latimes--2020-10-06--A pandemic, protests, identity: Being both Black and Latino in 2020 is a juggling act

After the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police , Nandi Zavala urged her Instagram followers to sign petitions and attend Black Lives Matter protests .
As a Black woman , Zavala felt a personal responsibility to do this .
As a Mexican American woman , she was also anxious : Would the Latino side of her family think she was ignoring her other half ?
Zavala , whose mother is Black and father is from Mexico , mined Instagram for pro-immigration infographics and anything else she could share to demonstrate solidarity with Latinos .
She felt an internal pressure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media feed .
“ I want people to know that I am these things , and I ’ m proud to be these things , because they ’ ve all shaped who I am as a person now , ” said Zavala , 21 , a student taking the semester off because of the pandemic .
Zavala and others with both Black and Latino heritage have been performing this cultural juggling act all their lives .
Now , with one crisis in public health and another in police brutality , the shared struggles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between the two cultures have moved front of mind .
The challenges faced by Black and Latino people in this time of illness and protest overlap significantly .
Coronavirus has killed them at disproportionately high rates .
Poverty , crowded housing and chronic health issues were already more prevalent in their communities .
Many have lost their jobs or are essential workers braving hazardous conditions .
In L.A. County , they also bear the brunt of police violence — 80 % of those killed by law enforcement in the last two decades were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people say the lifetime effort to bridge the gap between their two halves has intensified in recent months , particularly in helping the Latino side understand what it ’ s like to be Black .
They have fielded questions from family members , such as , “ Why have the peaceful protests turned violent ?
” With the new focus on racial accountability , they are also more determined to address the anti-Blackness coming from some friends and relatives , which can necessitate conversations including “ No , you can ’ t say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offensive comments about my hair.
” The pressure to explain , and the pain of seeing people like them in so many devastating situations , has made a stressful time even more stressful .
And there is the existential issue of feeling once again in the middle : “ Where do I fit in ?
” With interracial marriage in the U.S. on the rise — from 3 % of couples in 1967 , when the U.S. Supreme Court decided the landmark Loving case , to 17 % in 2015 — more young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ebony Bailey ’ s Mexican American mother , a hair stylist , was told this summer by a Latino client : “ I know that your husband is Black and that your kids are Black … but I think people are marching for nothing .
Slavery was a long time ago.
” Growing up in the conservative central California town of Porterville , which is two-thirds Latino with few Black residents , Bailey was singled out for her dark skin and Black features .
She tried to prove to her peers that she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she feels validated by the number of Latino people supporting the Black Lives Matter movement .
In Mexico City , where Bailey lives , she has attended and spoken at protests against police brutality , where people held up signs that said “ Tu lucha es mi lucha ” — your fight is my fight .
According to a poll by the New York Times and Siena College , 21 % of Latino voters said they marched in support of Black Lives Matter — nearly identical to the 22 % of Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m an incarnation of Black and brown unity , ” said Bailey , 29 , a filmmaker who formerly worked for The Times as a web producer .
As the COVID-19 pandemic escalated , Bailey worried about her parents , who still live in Porterville and have underlying medical conditions .
Her dad worked in a chicken factory before stopping out of fear for his safety .
Her mom was unemployed for several months before returning to her salon in September .
With the physical and financial well-being of both their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some mixed people feel hit by a double whammy .
“ That ’ s the burden of being Black and brown , ” said Bailey , 29 .
“ If it ’ s not something with health , then it ’ s something with your economics .
You ’ re not in a safe space through the pandemic.
” Like Bailey , Zavala grew up in a community with few other Black people .
She often got comments about her tight curls .
“ It looks like you have spiders in your hair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Spanish .
She had to explain to Latino family and friends that just because they were people of color didn ’ t mean they had a pass to say the N-word , even when the intent wasn ’ t racist .
Conversely , her Black classmates wondered if she was adopted when her tía picked her up from school in Lakewood .
She has found herself doing a lot more explaining this year .
A cousin said he didn ’ t understand why people were breaking into stores during what were supposed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a series of discussions , with Zavala explaining the genesis of the movement .
While it was about George Floyd , there was also pain in the Black community that spanned centuries , she told her cousin .
“ For someone who doesn ’ t necessarily understand what it ’ s like [ being Black and ] seeing Black people in the headlines all the time being killed or injured , it feels less serious if you can ’ t relate to it , ” she said .
After learning more about police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the killing of Breonna Taylor in Louisville , Ky. , the cousin wrote to Zavala : “ I get it .
It ’ s [ messed up ] that this keeps happening.
” There are particular joys that come with being bicultural .
Zavala points to her playlist , where Houston rapper Megan Thee Stallion and Guadalajaran rock en español band Maná coexist in harmony .
But the last few months have been exhausting , between curating her social media posts to reflect both sides of her heritage , explaining Black struggle to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ developments in both worlds .
Growing up mixed in the mostly Black and Latino neighborhood of Willowbrook , near Compton , Geron McKinley recognized a common thread in both of his cultures , which have been oppressed but remained proud .
But some of his own family members couldn ’ t see the similarities .
Sometimes , they brought up stereotypes in front of him , as if they had forgotten that he is both races .
His usual response was to bluntly remind them that they were talking about him — and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Mexican family , some of his cousins who are also part Black .
“ As mixed people , it ’ s our job almost to be correcting our family , ” McKinley said .
“ And if you ’ re not correcting your family , you ’ re letting them perpetuate stereotypes .
You ’ re part of the problem.
” As for law enforcement , they see him as a threat , no matter how they peg his race .
In the L.A. area , Latino officers are common , making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Angeles Police Department and the L.A. County Sheriff ’ s Department .
But there are relatively few Black officers patrolling neighborhoods with large Black populations , where relationships with law enforcement are the most fraught .
“ ‘ He ’ s either Black or he ’ s Mexican .
Either way , get him , ’ ” said McKinley , 25 , a model and founder of a clothing brand and nonprofit called Concreet , which offers sports , arts , music and entrepreneurship programs for children .
After the events of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to support both Black and Latino causes .
“ Now more than ever , even if I ’ ve felt like I ’ m not Black enough to be Black or I ’ m not Mexican enough to be Mexican , if either side needs me to ride , then I ’ m riding , ” he said .
For parents of mixed Black and Latino children , passing on knowledge and pride about both cultures can be a challenge that now feels even more crucial .
Since their daughter Soul was born @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jason Petty have engaged in a good-humored rivalry , reflected in the wall decorations — both African masks and Lotería-style prints — in their Boyle Heights home .
Zaragoza-Petty , 38 , who is Mexican American , advises first-generation college students .
Petty , 41 , who is Black , is an activist and rapper under the name Propaganda .
Together , they host “ The Red Couch Podcast , ” where they discuss topics including social justice and systemic racism .
Soul may be too young to understand why people are protesting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take every chance to underline the richness of her dual heritage .
“ The reality is that she has to be prepared for a world that is going to have some feelings and thoughts about her as a mixed Black Latina woman , ” Zaragoza-Petty said .
In L.A. County , which is nearly 50 % Latino and 8 % Black , the future may look something like Soul .
The couple are also raising a 15-year-old daughter , Luna , who is full Latina and from Zaragoza-Petty ’ s previous relationship , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Petty believes the world will view Soul as Black , despite being mixed .
He is making Black Girl Magic — a movement started by social media influencer and writer CaShawn Thompson that celebrates resilience , beauty and joy in Black women — a key part of her upbringing .
As she prepared to attend a racial justice protest with her parents this summer , Soul made a sign — a heart and some squiggles .
It was about the coronavirus .
“ I don ’ t want anyone to get sick @ @ @ @ @

Alma Zaragoza-Petty and Jason Petty are teaching daughters Soul, 5, and Luna, 15, to be proud of their parents’ Mexican American and Black heritage.
After the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police, Nandi Zavala urged her Instagram followers to sign petitions and attend Black Lives Matter protests.
As a Black woman, Zavala felt a personal responsibility to do this. As a Mexican American woman, she was also anxious: Would the Latino side of her family think she was ignoring her other half?
Zavala, whose mother is Black and father is from Mexico, mined Instagram for pro-immigration infographics and anything else she could share to demonstrate solidarity with Latinos.
Advertisement
She felt an internal pressure to “balance out” her social media feed.
“I want people to know that I am these things, and I’m proud to be these things, because they’ve all shaped who I am as a person now,” said Zavala, 21, a student taking the semester off because of the pandemic.
Zavala and others with both Black and Latino heritage have been performing this cultural juggling act all their lives. Now, with one crisis in public health and another in police brutality, the shared struggles, as well as the misunderstandings, between the two cultures have moved front of mind.
The challenges faced by Black and Latino people in this time of illness and protest overlap significantly. Coronavirus has killed them at disproportionately high rates. Poverty, crowded housing and chronic health issues were already more prevalent in their communities. Many have lost their jobs or are essential workers braving hazardous conditions.
In L.A. County, they also bear the brunt of police violence — 80% of those killed by law enforcement in the last two decades were Black or Latino.
But some mixed-race people say the lifetime effort to bridge the gap between their two halves has intensified in recent months, particularly in helping the Latino side understand what it’s like to be Black.
Advertisement
They have fielded questions from family members, such as, “Why have the peaceful protests turned violent?”
With the new focus on racial accountability, they are also more determined to address the anti-Blackness coming from some friends and relatives, which can necessitate conversations including “No, you can’t say the N-word” and “Stop making offensive comments about my hair.”
The pressure to explain, and the pain of seeing people like them in so many devastating situations, has made a stressful time even more stressful.
And there is the existential issue of feeling once again in the middle: “Where do I fit in?”
With interracial marriage in the U.S. on the rise — from 3% of couples in 1967, when the U.S. Supreme Court decided the landmark Loving case, to 17% in 2015 — more young people are wrestling with these issues.
Ebony Bailey’s Mexican American mother, a hair stylist, was told this summer by a Latino client: “I know that your husband is Black and that your kids are Black … but I think people are marching for nothing. Slavery was a long time ago.”
Growing up in the conservative central California town of Porterville, which is two-thirds Latino with few Black residents, Bailey was singled out for her dark skin and Black features. She tried to prove to her peers that she had Mexican roots, too.
Now, she feels validated by the number of Latino people supporting the Black Lives Matter movement. In Mexico City, where Bailey lives, she has attended and spoken at protests against police brutality, where people held up signs that said “Tu lucha es mi lucha” — your fight is my fight.
According to a poll by the New York Times and Siena College, 21% of Latino voters said they marched in support of Black Lives Matter — nearly identical to the 22% of Black voters who said they did.
“I’m an incarnation of Black and brown unity,” said Bailey, 29, a filmmaker who formerly worked for The Times as a web producer.
As the COVID-19 pandemic escalated, Bailey worried about her parents, who still live in Porterville and have underlying medical conditions.
Her dad worked in a chicken factory before stopping out of fear for his safety. Her mom was unemployed for several months before returning to her salon in September.
With the physical and financial well-being of both their cultures threatened at the same time, some mixed people feel hit by a double whammy.
“That’s the burden of being Black and brown,” said Bailey, 29. “If it’s not something with health, then it’s something with your economics. You’re not in a safe space through the pandemic.”
Like Bailey, Zavala grew up in a community with few other Black people.
She often got comments about her tight curls. “It looks like you have spiders in your hair,” a relative once said in Spanish.
She had to explain to Latino family and friends that just because they were people of color didn’t mean they had a pass to say the N-word, even when the intent wasn’t racist.
Conversely, her Black classmates wondered if she was adopted when her tía picked her up from school in Lakewood.
She has found herself doing a lot more explaining this year.
A cousin said he didn’t understand why people were breaking into stores during what were supposed to be peaceful protests.
That set off a series of discussions, with Zavala explaining the genesis of the movement. While it was about George Floyd, there was also pain in the Black community that spanned centuries, she told her cousin.
“For someone who doesn’t necessarily understand what it’s like [being Black and] seeing Black people in the headlines all the time being killed or injured, it feels less serious if you can’t relate to it,” she said.
After learning more about police brutality against other Black people, including the killing of Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Ky., the cousin wrote to Zavala: “I get it. It’s [messed up] that this keeps happening.”
There are particular joys that come with being bicultural. Zavala points to her playlist, where Houston rapper Megan Thee Stallion and Guadalajaran rock en español band Maná coexist in harmony.
But the last few months have been exhausting, between curating her social media posts to reflect both sides of her heritage, explaining Black struggle to Latino family members and keeping track of developments in both worlds.
This year has made model and nonprofit founder Geron McKinley even more dedicated to standing up for both his Black and Mexican American cultures: “If either side needs me to ride, then I’m riding.” (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times)
Growing up mixed in the mostly Black and Latino neighborhood of Willowbrook, near Compton, Geron McKinley recognized a common thread in both of his cultures, which have been oppressed but remained proud.
But some of his own family members couldn’t see the similarities. Sometimes, they brought up stereotypes in front of him, as if they had forgotten that he is both races.
His usual response was to bluntly remind them that they were talking about him — and in the case of his mom’s Mexican family, some of his cousins who are also part Black.
“As mixed people, it’s our job almost to be correcting our family,” McKinley said. “And if you’re not correcting your family, you’re letting them perpetuate stereotypes. You’re part of the problem.”
As for law enforcement, they see him as a threat, no matter how they peg his race.
In the L.A. area, Latino officers are common, making up about half of both the Los Angeles Police Department and the L.A. County Sheriff’s Department. But there are relatively few Black officers patrolling neighborhoods with large Black populations, where relationships with law enforcement are the most fraught.
“ ‘He’s either Black or he’s Mexican. Either way, get him,’ ” said McKinley, 25, a model and founder of a clothing brand and nonprofit called Concreet, which offers sports, arts, music and entrepreneurship programs for children.
After the events of this year, McKinley is even more determined to support both Black and Latino causes.
“Now more than ever, even if I’ve felt like I’m not Black enough to be Black or I’m not Mexican enough to be Mexican, if either side needs me to ride, then I’m riding,” he said.
For parents of mixed Black and Latino children, passing on knowledge and pride about both cultures can be a challenge that now feels even more crucial.
Since their daughter Soul was born five years ago, Alma Zaragoza-Petty and Jason Petty have engaged in a good-humored rivalry, reflected in the wall decorations — both African masks and Lotería-style prints — in their Boyle Heights home.
Zaragoza-Petty, 38, who is Mexican American, advises first-generation college students. Petty, 41, who is Black, is an activist and rapper under the name Propaganda. Together, they host “The Red Couch Podcast,” where they discuss topics including social justice and systemic racism.
Soul may be too young to understand why people are protesting in the streets, but her parents take every chance to underline the richness of her dual heritage.
“The reality is that she has to be prepared for a world that is going to have some feelings and thoughts about her as a mixed Black Latina woman,” Zaragoza-Petty said.
In L.A. County, which is nearly 50% Latino and 8% Black, the future may look something like Soul.
The couple are also raising a 15-year-old daughter, Luna, who is full Latina and from Zaragoza-Petty’s previous relationship, with similar values as her little sister.
Petty believes the world will view Soul as Black, despite being mixed. He is making Black Girl Magic — a movement started by social media influencer and writer CaShawn Thompson that celebrates resilience, beauty and joy in Black women — a key part of her upbringing.
As she prepared to attend a racial justice protest with her parents this summer, Soul made a sign — a heart and some squiggles. It was about the coronavirus.
“I don’t want anyone to get sick,” she said.


latimes--2020-10-06--The frightening implications of California's first million-acre fire

It was mid-August and California was experiencing yet another bout of extreme weather .
In Death Valley , the thermometer at the Furnace Creek Visitor Center displayed one of the hottest — if not the hottest — temperatures ever recorded on Earth : 130 degrees .
Up in Northern California , an unusually fierce lightning storm lighted up the skies and ignited numerous wildfires , stretching from the Salinas Valley and the Santa Cruz Mountains north into the Mendocino National Forest and beyond .
More than 12,000 lightning strikes were recorded over the next 96 hours .
In the weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fires morphed and merged into what was to become the largest wildfire California had ever seen : the August Complex .
On Monday , it reached “ gigafire ” status , burning more than 1 million acres , setting a new record for the state and offering what experts say is a terrifying window into how climate change and other factors such as mismanaged forests are worsening the state ’ s fire danger .
“ It ’ s almost just kind of like a debt that we ’ ve accrued , and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Brandon Collins , a fire scientist at UC Berkeley .
In the 50 days since that lightning storm set the area ablaze , the August Complex has expanded into seven counties , including Mendocino , Humboldt , Trinity , Tehama , Glenn , Lake and Colusa .
Even Monday , it continued to threaten communities as firefighters struggled to gain greater control of the inferno .
The sheer size of the fire is hard to fathom .
“ It makes up more than all of the fires that occurred between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gavin Newsom said Monday .
“ If that ’ s not proof-point testament to climate change , I don ’ t know what is.
” The August Complex has contributed to the worst fire season California has ever recorded : 4 million acres in California have burned to date — far exceeding the previous record of more than 1.8 million set in 2018 .
One firefighter , Diane Jones , 63 , lost her life trying to battle the blaze .
“ This is a wake-up call , ” said Bill Patzert , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory in La Cañada Flintridge .
“ California burns every year , but it didn ’ t burn a half a century ago like it is today .
The stage is evolving.
” Increased global temperatures driven by carbon emissions also contributed to 2020 ’ s extreme fire conditions .
California saw its hottest August on record , only to break at least six more temperature records in September .
Fourteen of the last 21 years have also seen below-average rainfall in the state .
Combined , the factors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ swaths of bone-dry vegetation that have fed the August Complex for weeks .
The fire has burned its way through three national forests , including Mendocino , Shasta-Trinity and Six Rivers .
“ I can ’ t remember when we got any rain last , ” said Mendocino National Forest spokeswoman Punky Moore .
Moore described an endless string of hot , dry , smoky days for fire crews battling the blaze , often amid low visibility and steep , rocky terrain .
Nearly 4,000 aerial and ground personnel from the California Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. Forest Service — as well as 138 National Guard personnel and crews from as far away as Montana , Texas , Washington and New Jersey — are on hand to assist in the fight .
“ There were several times when the fires doubled in size , ” Moore said of the August Complex ’ s growth .
“ When they doubled in size , we knew it was going to get large.
” There are a number of reasons why the blaze got so big .
Severe bouts of lightning have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of wildfires before ; it happens roughly every 15 years or so , such as during the lightning-sparked fires of June 2008 and those that formed around September 1987 , said Scott Stephens , professor of fire science at UC Berkeley .
But while the 1987 and 2008 fires happened to hit mostly remote country , like in the Sierra Nevada and Klamath mountain ranges , this year the lightning also extended to the urban Bay Area .
The result was that the state was particularly stretched for firefighting manpower , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the Bay Area , and officials could not afford more resources on more rural fires like the August Complex .
“ It was just an overwhelming number of fires early .
And then resources that were then stretched thin , ” Stephens said .
“ And this one , just based on a prioritization , was given a lower priority , and it continued to get bigger and bigger.
” The mix of widespread dry lightning with the hottest August on record in California that dried out the vegetation primed the landscape @ @ @ @ @ @ @ predisposing the fuels into drier conditions , ” Stephens said .
“ We know the fire season length is also increasing ... so it ’ s absolutely right that climate change is making this more challenging.
” A recent report in the journal Environmental Research Letters said that climate change was increasing the likelihood of extreme autumn wildfire conditions across California .
“ We found that climate change has already more than doubled the frequency of extreme autumn wildfire conditions in California over the past 40 years , ” coauthor Daniel Swain , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Despite its rural origins , the legacy of the August Complex fire has been acutely felt by millions of Californians — sending huge amounts of smoke and ash that blotted the sun across the north and led to apocalyptic skies that left the San Francisco Bay Area in an orange , toxic twilight for much of Sept. 9 .
The Bay Area experienced a record 30 consecutive “ Spare the Air ” days warning of unhealthful air quality .
The plumes of smoke even “ were getting down to Southern California ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” said Collins , the UC Berkeley fire scientist .
But the legacy of the August Complex fire may also end up being partly positive .
The blaze has received less public attention not only because of the lack of destruction in major urban areas , but also because of its relatively slow rate of growth .
Unlike the North Complex fire — which killed 15 people and raced across Butte County in a single day — or the Creek fire in the Sierra National Forest , which spurred the evacuation of campers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the August Complex fire may mean the flames burned less intensely and left more surviving trees .
That would set the stage for relatively more ecological benefits than a hotter , more intense fire that burns virtually everything to a moonscape , as has been the case in other California wildfires this year .
If that hypothesis ends up being true , it could show how a large — but not particularly intense — fire can be used to help sustainably manage forests .
Scientists have long warned that the unnatural suppression of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to become overgrown , meaning that when fires do burn , they burn so intensely there are large expanses of wildlands that are virtually incinerated , instead of allowing the largest trees to live on , as happened more commonly before the modern era .
Scientists have long advocated for better management of forests with more prescribed burns and logging — not of the most lucrative large trees , which are fire resistant and anchor the ecosystem , but the smaller trees that have far less economic value .
The unhealthy states of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ horrific lasting damage to their ecosystems , possibly in ways that won ’ t be healed in our lifetime , if ever .
In the North Complex fire , where swaths of land of 5,000 to 10,000 acres of forest have been destroyed , conifers may have been destroyed permanently and won ’ t return naturally .
When giant stretches of forest land are decimated by intense fire , what was once forest can end up converting into another type of landscape , such as one dominated by shrubs .
And shrubs can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk to California .
The hope among experts is that the devastating wildfires will help spark U.S. and state officials to enact sweeping changes needed to reduce fuels from forests so they burn less intensely .
A major challenge will be dealing with the nearly 150 million dead , drought-stressed trees in California , which fueled the rapid spread of the Creek fire in the Sierra National Forest .
The burning vegetation generated a cloud so heavy with smoke and moisture it collapsed downward , causing the fire to spread in many directions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ require some careful but deliberate burning — intentional burning , ” Collins said .
The August Complex fire is just over 50 % contained and will probably continue to burn for several weeks to come .
“ Everybody ’ s ready for a break , but everybody ’ s doing what they have to do , ” said Christine McMorrow , a spokeswoman for Cal Fire .
As for what the record-breaking gigafire means for the future of the state so many call home — experts say it probably isn ’ t good @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changing , fire season is not just in the fall — it ’ s year-round , ” Patzert said .
That means more flames , more smoke and more lost acreage are very likely in store .
“ The all-natural California of John Muir is definitely in the rearview window , ” he said .

It was mid-August and California was experiencing yet another bout of extreme weather.
In Death Valley, the thermometer at the Furnace Creek Visitor Center displayed one of the hottest — if not the hottest — temperatures ever recorded on Earth: 130 degrees.
Up in Northern California, an unusually fierce lightning storm lighted up the skies and ignited numerous wildfires, stretching from the Salinas Valley and the Santa Cruz Mountains north into the Mendocino National Forest and beyond.
More than 12,000 lightning strikes were recorded over the next 96 hours. In the weeks that followed, 37 of those small fires morphed and merged into what was to become the largest wildfire California had ever seen: the August Complex.
Advertisement
On Monday, it reached “gigafire” status, burning more than 1 million acres, setting a new record for the state and offering what experts say is a terrifying window into how climate change and other factors such as mismanaged forests are worsening the state’s fire danger.
“It’s almost just kind of like a debt that we’ve accrued, and that we’re finally paying on it,” said Brandon Collins, a fire scientist at UC Berkeley.
In the 50 days since that lightning storm set the area ablaze, the August Complex has expanded into seven counties, including Mendocino, Humboldt, Trinity, Tehama, Glenn, Lake and Colusa. Even Monday, it continued to threaten communities as firefighters struggled to gain greater control of the inferno.
The sheer size of the fire is hard to fathom.
“It makes up more than all of the fires that occurred between 1932 and 1999,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said Monday. “If that’s not proof-point testament to climate change, I don’t know what is.”
The August Complex has contributed to the worst fire season California has ever recorded: 4 million acres in California have burned to date — far exceeding the previous record of more than 1.8 million set in 2018. One firefighter, Diane Jones, 63, lost her life trying to battle the blaze.
“This is a wake-up call,” said Bill Patzert, a climatologist who spent several decades at the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory in La Cañada Flintridge. “California burns every year, but it didn’t burn a half a century ago like it is today. The stage is evolving.”
Increased global temperatures driven by carbon emissions also contributed to 2020’s extreme fire conditions. California saw its hottest August on record, only to break at least six more temperature records in September. Fourteen of the last 21 years have also seen below-average rainfall in the state.
Combined, the factors were a recipe for creating the vast swaths of bone-dry vegetation that have fed the August Complex for weeks. The fire has burned its way through three national forests, including Mendocino, Shasta-Trinity and Six Rivers.
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“I can’t remember when we got any rain last,” said Mendocino National Forest spokeswoman Punky Moore.
Moore described an endless string of hot, dry, smoky days for fire crews battling the blaze, often amid low visibility and steep, rocky terrain. Nearly 4,000 aerial and ground personnel from the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection and the U.S. Forest Service — as well as 138 National Guard personnel and crews from as far away as Montana, Texas, Washington and New Jersey — are on hand to assist in the fight.
“There were several times when the fires doubled in size,” Moore said of the August Complex’s growth. “When they doubled in size, we knew it was going to get large.”
There are a number of reasons why the blaze got so big.
Severe bouts of lightning have struck Northern California and caused a huge number of wildfires before; it happens roughly every 15 years or so, such as during the lightning-sparked fires of June 2008 and those that formed around September 1987, said Scott Stephens, professor of fire science at UC Berkeley.
But while the 1987 and 2008 fires happened to hit mostly remote country, like in the Sierra Nevada and Klamath mountain ranges, this year the lightning also extended to the urban Bay Area.
The result was that the state was particularly stretched for firefighting manpower, and much of the firefighting attention was focused on the Bay Area, and officials could not afford more resources on more rural fires like the August Complex.
“It was just an overwhelming number of fires early. And then resources that were then stretched thin,” Stephens said. “And this one, just based on a prioritization, was given a lower priority, and it continued to get bigger and bigger.”
The mix of widespread dry lightning with the hottest August on record in California that dried out the vegetation primed the landscape for disaster.
The August Complex fire perimeter on Monday. (Swetha Kannan / Los Angeles Times)
“Climate change is predisposing the fuels into drier conditions,” Stephens said. “We know the fire season length is also increasing ... so it’s absolutely right that climate change is making this more challenging.”
A recent report in the journal Environmental Research Letters said that climate change was increasing the likelihood of extreme autumn wildfire conditions across California.
“We found that climate change has already more than doubled the frequency of extreme autumn wildfire conditions in California over the past 40 years,” coauthor Daniel Swain, a UCLA climate scientist, wrote recently.
Despite its rural origins, the legacy of the August Complex fire has been acutely felt by millions of Californians — sending huge amounts of smoke and ash that blotted the sun across the north and led to apocalyptic skies that left the San Francisco Bay Area in an orange, toxic twilight for much of Sept. 9. The Bay Area experienced a record 30 consecutive “Spare the Air” days warning of unhealthful air quality.
The plumes of smoke even “were getting down to Southern California; it’s getting to Arizona,” said Collins, the UC Berkeley fire scientist.
But the legacy of the August Complex fire may also end up being partly positive. The blaze has received less public attention not only because of the lack of destruction in major urban areas, but also because of its relatively slow rate of growth.
Unlike the North Complex fire — which killed 15 people and raced across Butte County in a single day — or the Creek fire in the Sierra National Forest, which spurred the evacuation of campers by helicopter, the slower spread of the August Complex fire may mean the flames burned less intensely and left more surviving trees.
That would set the stage for relatively more ecological benefits than a hotter, more intense fire that burns virtually everything to a moonscape, as has been the case in other California wildfires this year.
If that hypothesis ends up being true, it could show how a large — but not particularly intense — fire can be used to help sustainably manage forests.
Scientists have long warned that the unnatural suppression of forest fires for decades has caused forests to become overgrown, meaning that when fires do burn, they burn so intensely there are large expanses of wildlands that are virtually incinerated, instead of allowing the largest trees to live on, as happened more commonly before the modern era.
Scientists have long advocated for better management of forests with more prescribed burns and logging — not of the most lucrative large trees, which are fire resistant and anchor the ecosystem, but the smaller trees that have far less economic value.
The unhealthy states of California’s other forests led to horrific lasting damage to their ecosystems, possibly in ways that won’t be healed in our lifetime, if ever. In the North Complex fire, where swaths of land of 5,000 to 10,000 acres of forest have been destroyed, conifers may have been destroyed permanently and won’t return naturally.
When giant stretches of forest land are decimated by intense fire, what was once forest can end up converting into another type of landscape, such as one dominated by shrubs. And shrubs can burn more often, worsening the fire risk to California.
The hope among experts is that the devastating wildfires will help spark U.S. and state officials to enact sweeping changes needed to reduce fuels from forests so they burn less intensely.
A major challenge will be dealing with the nearly 150 million dead, drought-stressed trees in California, which fueled the rapid spread of the Creek fire in the Sierra National Forest. The burning vegetation generated a cloud so heavy with smoke and moisture it collapsed downward, causing the fire to spread in many directions.
“It’s going to require some careful but deliberate burning — intentional burning,” Collins said.
The August Complex fire is just over 50% contained and will probably continue to burn for several weeks to come.
“Everybody’s ready for a break, but everybody’s doing what they have to do,” said Christine McMorrow, a spokeswoman for Cal Fire.
As for what the record-breaking gigafire means for the future of the state so many call home — experts say it probably isn’t good.
“Now that the climate is changing, fire season is not just in the fall — it’s year-round,” Patzert said.
That means more flames, more smoke and more lost acreage are very likely in store.
“The all-natural California of John Muir is definitely in the rearview window,” he said.


latimes--2020-10-06--Some 2,100 L.A. County voters got ballots missing one thing: a way to vote for president

More than 2,000 Los Angeles County voters got mail-in ballots with a very egregious flaw : no way to vote for U.S. president .
The Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk ’ s office confirmed late Monday that about 2,100 “ faulty ballots ” were mailed earlier that day to residents in the Woodland Hills area .
The botched effort was part of a campaign to mail 21 million ballots to registered California voters .
About 5.6 million of those voters are in L.A. County .
State law mandates that absentee ballots be mailed 29 days ahead of the Nov. 3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a very small number of Los Angeles County voters … we nevertheless apologize to those affected by the mistake , ” said Michael Sanchez , a spokesman for the county clerk ’ s office .
Attorney Christy Gargalis , a Woodland Hills resident , did a double take Monday afternoon when she received her ballot in the mail , along with that of her husband , Jason Scupine , also a lawyer .
“ I ’ ve always been an in-person voter , so I wasn ’ t even planning on looking at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to vote , ” Gargalis said .
After failing to see a presidential ticket on her ballot , Gargalis checked her copy against those of her husband and sister , who lives at the same residence .
All three ballots had a list of state propositions printed twice , on pages four and five .
But no way to vote for Joe Biden or President Trump ... or Kanye West or anyone else looking to be POTUS for the next four years .
“ Something told me that this was a different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I just had to check my ballot , and I ’ m glad I did , ” said Gargalis .
She said she reached out to state and county officials ; the latter informed her that they would be sending new ballots soon .
She also turned to Facebook and other social media .
“ My neighbors on Nextdoor all have the same problem , ” she said .
Even though Gargalis filed a complaint , only her husband has received an emailed update from the county clerk that a new ballot would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We are now in the process of alerting all affected voters in this precinct of the error by robocall and email , and tomorrow morning we will be mailing out new , corrected ballots with a letter describing the error , ” Sanchez said .
Sanchez has advised voters to “ discard ” the faulty ballots and mail in only the accurate ones .
“ If they have already filled out and mailed their original ballot , ” Sanchez said , “ we will cancel their original ballot once their new ballot is @ @ @

Woodland Hills resident Christy Gargalis was one of about 2,100 registered voters in her area who received or will be receiving faulty mail-in ballots.
More than 2,000 Los Angeles County voters got mail-in ballots with a very egregious flaw: no way to vote for U.S. president.
The Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder/County Clerk’s office confirmed late Monday that about 2,100 “faulty ballots” were mailed earlier that day to residents in the Woodland Hills area.
The botched effort was part of a campaign to mail 21 million ballots to registered California voters. About 5.6 million of those voters are in L.A. County. State law mandates that absentee ballots be mailed 29 days ahead of the Nov. 3 election.
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“While this has impacted a very small number of Los Angeles County voters … we nevertheless apologize to those affected by the mistake,” said Michael Sanchez, a spokesman for the county clerk’s office.
Attorney Christy Gargalis, a Woodland Hills resident, did a double take Monday afternoon when she received her ballot in the mail, along with that of her husband, Jason Scupine, also a lawyer.
“I’ve always been an in-person voter, so I wasn’t even planning on looking at the ballot until the day I was going to vote,” Gargalis said.
After failing to see a presidential ticket on her ballot, Gargalis checked her copy against those of her husband and sister, who lives at the same residence.
All three ballots had a list of state propositions printed twice, on pages four and five. But no way to vote for Joe Biden or President Trump ... or Kanye West or anyone else looking to be POTUS for the next four years.
“Something told me that this was a different election, a different year, and I just had to check my ballot, and I’m glad I did,” said Gargalis.
She said she reached out to state and county officials; the latter informed her that they would be sending new ballots soon. She also turned to Facebook and other social media.
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“My neighbors on Nextdoor all have the same problem,” she said.
Even though Gargalis filed a complaint, only her husband has received an emailed update from the county clerk that a new ballot would be sent out Tuesday morning.
“We are now in the process of alerting all affected voters in this precinct of the error by robocall and email, and tomorrow morning we will be mailing out new, corrected ballots with a letter describing the error,” Sanchez said.
Sanchez has advised voters to “discard” the faulty ballots and mail in only the accurate ones.
“If they have already filled out and mailed their original ballot,” Sanchez said, “we will cancel their original ballot once their new ballot is received.”
Times staff writer John Myers contributed to this story.


latimes--2020-10-06--Man dressed as the Hulk is arrested for vandalizing Trump's Hollywood Walk of Fame star

A man who dressed up as the Hulk when he smashed President Trump ’ s star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame last week turned himself in to Los Angeles police Monday .
James Lambert Otis , a 56-year-old activist , had done the same thing before , police say .
Otis was questioned and booked on suspicion of felony vandalism after police reviewed video footage of the incident that took place around 5:50 a.m Friday .
Otis allegedly smashed the star with a pickax while he was dressed as the irascible Marvel hero .
A Hollywood Chamber of Commerce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ damage to the plaque was over $ 3,000 , which made the crime a felony .
It will be up to the chamber to again replace the star , just as it did in 2016 when Otis destroyed the mini-monument with a sledgehammer and pickax .
That time he was charged with one felony count of vandalism .
Otis , who was not available for comment on Monday , told The Times in 2016 he had an open “ disdain ” for the then-presidential candidate .
“ I just sort of had enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toward women and his behavior , his sexual violence with women and against women , ” Otis said in regard to accusations of sexual assault made against the president .
“ I ’ ve had personally in my own family four people who have been assaulted or have had sexual violence happen to them .
It all became very personal.
” In 2016 , Otis was dressed as a construction worker complete with a hard hat and vest .

Activist James Lambert Otis, 56, turned himself in to the Los Angeles Police Department’s Hollywood Station on Monday for vandalizing President Trump’s star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame for a second time. Above, officials repaired previous damage made to the star by Otis in 2016.
A man who dressed up as the Hulk when he smashed President Trump’s star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame last week turned himself in to Los Angeles police Monday.
James Lambert Otis, a 56-year-old activist, had done the same thing before, police say.
Otis was questioned and booked on suspicion of felony vandalism after police reviewed video footage of the incident that took place around 5:50 a.m Friday. Otis allegedly smashed the star with a pickax while he was dressed as the irascible Marvel hero.
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A Hollywood Chamber of Commerce spokesperson informed The Times on Friday that damage to the plaque was over $3,000, which made the crime a felony.
It will be up to the chamber to again replace the star, just as it did in 2016 when Otis destroyed the mini-monument with a sledgehammer and pickax. That time he was charged with one felony count of vandalism.
Otis, who was not available for comment on Monday, told The Times in 2016 he had an open “disdain” for the then-presidential candidate.
“I just sort of had enough with Mr. Trump’s aggressive language toward women and his behavior, his sexual violence with women and against women,” Otis said in regard to accusations of sexual assault made against the president. “I’ve had personally in my own family four people who have been assaulted or have had sexual violence happen to them. It all became very personal.”
In 2016, Otis was dressed as a construction worker complete with a hard hat and vest.
Times staff writer Nardine Saad contributed to this story.


latimes--2020-10-05--'Gang-like' deputy clique exerts 'undue influence' at East L.A. station, report says

Los Angeles County ’ s top watchdog says in a report released Monday that substantial evidence exists that a secretive group of tattooed deputies at the East L.A. sheriff ’ s station are “ gang-like and their influence has resulted in favoritism , sexism , racism and violence.
” In the 32-page report probing activities of the Banditos clique , Inspector General Max Huntsman says Sheriff Alex Villanueva “ continues to promote a code of silence regarding these sub-groups ” which have plagued the agency for decades .
The inspector general ’ s report is largely centered around the Sheriff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a fight in 2018 at an off-duty party at Kennedy Hall , an event space near the station , where several deputies said they were attacked by members of the clique .
The Internal Criminal Investigations Bureau interviewed dozens of deputies but , according to the report , “ almost completely ignored ” evidence of the Banditos ’ role in the events .
“ Minimal questions were asked about the Banditos and in the interviews during which the witnesses brought up the Banditos by name , very few follow-up questions were asked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that 23 witnesses declined to give interviews .
The report also criticized the failure of prosecutors to scrutinize the Banditos in their review of the case .
The L.A. County district attorney ’ s office in February declined to file charges against a sergeant and three deputies involved in the off-duty brawl , saying there was “ insufficient evidence ” that they committed battery or any other crimes .
“ Having received what appears to be a purposefully perfunctory investigation by ICIB ( which did not gather evidence of the motive behind the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Los Angeles district attorney ’ s office did not request statements be taken from the uncooperative witnesses or empanel a grand jury to compel statements , ” the IG ’ s report says .
Villanueva has fired back against criticism of his handling of deputy cliques .
On Monday , he called Huntsman ’ s actions “ purely politically driven and an attempt to undermine the reputation ” of the department .
“ The report alleges investigators did not conduct a thorough investigation into the Kennedy Hall deputy-on-deputy fight .
This is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Both criminal and administrative investigations were conducted where investigators interviewed over 70 involved parties and witnesses in the case.
” He said he shook up the leadership at the East L.A. station and transferred 36 people early in his tenure and , more recently , moved to discipline 26 employees for misconduct related to the Kennedy Hall incident .
But Capt .
Ernie Chavez , whom Villanueva said he brought in to quell the Banditos situation , has told The Times that the 36 transfers simply reflect the general group of deputies who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that the departures were voluntary , some because of promotions .
Some of the employees who received disciplinary letters were the alleged assault victims , who faced punishment for actions that included failing to report the Kennedy Hall incident to their superiors , their attorney Vincent Miller said .
He said they reported the incident right away to a lieutenant they trusted .
The Times has reported that only three deputies of the 26 employees were facing termination .
“ This announcement of an exaggerated number of 26 Banditos being disciplined is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been made by you and your office about your handling of the deputy gang problem , ” Miller wrote to Villanueva last month in a letter obtained by The Times .
The administrative investigation conducted by the Sheriff ’ s Department found that some employees at the station were acting as so-called shot callers , controlling scheduling and events at the station , Cmdr .
April Tardy has said , using a term often used to describe top leaders in prisons and gangs .
Villanueva also has said he has implemented — and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in illicit groups .
Investigators will ask deputies accused of misconduct about their membership in deputy cliques such as the Banditos , he said .
The inspector general ’ s report echoes some of the department ’ s findings , pointing to evidence that a group of veteran deputies with ties to the clique have “ undue influence over the daily activities and assignments ” at the station .
Some younger deputies allege that the group has used its influence , and sometimes force and violence , to push deputies out of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Banditos ’ work ethic , ” the report says .
In a lawsuit filed against the county last year , eight deputies alleged that they were routinely harassed by the clique , denied backup on dangerous calls , pressured to quit or leave the station and overloaded with calls at the end of their shifts , among other complaints .
The IG ’ s report recommends that the Sheriff ’ s Department thoroughly investigate internal criminal allegations and compel statements from all witness deputies who do not invoke their right against @ @

Los Angeles County’s top watchdog says in a report released Monday that substantial evidence exists that a secretive group of tattooed deputies at the East L.A. sheriff’s station are “gang-like and their influence has resulted in favoritism, sexism, racism and violence.”
In the 32-page report probing activities of the Banditos clique, Inspector General Max Huntsman says Sheriff Alex Villanueva “continues to promote a code of silence regarding these sub-groups” which have plagued the agency for decades.
The inspector general’s report is largely centered around the Sheriff’s Department’s criminal investigation of a fight in 2018 at an off-duty party at Kennedy Hall, an event space near the station, where several deputies said they were attacked by members of the clique. The Internal Criminal Investigations Bureau interviewed dozens of deputies but, according to the report, “almost completely ignored” evidence of the Banditos’ role in the events.
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“Minimal questions were asked about the Banditos and in the interviews during which the witnesses brought up the Banditos by name, very few follow-up questions were asked,” the report says, adding that 23 witnesses declined to give interviews. The report also criticized the failure of prosecutors to scrutinize the Banditos in their review of the case.
The L.A. County district attorney’s office in February declined to file charges against a sergeant and three deputies involved in the off-duty brawl, saying there was “insufficient evidence” that they committed battery or any other crimes.
“Having received what appears to be a purposefully perfunctory investigation by ICIB (which did not gather evidence of the motive behind the alleged assault at Kennedy Hall), the Los Angeles district attorney’s office did not request statements be taken from the uncooperative witnesses or empanel a grand jury to compel statements,” the IG’s report says.
Villanueva has fired back against criticism of his handling of deputy cliques. On Monday, he called Huntsman’s actions “purely politically driven and an attempt to undermine the reputation” of the department.
“The report alleges investigators did not conduct a thorough investigation into the Kennedy Hall deputy-on-deputy fight. This is false,” Villanueva said. “Both criminal and administrative investigations were conducted where investigators interviewed over 70 involved parties and witnesses in the case.”
He said he shook up the leadership at the East L.A. station and transferred 36 people early in his tenure and, more recently, moved to discipline 26 employees for misconduct related to the Kennedy Hall incident.
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But Capt. Ernie Chavez, whom Villanueva said he brought in to quell the Banditos situation, has told The Times that the 36 transfers simply reflect the general group of deputies who have left the station since January, and that the departures were voluntary, some because of promotions.
Some of the employees who received disciplinary letters were the alleged assault victims, who faced punishment for actions that included failing to report the Kennedy Hall incident to their superiors, their attorney Vincent Miller said. He said they reported the incident right away to a lieutenant they trusted. The Times has reported that only three deputies of the 26 employees were facing termination.
“This announcement of an exaggerated number of 26 Banditos being disciplined is consistent with past false statements that have been made by you and your office about your handling of the deputy gang problem,” Miller wrote to Villanueva last month in a letter obtained by The Times.
The administrative investigation conducted by the Sheriff’s Department found that some employees at the station were acting as so-called shot callers, controlling scheduling and events at the station, Cmdr. April Tardy has said, using a term often used to describe top leaders in prisons and gangs.
California Supervisors join calls for Sheriff Villanueva to step down Several members of a watchdog agency have called on Sheriff Alex Villanueva to resign, marking a further escalation of tensions between the sheriff and his overseers.
Villanueva also has said he has implemented — and is vigorously enforcing — a new policy that prohibits membership in illicit groups. Investigators will ask deputies accused of misconduct about their membership in deputy cliques such as the Banditos, he said.
The inspector general’s report echoes some of the department’s findings, pointing to evidence that a group of veteran deputies with ties to the clique have “undue influence over the daily activities and assignments” at the station. Some younger deputies allege that the group has used its influence, and sometimes force and violence, to push deputies out of the station for “failing to live up to the Banditos’ work ethic,” the report says.
In a lawsuit filed against the county last year, eight deputies alleged that they were routinely harassed by the clique, denied backup on dangerous calls, pressured to quit or leave the station and overloaded with calls at the end of their shifts, among other complaints.
The IG’s report recommends that the Sheriff’s Department thoroughly investigate internal criminal allegations and compel statements from all witness deputies who do not invoke their right against self-incrimination.