, at the very least, buy them some time.


latimes--2020-05-14--LAPD arrests Santa Monica woman, seizes 61 unapproved coronavirus test kits

Los Angeles Police Department detectives arrested a Santa Monica woman on suspicion of peddling tests for the novel coronavirus that were not approved by federal regulators .
Detectives who specialize in commercial and intellectual property crimes took Ying Lien Wang into custody Tuesday afternoon and seized 61 test kits that lacked approval by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration , the LAPD said Wednesday .
None of the kits have been tested by the federal agency and “ could pose a risk to anyone using them , ” the LAPD said .
Public health officials warn that unauthorized tests can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eschew treatment or not isolate themselves to prevent the virus from spreading .
Wang , 39 , advertised the kits on Craigslist and sold them on three occasions to undercover investigators with the LAPD and Homeland Security Investigations , according to the LAPD .
She was arrested on suspicion of violating city business codes that prohibit false advertising , the LAPD said , and faces pending charges of breaching state health and safety codes .
Anyone with knowledge of Wang ’ s operation is asked to call detectives at ( 213 ) 486-5940 @

Los Angeles Police Department detectives arrested a Santa Monica woman suspected of peddling tests for the coronavirus that haven’t been approved by federal regulators.
Los Angeles Police Department detectives arrested a Santa Monica woman on suspicion of peddling tests for the novel coronavirus that were not approved by federal regulators.
Detectives who specialize in commercial and intellectual property crimes took Ying Lien Wang into custody Tuesday afternoon and seized 61 test kits that lacked approval by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, the LAPD said Wednesday.
None of the kits have been tested by the federal agency and “could pose a risk to anyone using them,” the LAPD said.
Public health officials warn that unauthorized tests can produce false negatives and cause people to eschew treatment or not isolate themselves to prevent the virus from spreading.
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Wang, 39, advertised the kits on Craigslist and sold them on three occasions to undercover investigators with the LAPD and Homeland Security Investigations, according to the LAPD.
She was arrested on suspicion of violating city business codes that prohibit false advertising, the LAPD said, and faces pending charges of breaching state health and safety codes.
Anyone with knowledge of Wang’s operation is asked to call detectives at (213) 486-5940.


latimes--2020-05-13--Amid partial reopening, hodge-podge of Bay Area orders leaves residents dazed, confused

Jason Tripp owns a distillery in this once-surfer-friendly town in San Mateo County .
Since mid-March , he ’ d been selling craft vodka , gin and rum , as well as a commodity in high demand — hand sanitizer — to local patrons from his storefront .
All that ended May 5 , when the city ’ s police chief emailed Tripp and told him to shut it down .
Tripp has since been vocally portraying himself as a victim of geographically arbitrary government edicts , trying to get his story out to anyone who will listen .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Los Angeles Times ’ tip-line and San Francisco ’ s ABC-7 aired a story about his plight last week .
“ Why is it OK to go into a store and buy alcohol , but not OK to stay outside and buy from a storefront ?
” he said Wednesday , speaking from inside his store .
Tripp ’ s situation , and that of other Bay Area business owners , was not resolved Wednesday when San Mateo and other Bay Area counties announced their intent to relax several orders in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state .
Tripp is unsure if the new order means he can reopen .
“ I think we ’ ll hold off answering any specifics about the new order until it ’ s announced later this week , ” said Preston Merchant , county spokesman .
In mid-March , seven Bay Area counties worked in unison to submit some of the nation ’ s first and most restrictive orders , designed to protect residents from the fast-moving and virulent coronavirus .
The orders varied little from county to county , the only material @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Over the last few weeks , however , that uniformity has been stirred into a mishmash of geographic interpretations , orders , and enforcement decisions — from the county level down to the city and even block level .
For instance , on April 27 , the Bay Area county health officials announced , together , that they were extending the shelter-in-place orders until the end of the month .
However , it soon became clear that each health officer and county counsel interpreted the orders and extensions differently .
For instance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents could play tennis with immediate household members .
But across the narrow , now-dry San Francisquito creek , residents in San Mateo County were forbidden .
“ We spent hours discussing it , far more time than the subject was worth , ” Scott Morrow , the San Mateo County public health officer , said in an email .
“ While I never thought tennis to be a particularly high-risk activity , the group of Bay Area Health Officers decided to go with a rubric disallowing sports that share equipment .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since lifted that restriction , as long as certain thresholds are met ( such as only household members playing together , or no ball-sharing among singles from different households ) .
Morrow also restricted San Mateo County residents from traveling more than 10 miles for recreation — a limit not imposed elsewhere .
He said that was largely to prevent people from flocking to the beach in risky numbers , and to provide law enforcement with a discrete metric for enforcing the orders .
“ The county ’ s coastside area is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , many coming from great distances , ” said Morrow , who owns a beachside house in Half Moon Bay .
“ The beaches can be a significant problem with uncontrollable gatherings as we have seen in other areas of the state and country.
” According to data from the San Mateo County sheriff , at least 370 written warnings , 1,088 verbal warnings and 604 parking citations were issued along the county ’ s coast between April 20 and May 3 for violations of the county ’ s shelter-in-place orders .
None @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 11 , the most recent period on the sheriff ’ s website .
The May 5 email to Tripp , from Pacifica ’ s chief of police , William Glasgo , was not included in those warnings .
The Tripp Distillery is an award-winning craft-alcohol distillery located in a converted garage down an alley , off Palmetto Ave .
In every way , it looks like the product of a 48-year-old man who figured out how to turn a hobby into a sustainable income — more “ way-of-life ” than office setting for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ haphazardly strewn about , the floor is sticky , and graffiti and cocktail mix recipes populate the wall space .
On Wednesday morning , a little bedraggled after a “ long night of quality control , ” Tripp explained he ’ d had to lay off four part-time employees this past week ; his biggest buyers , including the NHL ’ s San Jose Sharks , have either shut down or , in the case of restaurants , can ’ t sell his product in-house , and therefore stopped buying .
And now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his storefront — a prohibition he finds confusing and confounding , considering customers can enter a BevMo or a Safeway store , and buy alcohol from the shelf — he has no money to pay anyone .
He pointed to a tweet from a distillery in Half Moon Bay that is still operating — selling craft spirits and hand sanitizers to local customers .
A call to the Half Moon Bay Distillery was not returned .
However , the company ’ s outgoing message and its website indicate storefront sales are continuing .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pacifica police department , confirmed the city has interpreted county orders to prohibit distilleries and breweries from storefront sales — unless they include restaurants .
“ One of the differences between our brewery and distillery from some of the others in the county is that they do not operate as a restaurant , ” Steidle said in an email .
According to the Half Moon Bay Distillery website , liquor is the only product sold .
Confusion also reigns in the dog grooming universe .
While many grooming services have been shut down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Menlo Park ’ s Bow Wow Meow , mobile pet grooming vans are regularly seen in the region .
Jimmy Yeung , the owner of Wag More Mobile Pet Spa , said he ’ d seen those other vans .
He , however , has remained parked in a lot in Santa Clara County ’ s Mountain View , attending to clients on site .
“ I know the orders say dog grooming is not essential , ” he said , “ but because it affects their health , how can it not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t think San Mateo County ’ s relaxation of orders , which will allow dog grooming , will affect him much — despite most of his clients residing in San Mateo ’ s Menlo Park and Atherton .
He said that because Santa Clara County is still restricting grooming , it ’ s possible he could get caught in some jurisdictional confusion crossing county lines to groom .
“ It ’ s too risky , ” he said .
In any case , although he ’ s currently operating in a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ got more business than he ’ s ever had .
“ I ’ ve been turning jobs down , ” he said .
“ There ’ s just too much .
”

Jason Tripp in his distillery in Pacifica, south of San Francisco, on Wednesday. Tripp has been shut down the last week, even as he tries to sell booze and hand sanitizer.
Jason Tripp owns a distillery in this once-surfer-friendly town in San Mateo County. Since mid-March, he’d been selling craft vodka, gin and rum, as well as a commodity in high demand — hand sanitizer — to local patrons from his storefront.
All that ended May 5, when the city’s police chief emailed Tripp and told him to shut it down.
Tripp has since been vocally portraying himself as a victim of geographically arbitrary government edicts, trying to get his story out to anyone who will listen. He sent a message about his situation to the Los Angeles Times’ tip line, and San Francisco’s ABC affiliate, KGO-TV, aired a story about his plight last week.
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“Why is it OK to go into a store and buy alcohol but not OK to stay outside and buy from a storefront?” he said Wednesday, speaking from inside his store.
Tripp’s situation, and that of other Bay Area business owners, was not resolved Wednesday when San Mateo and other Bay Area counties announced their intent to relax several orders in an attempt to more closely align with the state. Tripp is unsure whether the new order means he can reopen.
A county spokesman didn’t help clarify the matter.
“I think we’ll hold off answering any specifics about the new order until it’s announced later this week,” said Preston Merchant, county spokesman.
In mid-March, seven Bay Area counties worked in unison to submit some of the nation’s first and most restrictive orders, designed to protect residents from the fast-spreading coronavirus. The orders varied little from county to county, the only material differences being geographical boundaries and names.
Over the last few weeks, however, that uniformity has been stirred into a mishmash of geographic interpretations, orders and enforcement decisions — from the county level down to the city and even block level.
For instance, on April 27, the Bay Area county health officials announced together that they were extending the stay-at-home orders until the end of May.
However, it soon became clear that each health officer and county counsel interpreted the orders and extensions differently.
For instance, in Santa Clara County, officials decided residents could play tennis with immediate household members. But across the narrow, now-dry San Francisquito Creek, residents in San Mateo County were forbidden.
“We spent hours discussing it, far more time than the subject was worth,” Dr. Scott Morrow, the San Mateo County public health officer, said in an email. “While I never thought tennis to be a particularly high-risk activity, the group of Bay Area Health Officers decided to go with a rubric disallowing sports that share equipment. That would mean no tennis.”
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Morrow has since lifted that restriction, as long as certain thresholds are met (only household members may play together, for example, and singles from different households may not share balls).
Morrow also restricted San Mateo County residents from traveling more than 10 miles for recreation — a limit not imposed elsewhere. He said that was largely to prevent people from flocking to the beach in risky numbers, and to provide law enforcement with a concrete metric for enforcing the orders.
“The county’s coastside area is a draw for tens of thousands of people, many coming from great distances,” said Morrow, who owns a beachside house in Half Moon Bay. “The beaches can be a significant problem with uncontrollable gatherings as we have seen in other areas of the state and country.”
According to data from the San Mateo County sheriff, at least 370 written warnings, 1,088 verbal warnings and 604 parking citations were issued along the county’s coast between April 20 and May 3 for violations of the county’s stay-at-home order. None were logged between May 4 and May 11, the most recent period on the sheriff’s website.
The May 5 email to Tripp from Pacifica Police Chief William Glasgo was not included in those warnings.
The Tripp Distillery is an award-winning craft distillery in a converted garage down an alley off Palmetto Avenue.
In every way, it looks like the product of a 48-year-old man who figured out how to turn a hobby into a sustainable income — more a “way of life” than an office setting for a future IPO.
Boxes and equipment are strewn about, the floor is sticky, and graffiti and cocktail mix recipes populate the wall space.
On Wednesday morning, a little bedraggled after a “long night of quality control,” Tripp explained he’d had to lay off four part-time employees this past week; his biggest buyers, including the NHL’s San Jose Sharks, have either shut down or, in the case of restaurants, can’t sell his product in-house and therefore have stopped buying.
And now that he can’t sell from his storefront — a prohibition he finds confusing and confounding, considering customers can enter a BevMo or a Safeway store and buy alcohol from the shelf — he has no money to pay anyone.
He pointed to a tweet from a distillery in Half Moon Bay that is still operating — selling craft spirits and hand sanitizer to local customers.
A call to the Half Moon Bay Distillery was not returned. However, the company’s outgoing message and its website indicate storefront sales are continuing.
Daniel Steidle, a spokesman for the Pacifica Police Department, confirmed the city has interpreted county orders to prohibit distilleries and breweries from storefront sales — unless they include restaurants.
“One of the differences between our brewery and distillery [order] from some of the others in the county is that they do not operate as a restaurant,” Steidle said in an email.
According to the Half Moon Bay Distillery website, liquor is the only product sold.
Confusion also reigns in the dog grooming universe. Many grooming services have been shut down per Bay Area county orders, but mobile pet grooming vans are regularly seen in the region.
Jimmy Yeung, the owner of Wagmore Mobile Pet Spa, said he’d seen those other vans. He, however, has remained parked in a lot in Santa Clara County’s Mountain View, attending to clients on site.
“I know the orders say dog grooming is not essential,” he said, “but because it affects their health, how can it not be?”
He said he doesn’t think San Mateo County’s relaxation of orders, which will allow dog grooming, will affect him much — despite most of his clients residing in the county, in Menlo Park and Atherton.
He said that because Santa Clara County is still restricting grooming, it’s possible he could get caught in some jurisdictional confusion crossing county lines to groom.
“It’s too risky,” he said.
In any case, although he’s currently operating in a “gray area,” he’s got more business than he’s ever had.
“I’ve been turning jobs down,” he said. “There’s just too much.”


latimes--2020-05-13--Rise in hate incidents toward Asian Americans during coronavirus crisis, head of L.A. County commiss

Rise in hate incidents toward Asian Americans during coronavirus crisis, head of L.A. County commission says

Hate crimes and incidents directed at Asian Americans have surged during the coronavirus pandemic , according to the Los Angeles County Commission on Human Relations , whose director said Wednesday that civic groups and police departments have fielded more than 100 reports of hate incidents tied to the pandemic from February through April .
Many of these incidents were “ acts of hate-motivated hostility ” that did not amount to hate crimes but were no less jarring , the commission ’ s director , Robin Toma , said in a virtual town hall .
He described several reported incidents : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at an Asian American woman walking her dog .
A resident of an apartment complex , assuming an Asian tenant had contracted the coronavirus , tried to get that tenant evicted .
A bomb threat targeted “ a major Asian American institution , ” which Toma didn ’ t identify by name .
Throughout the country , law enforcement has identified hate crimes directed at Asian Americans and believed to be motivated by the pandemic .
In New York , teenage girls accosted a 51-year-old Asian woman on a bus , hitting her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making “ anti-Asian statements , ” city police said .
Three 15-year-old girls were charged with hate crimes .
In Midland , Texas , a 19-year-old man stabbed an Asian American father and his children , ages 2 and 6 , at a Sam ’ s Club , law enforcement authorities said .
“ The suspect indicated that he stabbed the family because he thought the family was Chinese , and infecting people with the coronavirus , ” FBI agents wrote in an intelligence report circulated to local law enforcement agencies and reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four months of this year , the Los Angeles Police Department has investigated 10 hate crimes , three of them “ COVID-driven , ” Dominic Choi , an LAPD deputy chief , said during the virtual town hall .
The department noted four hate crimes in the same period last year .
Choi said city residents probably have suffered more hate crimes than the numbers reflect because such encounters often go unreported .
Los Angeles County Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey , whose deputies prosecute felony hate crimes , said some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being yelled at , insulted , heckled — can not be charged as crimes .
But if a person is physically injured or threatened , has property vandalized or if a communal building , such as a church , is damaged , those crimes will be prosecuted , Lacey said .
A hate allegation can add years to a prison sentence , she said , and in a homicide case , it can bring life in prison .
Lacey urged anyone who has experienced a hate crime or hate-motivated incident to report it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know who committed the crime , even though you may not know the identity , who knows ?
” she said .
“ That incident may help us prove a crime in the future .
”

Hate crimes and incidents directed at Asian Americans have surged during the coronavirus outbreak, according to the Los Angeles County Commission on Human Relations, whose director said Wednesday that civic groups and police departments had fielded more than 100 reports of hate incidents tied to the pandemic from February through April.
Many of these incidents were “acts of hate-motivated hostility” that did not amount to hate crimes but were no less jarring, the commission’s director, Robin Toma, said in a virtual town hall.
He described several reported incidents: A man spewed racial and misogynistic epithets at an Asian American woman walking her dog. A resident of an apartment complex, assuming an Asian tenant had contracted the coronavirus, tried to get that tenant evicted. A bomb threat targeted “a major Asian American institution,” which Toma didn’t identify by name.
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Throughout the country, law enforcement has identified hate crimes directed at Asian Americans and believed to be motivated by the pandemic. In New York, teenage girls accosted a 51-year-old Asian woman on a bus, hitting her over the head with an umbrella and making “anti-Asian statements,” city police said. Three 15-year-old girls were charged with hate crimes.
In Midland, Texas, a 19-year-old man stabbed an Asian American father and his children, ages 2 and 6, at a Sam’s Club, law enforcement authorities said. “The suspect indicated that he stabbed the family because he thought the family was Chinese, and infecting people with the coronavirus,” FBI agents wrote in an intelligence report circulated to local law enforcement agencies and reported by ABC News.
In the first four months of this year, the Los Angeles Police Department has investigated 10 hate crimes, three of them “COVID-driven,” Dominic Choi, an LAPD deputy chief, said during the virtual town hall. The department noted four hate crimes in the same period last year. Choi said city residents probably had suffered more hate crimes than the numbers reflected because such encounters often go unreported.
Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey, whose deputies prosecute felony hate crimes, said some of the incidents Toma described — Asian Americans being yelled at, insulted, heckled — could not be charged as crimes. But if a person is physically injured or threatened, has property vandalized, or if a communal building such as a church is damaged, those crimes will be prosecuted, Lacey said. A hate allegation can add years to a prison sentence, she said, and in a homicide case, it can bring life in prison.
Lacey urged anyone who had experienced a hate crime or hate-motivated incident to report it.
“Even though you may not know who committed the crime, even though you may not know the identity, who knows?” she said. “That incident may help us prove a crime in the future.”


latimes--2020-05-13--Riverside County adopts alternative plan to reopen the local economy

The Riverside County Board of Supervisors voted unanimously this week to approve a Readiness and Reopening Framework that outlines alternative benchmarks toward reopening the local economy amid the coronavirus pandemic .
The document addresses the criteria that Gov .
Gavin Newsom laid out last week in his reopening plan but proposes alternatives to the metrics , which local officials called unrealistic for an urban county as large as Riverside County .
The county has about 2.5 million residents .
Rather than waiting until the county has fewer than one new COVID-19 case per 10,000 residents and zero deaths for 14 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a less rigid plan .
Fourth District Supervisor V. Manuel Perez said the new plan is an effort to establish balance between the county and the state , rather than reopening against Newsom ’ s wishes like Yuba County .
He said he hopes Newsom will negotiate with Riverside County .
“ I see this as a working document .
By the minute , by the day , by the hour , things are changing and , obviously , we ’ ll need to adjust , ” Perez said during the board meeting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we still continue to put our foot to the pedal and [ are ] doing everything we can ” to suppress the novel coronavirus , which will be an ongoing process , he said .
Now that the alternative plan has been approved , county officials will send it to Newsom and state officials to ask that they approve “ regional variances ” in the state ’ s reopening plan .
Riverside County also signed a joint letter with neighboring San Diego , Orange and San Bernardino counties .
Perez said that although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ depending on their individual progress — they want to create a coalition .
“ We ’ re coming together as urban counties to ask the governor to work with us , ” Perez said .
The effort coincides with what 3rd District Supervisor Chuck Washington said last week : “ We will have more power in numbers.
” With 5,343 coronavirus cases as of Wednesday afternoon , Riverside County has the second highest number of cases in the state .
A total of 228 people have died from COVID-19 .
More than 3,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to county records .
Perez said that the higher number of cases is partially due to the fact that Riverside County has tested more than 76,000 people so far , which is about 3 % of the population .
“ Out of all the counties in the state of California , the population that we have per capita , have tested more people than anyone else , ” he said .
The numbers alone may make it appear that Riverside County has more positives , but “ there ’ s also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these last couple of weeks.
” The county has the capacity to test about 3,200 people daily .
Public Health Director Kim Saruwatari said they are “ very close ” to reaching the state ’ s benchmark of 3,750 tests per day , or 1.5 tests per 1,000 residents .
Saruwatari and Juan Perez , the county ’ s Director of Transportation & Land Management , presented the guidelines included in the county ’ s alternative reopening plan .
Juan said the county would ask businesses to provide health protocols for their employees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to clearly show their business-specific plans , such as the .
During the meeting , Saruwatari explained how Riverside County ’ s efforts measure up to Newsom ’ s criteria .
Officials said the county is ready to move on to what they are calling “ Accelerated Stage 2 , ” or phase 2.5 , which would include the reopening of dine-in restaurants and child-care facilities .
The alternative plan also asks the state to consider the limited reopening of three business categories that Newsom placed in Stage 3 : religious services , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Saruwatari said Riverside County meets the criteria that Newsom outlined regarding hospital and ICU bed capacity , making the county more than prepared to care for patients if a surge were to occur .
The county has also ramped up its numbers of personal protective equipment , she said .
The alternative plan also states that the county will increase its contact tracing capability .
Saruwatari said the county is close to nailing down ways to implement antibody testing by this month as well .
“ This document recognizes that we can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Juan said .
“ We have to recognize that the state has different criteria for different industries based on business practices.
” Officials also announced Wednesday that four youth probationers who were transferred from an out-of-state facility have tested positive for the novel coronavirus .
The Riverside County Probation Department said that they transferred eight juvenile offenders from a Michigan facility to the Alan M. Crogan Youth Treatment and Education Center in Riverside .
Of the eight , half of them tested positive .
They are all scheduled to appear in court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ probationers who tested positive have been placed in quarantine and will not have contact with other juveniles housed at the Riverside facility , officials said .
Nurses screen youth daily at each of the county ’ s three juvenile facilities , officials said .
The department ’ s coronavirus prevention plan has been in place at the facilities since March 13 , officials said .
As of Wednesday afternoon , 213 residents ages 5 to 17 had tested positive for the novel virus , records show .

Spectators enter the Riverside County Administrative Center during the Board of Supervisors meeting on May 5.
The Riverside County Board of Supervisors voted unanimously this week to approve a “Readiness and Reopening Framework” that outlines alternative benchmarks toward reopening the local economy amid the coronavirus pandemic.
The document addresses the criteria that Gov. Gavin Newsom laid out last week in his reopening plan but proposes alternatives to the metrics, which local officials call unrealistic for an urban county as large as Riverside County. The county has about 2.5 million residents.
Rather than waiting until the county has less than one new COVID-19 case per 10,000 residents and zero deaths for 14 days, the locally approved framework offers a less rigid plan.
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Fourth District Supervisor V. Manuel Perez said the new plan asw an effort to establish balance between the county and the state, rather than reopening against Newsom’s wishes like Yuba County. He said he hoped Newsom would negotiate with Riverside County.
“I see this as a working document. By the minute, by the day, by the hour, things are changing, and obviously we’ll need to adjust,” Perez said during the board meeting Tuesday. This document shows “that we still continue to put our foot to the pedal and [are] doing everything we can” to suppress the novel coronavirus, which will be an ongoing process, he said.
Now that the alternative plan has been approved, county officials will send it to Newsom and state officials to ask that they approve “regional variances” in the state’s reopening plan. Riverside County also signed a joint letter with neighboring San Diego, Orange and San Bernardino counties. Perez said that although they each may have different plans — depending on their individual progress — they want to create a coalition.
“We’re coming together as urban counties to ask the governor to work with us,” Perez said.
The effort coincides with what 3rd District Supervisor Chuck Washington said last week: “We will have more power in numbers.”
With 5,343 confirmed coronavirus cases as of Wednesday afternoon, Riverside County has the second-highest number of cases in the state. A total of 228 people have died from COVID-19. More than 3,000 people have recovered since the pandemic began, according to county records.
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Perez said that the higher number of cases was partially due to the fact that Riverside County had tested more than 76,000 people so far, which is about 3% of the population.
“Out of all the counties in the state of California, the population that we have per capita, [we] have tested more people than anyone else,” he said. The numbers alone may make it appear that Riverside County has more positive test results, but “there’s also [been] a downward trend over these last couple of weeks.”
The county has the capacity to test about 3,200 people daily, and Public Health Director Kim Saruwatari said it was “very close” to reaching the state’s benchmark of 3,750 tests per day, or 1.5 tests per 1,000 residents.
Saruwatari and Juan Perez, the county’s director of transportation and land management, presented the guidelines included in the county’s alternative reopening plan.
Perez said the county would ask businesses to provide health protocols for their employees and customers, and to post signage to clearly show their business-specific plans, such as the face-covering recommendation the county approved last week.
During the meeting, Saruwatari explained how Riverside County’s efforts measured up to Newsom’s criteria. Officials said the county was ready to move on to what they were calling “accelerated Stage 2,” or Phase 2.5, which would include the reopening of dine-in restaurants and child-care facilities.
The alternative plan also asks the state to consider the limited reopening of three business categories that Newsom has placed in Stage 3: religious services, hospitality/wineries and personal grooming, Perez said.
Saruwatari said Riverside County met the criteria that Newsom outlined regarding hospital and ICU bed capacity, making the county more than prepared to care for patients if a surge were to occur. The county has also ramped up the amount of personal protective equipment it has, she said.
The alternative plan also states that the county will increase its contact tracing capability. Saruwatari said the county was close to nailing down ways to implement antibody testing by this month as well.
“This document recognizes that we can’t have a one-size-fits-all approach,” Perez said. “We have to recognize that the state has different criteria for different industries based on business practices.”
Officials also announced Wednesday that four youth probationers who were transferred from an out-of-state facility had tested positive for coronavirus infection.
According to the Riverside County Probation Department, eight juvenile offenders were transferred from a Michigan facility to the Alan M. Crogan Youth Treatment and Education Center in Riverside. Of the eight, half of them tested positive. They are all scheduled to appear in court this week, officials said.
The probationers who tested positive have been placed in quarantine and will not have contact with other juveniles housed at the Riverside facility, officials said.
Nurses screen youth daily at each of the county’s three juvenile facilities, officials said. The department’s coronavirus prevention plan has been in place at the facilities since March 13, officials said.
As of Wednesday afternoon, 213 residents ages 5 to 17 had tested positive for the novel virus, records show.


latimes--2020-05-13--Sheriff's plan to check on high-risk kids nixed after opposition from child protective services

A proposal by the Los Angeles County sheriff to have deputies check on children considered at risk of abuse during the COVID-19 pandemic was rejected after the county ’ s director of child protective services said the action might do more harm than good .
The threat of the novel coronavirus has shut schools , curtailed medical visits and largely hidden the lives of children behind closed doors , leaving mandated reporters such as teachers , doctors , counselors and coaches little opportunity to observe and report the signs of suspected abuse .
Such reports have dropped by as much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to child protective services .
Sheriff Alex Villanueva last month announced a plan “ to do welfare checks on our most at-risk kids with patrol personnel , ” working in conjunction with the Department of Children and Family Services and other stakeholders to identify high-risk minors who had not had contact with their schools .
Villanueva said he did “ not want another Gabriel Fernandez or another Anthony Avalos , ” referring to two Antelope Valley boys who were killed after repeated incidents of abuse at home .
But after several weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would not participate .
A member of the Board of Supervisors , Sheila Kuehl , also voiced opposition to using deputies in such a function .
The move comes against a backdrop of growing hostility between the supervisors and Villanueva over his powers , his budget and oversight of his department that has seen him stripped of control of county emergency management .
County officials , however , said their opposition focused on the best interests of children and concerns that the plan would be seen as targeting minority and disadvantaged communities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ some children ’ s advocates .
Bobby D. Cagle , head of the DCFS , said in a statement to the Times that the agency had initial discussions with the Sheriff ’ s Department about “ potential joint temporary efforts ” to offset the significant drop in reporting of child abuse .
“ In the end , DCFS decided that sending a uniformed law enforcement officer to a family ’ s home without any articulable suspicion of child abuse or neglect would not necessarily improve safety for children , ” Cagle said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ action might increase stress on families and children , especially those in already marginalized communities , during one of the most stressful times most have ever experienced.
” Cagle said the agency is mobilizing to insure vulnerable children are protected , including comprehensive media outreach asking the community to be especially vigilant about the welfare of children .
He said he appreciates the sheriff ’ s “ willingness to put forward ideas ” and remains willing to continue the dialogue .
But Kuehl wasn ’ t so generous during a board meeting Tuesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s idea .
“ We had an ongoing issue recently with the sheriff .
...
He identified some need that came out of his own head , I think , to send his deputies to the homes of children who did not log on for their education with ... L.A. Unified and other districts , ” said Kuehl .
There may be legitimate reason some children can not log in online for schooling , she added .
“ There was no partnership , and DCFS has its own social workers .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on doors about this , ” she said .
Villanueva said others in county government had been supportive of the plan until representatives of the supervisors “ started throwing rocks at it.
” He said Cagle did an “ absolute 180 '' when he called to discuss it .
“ I heard what the supervisor said about us banging on doors .
One , we are part of the community ourselves .
We interact with all these community members and families on a regular basis .
We are the only visible part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sheriff said .
He said the intent was to build a partnership with schools and the DCFS to let his deputies do a “ soft knock ” to insure kids were unharmed .
“ In the middle of a pandemic when we lose sight of our at-risk youth , it is just a prudent thing to do .
Their welfare is our priority .
But the board decides to play politics with it because for some reason they don ’ t want us to collaborate with other county departments.
” In a letter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Villanueva said the plan was “ sabotaged ” and asked that it be reconsidered .
“ Contrary to Supervisor Kuehl ’ s public statement regarding child welfare checks , the only persons who do not want deputies to be “ banging on people ’ s doors ” are the ones harming their children , ” he wrote .
Just a few weeks ago , Diane Iglesias , senior deputy director for DCFS , sent an email titled “ LASD/DCFS Partnership during COVID-19.
” In it , an attorney for the child welfare agency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials to reach out to 80 school districts to remind teachers of their mandated reporting duties and that deputies would be available for welfare checks when a district indicated concern .
Evidence of abuse or neglect would be reported to the DCFS hotline .
Assistance from deputies , according to the email , would also be available “ to DCFS social workers who though they continue monthly visits may have a concern about a family that does not rise to the level of suspected child abuse but where a family would benefit from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ note was one of several emails obtained by The Times exchanged between the Sheriff ’ s Department and the DCFS as they attempted to finalize a plan .
Jennifer L. Braun , president and chief executive of the Alliance for Children ’ s Rights , said the idea of home visits by law enforcement “ raises great concerns.
” “ Clearly , targeting will impact marginalized and underserved communities and communities of color that are often subject to disproportionate scrutiny and have often had traumatic experiences with law enforcement , ” she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be , that kind of presence is only going to exacerbate things and create additional trauma.
” Villanueva ’ s push for a more active role began after the Sheriff ’ s Department saw suspected-child-abuse reports in March fall to about 4,200 compared with 5,218 the year before .
The drop was even more dramatic in the first week of April , with 662 reports compared with 1,352 in the same month of 2019 .
The DCFS saw a similar drop in reports .

A proposal by the Los Angeles County sheriff to have deputies check on children considered at risk of abuse during the COVID-19 pandemic was rejected after the county’s director of child protective services said the action might do more harm than good.
The threat of the novel coronavirus has shut schools, curtailed medical visits and largely hidden the lives of children behind closed doors, leaving mandated reporters such as teachers, doctors, counselors and coaches little opportunity to observe and report the signs of suspected abuse. Such reports have dropped by as much as 50% in L.A. County, according to child protective services.
Sheriff Alex Villanueva last month announced a plan “to do welfare checks on our most at-risk kids with patrol personnel,” working in conjunction with the Department of Children and Family Services and other stakeholders to identify high-risk minors who had not had contact with their schools.
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Villanueva said he did “not want another Gabriel Fernandez or another Anthony Avalos,” referring to two Antelope Valley boys who were killed after repeated incidents of abuse at home.
But after several weeks of discussions, the DCFS aid it would not participate. A member of the Board of Supervisors, Sheila Kuehl, also voiced opposition to using deputies in such a function.
The move comes against a backdrop of growing hostility between the supervisors and Villanueva over his powers, his budget and oversight of his department that has seen him stripped of control of county emergency management.
County officials, however, said their opposition focused on the best interests of children and concerns that the plan would be seen as targeting minority and disadvantaged communities. The proposal had also drawn scrutiny from some children’s advocates.
Bobby D. Cagle, head of the DCFS, said in a statement to the Times that the agency had initial discussions with the Sheriff’s Department about “potential joint temporary efforts” to offset the significant drop in reporting of child abuse.
“In the end, DCFS decided that sending a uniformed law enforcement officer to a family’s home without any articulable suspicion of child abuse or neglect would not necessarily improve safety for children,” Cagle said. “To the contrary, such an action might increase stress on families and children, especially those in already marginalized communities, during one of the most stressful times most have ever experienced.”
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Cagle said the agency is mobilizing to insure vulnerable children are protected, including comprehensive media outreach asking the community to be especially vigilant about the welfare of children. He said he appreciates the sheriff’s “willingness to put forward ideas” and remains willing to continue the dialogue.
But Kuehl wasn’t so generous during a board meeting Tuesday, voicing strong opposition to the sheriff’s idea.
“We had an ongoing issue recently with the sheriff. ... He identified some need that came out of his own head, I think, to send his deputies to the homes of children who did not log on for their education with ... L.A. Unified and other districts,” said Kuehl. There may be legitimate reason some children cannot log in online for schooling, she added.
“There was no partnership, and DCFS has its own social workers. It does not want law enforcement to bang on doors about this,” she said.
Villanueva said others in county government had been supportive of the plan until representatives of the supervisors “started throwing rocks at it.” He said Cagle did an “absolute 180” when he called to discuss it.
“I heard what the supervisor said about us banging on doors. One, we are part of the community ourselves. We interact with all these community members and families on a regular basis. We are the only visible part of the county government 24/7,” the sheriff said.
He said the intent was to build a partnership with schools and the DCFS to let his deputies do a “soft knock” to insure kids were unharmed.
“In the middle of a pandemic when we lose sight of our at-risk youth, it is just a prudent thing to do. Their welfare is our priority. But the board decides to play politics with it because for some reason they don’t want us to collaborate with other county departments.”
In a letter to board chairwoman Kathryn Barger Wednesday, Villanueva said the plan was “sabotaged” and asked that it be reconsidered.
“Contrary to Supervisor Kuehl’s public statement regarding child welfare checks, the only persons who do not want deputies to be “banging on people’s doors” are the ones harming their children,” he wrote.
Just a few weeks ago, Diane Iglesias, senior deputy director for DCFS, sent an email titled “LASD/DCFS Partnership during COVID-19.”
In it, an attorney for the child welfare agency recapped the plan for sheriff’s officials to reach out to 80 school districts to remind teachers of their mandated reporting duties and that deputies would be available for welfare checks when a district indicated concern. Evidence of abuse or neglect would be reported to the DCFS hotline.
Assistance from deputies, according to the email, would also be available “to DCFS social workers who though they continue monthly visits may have a concern about a family that does not rise to the level of suspected child abuse but where a family would benefit from a wellness check.”
The April 22 note was one of several emails obtained by The Times exchanged between the Sheriff’s Department and the DCFS as they attempted to finalize a plan.
Jennifer L. Braun, president and chief executive of the Alliance for Children’s Rights, said the idea of home visits by law enforcement “raises great concerns.”
“Clearly, targeting will impact marginalized and underserved communities and communities of color that are often subject to disproportionate scrutiny and have often had traumatic experiences with law enforcement,” she said. “Howeve well-intentioned the officer may be, that kind of presence is only going to exacerbate things and create additional trauma.”
Villanueva’s push for a more active role began after the Sheriff’s Department saw suspected-child-abuse reports in March fall to about 4,200 compared with 5,218 the year before. The drop was even more dramatic in the first week of April, with 662 reports compared with 1,352 in the same month of 2019. The DCFS saw a similar drop in reports.


latimes--2020-05-13--California community colleges sue U.S. for denying COVID-19 funds to undocumented students, others

The nation ’ s largest community college system is suing the federal government for denying coronavirus relief funds to more than a half-million California students , including DACA recipients and many of those from low-income families .
California Community Colleges Chancellor Eloy Ortiz Oakley and the system ’ s board of governors filed suit this week in U.S. District Court in San Francisco against the Department of Education and Secretary Betsy DeVos over eligibility restrictions placed on the use of federal aid money for students , arguing that the restrictions are unconstitutional .
“ The Department of Education ignored the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local colleges discretion to aid students most affected by the pandemic , and instead has arbitrarily excluded as many as 800,000 community college students , ” California Community Colleges Chancellor Eloy Ortiz Oakley said in a statement .
The CARES Act , approved by Congress March 27 , set aside $ 14 billion for higher education relief .
At least half of the money must go directly to students in the form of emergency grants .
Subsequent guidance put out by the Department of Education states that only students who are eligible to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assistance .
That leaves out large numbers of undocumented students , including those with work permits through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program ; students without high school diplomas ; students enrolled in non-credit programs ; and students who fail to maintain satisfactory academic progress .
At the California Community Colleges , more than 500,000 of the 1.5 million students enrolled in the spring semester are ineligible because they fall into one of those categories , including about 70,000 undocumented students , the chancellor ’ s office said .
Another 275,000 are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an application for federal financial aid .
Many low-income students at California community colleges don ’ t fill out the application because they receive a tuition fee waiver through the state .
Those excluded include veterans , students with disabilities , and students training to be healthcare workers and first responders , the chancellor ’ s office said .
“ Many students who may be most in need of relief will be deprived of assistance during this public health crisis , ” the lawsuit states .
The lawsuit , in which the Foothill-De @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and San Diego Community College Districts are also named plaintiffs , argues that the Department of Education overreached .
“ Congress provided higher education institutions with unfettered flexibility to distribute the relief to affected students as they deemed appropriate , imposing no eligibility limitations , ” the lawsuit states .
In a statement , Department of Education spokeswoman Angela Morabito said , “ There is no persuasive legal support for the proposition that Congress intended the CARES Act to create an entitlement for DACA recipients and others who are otherwise ineligible for federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ties eligibility for this funding to Title IV eligibility .
...
It is absurd that special interests want the department to fabricate a basis to send U.S. taxpayer money to noncitizens , especially given how many American students are in need of this emergency relief.
” Kevin Wallsten , a political science professor at California State University Long Beach who studies policy making , said it ’ s not unusual for Congress to write laws that are vague and leave it to bureaucratic agencies to work out the details of implementation .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is passed and implemented , ” Wallsten said .
“ But that doesn ’ t mean it ’ s OK .
It doesn ’ t always mean that the agency or the department in question is doing something that is within congressional intent or constitutional.
” Wallsten said the suit may be difficult to win , though , because courts have generally provided “ tremendous deference ” to federal agencies that are implementing congressional laws .

The nation’s largest community college system is suing the federal government for denying coronavirus relief funds to more than a half-million California students, including DACA recipients and many of those from low-income families.
California Community Colleges Chancellor Eloy Ortiz Oakley and the system’s Board of Governors filed suit this week in U.S. District Court in San Francisco against the Department of Education and Secretary Betsy DeVos over eligibility restrictions placed on the use of federal aid money for students, arguing that the restrictions are unconstitutional.
“The Department of Education ignored the intent of the CARES Act to give local colleges discretion to aid students most affected by the pandemic, and instead has arbitrarily excluded as many as 800,000 community college students,” Oakley said in a statement.
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The CARES Act, approved by Congress March 27, set aside $14 billion for higher education relief. At least half of the money must go directly to students in the form of emergency grants.
Subsequent guidance put out by the Department of Education states that only students who are eligible to receive federal financial aid qualify for the assistance. That leaves out large numbers of undocumented students, including those with work permits through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program; students without high school diplomas; students enrolled in non-credit programs; and students who fail to maintain satisfactory academic progress.
At the California Community Colleges, more than 500,000 of the 1.5 million students enrolled in the spring semester are ineligible because they fall into one of those categories, including about 70,000 undocumented students, the chancellor’s office said. Another 275,000 are probably ineligible because they never filled out an application for federal financial aid. Many low-income students at California community colleges don’t fill out the application because they receive a tuition fee waiver through the state.
Those excluded include veterans, students with disabilities, and students training to be healthcare workers and first responders, the chancellor’s office said.
“Many students who may be most in need of relief will be deprived of assistance during this public health crisis,” the lawsuit states.
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The lawsuit, in which the Foothill-De Anza, Los Angeles, Los Rios and San Diego community college districts are also named plaintiffs, argues that the Department of Education overreached.
“Congress provided higher education institutions with unfettered flexibility to distribute the relief to affected students as they deemed appropriate, imposing no eligibility limitations,” the lawsuit states.
In a statement, Department of Education spokeswoman Angela Morabito said, “There is no persuasive legal support for the proposition that Congress intended the CARES Act to create an entitlement for DACA recipients and others who are otherwise ineligible for federal public benefits. The CARES Act clearly ties eligibility for this funding to Title IV eligibility. ... It is absurd that special interests want the department to fabricate a basis to send U.S. taxpayer money to noncitizens, especially given how many American students are in need of this emergency relief.”
Kevin Wallsten, a political science professor at Cal State Long Beach who studies policy making, says it’s not unusual for Congress to write laws that are vague and leave it to bureaucratic agencies to work out the details of implementation.
“In a sense this is how law is passed and implemented,” Wallsten said. “But that doesn’t mean it’s OK. It doesn’t always mean that the agency or the department in question is doing something that is within congressional intent or constitutional.”
Wallsten said the suit might be difficult to win, though, because courts generally give “tremendous deference” to federal agencies that are implementing congressional laws.


latimes--2020-05-13--L.A. City Hall corruption: Consultant agrees to plead guilty in bribery scheme

A real estate consultant has agreed to plead guilty to a racketeering charge in the ongoing federal pay-to-play corruption probe at Los Angeles City Hall , federal prosecutors said Wednesday .
George Chiang , 41 , of Granada Hills , will admit to playing a lead role in a scheme in which a Chinese real estate company allegedly bribed a Los Angeles City Council member in exchange for help on a major development project , according to a plea agreement between Chiang and federal prosecutors .
Under the agreement , which was made public Wednesday , Chiang will fully cooperate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into cash payments , air travel , free tickets and other perks prosecutors say were provided to the council member and other city officials .
The plea agreement and charging documents also detail years of secret negotiations between Chiang , the unnamed council member and other participants .
Their scheming , the government alleged , amounted to a criminal conspiracy that violated the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act , a legal cudgel favored by prosecutors in criminal cases because of the hefty prison sentences it can carry .
An attorney for Chiang @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regrets his “ obviously very serious conduct.
” “ He ’ s met with the FBI .
He ’ s met with the U.S. Attorney ’ s Office , ” Friedman said .
“ He ’ s agreed to be called upon , to the extent that they need any additional information as part of their investigation.
” A court hearing for Chiang to plead guilty has not yet been scheduled .
He faces up to 20 years in prison , but is likely to receive a far lighter sentence , especially if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provides useful information .
The case against Chiang is certain to ratchet up pressure on Councilman Jose Huizar .
Although prosecutors have not named him , details in the filings against Chiang and in previous cases have made clear Huizar is the councilman at the heart of the City Hall probe .
Huizar ’ s attorney , Vicki Podberesky , declined to comment .
At the center of the allegations against Chiang is a downtown development proposal sought by a Chinese real estate company .
Although prosecutors did not name the project , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the planned redevelopment of the Luxe City Center Hotel on Figueroa Street , across from the L.A. Live entertainment complex .
Chiang , who previously had worked as a real estate broker in the San Gabriel Valley , signed on as a consultant with the developers .
Although it is not named in court records , the company pursuing city approval for the Luxe project was Shenzhen Hazens .
Over the years that followed , according to court records , Chiang worked on behalf of the company to help orchestrate an elaborate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ council member ’ s support for the project .
As the head of the planning committee , which reviewed major development projects , and as the representative of downtown , the council member wielded enormous power over the project ’ s fate .
Through Chiang , the company allegedly funneled monthly payments totaling $ 66,000 to an associate of the councilman as it sought approval for a redevelopment project with 650 homes and 300 hotel rooms .
Prosecutors alleged the money was cloaked as consulting fees and was paid through a complex arrangement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ company ’ s chairman .
The company represented by Chiang also pledged to provide $ 100,000 to a political action committee that was expected to support the campaign of the council member ’ s relative , the filing states .
In 2018 , Huizar was working to have his wife , Richelle Huizar , replace him on the council , raising money on her behalf .
Over breakfast at a Boyle Heights restaurant , the council member told Chiang and his business partner that he needed the donation “ as soon as possible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , when she announced her candidacy , she would have money pour into the campaign and “ scare everyone else from running against her , ” the council member said , according to the filing .
Chiang also arranged for the council member and his family members to take a trip to China , where they visited the chairman of the company seeking approval of the hotel and residential project , according to prosecutors .
He also paid approximately $ 1,000 for alcohol for a party for a relative of the council member @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tickets , prosecutors said .
The effort paid off , according to prosecutors .
In exchange for bribes , the council member pushed the hotel project through the planning committee .
In December 2017 , the full council approved the development .
The plea agreement and accompanying documents shed new light on another figure in the probe , who left City Hall three years ago .
Although he is not named in the filing , biographical information provided by prosecutors made clear that the figure is Raymond Chan , a former deputy mayor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Garcetti ’ s office , Chan reached an agreement with Chiang to get paid to push the hotel and residential project through the city ’ s approval process , according to the details in the filing .
The money did not arrive until later in the year , prosecutors said .
Prosecutors said the deputy mayor used his official position to “ pressure subordinate city officials to take favorable official actions ” on the hotel project .
At one point , the official met with a member of the City Planning Commission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Eric Garcetti and vet major development projects , to urge the project ’ s approval , the filing states .
In June 2017 , the deputy mayor asked Chiang for his “ 20 grand ” in cash and Chiang responded , “ I got it sitting in the car , ” according to the plea agreement documents .
The deputy mayor told Chiang to “ keep it there for now , ” the filing states .
Chan retired from the city roughly a week later .
He received $ 112,000 from Chiang ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by prosecutors as compensation for shepherding the project through City Hall while working in Garcetti ’ s office .
Chan did not respond to phone messages seeking comment Wednesday .
But Garcetti said the allegations , if true , soil “ everybody here at City Hall.
” “ If he or anybody else has broken the law , I hope they get the full extent of punishment from the law as well , ” the mayor said .
Chiang is the third person in the City Hall corruption case to agree to plead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Former Los Angeles City Councilman Mitchell Englander agreed to plead guilty to scheming to falsify facts in a probe of his acceptance of envelopes of cash and other gifts .
In addition , former City Planning Commissioner Justin Jangwoo Kim agreed to plead guilty to bribery in a case involving a real estate developer and a paper bag containing $ 400,000 .

David Zahniser, Emily Alpert Reyes, Joel Rubin

A Granada Hills real estate consultant has agreed to plead guilty and cooperate with the ongoing federal corruption investigation at Los Angeles City Hall.
A real estate consultant has agreed to plead guilty to a racketeering charge in the ongoing federal pay-to-play corruption probe at Los Angeles City Hall, federal prosecutors said Wednesday.
George Chiang, 41, of Granada Hills, will admit to playing a lead role in a scheme in which a Chinese real estate company allegedly bribed a Los Angeles City Council member in exchange for help on a major development project, according to a plea agreement between Chiang and federal prosecutors.
Court Documents: George Chiang’s role in pay-to-play scheme Court documents describe George Chiang’s role in a pay-to-play scheme at Los Angeles City Hall.
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Under the agreement, which was made public Wednesday, Chiang will fully cooperate in the government’s ongoing investigation into cash payments, air travel, free tickets and other perks prosecutors say were provided to the council member and other city officials.
The plea agreement and charging documents also detail years of secret negotiations between Chiang, the unnamed council member and other participants. Their scheming, the government alleged, amounted to a criminal conspiracy that violated the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, a legal cudgel favored by prosecutors in criminal cases because of the hefty prison sentences it can carry.
An attorney for Chiang, Stanley Friedman, said his client regrets his “obviously very serious conduct.”
“He’s met with the FBI. He’s met with the U.S. Attorney’s Office,” Friedman said. “He’s agreed to be called upon, to the extent that they need any additional information as part of their investigation.”
A court hearing for Chiang to plead guilty has not yet been scheduled. He faces up to 20 years in prison, but is likely to receive a far lighter sentence, especially if, in cooperating with prosecutors, he provides useful information.
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The case against Chiang is certain to ratchet up pressure on Councilman Jose Huizar. Although prosecutors have not named him, details in the filings against Chiang and in previous cases have made clear Huizar is the councilman at the heart of the City Hall probe. Huizar’s attorney, Vicki Podberesky, declined to comment.
At the center of the allegations against Chiang is a downtown development proposal sought by a Chinese real estate company. Although prosecutors did not name the project, details in the filing make clear it is the planned redevelopment of the Luxe City Center Hotel on Figueroa Street, across from the L.A. Live entertainment complex.
Chiang, who previously had worked as a real estate broker in the San Gabriel Valley, signed on as a consultant with the developers. Although it is not named in court records, the company pursuing city approval for the Luxe project was Shenzhen Hazens.
Over the years that followed, according to court records, Chiang worked on behalf of the company to help orchestrate an elaborate array of bribes meant to win the council member’s support for the project. As the head of the planning committee, which reviewed major development projects, and as the representative of downtown, the council member wielded enormous power over the project’s fate.
Through Chiang, the company allegedly funneled monthly payments totaling $66,000 to an associate of the councilman as it sought approval for a redevelopment project with 650 homes and 300 hotel rooms. Prosecutors alleged the money was cloaked as consulting fees and was paid through a complex arrangement involving a relative of the real estate company’s chairman.
Court Documents: Read Chiang’s plea agreement George Chiang agreed to plea guilty on a racketeering charge in the ongoing federal pay-to-play corruption probe at Los Angeles City Hall.
The company represented by Chiang also pledged to provide $100,000 to a political action committee that was expected to support the campaign of the council member’s relative, the filing states. In 2018, Huizar was working to have his wife, Richelle Huizar, replace him on the council, raising money on her behalf.
Over breakfast at a Boyle Heights restaurant, the council member told Chiang and his business partner that he needed the donation “as soon as possible,” prosecutors said. That way, when she announced her candidacy, she would have money pour into the campaign and “scare everyone else from running against her,” the council member said, according to the filing.
Chiang also arranged for the council member and his family members to take a trip to China, where they visited the chairman of the company seeking approval of the hotel and residential project, according to prosecutors. He also paid approximately $1,000 for alcohol for a party for a relative of the council member, as well as concert and Lakers tickets, prosecutors said.
The Luxe City Center Hotel, a favorite spot for L.A. politicians to hold fundraisers, is one of several L.A. businesses to come under scrutiny from the FBI. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)
The effort paid off, according to prosecutors. In exchange for bribes, the council member pushed the hotel project through the planning committee. In December 2017, the full council approved the development.
The plea agreement and accompanying documents shed new light on another figure in the probe, who left City Hall three years ago. Although he is not named in the filing, biographical information provided by prosecutors made clear that the figure is Raymond Chan, a former deputy mayor to Mayor Eric Garcetti.
While working in Garcetti’s office, Chan reached an agreement with Chiang to get paid to push the hotel and residential project through the city’s approval process, according to the details in the filing. The money did not arrive until later in the year, prosecutors said.
Prosecutors said the deputy mayor used his official position to “pressure subordinate city officials to take favorable official actions” on the hotel project. At one point, the official met with a member of the City Planning Commission, whose members are appointed by Mayor Eric Garcetti and vet major development projects, to urge the project’s approval, the filing states.
In June 2017, the deputy mayor asked Chiang for his “20 grand” in cash and Chiang responded, “I got it sitting in the car,” according to the plea agreement documents.
The deputy mayor told Chiang to “keep it there for now,” the filing states.
Chan retired from the city roughly a week later. He received $112,000 from Chiang’s company in 2017 — money described by prosecutors as compensation for shepherding the project through City Hall while working in Garcetti’s office.
Chan did not respond to phone messages seeking comment Wednesday. But Garcetti said the allegations, if true, soil “everybody here at City Hall.”
“If he or anybody else has broken the law, I hope they get the full extent of punishment from the law as well,” the mayor said.
Chiang is the third person in the City Hall corruption case to agree to plead guilty over the past two months.
Former Los Angeles City Councilman Mitchell Englander agreed to plead guilty to scheming to falsify facts in a probe of his acceptance of envelopes of cash and other gifts. In addition, former City Planning Commissioner Justin Jangwoo Kim agreed to plead guilty to bribery in a case involving a real estate developer and a paper bag containing $400,000.