latimes--2020-07-20--Latinos hope George Floyd protests bring focus on police violence in their community

You don ’ t know these names , but Alejandra Merriman does .
She wrote them on a piece of poster board and held it as she marched to demand justice : Frank Mendoza .
Anthony Pacheco .
Martin Escobar .
A purple-inked chain linking dozens of names of Latinos killed by law enforcement in Los Angeles since 2000 .
And then there was the latest name , the reason she was out there marching alongside hundreds of others .
The one belonging to Andres Guardado .
“ In the brown community , we ’ ve always been taught by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and keep pushing .
But our generation , my generation … we ’ ve had enough , ” Merriman said .
“ We need to speak up for our own people .
We can ’ t rely on others to speak up for us .
We need to come together.
” Protests in the wake of the killing of George Floyd — a 46-year-old Black man who died after a Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck while he was begging for air — conjured up the centuries-old past of brutality against Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of police brutality .
It has also helped energize efforts by Latinos , the largest minority group in the U.S. , to use some of that momentum to draw attention to deaths of Latinos by police .
For Latino organizers , getting any kind of traction on these issues has been hard .
They say the names of the dead don ’ t stick in the public ’ s memory .
They rarely lead to large protests and national movements .
The reasons , advocates and experts say , are numerous : media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a national leadership vacuum among Latinos on this issue and the fact that in some parts of the American Southwest , including L.A. , Latinos make up a sizable portion of law enforcement .
In the Los Angeles Police Department , half of the officers are Latino , making it by far the largest group in the department .
And when Guardado , an 18-year-old , was shot five times in the back in a Gardena street , it was a Latino L.A. County sheriff ’ s deputy who pulled the trigger as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killing generated national attention — and protests — in a way that almost no other shooting of a Latino had in years .
At some protests , the influence — and inspiration — of Black Lives Matter is hard to miss .
Signs in solidarity with that movement , many held by Latino protesters , are hoisted high .
“ I think we as a Latino community owe a great gratitude to the Black community and to the Black Lives Matter movement , ” said Julissa Natzely Arce Raya , an author who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on social media .
“ Because of the work that Black organizers have done and the Black community has done to bring forward police brutality and police killings , really to the national consciousness of America , we are starting to wake up to that same reality .
...
In many ways , the Black community has shown us how to organize and speak out for our community.
” Latinos are no stranger to police brutality in a city in which they now make up almost half the population .
In 1943 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against Mexican Americans in East Los Angeles and downtown , in what became known as the Zoot Suit Riots , the police looked on and then arrested mostly Latinos .
During the “ Bloody Christmas ” of 1951 , there was the unprovoked beating of seven prisoners — most of them Latino .
The beatings , dramatized in the 1997 film “ L.A .
Confidential , ” resulted in the first grand jury indictments of serving LAPD officers and the first criminal convictions for use of excessive force in the department ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Community Service Organization , a Boyle Heights grass-roots group , was part of the fight to indict the officers .
As the years passed , Centro CSO focused its attention on immigrant rights and education , said Sol Marquez , an organizer with the group .
But then , in 2016 , came a rash of killings of Latinos by police in Boyle Heights and the focus shifted once more to police brutality .
“ It was horrible and such a slap in the face of all of us that we had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cops to be jailed or something to happen to them , ” Marquez said .
The group gained greater attention earlier this year , after video showed an LAPD officer beating a homeless man .
Centro CSO is pushing for the officer , Frank Hernandez , to be fired .
Merriman began researching police brutality against Latinos after learning about the death of Michael Ramos , a 42-year-old fatally shot by an Austin , Texas , police officer in April .
It prompted the 30-year-old to join Centro CSO .
She compiled the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Times database published last month that showed that since 2000 , there have been nearly 900 killings by local police that were ruled a homicide by county medical examiners .
Almost all of the dead were men , nearly 80 % were Black or Latino .
In nearly all cases , the use of force was deemed legally justified by the L.A. County district attorney ’ s office , which conducts an investigation into each death .
Since 2000 , only two officers have been charged as a result of shooting a civilian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president and general counsel of the legal advocacy group LatinoJustice , cited multiple factors for why killings of Latinos by police have not garnered as much attention .
According to Cartagena , some of those factors include mainstream media focusing on immigration as the biggest concern for Latinos , “ an inability to talk about criminal justice policing beyond a Black-and-white binary in the U.S. ” and the lack of institutions in the Latino community , such as churches , pushing hard on such issues like in the Black community .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Sunday saying , ‘ We ’ ve got to stop these killings , ’ ” Cartagena said .
Cartagena stressed the need for the Latino community to stand in solidarity to stop the killing of Black people , something that he said would go a “ long way to address the issues we have with Latinos too.
” “ At the same time , we can not lose sight of the fact that police abuse also kills our own [ people ] , ” he said .
“ It is important for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are at a cusp of significant debate about policing as a concept.
” On June 21 , hundreds of people gathered for a three-mile march from Gardena to the sheriff ’ s station in Compton to protest the killing of Guardado .
They held signs that read “ Latinos for Black lives ” and “ Black Lives Matter.
” Najee Ali , a longtime civil rights activist in South L.A. , attended the protest to offer support .
“ As much as we ’ ve been saying Black Lives Matter … and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives matter too.
” But that ’ s a term that Latino organizers are careful to avoid , not wanting to take away from the Black community ’ s “ plight for justice , ” said Ron Gochez , a member of Unión del Barrio , which organized the protest .
“ We don ’ t use brown lives matter , Latino lives matter , ” he said .
“ We support the Black community.
” Unión del Barrio , which began in 1980 , has long held marches and protests for immigrant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A few weeks before the June protest , the organization held a caravan in Compton that grew to be more than 10 miles long and ended at the LAPD headquarters .
The Sheriff ’ s Department has said that Guardado was shot and killed around 6 p.m. on June 18 , after two deputies saw him speaking to someone in a car blocking the entrance to an auto body shop on West Redondo Beach Boulevard .
Investigators said Guardado “ produced a handgun ” and ran away , and that deputies chased @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Earlier this month , the L.A. County coroner ’ s office determined that Guardado was shot five times in the back .
Guardado had surrendered and was lying facedown on the ground when a Los Angeles County sheriff ’ s deputy who had been chasing him down a driveway holstered his weapon and approached the 18-year-old to put him in handcuffs , the deputy would recount .
Suddenly , according to this account , Guardado reached for the gun he ’ d moments before agreed to drop , which was still on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the deputy to redraw his weapon .
The deputy fired six rounds , five of which struck Guardado in the back , killing him .
The narrative of Deputy Miguel Vega , provided to The Times through his attorney , raised fresh questions about the tactics used during yet another deadly police encounter .
Guardado ’ s case garnered attention rare for police shootings of other Latinos , with Ice Cube and Kim Kardashian sharing the case on their social media .
In June , several public officials called for an independent investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sen. Kamala Harris ( D-Calif. ) and U.S. Reps. Nanette Barragán ( D-San Pedro ) and Maxine Waters ( D-Los Angeles ) .
Last month , Melina Abdullah , one of the leaders of Black Lives Matter , stood amid a growing crowd in front of the Hall of Justice .
People held signs that read “ Black and brown unity ” and “ Tu lucha es mi lucha.
” Your struggle is my struggle .
They were there not only to call for the ouster of L.A. County Dist .
Atty .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ were killed by law enforcement .
“ We will get justice in their names , because we can ’ t get justice for them , ” Abdullah said .
“ Justice for Andres Guardado would mean that he is still here.
” In addition to reciting the names of Black lives lost , including George Floyd , Tamir Rice and Rayshard Brooks , Abdullah also called out Anthony Vargas , Guardado , Eric Rivera , Jesse Romero , Cesar Rodriguez and Christian Escobedo .
Gochez said it was “ too early to tell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a tipping point .
“ But I think , ” he said , “ there ’ s something in the air about change.
” Times staff writers Alene Tchekmedyian and Ben Poston contributed to this report .

Cristobal Guardado, father of Andres Guardado, speaks at a rally for his son on June 21.
You don’t know these names, but Alejandra Merriman does.
She wrote them on a piece of poster board and held it as she marched to demand justice: Frank Mendoza. Anthony Pacheco. Martin Escobar.
A purple-inked chain linking dozens of names of Latinos killed by law enforcement in Los Angeles since 2000. And then there was the latest name, the reason she was out there marching alongside hundreds of others. The one belonging to Andres Guardado.
“In the brown community, we’ve always been taught by our parents to keep our head down and keep pushing. But our generation, my generation … we’ve had enough,” Merriman said. “We need to speak up for our own people. We can’t rely on others to speak up for us. We need to come together.”
Advertisement
Protests in the wake of the killing of George Floyd — a 46-year-old Black man who died after a Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck while he was begging for air — conjured up the centuries-old past of brutality against Black Americans, centered specifically on the issue of police brutality.
It has also helped energize efforts by Latinos, the largest minority group in the U.S., to use some of that momentum to draw attention to deaths of Latinos by police.
For Latino organizers, getting any kind of traction on these issues has been hard. They say the names of the dead don’t stick in the public’s memory. They rarely lead to large protests and national movements.
The reasons, advocates and experts say, are numerous: media coverage that focuses strongly around immigration, a national leadership vacuum among Latinos on this issue and the fact that in some parts of the American Southwest, including L.A., Latinos make up a sizable portion of law enforcement. In the Los Angeles Police Department, half of the officers are Latino, making it by far the largest group in the department.
And when Guardado, an 18-year-old, was shot five times in the back in a Gardena street, it was a Latino L.A. County sheriff’s deputy who pulled the trigger as Guardado lay on his stomach. The killing generated national attention — and protests — in a way that almost no other shooting of a Latino had in years.
At some protests, the influence — and inspiration — of Black Lives Matter is hard to miss. Signs in solidarity with that movement, many held by Latino protesters, are hoisted high.
Advertisement
“I think we as a Latino community owe a great gratitude to the Black community and to the Black Lives Matter movement,” said Julissa Natzely Arce Raya, an author who has been sharing Guardado’s story on social media. “Because of the work that Black organizers have done and the Black community has done to bring forward police brutality and police killings, really to the national consciousness of America, we are starting to wake up to that same reality. ... In many ways, the Black community has shown us how to organize and speak out for our community.”
Latinos are no stranger to police brutality in a city in which they now make up almost half the population.
In 1943, during days-long attacks by white military servicemen against Mexican Americans in East Los Angeles and downtown, in what became known as the Zoot Suit Riots, the police looked on and then arrested mostly Latinos.
During the “Bloody Christmas” of 1951, there was the unprovoked beating of seven prisoners — most of them Latino. The beatings, dramatized in the 1997 film “L.A. Confidential,” resulted in the first grand jury indictments of serving LAPD officers and the first criminal convictions for use of excessive force in the department’s history.
At the time, Centro Community Service Organization, a Boyle Heights grass-roots group, was part of the fight to indict the officers.
As the years passed, Centro CSO focused its attention on immigrant rights and education, said Sol Marquez, an organizer with the group. But then, in 2016, came a rash of killings of Latinos by police in Boyle Heights and the focus shifted once more to police brutality.
“It was horrible and such a slap in the face of all of us that we had to take up the campaign to bring these cops to be jailed or something to happen to them,” Marquez said.
The group gained greater attention earlier this year, after video showed an LAPD officer beating a homeless man. Centro CSO is pushing for the officer, Frank Hernandez, to be fired.
Merriman began researching police brutality against Latinos after learning about the death of Michael Ramos, a 42-year-old fatally shot by an Austin, Texas, police officer in April. It prompted the 30-year-old to join Centro CSO.
She compiled the names on her poster board from a Times database published last month that showed that since 2000, there have been nearly 900 killings by local police that were ruled a homicide by county medical examiners.
Almost all of the dead were men, nearly 80% were Black or Latino. In nearly all cases, the use of force was deemed legally justified by the L.A. County district attorney’s office, which conducts an investigation into each death. Since 2000, only two officers have been charged as a result of shooting a civilian while on duty.
Juan Cartagena, president and general counsel of the legal advocacy group LatinoJustice, cited multiple factors for why killings of Latinos by police have not garnered as much attention.
According to Cartagena, some of those factors include mainstream media focusing on immigration as the biggest concern for Latinos, “an inability to talk about criminal justice policing beyond a Black-and-white binary in the U.S.” and the lack of institutions in the Latino community, such as churches, pushing hard on such issues like in the Black community.
“We don’t have the reverend on a Sunday saying, ‘We’ve got to stop these killings,’” Cartagena said.
Cartagena stressed the need for the Latino community to stand in solidarity to stop the killing of Black people, something that he said would go a “long way to address the issues we have with Latinos too.”
“At the same time, we cannot lose sight of the fact that police abuse also kills our own [people],” he said. “It is important for us to recognize this moment. Because we are at a cusp of significant debate about policing as a concept.”
Hundreds come out to a rally for Andres Guardado on June 21. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
On June 21, hundreds of people gathered for a three-mile march from Gardena to the sheriff’s station in Compton to protest the killing of Guardado. They held signs that read “Latinos for Black lives” and “Black Lives Matter.”
Najee Ali, a longtime civil rights activist in South L.A., attended the protest to offer support.
“As much as we’ve been saying Black Lives Matter … and they do, well hell, Latino lives matter too.”
But that’s a term that Latino organizers are careful to avoid, not wanting to take away from the Black community’s “plight for justice,” said Ron Gochez, a member of Unión del Barrio, which organized the protest.
“We don’t use brown lives matter, Latino lives matter,” he said. “We support the Black community.”
Unión del Barrio, which began in 1980, has long held marches and protests for immigrant rights and against police brutality and gentrification. A few weeks before the June protest, the organization held a caravan in Compton that grew to be more than 10 miles long and ended at the LAPD headquarters.
The Sheriff’s Department has said that Guardado was shot and killed around 6 p.m. on June 18, after two deputies saw him speaking to someone in a car blocking the entrance to an auto body shop on West Redondo Beach Boulevard. Investigators said Guardado “produced a handgun” and ran away, and that deputies chased him, before one shot him.
Earlier this month, the L.A. County coroner’s office determined that Guardado was shot five times in the back. Guardado had surrendered and was lying facedown on the ground when a Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputy who had been chasing him down a driveway holstered his weapon and approached the 18-year-old to put him in handcuffs, the deputy would recount.
Suddenly, according to this account, Guardado reached for the gun he’d moments before agreed to drop, which was still on the ground above his right hand, prompting the deputy to redraw his weapon. The deputy fired six rounds, five of which struck
Guardado in the back, killing him.
The narrative of Deputy Miguel Vega, provided to The Times through his attorney, raised fresh questions about the tactics used during yet another deadly police encounter.
Guardado’s case garnered attention rare for police shootings of other Latinos, with Ice Cube and Kim Kardashian sharing the case on their social media. In June, several public officials called for an independent investigation into Guardado’s death, including Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) and U.S. Reps. Nanette Barragán (D-San Pedro) and Maxine Waters (D-Los Angeles).
Jonathan Abarca, left, and cousin Celina Abarca, middle, cousins of Andres Guardado, and Keyanna Celina, of the Coalition for Community Control Over the Police, right, speak to the crowd. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
Last month, Melina Abdullah, one of the leaders of Black Lives Matter, stood amid a growing crowd in front of the Hall of Justice. People held signs that read “Black and brown unity” and “Tu lucha es mi lucha.” Your struggle is my struggle.
They were there not only to call for the ouster of L.A. County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey but to honor those who were killed by law enforcement.
“We will get justice in their names, because we can’t get justice for them,” Abdullah said. “Justice for Andres Guardado would mean that he is still here.”
In addition to reciting the names of Black lives lost, including George Floyd, Tamir Rice and Rayshard Brooks, Abdullah also called out Anthony Vargas, Guardado, Eric Rivera, Jesse Romero, Cesar Rodriguez and Christian Escobedo.
Gochez said it was “too early to tell” if Guardado’s shooting could be a tipping point.
“But I think,” he said, “there’s something in the air about change.”
Times staff writers Alene Tchekmedyian and Ben Poston contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-07-22--'I'm going to die out here.' Brutal heat is even more dangerous with coronavirus

Charlotte Oliver is well acquainted with heat .
She grew up in the desert regions of the Inland Empire , where temperatures this month have reached 121 degrees .
But for the 50-year-old , living with heat became an urgent matter when , amid alcohol addiction two years ago , she found herself on the streets .
“ There were days I didn ’ t think I would make it , ” she said .
“ I kept thinking , ‘ I ’ m going to die out here.
’ ” For Southern California ’ s elderly and homeless populations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inconvenience .
Without the cooling centers and shelters that are sanctuaries for vulnerable populations , heat can be a killer .
Last year , 10 people died in Riverside County because of hot weather .
That was before COVID-19 — which thrives in places like cooling centers , where people gather .
“ The challenges to opening are being able to screen people [ for coronavirus ] , especially since most cool centers are located at senior centers , and they ’ re the most at-risk group , ” said Vince Wrzalinski , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Riverside .
The dilemma of trying to protect people from brutal weather while coping with the pandemic is particularly complex in Riverside County , which has reported more than 30,000 COVID-19 cases and last week had well over 500 people hospitalized .
The dangers posed by the coronavirus have limited the number of cooling centers that could open as temperatures soared .
As of July 10 , only 15 of the 60 cooling centers in Riverside County were operating , according to the Riverside University Health System .
San Bernardino County ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burden of fighting heat and COVID-19 .
The city of San Bernardino has not opened any cooling centers this year out of concerns over the coronavirus , community recreation manager Mitch Assumma said .
While much is still not known about the coronavirus , it has become clear that it spreads more quickly indoors than outdoors .
That is one reason officials have closed indoor dining , bars , shopping malls and movie theaters in many areas as the virus has spiked across California .
One study found that the coronavirus was spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , by the air conditioning system .
But for many people with no other escape from the cruel inland heat , the risk of an indoor space with air conditioning feels like one worth taking .
Those shelters that do open must make calculations like never before — about how close they can position people , and even when guests can use bathroom facilities so as to avoid crowding .
In the desert near Victorville , only two emergency shelters are open , according to High Desert Homeless Services executive director Jimmy Waldron @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Village & Kitchen , a full-service homeless shelter , normally houses about 130 people and serves 1,000 meals a day .
But due to COVID-19 , the shelter has had to restrict the number of people in each room and now accommodates only 80 people .
President and chief executive Linda Barrack said this year ’ s influx of needy people was more than the shelter was used to , which has led to a greater demand for supplies and social distancing protocols .
“ We ’ re running at full capacity , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ask ourselves , ‘ What are we able to get ?
’ At the moment we ’ re OK , but that doesn ’ t mean we ’ ll be OK in three days.
” On a recent day , Gregory Newland , 63 , waited in the shelter ’ s cooling center to escape the late-morning triple-digit heat .
He makes the trek to Martha ’ s Village from his tent in the Coachella Valley once a week .
He sat in a chair marked off by tape to be six @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been living on the streets for five years , he said .
“ Living out here is miserable this time of year , ” he said .
“ I walk five to 10 miles to get here .
I pick up recyclables along the way and stop by for lunch and a shower.
” He is one of the 100 homeless , low-income and senior guests who stop by Martha ’ s Village on any given day for cold water , snacks and access to air conditioning .
Now that the cooling center @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it can not hold as many people .
Previously , computers were available for use , but now the monitors are sectioned off by caution tape , and visitors have to ask an employee for access .
The shelter has faced difficulties with staffing amid the pandemic as the need for workers has risen and the number of volunteers has dwindled .
With a run on sanitary supplies after the outbreak , prices went up , which created an additional financial strain for the shelter , Barrack said .
Martha ’ s Village @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its facilities to allow for additional cots if needed .
Residents remain isolated in their rooms for most of the day and schedule times to use the amenities .
With so many layoffs and the job market down , people are staying longer at the shelter , Barrack said .
Sam and Jade Campbell , both 43 and originally from Las Vegas , became homeless right as the coronavirus began its global spread .
Before moving into Martha ’ s Village in April , the married couple and their 4-year-old daughter , Elizabeth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We didn ’ t have a home to stay in ; we didn ’ t have anything , ” Sam Campbell said .
“ No car , money , no food.
” To keep his family safe from the coronavirus , Campbell ran every errand alone .
On hot days , he said , cooling centers were a beacon of hope but also a cause for fear .
Trying to fight off both heat stroke and COVID-19 was more difficult than he anticipated .
At the previous shelter his family stayed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , open rooms .
“ There were so many people , and I was always worried about one of the guys bringing in the virus and spreading it to me or my wife or daughter , ” he said .
“ My main concern was always my daughter .
”

Charlotte Oliver is well acquainted with heat. She grew up in the desert regions of the Inland Empire, where temperatures this month have reached 121 degrees.
But for the 50-year-old, living with heat became an urgent matter when, amid alcohol addiction two years ago, she found herself on the streets.
“There were days I didn’t think I would make it,” she said. “I kept thinking, ‘I’m going to die out here.’”
For Southern California’s elderly and homeless populations, stifling heat is more than an inconvenience. Without the cooling centers and shelters that are sanctuaries for vulnerable populations, heat can be a killer.
Last year, 10 people died in Riverside County because of hot weather. That was before COVID-19 — which thrives in places like cooling centers, where people gather.
Advertisement
Charlotte Oliver, shown in her dorm room at the Coachella Valley Rescue Mission, has been dealing with an alcohol addiction and is part of the facility’s faith-based New Life program. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
“The challenges to opening are being able to screen people [for coronavirus], especially since most cool centers are located at senior centers, and they’re the most at-risk group,” said Vince Wrzalinski, executive director of the Community Action Partnership in Riverside.
The dilemma of trying to protect people from brutal weather while coping with the pandemic is particularly complex in Riverside County, which has reported more than 30,000 COVID-19 cases and last week had well over 500 people hospitalized.
The dangers posed by the coronavirus have limited the number of cooling centers that could open as temperatures soared. As of July 10, only 15 of the 60 cooling centers in Riverside County were operating, according to the Riverside University Health System.
The homeless and those in need of a free meal can no longer eat in the lunchroom at Martha’s Village & Kitchen in Indio due to COVID-19, leaving them to sit in the shade outside as they try to escape the blazing sun. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
San Bernardino County’s expansive desert region also bears the burden of fighting heat and COVID-19. The city of San Bernardino has not opened any cooling centers this year out of concerns over the coronavirus, community recreation manager Mitch Assumma said.
While much is still not known about the coronavirus, it has become clear that it spreads more quickly indoors than outdoors.
Advertisement
That is one reason officials have closed indoor dining, bars, shopping malls and movie theaters in many areas as the virus has spiked across California. One study found that the coronavirus was spread at a restaurant in Guangzhou, China, by the air conditioning system.
But for many people with no other escape from the cruel inland heat, the risk of an indoor space with air conditioning feels like one worth taking.
Those shelters that do open must make calculations like never before — about how close they can position people, and even when guests can use bathroom facilities so as to avoid crowding.
In the desert near Victorville, only two emergency shelters are open, according to High Desert Homeless Services executive director Jimmy Waldron.
In Indio, Martha’s Village & Kitchen, a full-service homeless shelter, normally houses about 130 people and serves 1,000 meals a day. But due to COVID-19, the shelter has had to restrict the number of people in each room and now accommodates only 80 people. President and chief executive Linda Barrack said this year’s influx of needy people was more than the shelter was used to, which has led to a greater demand for supplies and social distancing protocols.
“We’re running at full capacity,” she said. “Every day we ask ourselves, ‘What are we able to get?’ At the moment we’re OK, but that doesn’t mean we’ll be OK in three days.”
Gregory Newland, a former electrician who lives in a tent and walks several miles to get to the shelter, watches a movie in the air-conditioned cooling center at Martha’s Village & Kitchen. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Advertisement
On a recent day, Gregory Newland, 63, waited in the shelter’s cooling center to escape the late-morning triple-digit heat. He makes the trek to Martha’s Village from his tent in the Coachella Valley once a week.
He sat in a chair marked off by tape to be six feet away from others. Newland has been living on the streets for five years, he said.
“Living out here is miserable this time of year,” he said. “I walk five to 10 miles to get here. I pick up recyclables along the way and stop by for lunch and a shower.”
He is one of the 100 homeless, low-income and senior guests who stop by Martha’s Village on any given day for cold water, snacks and access to air conditioning. Now that the cooling center has moved chairs six feet apart, it cannot hold as many people. Previously, computers were available for use, but now the monitors are sectioned off by caution tape, and visitors have to ask an employee for access.
The shelter has faced difficulties with staffing amid the pandemic as the need for workers has risen and the number of volunteers has dwindled. With a run on sanitary supplies after the outbreak, prices went up, which created an additional financial strain for the shelter, Barrack said.
Martha’s Village continues to accept people and has reconfigured its facilities to allow for additional cots if needed. Residents remain isolated in their rooms for most of the day and schedule times to use the amenities.
Advertisement
With so many layoffs and the job market down, people are staying longer at the shelter, Barrack said.
Sam and Jade Campbell, both 43 and originally from Las Vegas, became homeless right as the coronavirus began its global spread.
After arriving at the shelter four months ago with nothing, recent homeless program graduates Jade and Sam Campbell hold their daughter Elizabeth, 4, at Martha’s Village & Kitchen. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Before moving into Martha’s Village in April, the married couple and their 4-year-old daughter, Elizabeth, lived in another shelter and hotel. “We didn’t have a home to stay in; we didn’t have anything,” Sam Campbell said. “No car, money, no food.”
To keep his family safe from the coronavirus, Campbell ran every errand alone. On hot days, he said, cooling centers were a beacon of hope but also a cause for fear.
Trying to fight off both heat stroke and COVID-19 was more difficult than he anticipated. At the previous shelter his family stayed at, all guests slept in large, open rooms.
Advertisement
“There were so many people, and I was always worried about one of the guys bringing in the virus and spreading it to me or my wife or daughter,” he said. “My main concern was always my daughter.”


latimes--2020-07-22--California feared pandemic would overwhelm Medicaid, but that hasn't happened. Why?

The predictions were dire : Coronavirus lockdowns would put millions of Americans out of work , stripping them of their health insurance and pushing them into Medicaid , the health insurance program for low-income people .
In California , Gov .
Gavin Newsom ’ s administration projected that the pandemic would force about 2 million additional people to sign up for the state ’ s Medicaid program , called Medi-Cal , by July , raising enrollment to an all-time high of 14.5 million — more than one-third of the state ’ s population .
But July is almost over , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million since March , when the pandemic shut down much of the economy — though enrollment ticked up in May and June , according to the latest data from the state Department of Health Care Services , which administers the program .
Essentially , enrollment hasn ’ t budged even though nearly 3 million Californians are newly unemployed .
“ It ’ s a mystery , ” said Anthony Wright , executive director of Health Access California , an advocacy group for health consumers .
“ We have lots of plausible explanations , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ add up.
” Even the state is stumped .
The enrollment data are preliminary , and Medi-Cal officials expect the numbers to grow as eligibility appeals and other “ unusual cases ” are resolved , but not by 2 million people , said Norman Williams , spokesman for the Department of Health Care Services .
The department based its projections on the state ’ s experience with the Great Recession a decade ago , a comparison that it now acknowledges was misguided because the pandemic did not spur a purely economic crisis .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ avoid care at clinics and hospitals during this public health crisis , and thus be less likely to need coverage immediately .
“ The current situation is far more complex because it involves both economic and health decisions , creating a more complicated picture more closely related to that seen during the 1918 influenza pandemic , ” Williams said in a statement .
Even with the faulty comparison , it ’ s not clear why more Californians haven ’ t enrolled , he said .
“ The state prepared an estimate based on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unprecedented and rapidly evolving situation , ” he said .
The miscalculation meant the state probably allocated more money to Medi-Cal than the program now needs , even as lawmakers struggled to find ways to prevent deep healthcare cuts and close a massive $ 54-billion deficit as they negotiated the 2020-21 state budget in May and June .
And a more accurate estimate could have potentially funded new programs , such as expanding Medi-Cal to unauthorized immigrants age 65 and up , some state lawmakers and advocacy groups said .
Newsom backed that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 80.5 million in the first year , in his January budget proposal but abandoned it in May , citing California ’ s financial crisis spurred by the pandemic .
“ We are talking about life-or-death services , so to say I ’ m frustrated is putting it mildly , ” said state Sen. Holly Mitchell ( D-Los Angeles ) , who chairs the Senate Budget Committee and leads budget negotiations in the upper house .
“ It ’ s irritating to me that they can be so off.
” The new state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at $ 115 billion , of which $ 2.4 billion in state money has been earmarked for caseload growth .
Yet it ’ s unclear how much of that could have been available to fund other programs or stave off cuts had the caseload projection been more accurate , department officials acknowledged .
Most states predicted their Medicaid enrollment would rise due to the pandemic , though many are seeing similar delays in Medicaid signups , said Cindy Mann , a partner at the legal and consulting firm Manatt Health who served as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Medicare & Medicaid Services during the Obama administration .
Washington state , like California , hasn ’ t seen its Medicaid caseload grow as expected , said MaryAnne Lindeblad , its Medicaid director .
It projected up to 95,000 people would join the program by now , yet it has seen 80,000 new enrollees since March .
“ It ’ s been a little bit surprising , ” she said .
“ There ’ s so much going on in people ’ s lives right now , and signing up for Medicaid doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them.
” Though Medicaid rolls aren ’ t exploding in many states , Americans are becoming uninsured .
It is unclear how many people have lost health insurance , but many healthcare experts believe the total is probably in the millions nationwide .
“ It ’ s a different kind of downturn and that might explain some of the reason we ’ re seeing lags across the country , ” Mann said .
“ But unless unemployment numbers turn around dramatically , which is not the prediction , I think we will see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grow and turn to the program.
” There are several theories about why Californians who have lost their jobs during the pandemic have not yet enrolled in Medi-Cal .
For one , signing up for food and housing assistance appears “ more urgent ” than signing up for Medi-Cal , Williams said .
The pandemic has also created new signup hurdles .
With libraries , schools , community centers and county healthcare offices largely closed during lockdowns , uninsured residents have had fewer places to enroll .
Hospitals and clinics also frequently enroll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many healthy people are avoiding treatment for fear of being infected with COVID-19 .
And those who have lost jobs may still have work-based coverage because employers planned to rehire them and kept them on job-based insurance plans , or because they ’ ve signed up for COBRA insurance temporarily .
Enrollment could also be lagging because the service industry has been hit hard , and many low-income workers in restaurants , bars or salons were already enrolled in Medi-Cal .
“ About a quarter who were at risk of losing jobs were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” said Laurel Lucia , director of the Health Care Program at the Center for Labor Research and Education at UC Berkeley .
Vanessa Poveda , 28 , wasn ’ t among the service workers already enrolled in Medi-Cal when the crisis hit .
Instead , she had health insurance through her job as a server at Bartlett Hall , an upscale gastro pub near San Francisco ’ s Union Square .
When Poveda was laid off during the first round of coronavirus closures in March , the restaurant extended her health coverage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said .
Now unemployed and uninsured , she thinks she probably qualifies for Medi-Cal but hasn ’ t signed up .
“ I haven ’ t really gotten around to it , ” she said .
Because Poveda is relatively healthy , she said , enrolling in coverage isn ’ t as urgent as some of her other needs .
“ Medical insurance is definitely a top priority for me , ” she said , “ but I also need a roof over my head.
” In California , another factor may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s “ public charge ” policy may be having an outsize impact on Medi-Cal enrollment because of the state ’ s large immigrant population , said Hamutal Bernstein , a researcher at the Urban Institute .
The rule allows federal immigration officials to more easily deny permanent residency status to those who depend on certain public benefits such as Medicaid .
“ A lot of immigrant families are being disproportionately impacted by economic and health hardship and are increasingly needing some of this assistance , ” Bernstein said .
But “ a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any kind of help.
” Federal rules also prevent the state from kicking anyone off Medicaid during the pandemic , which means people who normally would have fallen off the program will stay enrolled , contributing to the state ’ s inflated projections , Williams said .
The department said it is working to get out the word that Medi-Cal is available , but Mitchell is urging the state to do more .
“ I ’ m concerned not enough outreach is being done , ” she said .
“ We expect people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Medi-Cal and they should go online and apply.
” This story was produced by KHN ( Kaiser Health News ) , which publishes California Healthline , an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation .
KHN is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente .

Vanessa Poveda, 28, lost her health insurance after losing her job as a server at a San Francisco gastro pub. She thinks she probably qualifies for Medi-Cal but hasn’t signed up yet, in part because the task feels daunting.
The predictions were dire: Coronavirus lockdowns would put millions of Americans out of work, stripping them of their health insurance and pushing them into Medicaid, the health insurance program for low-income people.
In California, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration projected that the pandemic would force about 2 million additional people to sign up for the state’s Medicaid program, called Medi-Cal, by July, raising enrollment to an all-time high of 14.5 million — more than one-third of the state’s population.
But July is almost over, and Medi-Cal enrollment has hovered around 12.5 million since March, when the pandemic shut down much of the economy — though enrollment ticked up in May and June, according to the latest data from the state Department of Health Care Services, which administers the program.
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Essentially, enrollment hasn’t budged even though nearly 3 million Californians are newly unemployed.
“It’s a mystery,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of Health Access California, an advocacy group for health consumers. “We have lots of plausible explanations, but they don’t seem to add up.”
Even the state is stumped. The enrollment data are preliminary, and Medi-Cal officials expect the numbers to grow as eligibility appeals and other “unusual cases” are resolved, but not by 2 million people, said Norman Williams, spokesman for the Department of Health Care Services.
The department based its projections on the state’s experience with the Great Recession a decade ago, a comparison that it now acknowledges was misguided because the pandemic did not spur a purely economic crisis. The state failed to predict people would avoid care at clinics and hospitals during this public health crisis, and thus be less likely to need coverage immediately.
“The current situation is far more complex because it involves both economic and health decisions, creating a more complicated picture more closely related to that seen during the 1918 influenza pandemic,” Williams said in a statement.
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Even with the faulty comparison, it’s not clear why more Californians haven’t enrolled, he said.
“The state prepared an estimate based on the best data available, during an unprecedented and rapidly evolving situation,” he said.
The miscalculation meant the state probably allocated more money to Medi-Cal than the program now needs, even as lawmakers struggled to find ways to prevent deep healthcare cuts and close a massive $54-billion deficit as they negotiated the 2020-21 state budget in May and June.
And a more accurate estimate could have potentially funded new programs, such as expanding Medi-Cal to unauthorized immigrants age 65 and up, some state lawmakers and advocacy groups said.
Newsom backed that expansion of Medi-Cal, estimated to cost $80.5 million in the first year, in his January budget proposal but abandoned it in May, citing California’s financial crisis spurred by the pandemic.
“We are talking about life-or-death services, so to say I’m frustrated is putting it mildly,” said state Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles), who chairs the Senate Budget Committee and leads budget negotiations in the upper house. “It’s irritating to me that they can be so off.”
Politics As millions lose health insurance, Trump administration offers little help The administration has taken few steps to help people gain coverage after massive job losses caused millions to lose their plans amid the coronavirus.
The new state budget puts Medi-Cal’s overall cost at $115 billion, of which $2.4 billion in state money has been earmarked for caseload growth. Yet it’s unclear how much of that could have been available to fund other programs or stave off cuts had the caseload projection been more accurate, department officials acknowledged.
Most states predicted their Medicaid enrollment would rise due to the pandemic, though many are seeing similar delays in Medicaid signups, said Cindy Mann, a partner at the legal and consulting firm Manatt Health who served as federal Medicaid director for the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services during the Obama administration.
Washington state, like California, hasn’t seen its Medicaid caseload grow as expected, said MaryAnne Lindeblad, its Medicaid director. It projected up to 95,000 people would join the program by now, yet it has seen 80,000 new enrollees since March.
“It’s been a little bit surprising,” she said. “There’s so much going on in people’s lives right now, and signing up for Medicaid doesn’t seem to be one of them.”
Though Medicaid rolls aren’t exploding in many states, Americans are becoming uninsured. It is unclear how many people have lost health insurance, but many healthcare experts believe the total is probably in the millions nationwide.
“It’s a different kind of downturn and that might explain some of the reason we’re seeing lags across the country,” Mann said. “But unless unemployment numbers turn around dramatically, which is not the prediction, I think we will see the number of uninsured people continuing to grow and turn to the program.”
There are several theories about why Californians who have lost their jobs during the pandemic have not yet enrolled in Medi-Cal.
For one, signing up for food and housing assistance appears “more urgent” than signing up for Medi-Cal, Williams said.
The pandemic has also created new signup hurdles. With libraries, schools, community centers and county healthcare offices largely closed during lockdowns, uninsured residents have had fewer places to enroll. Hospitals and clinics also frequently enroll uninsured people into the program, but many healthy people are avoiding treatment for fear of being infected with COVID-19.
And those who have lost jobs may still have work-based coverage because employers planned to rehire them and kept them on job-based insurance plans, or because they’ve signed up for COBRA insurance temporarily.
Enrollment could also be lagging because the service industry has been hit hard, and many low-income workers in restaurants, bars or salons were already enrolled in Medi-Cal.
“About a quarter who were at risk of losing jobs were already enrolled when the crisis started,” said Laurel Lucia, director of the Health Care Program at the Center for Labor Research and Education at UC Berkeley.
Vanessa Poveda, 28, wasn’t among the service workers already enrolled in Medi-Cal when the crisis hit. Instead, she had health insurance through her job as a server at Bartlett Hall, an upscale gastro pub near San Francisco’s Union Square.
When Poveda was laid off during the first round of coronavirus closures in March, the restaurant extended her health coverage for 30 days before it expired, she said. Now unemployed and uninsured, she thinks she probably qualifies for Medi-Cal but hasn’t signed up.
“I haven’t really gotten around to it,” she said.
Because Poveda is relatively healthy, she said, enrolling in coverage isn’t as urgent as some of her other needs.
“Medical insurance is definitely a top priority for me,” she said, “but I also need a roof over my head.”
In California, another factor may be at play. The Trump administration’s “public charge” policy may be having an outsize impact on Medi-Cal enrollment because of the state’s large immigrant population, said Hamutal Bernstein, a researcher at the Urban Institute. The rule allows federal immigration officials to more easily deny permanent residency status to those who depend on certain public benefits such as Medicaid.
“A lot of immigrant families are being disproportionately impacted by economic and health hardship and are increasingly needing some of this assistance,” Bernstein said. But “a lot of people are afraid of getting any kind of help.”
Federal rules also prevent the state from kicking anyone off Medicaid during the pandemic, which means people who normally would have fallen off the program will stay enrolled, contributing to the state’s inflated projections, Williams said.
The department said it is working to get out the word that Medi-Cal is available, but Mitchell is urging the state to do more.
“I’m concerned not enough outreach is being done,” she said. “We expect people to magically know they may qualify for Medi-Cal and they should go online and apply.”
This story was produced by KHN (Kaiser Health News), which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation. KHN is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.


latimes--2020-07-22--LAPD promised to curb violence on protesters for two decades, but has yet to deliver

After Los Angeles police officers stormed through a protest in MacArthur Park in 2007 , beating protesters and journalists with batons and shooting them with tactical weapons , the department issued an unusual mea culpa as part of a report filled with reforms .
“ Many may speculate that this report will be put on a shelf with the others that came before it , and that life in the Department will go on unchanged and unaffected , eventually leading to another similar incident , ” LAPD officials wrote to the Police Commission .
“ The intention is the opposite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learned is but the first step in bringing about change ; what is key , is that the resulting changes be institutionalized.
” It hasn ’ t worked out that way .
Numerous instances of officers using similar weapons and force during protests over the police killing of George Floyd have sparked new criticism , as well as questions about why earlier efforts at reform did not seem to take .
The MacArthur Park melee cost the city more than $ 30 million in legal judgments .
And as attorneys for Floyd protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ zeroing in on promises made after the 2007 incident and prior violence during the 2000 Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles to argue that the LAPD isn ’ t learning from its mistakes .
The protesters contend that the latest offenses were not simply the actions of rogue officers , but of top officials who had been put on notice that the tactics they deployed were unacceptable .
The LAPD has been rebuked for the same tactics so many times before , the litigants argue , that their continued use “ indicates an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” of protesters .
They are now pushing for a court order that would go even further in restricting the LAPD ’ s use of batons and tactical guns on protesters .
“ It ’ s just sort of literally stunning — it ’ s numbing — that we ’ d be back here again , ” said Carol Sobel , an attorney who has been involved in every major protest lawsuit against the LAPD in recent decades and is now among those suing the department once more , as part of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Matter-Los Angeles and other activist groups .
According to LAPD Chief Michel Moore , the department is reviewing its response to the protests in detail , and actions of the command staff and of individual officers on skirmish lines are being scrutinized .
While there may be instances in which individual officers or commanders did the wrong thing or misused weapons , Moore said , the LAPD has made great strides in recent decades in how it interacts with large crowds .
And he does not believe there was a decision made during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any of his commanders , to deliberately flaunt previous court settlements on crowd control measures .
“ I ’ m not aware of anyone , any of my actions or any actions within the organization , where someone said , ‘ Those are the rules , and we ’ re not going to follow them , ’ ” Moore said .
“ That person would be relieved of their position immediately .
There is no space for some extraordinary use of some tactic.
” There is evidence , however , that officers breached @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A Times review of the LAPD ’ s response to the city ’ s recent protests found officers probably violated policies for the use of batons and projectiles , including some that were first set out in past settlement agreements .
Nearly 20 years ago , on Aug. 14 , 2000 , the LAPD declared a protest gathering downtown outside the Democratic National Convention unlawful and gave some 8,000 people 15 minutes to leave the area .
After many did not , and some allegedly started destroying property , officers fired more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sued on multiple fronts , including by one woman who was shot in the eye , losing vision in it , and others who said they were injured after being given too little time to clear the area .
By 2004 , payouts in the case had surpassed $ 4 million .
And in 2005 , the city agreed to change the LAPD ’ s crowd control policies and limit the use of projectiles to “ aggressive and/or combative ” individuals .
While the city vowed additional reforms after MacArthur Park , activists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sued and won — securing more than $ 30 million for those injured in the park , and also a four-year order from a U.S. District Court judge outlining new tactical restrictions .
The order said batons “ should not be used against members of the crowd attempting to disperse , persons unable to move because of the press of the crowd , or persons otherwise posing no imminent threat to the officers or other persons.
” It said projectiles “ should not be used on a lawfully dispersing crowd or individual ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crowd that is retreating , ” unless they continued to present a threat .
It also said that , whenever a gathering is declared unlawful , an announcement must be made loudly enough so that everyone in the crowd can hear it , and that protesters must be provided “ an objectively reasonable period of time to disperse and a clear and safe route to disperse.
” Then , in November 2011 , nearly 300 Occupy L.A. protesters were arrested after LAPD officials declared their gathering on the City Hall lawn unlawful .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of brutality that occurred in MacArthur Park , but sued nonetheless , alleging their handcuffs were too tight , that they were refused access to water and bathroom facilities and that they were told to urinate on themselves while being detained for hours .
In 2015 , the city settled with the Occupy protesters — paying them $ 2.45 million .
More recently — on the day after Floyd was killed in Minneapolis in May — L.A. agreed to pay $ 750,000 to settle a class-action lawsuit brought by protesters who alleged they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proper dispersal order , during protests in 2014 over the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson , Mo .
How the latest case will be resolved is unclear , but the size of the potential class — which Sobel says could include 4,000 people — could mean a massive taxpayer-funded payout if the protesters prevail .
The case dwarfs previous ones by alleging abuses over six nights , when several thousand arrests occurred .
“ This is certainly the biggest case ever in L.A. history , ” Sobel said .
Alex Comisar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said in a statement that “ the LAPD do heroic work to keep Angelenos safe every day.
” At the same time , “ everyone must be held accountable for their actions , ” he said , and the LAPD inspector general will ensure “ thorough investigations into any wrongdoing that might have occurred during recent demonstrations.
” City Atty .
Mike Feuer ’ s office did not respond to a request for comment .
Michael Avery , board president of the National Police Accountability Project , a consortium of 600 attorneys @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country , said the history of settlements over similar LAPD tactics helps the protesters ’ case .
“ If people on the ground are allowed to deviate from previous court orders , what that says to me is that there is a serious problem in command and supervision in the department , ” Avery said .
“ If they are seeing people out in a command posture in these sorts of situations who don ’ t know the rules or who aren ’ t committed to the rules , that ’ s an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defense.
” Jin Hee Lee , senior deputy director of litigation for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund , said years of legislative statutes and rulings by judges across the country have made it difficult to hold police departments accountable .
Often when problems arise , officials blame individual “ bad apples , ” who they then deal with through internal administrative remedies that provide little accountability and foster no real change .
However , when litigants can show that the problems at issue are known and systemic — that is , that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elected officials , not just individual officers — they can win lasting reforms .
In that way , she said , the past in the current L.A. case is “ deeply relevant .
”

After Los Angeles police officers stormed through a protest in MacArthur Park in 2007, beating protesters and journalists with batons and shooting them with tactical weapons, the department issued an unusual mea culpa as part of a report filled with reforms.
“Many may speculate that this report will be put on a shelf with the others that came before it, and that life in the Department will go on unchanged and unaffected, eventually leading to another similar incident,” LAPD officials wrote to the Police Commission. “The intention is the opposite. The Department acknowledges that identifying lessons learned is but the first step in bringing about change; what is key, is that the resulting changes be institutionalized.”
It hasn’t worked out that way.
Numerous instances of officers using similar weapons and force during protests over the police killing of George Floyd have sparked new criticism, as well as questions about why earlier efforts at reform did not seem to take.
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The MacArthur Park melee cost the city more than $30 million in legal judgments. And as attorneys for Floyd protesters pursue their own litigation, they are zeroing in on promises made after the 2007 incident and prior violence during the 2000 Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles to argue that the LAPD isn’t learning from its mistakes.
The protesters contend that the latest offenses were not simply the actions of rogue officers, but of top officials who had been put on notice that the tactics they deployed were unacceptable. The LAPD has been rebuked for the same tactics so many times before, the litigants argue, that their continued use “indicates an intentional refusal to preserve the constitutional rights” of protesters. They are now pushing for a court order that would go even further in restricting the LAPD’s use of batons and tactical guns on protesters.
“It’s just sort of literally stunning — it’s numbing — that we’d be back here again,” said Carol Sobel, an attorney who has been involved in every major protest lawsuit against the LAPD in recent decades and is now among those suing the department once more, as part of a new class-action lawsuit led by Black Lives Matter-Los Angeles and other activist groups.
According to LAPD Chief Michel Moore, the department is reviewing its response to the protests in detail, and actions of the command staff and of individual officers on skirmish lines are being scrutinized.
While there may be instances in which individual officers or commanders did the wrong thing or misused weapons, Moore said, the LAPD has made great strides in recent decades in how it interacts with large crowds. And he does not believe there was a decision made during the recent protests, by him or any of his commanders, to deliberately flaunt previous court settlements on crowd control measures.
“I’m not aware of anyone, any of my actions or any actions within the organization, where someone said, ‘Those are the rules, and we’re not going to follow them,’” Moore said. “That person would be relieved of their position immediately. There is no space for some extraordinary use of some tactic.”
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There is evidence, however, that officers breached the brokered deals of the past.
A Times review of the LAPD’s response to the city’s recent protests found officers probably violated policies for the use of batons and projectiles, including some that were first set out in past settlement agreements.
Nearly 20 years ago, on Aug. 14, 2000, the LAPD declared a protest gathering downtown outside the Democratic National Convention unlawful and gave some 8,000 people 15 minutes to leave the area. After many did not, and some allegedly started destroying property, officers fired more than 200 projectile rounds.
The city was sued on multiple fronts, including by one woman who was shot in the eye, losing vision in it, and others who said they were injured after being given too little time to clear the area. By 2004, payouts in the case had surpassed $4 million. And in 2005, the city agreed to change the LAPD’s crowd control policies and limit the use of projectiles to “aggressive and/or combative” individuals.
While the city vowed additional reforms after MacArthur Park, activists and civil rights attorneys were unimpressed, sued and won — securing more than $30 million for those injured in the park, and also a four-year order from a U.S. District Court judge outlining new tactical restrictions.
The order said batons “should not be used against members of the crowd attempting to disperse, persons unable to move because of the press of the crowd, or persons otherwise posing no imminent threat to the officers or other persons.”
It said projectiles “should not be used on a lawfully dispersing crowd or individual” or “against a person or a crowd that is retreating,” unless they continued to present a threat.
It also said that, whenever a gathering is declared unlawful, an announcement must be made loudly enough so that everyone in the crowd can hear it, and that protesters must be provided “an objectively reasonable period of time to disperse and a clear and safe route to disperse.”
Then, in November 2011, nearly 300 Occupy L.A. protesters were arrested after LAPD officials declared their gathering on the City Hall lawn unlawful. Protesters did not allege the same kinds of brutality that occurred in MacArthur Park, but sued nonetheless, alleging their handcuffs were too tight, that they were refused access to water and bathroom facilities and that they were told to urinate on themselves while being detained for hours.
In 2015, the city settled with the Occupy protesters — paying them $2.45 million.
More recently — on the day after Floyd was killed in Minneapolis in May — L.A. agreed to pay $750,000 to settle a class-action lawsuit brought by protesters who alleged they had been unlawfully arrested, without a proper dispersal order, during protests in 2014 over the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo.
How the latest case will be resolved is unclear, but the size of the potential class — which Sobel says could include 4,000 people — could mean a massive taxpayer-funded payout if the protesters prevail. The case dwarfs previous ones by alleging abuses over six nights, when several thousand arrests occurred.
“This is certainly the biggest case ever in L.A. history,” Sobel said.
Alex Comisar, a spokesman for Mayor Eric Garcetti, said in a statement that “the LAPD do heroic work to keep Angelenos safe every day.”
At the same time, “everyone must be held accountable for their actions,” he said, and the LAPD inspector general will ensure “thorough investigations into any wrongdoing that might have occurred during recent demonstrations.”
City Atty. Mike Feuer’s office did not respond to a request for comment.
Michael Avery, board president of the National Police Accountability Project, a consortium of 600 attorneys who handle civil rights cases across the country, said the history of settlements over similar LAPD tactics helps the protesters’ case.
“If people on the ground are allowed to deviate from previous court orders, what that says to me is that there is a serious problem in command and supervision in the department,” Avery said. “If they are seeing people out in a command posture in these sorts of situations who don’t know the rules or who aren’t committed to the rules, that’s an indictment of the department — not a defense.”
Jin Hee Lee, senior deputy director of litigation for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, said years of legislative statutes and rulings by judges across the country have made it difficult to hold police departments accountable. Often when problems arise, officials blame individual “bad apples,” who they then deal with through internal administrative remedies that provide little accountability and foster no real change.
However, when litigants can show that the problems at issue are known and systemic — that is, that they are the responsibility of police commanders and elected officials, not just individual officers — they can win lasting reforms.
In that way, she said, the past in the current L.A. case is “deeply relevant.”


latimes--2020-07-22--'I don't believe it': Huntington Beach a symbol of mask resistance as doubters abound

As Brad Colburn whisked his metal detector over the tan sands of Huntington Beach , a rejection of Orange County ’ s spiking coronavirus infection rates surfaced .
“ I don ’ t believe it .
I don ’ t believe the rates are rising , ” Colburn said .
“ They ’ re inflated .
It ’ s another way of shutting everything down … of the Democrats trying to get what they want.
” The 58-year-old Huntington Beach resident said he has yet to wear a mask outside of shopping .
Standing by a beach path as cyclists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offered his own alternative policy to restrictive coronavirus health orders .
“ If you don ’ t want to go outside , don ’ t go outside , ” Colburn said .
More than any other place in California , Huntington Beach has come to symbolize resistance to many of the coronavirus safety rules government officials have imposed in recent months .
It ’ s not as though no one in the city is wearing masks and social distancing .
But many who oppose mandatory mask rules and other measures like closing beaches @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the tourist mecca as a platform for their views .
In May , angry demonstrators converged a block away at the now mostly quiet Huntington Beach Pier to protest the state-ordered shutdown of local businesses .
Since then , many roaming through the city ’ s downtown area are proudly not wearing masks .
And the stance has even inspired a parody video that went viral on social media in recent weeks .
Fred Smoller , a professor of political science at nearby Chapman University , described Huntington Beach as a conservative stronghold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus there reflect larger political divides .
“ Their ideology is a lens through which they are viewing the coronavirus , ” Smoller said .
“ I would imagine many people there see it as a hoax , which the president has encouraged them to do in order to up his chance of reelection .
I ’ m sure there ’ s quite a bit of animus toward the governor.… They ’ re viewing [ state restrictions ] as further evidence of the deep state and of an intrusive government.
” Huntington Beach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue its educational efforts to keep residents safe .
Masks , she said in an email statement to The Times , are “ critical in keeping people healthy and helping our businesses operate safely in the limited capacity they are able to.
” When asked about opposition to COVID-19 restrictions in Huntington Beach , Semeta said she was aware people around the state are “ uncomfortable with the use of face coverings.
” “ I can certainly understand that sentiment .
However , while there is still much we are learning about this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strongly recommending face coverings as an effective measure that helps stop the spread of COVID-19 , ” Semeta said , urging residents to wear them .
The number of Orange County coronavirus cases has surged in recent weeks , with more than 31,000 confirmed cases and more than 500 deaths .
The number of hospitalizations has tripled in the last two months and overall infections have grown so dramatically that the county is now second in the state to Los Angeles County .
There is widespread acceptance that masks play a key role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and their widespread use in other countries is credited with slowing infections dramatically .
But skepticism abounds over the seriousness of the outbreak .
The Orange County Board of Education voted last week to approve recommendations for reopening schools that did not include mandatory use of masks or increased social distancing in classrooms .
The board , however , did leave reopening plans up to individual school districts .
But those concerns became mute Friday when Gov .
Gavin Newsom issued an order that would not allow most California schools to reopen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instead toward full-time remote learning in response to the summer surge in coronavirus cases .
In a viral video that ’ s generated more than 1.5 million views since last week , San Clemente ’ s Chad Kroeger , 25 , and JT Parr , 27 , offered Huntington Beach residents face coverings .
“ No one here has a mask , but we brought our own supply to fix the problem , ” Kroeger said at the beginning of the video , which showed mostly spiteful reactions to the offering .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coverings didn ’ t stem from need .
“ We found out that it ’ s not really a shortage , people just kinda think they suck , ” Kroeger told The Times .
Parr said Huntington Beach seemed “ relatively safe ” during their visit in early July , when the duo passed out all 20 packs of masks they brought .
The mask promotion angered some residents , however .
“ Some dudes tried to fight us , which was scary , ” Parr said .
Hauling an orange surfboard toward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thursday afternoon , one young man , face covered in drying sunscreen , offered his own appraisal of masks .
“ Whack .
Never wear it , ” said the man , who declined to give his name as he got to the ocean .
“ It hasn ’ t affected me at all , besides that I can ’ t go to a bar and have a drink and really kick it with the boys , ” the man said .
He called the restrictions “ pretty lame ” but acknowledged the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
After hailing a beach path biker who had dropped a wallet , Sophia Darr shared her thoughts on the pandemic .
“ I ’ m not afraid of it .
I do think it ’ s overplayed .
I think the media made it something it shouldn ’ t be , ” Darr , 15 , said .
She wears a mask covered in pink peaches when she delivers food to the hungry , but said she didn ’ t feel like she typically needs to wear one .
“ I wear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me .
Personally , I don ’ t really care , ” Darr said .
Before Newsom ’ s order was issued , she said she wouldn ’ t wear a face covering when returning to Huntington Beach High School for her junior year .
She supports some of the loosened restrictions , like being able to eat outside , she said .
On the pier , Enoc Step fished for “ whatever bites , ” which on this day was Spanish mackerel and sardines .
A home heath nurse , he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see less government-mandated health policy and more individual accountability .
“ If I get it , I get it , ” Step , 52 , said of the virus .
“ I ’ m doing the best I can : wash your hands , don ’ t touch your face , put on a mask in an enclosed room and stay away from people.
” He said he ’ s seen a sharp reduction in work over the last few months , which he related to shutdowns he found unnecessary .
“ People @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be given responsibility for their own actions , ” said Step , a Fullerton resident .
“ Newsom needs to stop being a monarch.
” The government should focus on information sharing , he said .
“ How can you fight something that you have no control over , ” he said .
Eleanor Dunai ’ s mask was fixed to her wrist as she passed Main Street ’ s now outdoor-only restaurants on her way home from the post office .
She said she wears the face covering in enclosed spaces but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beach breeze .
“ I think it ’ s kind of off-the-cuff , ” Dunai , 57 , said of the state ’ s COVID restrictions .
She thinks gyms shouldn ’ t have opened before salons , which she feels safer in .
Both gyms and salons have shut down again .
“ It seems like the smallest fraction of the population are getting their way , not the majority , ” she said .
Polling shows a slight majority of Californians believe the state reopened too quickly , and more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or their family members will contract COVID-19 .
She said she worries , too , but thinks strict health orders no longer make sense .
“ If we continue to hide and be totally isolated , we ’ re dragging it out , ” Dunai said .
“ People need to take responsibility for their own actions .
”

As Brad Colburn whisked his metal detector over the tan sands of Huntington Beach, a rejection of Orange County’s spiking coronavirus infection rates surfaced.
“I don’t believe it. I don’t believe the rates are rising,” Colburn said. “They’re inflated. It’s another way of shutting everything down … of the Democrats trying to get what they want.”
For the record: In an earlier version of this article, YouTubers/comedians Tom Allen and John Parr were identified by their pseudonyms, Chad Kroeger and JT Parr, respectively.
The 58-year-old Huntington Beach resident said he has yet to wear a mask outside of shopping. Standing by a beach path as cyclists and in-line skaters zoomed by, he offered his own alternative policy to restrictive coronavirus health orders.
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“If you don’t want to go outside, don’t go outside,” Colburn said.
More than any other place in California, Huntington Beach has come to symbolize resistance to many of the coronavirus safety rules government officials have imposed in recent months. It’s not as though no one in the city is wearing masks and social distancing.
But many who oppose mandatory mask rules and other measures like closing beaches have been outspoken here, and used the tourist mecca as a platform for their views. In May, angry demonstrators converged a block away at the now mostly quiet Huntington Beach Pier to protest the state-ordered shutdown of local businesses.
Since then, many roaming through the city’s downtown area are proudly not wearing masks. And the stance has even inspired a parody video that went viral on social media in recent weeks.
Fred Smoller, a professor of political science at nearby Chapman University, described Huntington Beach as a conservative stronghold and said that the attitudes about the coronavirus there reflect larger political divides.
“Their ideology is a lens through which they are viewing the coronavirus,” Smoller said. “I would imagine many people there see it as a hoax, which the president has encouraged them to do in order to up his chance of reelection. I’m sure there’s quite a bit of animus toward the governor.… They’re viewing [state restrictions] as further evidence of the deep state and of an intrusive government.”
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Huntington Beach Mayor Lyn Semeta said the city would continue its educational efforts to keep residents safe. Masks, she said in an email statement to The Times, are “critical in keeping people healthy and helping our businesses operate safely in the limited capacity they are able to.”
When asked about opposition to COVID-19 restrictions in Huntington Beach, Semeta said she was aware people around the state are “uncomfortable with the use of face coverings.”
“I can certainly understand that sentiment. However, while there is still much we are learning about this virus, health experts have come out strongly recommending face coverings as an effective measure that helps stop the spread of COVID-19,” Semeta said, urging residents to wear them.
The number of Orange County coronavirus cases has surged in recent weeks, with more than 31,000 confirmed cases and more than 500 deaths. The number of hospitalizations has tripled in the last two months and overall infections have grown so dramatically that the county is now second in the state to Los Angeles County.
There is widespread acceptance that masks play a key role in slowing the spread of the coronavirus, and their widespread use in other countries is credited with slowing infections dramatically.
But skepticism abounds over the seriousness of the outbreak.
Hundreds gather this month for the weekly Saturate OC worship event in Huntington Beach. (Raul Roa / Daily Pilot)
The Orange County Board of Education voted last week to approve recommendations for reopening schools that did not include mandatory use of masks or increased social distancing in classrooms. The board, however, did leave reopening plans up to individual school districts.
But those concerns became moot Friday when Gov. Gavin Newsom issued an order that would not allow most California schools to reopen when the academic year begins, shifting instead toward full-time remote learning in response to the summer surge in coronavirus cases.
In a viral video that’s generated more than 1.5 million views since last week, YouTubers Tom Allen and John Parr offered Huntington Beach residents face coverings.
Allen and Parr, who use the pseudonyms Chad Kroeger and JT Parr, respectively, are West Hollywood-based comedians who run a web series called “Chad Goes Deep.” Previously, they advocated for house parties during an L.A. City Council meeting.
“No one here has a mask, but we brought our own supply to fix the problem,” Allen said at the beginning of the video, which showed mostly spiteful reactions to the offering. The two quickly learned the dearth of face coverings didn’t stem from need.
“We found out that it’s not really a shortage, people just kinda think they suck,” Allen told The Times. Parr said Huntington Beach seemed “relatively safe” during their visit in early July, when the duo passed out all 20 packs of masks they brought. The mask promotion angered some residents, however.
“Some dudes tried to fight us, which was scary,” Parr said.
Hauling an orange surfboard toward Huntington Beach’s famous waves last Thursday afternoon, one young man, face covered in drying sunscreen, offered his own appraisal of masks.
“Wack. Never wear it,” said the man, who declined to give his name as he got to the ocean.
“It hasn’t affected me at all, besides that I can’t go to a bar and have a drink and really kick it with the boys,” the man said. He called the restrictions “pretty lame” but acknowledged the deadliness of the “gnarly” coronavirus.
After hailing a beach path biker who had dropped a wallet, Sophia Darr shared her thoughts on the pandemic.
“I’m not afraid of it. I do think it’s overplayed. I think the media made it something it shouldn’t be,” Darr, 15, said. She wears a mask covered in pink peaches when she delivers food to the hungry, but said she didn’t feel like she typically needs to wear one.
“I wear it to respect the other people around me. Personally, I don’t really care,” Darr said. Before Newsom’s order was issued, she said she wouldn’t wear a face covering when returning to Huntington Beach High School for her junior year. She supports some of the loosened restrictions, like being able to eat outside, she said.
On the pier, Enoc Step fished for “whatever bites,” which on this day was Spanish mackerel and sardines. A home health nurse, he said he follows professional protocol but wants to see less government-mandated health policy and more individual accountability.
“If I get it, I get it,” Step, 52, said of the virus. “I’m doing the best I can: wash your hands, don’t touch your face, put on a mask in an enclosed room and stay away from people.”
He said he’s seen a sharp reduction in work over the last few months, which he related to shutdowns he found unnecessary.
“People are tired of it. People must be given responsibility for their own actions,” said Step, a Fullerton resident. “Newsom needs to stop being a monarch.” The government should focus on information sharing, he said.
“How can you fight something that you have no control over,” he said.
Eleanor Dunai’s mask was fixed to her wrist as she passed Main Street’s now outdoor-only restaurants on her way home from the post office. She said she wears the face covering in enclosed spaces but not outside where there’s a beach breeze.
“I think it’s kind of off-the-cuff,” Dunai, 57, said of the state’s COVID restrictions. She thinks gyms shouldn’t have opened before salons, which she feels safer in. Both gyms and salons have shut down again.
“It seems like the smallest fraction of the population are getting their way, not the majority,” she said. Polling shows a slight majority of Californians believe the state reopened too quickly, and more than three-quarters of the population are concerned they or their family members will contract COVID-19. She said she worries, too, but thinks strict health orders no longer make sense.
“If we continue to hide and be totally isolated, we’re dragging it out,” Dunai said. “People need to take responsibility for their own actions.”