latimes--2020-02-10--Record-breaking 209-mph gust looks like a mistake, forecasters say

A potential record-breaking gust of 209 mph recorded atop a California peak is looking more unlikely after further study , National Weather Service forecasters said Monday .
The blast of wind from a cold storm moving south across the state was captured around 7:45 a.m. Sunday by an instrument at 9,186 feet atop Kirkwood Mountain , south of Lake Tahoe .
If accurate , the wind would have shattered the record wind speed for the state of 199 mph set in 2017 .
But forecasters now suspect the sensor wasn ’ t working properly , said Cory Mueller , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sacramento .
“ It doesn ’ t seem realistic after looking at the wind sensor , ” he said .
“ It was reporting high winds when we were seeing lighter winds and higher humidity than we were actually experiencing .
We believe the sensor wasn ’ t working correctly.
” The second-highest wind gust Sunday — clocking in at 125 mph — occurred at Alpine Summit at an elevation of 8,483 feet .
Mueller said that reading appeared to be accurate .
Although perhaps not record-breaking , winds across much of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A window on the 41st floor of San Francisco ’ s leaning Millennium Tower shattered Sunday amid strong winds , according to SFist .
Strong overnight winds also toppled a tree , which landed on power lines in Altadena .
On Monday , gusts knocked over a big rig on the 15 Freeway in Fontana .
The chilly winter storm , which picked up much of its moisture from the Pacific Ocean as it moved toward Southern California over the weekend , is expected to kick up breezes through Tuesday morning .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are expecting potentially damaging gusts between 55 and 65 mph through Monday afternoon .
Coastal regions in both counties could see gusts up to 45 mph , said Lisa Phillips , a meteorologist with the National Weather Service in Oxnard .
Even stronger blasts — up to 70 mph — are predicted for the Interstate 5 corridor .
The weather service issued a wind advisory for the Ventura County mountains through 9 p.m. Tuesday , warning of gusts that could make driving difficult and have the potential to blow down tree limbs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wind watch is also in effect for higher elevations in Los Angeles County through Tuesday morning .
“ Chances of rain are supposed to clear out of the area this morning , and then we ’ re going to have continued strong winds for the region , ” Phillips said .
“ They ’ ll kind of decrease into this evening , and then overnight , they ’ ll start picking up again.
” Snow levels are also expected to drop to 2,500 feet in Los Angeles and Ventura counties , meaning local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powder .
The San Gabriel Mountains are expected to receive 3 to 6 inches of snow , while the Antelope Valley could see up to an inch .
Snow accumulations in the Grapevine are also possible , forecasters say .
A winter storm warning is in effect until noon Monday for higher elevations in Los Angeles County , including Acton , Mt .
Wilson and Sandberg .
The Mountain High resort in Wrightwood reported 4 to 6 inches of snow early Monday , Phillips said .
Despite chilly conditions in the mountains , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to warm up , with temperatures in the low 70s for much of the week .

A potential record-breaking gust of 209 mph recorded atop a California peak is looking more unlikely after further study, National Weather Service forecasters said Monday.
The blast of wind from a cold storm moving south across the state was captured around 7:45 a.m. Sunday by an instrument at 9,186 feet atop Kirkwood Mountain, south of Lake Tahoe. If accurate, the wind would have shattered the record wind speed for the state of 199 mph set in 2017.
But forecasters now suspect the sensor wasn’t working properly, said Cory Mueller, a meteorologist with the National Weather Service in Sacramento.
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“It doesn’t seem realistic after looking at the wind sensor,” he said. “It was reporting high winds when we were seeing lighter winds and higher humidity than we were actually experiencing. We believe the sensor wasn’t working correctly.”
After further review the 209 mph wind gust reported at Kirkwood seems questionable. The station seems to have multiple errors including 92 percent relative humidity during the strong winds. Also the wind seems to have been unusually strong the past few days at this station #cawx — NWS Sacramento (@NWSSacramento) February 9, 2020
The second-highest wind gust Sunday — clocking in at 125 mph — occurred at Alpine Summit at an elevation of 8,483 feet. Mueller said that reading appeared to be accurate.
Although perhaps not record-breaking, winds across much of the state were significant over the weekend. A window on the 41st floor of San Francisco’s leaning Millennium Tower shattered Sunday amid strong winds, according to SFist. Strong overnight winds also toppled a tree, which landed on power lines in Altadena. On Monday, gusts knocked over a big rig on the 15 Freeway in Fontana.
The chilly winter storm, which picked up much of its moisture from the Pacific Ocean as it moved toward Southern California over the weekend, is expected to kick up breezes through Tuesday morning.
The mountains in Los Angeles and Ventura counties are expecting potentially damaging gusts between 55 and 65 mph through Monday afternoon. Coastal regions in both counties could see gusts up to 45 mph, said Lisa Phillips, a meteorologist with the National Weather Service in Oxnard.
Even stronger blasts — up to 70 mph — are predicted for the Interstate 5 corridor. The weather service issued a wind advisory for the Ventura County mountains through 9 p.m. Tuesday, warning of gusts that could make driving difficult and have the potential to blow down tree limbs, resulting in power outages. A high wind watch is also in effect for higher elevations in Los Angeles County through Tuesday morning.
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“Chances of rain are supposed to clear out of the area this morning, and then we’re going to have continued strong winds for the region,” Phillips said. “They’ll kind of decrease into this evening, and then overnight, they’ll start picking up again.”
Snow levels are also expected to drop to 2,500 feet in Los Angeles and Ventura counties, meaning local mountains could see a fresh dusting of powder. The San Gabriel Mountains are expected to receive 3 to 6 inches of snow, while the Antelope Valley could see up to an inch. Snow accumulations in the Grapevine are also possible, forecasters say.
A winter storm warning is in effect until noon Monday for higher elevations in Los Angeles County, including Acton, Mt. Wilson and Sandberg. The Mountain High resort in Wrightwood reported 4 to 6 inches of snow early Monday, Phillips said.
Despite chilly conditions in the mountains, much of Los Angeles County is expected to warm up, with temperatures in the low 70s for much of the week.


latimes--2020-02-10--Xavier Montes, maestro of Latino culture in Ventura County, dies at 67

In 2004 , Anna Bermudez received some unsolicited advice from Xavier Montes about one of her art pieces .
Tall , mustachioed and almost always dressed in white slacks , a white guayabera and a Panama hat , “ Big X ” cut an imposing path throughout Ventura County ’ s Latino community .
He was the founder of the De Colores Art Show , an annual showcase of music , dance and art held in his hometown of Santa Paula .
The swirling arpeggios Montes plucked out of his harp provided soundtracks to fundraisers and community nights from Ojai @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ruminations on Mexican themes or farmworkers , hung in the home of the region ’ s Latino intelligentsia .
Montes sought out Bermudez after her politically themed rebozo ( Mexican-style shawl ) on display at the Museum of Ventura County impressed him .
“ He said , ‘ You know what ?
You got ta keep doing this , ” said Bermudez , who ’ s now the museum ’ s chief curator .
“ He did this with everyone .
He always talked you up .
Talking to him gave you impetus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their initial encounter , Montes asked Bermudez for a favor : Montes was ready to step down from De Colores , and wanted the museum to take over his festival .
It will relaunch next year .
“ It ’ s like the passing of the torch , ” Bermudez said .
“ Something he did for so long , and now it ’ s up to all of us to continue it .
He knew we were ready.
” “ He was just a magnet for people , ” said Jennifer Heighton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Art Museum , where Montes was a board member for years and helped to start a collection devoted to Chicano art .
“ People wanted to be around him and to learn from him .
He loved his community .
He was completely committed to it.
” “ He was a tlamatini , ” said Javier Gomez , artistic director for Oxnard ’ s Inlachek Cultural Arts Center , using a Nahuatl term that roughly translates as “ wise man.
” Montes was a student-teacher for him in 1973 in Camarillo , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ He showed us how to feel our hearts , see our faces , and express our soul.
” Montes initially didn ’ t plan to help nurture Chicano arts in Ventura County .
Born in 1952 to farmworkers , Montes was raised by an aunt as her own son .
She gave her ward the inside-out covers of old books as drawing material because she didn ’ t have money for art supplies .
After stints at Moorpark and Ventura colleges , he earned a bachelor ’ s degree in studio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Santa Barbara , staying in the area after graduation .
Montes ’ mastery of acrylics notched him exhibits in Los Angeles and San Francisco , among other big cities .
But he returned to Santa Paula in 1983 to take care of his ailing tía .
While the tug of the bigger world out there piqued Montes , he decided to bring the world to his sleepy agricultural town instead .
“ I wanted to be part of this movement , but I wasn ’ t a public speaker , or a real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ventura County Star in 2015 .
“ This was one way of participating and promoting my culture : through music.
” By then , Montes already owned a harp , an instrument he fell in love with after listening to an album of son jarocho music at UC Santa Barbara , and had become a prolific guitar player .
He released two albums of instrumentals that swung from Mexican standards like “ Veracruz ” and “ Amor Eterno ” to Greatest Generation classics like “ White Cliffs of Dover ” and “ Guantanamera.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” a corrido about the 1928 collapse of the St. Francis Dam that leveled Santa Paula and killed at least 431 people in what remains the second-largest loss of life in California history after the 1906 San Francisco earthquake .
He helped paint murals , offered free guitar workshops to seniors at churches or at his house , and created a children ’ s group , Angels on Harps .
All of this culminated every year with the De Colores Art Show , which started in 1994 as a street bazaar but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drew artists and attendees from across Southern California .
“ Cultural arts moves my inner spirit , it instills an energy in me that words can not express , ” he said in a 2004 speech .
“ It is this love and this excitement that moves me to want so desperately to share with all of you so that you , too , can feel what I feel.
” In 2005 and 2007 , Montes gathered dozens of elderly musicians who had helped to make Santa Paula a hotbed of Mexican music @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life stories .
In his later years , Montes also worked at Santa Paula ’ s Blanchard Community Library and Renaissance High School while continuing to produce art and music for himself .
“ He was a big role model the way he lived his life , ” said Juan F. Ramirez , a Visalia resident who was Montes ’ roommate in college .
He remembered how , on weekends back home , Montes played corridos late into the night at Las Piedras Park to friends and strangers alike .
“ He always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about himself.
” Montes is survived by his partner , Vanessa Acosta , two sisters and two brothers , daughter Anica Walls , son Robert Montes , and two grandchildren .

In 2004, Anna Bermudez received some unsolicited advice from Xavier Montes about one of her art pieces.
Tall, mustachioed and almost always dressed in white slacks, a white guayabera and a Panama hat, “Big X” cut an imposing path throughout Ventura County’s Latino community.
He was the founder of the De Colores Art Show, an annual showcase of music, dance and art held in his hometown of Santa Paula. The swirling arpeggios Montes plucked out of his harp provided soundtracks to fundraisers and community nights from Ojai to Oxnard; his paintings, usually ruminations on Mexican themes or farmworkers, hung in the home of the region’s Latino intelligentsia.
Montes sought out Bermudez after her politically themed rebozo (Mexican-style shawl) on display at the Museum of Ventura County impressed him.
“He said, ‘You know what? You gotta keep doing this,” said Bermudez, who’s now the museum’s chief curator. “He did this with everyone. He always talked you up. Talking to him gave you impetus to do more.”
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Fourteen years after their initial encounter, Montes asked Bermudez for a favor: Montes was ready to step down from De Colores, and wanted the museum to take over his festival. It will relaunch next year.
“It’s like the passing of the torch,” Bermudez said. “Something he did for so long, and now it’s up to all of us to continue it. He knew we were ready.”
Following a long illness, Montes died Thursday at age 67.
“He was just a magnet for people,” said Jennifer Heighton, executive director of the Santa Paula Art Museum, where Montes was a board member for years and helped to start a collection devoted to Chicano art. “People wanted to be around him and to learn from him. He loved his community. He was completely committed to it.”
“He was a tlamatini,” said Javier Gomez, artistic director for Oxnard’s Inlachek Cultural Arts Center, using a Nahuatl term that roughly translates as “wise man.” Montes was a student-teacher for him in 1973 in Camarillo, and the two collaborated on projects for decades. “He showed us how to feel our hearts, see our faces, and express our soul.”
Montes initially didn’t plan to help nurture Chicano arts in Ventura County. Born in 1952 to farmworkers, Montes was raised by an aunt as her own son. She gave her ward the inside-out covers of old books as drawing material because she didn’t have money for art supplies.
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After stints at Moorpark and Ventura colleges, he earned a bachelor’s degree in studio art and a teaching credential from UC Santa Barbara, staying in the area after graduation. Montes’ mastery of acrylics notched him exhibits in Los Angeles and San Francisco, among other big cities.
But he returned to Santa Paula in 1983 to take care of his ailing tía. While the tug of the bigger world out there piqued Montes, he decided to bring the world to his sleepy agricultural town instead.
“I wanted to be part of this movement, but I wasn’t a public speaker, or a real radical protester,” he told the Ventura County Star in 2015. “This was one way of participating and promoting my culture: through music.”
By then, Montes already owned a harp, an instrument he fell in love with after listening to an album of son jarocho music at UC Santa Barbara, and had become a prolific guitar player. He released two albums of instrumentals that swung from Mexican standards like “Veracruz” and “Amor Eterno” to Greatest Generation classics like “White Cliffs of Dover” and “Guantanamera.”
He also recorded “La Inundacion,” a corrido about the 1928 collapse of the St. Francis Dam that leveled Santa Paula and killed at least 431 people in what remains the second-largest loss of life in California history after the 1906 San Francisco earthquake. He helped paint murals, offered free guitar workshops to seniors at churches or at his house, and created a children’s group, Angels on Harps.
All of this culminated every year with the De Colores Art Show, which started in 1994 as a street bazaar but eventually transformed into a weeks-long affair that drew artists and attendees from across Southern California.
“Cultural arts moves my inner spirit, it instills an energy in me that words cannot express,” he said in a 2004 speech. “It is this love and this excitement that moves me to want so desperately to share with all of you so that you, too, can feel what I feel.”
In 2005 and 2007, Montes gathered dozens of elderly musicians who had helped to make Santa Paula a hotbed of Mexican music before World War II to document their life stories. In his later years, Montes also worked at Santa Paula’s Blanchard Community Library and Renaissance High School while continuing to produce art and music for himself.
“He was a big role model the way he lived his life,” said Juan F. Ramirez, a Visalia resident who was Montes’ roommate in college. He remembered how, on weekends back home, Montes played corridos late into the night at Las Piedras Park to friends and strangers alike. “He always gave of himself. He never cared about himself.”
Montes is survived by his partner, Vanessa Acosta, two sisters and two brothers, daughter Anica Walls, son Robert Montes, and two grandchildren.


latimes--2020-02-10--Wilderness designations proposed for 30,200 acres in the western San Gabriel Mountains

To reach a vast tableau of pristine canyonlands an hour ’ s drive from Los Angeles , a group of conservationists on Saturday trudged along a trail that wiggles up steep slopes and along forested streams in the western Angeles National Forest .
Finally , they stood on a cliff edge with a panoramic view of dramatic Canyon Trail Falls , which plummets 30 feet to the ground at the boundary of an area that , despite all the pressures beating in upon it , has changed little in thousands of years .
Giving the vista an approving nod , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Wilderness Society , said , “ It ’ s an awesome sight in the backyard of millions of Angelenos , who have no idea that it exists.
” “ With federal protection and improved access , ” he added , “ this place will be irresistible to hikers.
” The area is among 30,200 acres of land in the San Gabriel Mountains proposed for federal wilderness protection under a bill authored by Rep. Judy Chu ( D-Monterey Park ) and included in a package of conservation bills expected to be presented to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve always seen the San Gabriel Mountains as a crown to the Los Angeles area , ” Chu said .
“ Having such beautiful rivers , forests , and mountain trails so close to the density of Los Angeles is a true gift , especially for the millions who have little to no access to parks or any green space.
” Roughly half of the proposed wilderness areas are at the western end of the San Gabriel Mountains in a region left out of the San Gabriel Mountains National Monument designated in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is an exciting next step in securing protection for the wildlands of Los Angeles , ” said Jonathan Parfrey , executive director of the nonprofit Climate Resolve .
Under Chu ’ s bill , the lands would remain open to hiking , camping and other recreational activities encouraged in the adjacent monument .
The bill would also expand the monument by 109,167 acres , establish a 49,387-acre San Gabriel National Recreation Area and add about 45 miles to the region ’ s National Wild and Scenic Rivers System .
It is backed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Angeles and environmental and outdoor recreation organizations including the Nature Conservancy , the Wilderness Society , Latino Outdoors and the Sierra Club .
To become law , the bill would need approval by the Senate , along with the president ’ s signature amid a push by the Trump administration to increase industrial use of public lands and waters nationwide .
But for local conservationists , the bill before the House represents a significant step toward realization of their dream of creating a network of protected wildlife corridors and refuges extending from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Santa Monica Mountains National Recreation Area in the west .
“ Just getting this bill through the House is a high-water mark for our cause , ” said Rossman , who has been working to further protections for the San Gabriel Mountains for more than a decade .
Creation of the monument — 346,000 acres of alpine peaks , lush canyonlands and rivers that lure 4 million annual visitors — was only a start .
The visit to the waterfall on Saturday offered a glimpse of the ecological wealth that once characterized the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every inch is covered by sheltering vegetation : grass , chaparral , oaks , alders and pine trees .
Bears and mountain lions prowl wind-swept ridgelines .
Ring-necked snakes take refuge beneath fallen logs .
Western newts , water striders and algae blooms contribute to the vitality of spring-fed streams that tumble down rocky canyons spiced with aromatic yerba buena and black sage .
“ It hasn ’ t been easy winning the kinds of protections these mountains deserve , ” Rossman said , gazing out at the waterfall .
“ But I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to this awesome natural wonder will see things our way .
”

The beginning of the Trail Canyon Falls trail in the San Gabriel Mountains.
To reach a vast tableau of pristine canyonlands an hour’s drive from Los Angeles, a group of conservationists on Saturday trudged along a trail that wiggles up steep slopes and along forested streams in the western Angeles National Forest.
Finally, they stood on a cliff edge with a panoramic view of dramatic Canyon Trail Falls, which plummets 30 feet to the ground at the boundary of an area that, despite all the pressures beating in upon it, has changed little in thousands of years.
Giving the vista an approving nod, Daniel Rossman, California deputy director for the Wilderness Society, said, “It’s an awesome sight in the backyard of millions of Angelenos, who have no idea that it exists.”
“With federal protection and improved access,” he added, “this place will be irresistible to hikers.”
The area is among 30,200 acres of land in the San Gabriel Mountains proposed for federal wilderness protection under a bill authored by Rep. Judy Chu (D-Monterey Park) and included in a package of conservation bills expected to be presented to the House on Wednesday.
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“I’ve always seen the San Gabriel Mountains as a crown to the Los Angeles area,” Chu said. “Having such beautiful rivers, forests, and mountain trails so close to the density of Los Angeles is a true gift, especially for the millions who have little to no access to parks or any green space.”
Trail Canyon Falls (Gabriella Angotti-Jones / Los Angeles Times)
Roughly half of the proposed wilderness areas are at the western end of the San Gabriel Mountains in a region left out of the San Gabriel Mountains National Monument designated in 2014 by then-President Barack Obama.
“This is an exciting next step in securing protection for the wildlands of Los Angeles,” said Jonathan Parfrey, executive director of the nonprofit Climate Resolve.
Under Chu’s bill, the lands would remain open to hiking, camping and other recreational activities encouraged in the adjacent monument.
The bill would also expand the monument by 109,167 acres, establish a 49,387-acre San Gabriel National Recreation Area and add about 45 miles to the region’s National Wild and Scenic Rivers System.
It is backed by the city and county of Los Angeles and environmental and outdoor recreation organizations including the Nature Conservancy, the Wilderness Society, Latino Outdoors and the Sierra Club.
To become law, the bill would need approval by the Senate, along with the president’s signature amid a push by the Trump administration to increase industrial use of public lands and waters nationwide.
Bryan Matsumoto, program organizer for Nature For All, hikes the Trail Canyon Falls trail. (Gabriella Angotti-Jones / Los Angeles Times)
But for local conservationists, the bill before the House represents a significant step toward realization of their dream of creating a network of protected wildlife corridors and refuges extending from the Cajon Pass in the east to the Santa Monica Mountains National Recreation Area in the west.
“Just getting this bill through the House is a high-water mark for our cause,” said Rossman, who has been working to further protections for the San Gabriel Mountains for more than a decade.
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Creation of the monument — 346,000 acres of alpine peaks, lush canyonlands and rivers that lure 4 million annual visitors — was only a start.
The visit to the waterfall on Saturday offered a glimpse of the ecological wealth that once characterized the entire San Gabriel Mountain range. Virtually every inch is covered by sheltering vegetation: grass, chaparral, oaks, alders and pine trees.
Bears and mountain lions prowl wind-swept ridgelines. Ring-necked snakes take refuge beneath fallen logs. Western newts, water striders and algae blooms contribute to the vitality of spring-fed streams that tumble down rocky canyons spiced with aromatic yerba buena and black sage.
“It hasn’t been easy winning the kinds of protections these mountains deserve,” Rossman said, gazing out at the waterfall. “But I’m pretty sure anyone who hikes to this awesome natural wonder will see things our way.”


latimes--2020-02-10--They're running for L.A. City Council — but not ruling out a bid for mayor in 2022

School board member Mónica García has signed the pledge — the one that says she ’ ll serve all four years if elected to an Eastside seat on the Los Angeles City Council .
Former marketing executive Cyndi Otteson , who lives in Eagle Rock , signed it too .
So did Raquel Zamora , a high school counselor who , like Otteson and García , is running in the March 3 election to replace Councilman Jose Huizar .
The only candidate who didn ’ t grab a pen is former state Sen. Kevin de León .
And that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who say he will treat the district , which stretches from downtown and Boyle Heights to Eagle Rock , as a two-year steppingstone to higher office .
“ He ’ s just going to use the seat as a springboard to run for mayor , and people are sick of that , ” said Zamora , who drafted the pledge and is also owner of Zamora Bros. restaurant in Boyle Heights .
De León , 53 , is one of two L.A. political heavyweights who are campaigning for City Council yet also viewed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2022 , when Eric Garcetti is scheduled to leave office .
The other is Los Angeles County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas , who is looking to return to the council after an 18-year absence .
Both have declined to rule out a run for mayor in 2022 .
Both have touted their lengthy experience in public office .
And both insist that voters have little interest in debates about their future career moves .
Voters are “ talking clearly about gentrification and housing insecurity .
They ’ re talking about homelessness , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state Legislature from 2006 to 2018 .
“ So I don ’ t get bogged down in signing silly pledges.
” De León ’ s opponents disagree , saying voters deserve to know if their next council member will have the time to attend to the needs of the district .
While De León is looking to represent part of the Eastside , Ridley-Thomas is running in a council district that stretches from Koreatown to the Crenshaw Corridor in South Los Angeles .
Like De León , Ridley-Thomas says he is focused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m running for the 10th District because I live here and I care about what ’ s going on in this district , ” he said .
For both men , a 2022 mayoral campaign would be tricky .
The winners of this year ’ s council races won ’ t be sworn in until December .
By then , candidates for mayor will have been raising money for several months .
Jaime Regalado , professor emeritus of political science at Cal State L.A. , said Ridley-Thomas and De León would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mayor , given their experience and high political profiles .
But it also would be unwise for them to promise voters they ’ ll stay put if there ’ s a genuine risk they might break that promise , Regalado said .
“ That can be important in a tight race — breaking a pledge and having it used against you , ” he added .
Ridley-Thomas , who faces term limits , is seeking the seat being vacated by Councilman Herb Wesson .
Wesson , who also faces term limits , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the Board of Supervisors , representing a district that stretches from Carson to Culver City .
The potential seat swap has drawn complaints from Ridley-Thomas ’ rivals about an old boys ’ network .
At a candidate forum last month , three of the other candidates seeking Wesson ’ s seat committed to serving four full years .
Candidate Grace Yoo , who is waging her second run for the council seat , warned that Ridley-Thomas won ’ t have the time to attend to the urgent needs of the district if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mayor soon after taking office .
“ You can not be doing two things , ” said Yoo , an attorney and community activist .
Candidate Aura Vasquez , a former member of the city commission that oversees the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power , has made similar arguments , saying residents of Wesson ’ s district need someone to focus 100 % on rising rents , crumbling sidewalks , climate change and other issues .
“ His intention is , ‘ Let me keep this seat warm so I can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” said Vasquez , 41 .
“ We deserve better.
” Ridley-Thomas called that assertion untrue .
And he argued that voters are much more interested in selecting a council member with a proven track record on homelessness , affordable housing , transportation and environmental issues .
Still , Ridley-Thomas has broached the possibility of a mayoral bid before .
In May , he told an audience he had originally planned to spend 18 months in private life after stepping down from the Board of Supervisors , followed by a campaign for office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , after he learned he was eligible to run for a third and final four-year term on the council .
“ I shared [ the information ] with my political consultants and some of my advisors , ” Ridley-Thomas said during an appearance at the Los Angeles Current Affairs Forum .
“ And they said , ‘ Listen , you ought to recognize a gift from God when you see it .
It ’ s better to run for step two from the position of having secured step one , rather than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about those statements , Ridley-Thomas said he had been describing a scenario that was “ speculative at best.
” The effort to make the 2022 election an issue , he said , is a “ campaign ploy ” by his rivals .
“ It ’ s what opponents do when they don ’ t have much else to bring to bear , ” said Ridley-Thomas , who has served in various elected offices since 1991 .
Political ladder-climbing has come up in previous L.A. elections .
In 2017 , while running for reelection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he would serve out his full second term in office .
Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa , while campaigning for reelection in 2008 , was pressed on whether he intended to run for governor .
In 2003 , while seeking a seat on the City Council , Villaraigosa promised voters he would serve his full four-year term .
Roughly a year after he took office , he launched a campaign for mayor .
Voters didn ’ t seem to mind .
Villaraigosa easily defeated incumbent Mayor James Hahn in 2005 , and the man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ board member Jose Huizar — went on to win Villaraigosa ’ s seat .
Still , some in the district view Villaraigosa ’ s decision to leave the seat early unfavorably .
Otteson , one of the candidates running to replace Huizar , said the broken promise “ left a bad taste in everybody ’ s mouth.
” “ It just continues the narrative that politicians can ’ t be trusted , ” she said .
“ And there ’ s a lot of distrust in the district.
” That history might help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign keep coming up in the race to replace Huizar .
On Feb. 3 , in Eagle Rock , each candidate was asked whether they would serve a full four-year term .
De León and the other candidates said yes .
Three days later , at a candidate forum in Little Tokyo , De León and his rivals were asked a more pointed question : Would each of them promise to represent the council district all four years — and not seek another office ?
Four candidates made the promise .
De León @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promise you to give my dedicated public service the way I ’ ve done in the Assembly , as well as the Senate , ” he said .
García , the school board member , said residents should receive a more straightforward answer .
“ The voters deserve clarity about who you are and what you want to do , ” she said .

Two candidates for L.A. City Council — former state Sen. Kevin de León and county Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas — have declined to rule out bids for mayor in 2022. Their opponents are making that a campaign issue.
School board member Mónica García has signed the pledge — the one that says she’ll serve all four years if elected to an Eastside seat on the Los Angeles City Council.
Former marketing executive Cyndi Otteson, who lives in Eagle Rock, signed it too. So did Raquel Zamora, a high school counselor who, like Otteson and García, is running in the March 3 election to replace Councilman Jose Huizar.
The only candidate who didn’t grab a pen is former state Sen. Kevin de León. And that’s made him a target for rivals who say he will treat the district, which stretches from downtown and Boyle Heights to Eagle Rock, as a two-year steppingstone to higher office.
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“He’s just going to use the seat as a springboard to run for mayor, and people are sick of that,” said Zamora, who drafted the pledge and is also owner of Zamora Bros. restaurant in Boyle Heights.
De León, 53, is one of two L.A. political heavyweights who are campaigning for City Council yet also viewed as strong bets to run for mayor in 2022, when Eric Garcetti is scheduled to leave office. The other is Los Angeles County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas, who is looking to return to the council after an 18-year absence.
Both have declined to rule out a run for mayor in 2022. Both have touted their lengthy experience in public office. And both insist that voters have little interest in debates about their future career moves.
Voters are “talking clearly about gentrification and housing insecurity. They’re talking about homelessness,” said De León, who served in the state Legislature from 2006 to 2018. “So I don’t get bogged down in signing silly pledges.”
City Council candidate Raquel Zamora, who has drafted a pledge for candidates to commit to serving an entire four-year term, sits for a portrait at her family’s restaurant. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
De León’s opponents disagree, saying voters deserve to know if their next council member will have the time to attend to the needs of the district.
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While De León is looking to represent part of the Eastside, Ridley-Thomas is running in a council district that stretches from Koreatown to the Crenshaw Corridor in South Los Angeles. Like De León, Ridley-Thomas says he is focused on the present campaign.
“I’m running for the 10th District because I live here and I care about what’s going on in this district,” he said.
For both men, a 2022 mayoral campaign would be tricky. The winners of this year’s council races won’t be sworn in until December. By then, candidates for mayor will have been raising money for several months.
Jaime Regalado, professor emeritus of political science at Cal State L.A., said Ridley-Thomas and De León would be foolish not to consider a bid for mayor, given their experience and high political profiles. But it also would be unwise for them to promise voters they’ll stay put if there’s a genuine risk they might break that promise, Regalado said.
“That can be important in a tight race — breaking a pledge and having it used against you,” he added.
Ridley-Thomas, who faces term limits, is seeking the seat being vacated by Councilman Herb Wesson. Wesson, who also faces term limits, is in turn running for Ridley-Thomas’ seat on the Board of Supervisors, representing a district that stretches from Carson to Culver City.
The potential seat swap has drawn complaints from Ridley-Thomas’ rivals about an old boys’ network. At a candidate forum last month, three of the other candidates seeking Wesson’s seat committed to serving four full years.
Candidate Grace Yoo, who is waging her second run for the council seat, warned that Ridley-Thomas won’t have the time to attend to the urgent needs of the district if he decides to launch a campaign for mayor soon after taking office.
“You cannot be doing two things,” said Yoo, an attorney and community activist.
City Council candidate Aura Vasquez, right, speaks with community activist Najee Ali after a candidate forum. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
Candidate Aura Vasquez, a former member of the city commission that oversees the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, has made similar arguments, saying residents of Wesson’s district need someone to focus 100% on rising rents, crumbling sidewalks, climate change and other issues.
“His intention is, ‘Let me keep this seat warm so I can keep moving into higher office,’” said Vasquez, 41. “We deserve better.”
Ridley-Thomas called that assertion untrue. And he argued that voters are much more interested in selecting a council member with a proven track record on homelessness, affordable housing, transportation and environmental issues.
Still, Ridley-Thomas has broached the possibility of a mayoral bid before. In May, he told an audience he had originally planned to spend 18 months in private life after stepping down from the Board of Supervisors, followed by a campaign for office in 2022.
That changed, he said, after he learned he was eligible to run for a third and final four-year term on the council.
“I shared [the information] with my political consultants and some of my advisors,” Ridley-Thomas said during an appearance at the Los Angeles Current Affairs Forum. “And they said, ‘Listen, you ought to recognize a gift from God when you see it. It’s better to run for step two from the position of having secured step one, rather than going from zero to two.’
“I simply said, ‘Yes, sir,’” he added.
Asked about those statements, Ridley-Thomas said he had been describing a scenario that was “speculative at best.” The effort to make the 2022 election an issue, he said, is a “campaign ploy” by his rivals.
“It’s what opponents do when they don’t have much else to bring to bear,” said Ridley-Thomas, who has served in various elected offices since 1991.
Political ladder-climbing has come up in previous L.A. elections. In 2017, while running for reelection, Mayor Eric Garcetti declined to promise that he would serve out his full second term in office. Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, while campaigning for reelection in 2008, was pressed on whether he intended to run for governor.
In 2003, while seeking a seat on the City Council, Villaraigosa promised voters he would serve his full four-year term. Roughly a year after he took office, he launched a campaign for mayor.
Voters didn’t seem to mind. Villaraigosa easily defeated incumbent Mayor James Hahn in 2005, and the man he endorsed as his replacement — then-school board member Jose Huizar — went on to win Villaraigosa’s seat.
Still, some in the district view Villaraigosa’s decision to leave the seat early unfavorably. Otteson, one of the candidates running to replace Huizar, said the broken promise “left a bad taste in everybody’s mouth.”
“It just continues the narrative that politicians can’t be trusted,” she said. “And there’s a lot of distrust in the district.”
School board member Mónica García, now running for a seat on the Los Angeles City Council, said voters deserve to know whether each candidate intends to serve the full four-year term. (John Sciulli / Getty Images )
That history might help explain why questions about the 2022 mayoral campaign keep coming up in the race to replace Huizar. On Feb. 3, in Eagle Rock, each candidate was asked whether they would serve a full four-year term. De León and the other candidates said yes.
Three days later, at a candidate forum in Little Tokyo, De León and his rivals were asked a more pointed question: Would each of them promise to represent the council district all four years — and not seek another office? Four candidates made the promise. De León declined to do so.
“I promise you to give my dedicated public service the way I’ve done in the Assembly, as well as the Senate,” he said.
García, the school board member, said residents should receive a more straightforward answer.
“The voters deserve clarity about who you are and what you want to do,” she said.


latimes--2020-02-10--In Joshua Tree, the county is cracking down on vacation rentals, sparking a backlash

This high-desert gateway to Joshua Tree National Park is in an uproar over what some see as heavy-handed enforcement of a new law aimed at reining in hundreds of Airbnb units and other short-term rentals created during a construction boom .
The controversy erupted in January when San Bernardino County enforcement officers armed with clipboards , cameras and laser measuring devices started prying into the bedrooms , bathrooms and kitchens of once sleepy neighborhoods , where some homeowners had ignored building and safety codes for decades .
The inspections are required under the new law , which took effect in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permit to continue operating a short-term rental in this town of about 9,000 residents .
Far from wealthy but blessed with an abundance of nature , this community of sun-scorched modest homes and low-slung motels is nestled in an otherworldly landscape of weather-sculpted boulders and spindly Joshua trees , near a national park that receives 3 million visitors a year .
Many property owners figured they had little to worry about .
Now , “ there ’ s a perception that inspectors are overreaching , ” Peter Spurr , a real estate agent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as enforcement officers were making the rounds in compact vehicles emblazoned with the county logo .
Spurr said he gets about 80 % of his business from buying and selling short-term rentals , and he ’ s getting calls from owners wondering if they should cash out .
“ The concern is that they could trigger a wave of panic-driven property sales that could drive down home values and crater our local economy , ” he said .
County officials say the area ’ s number of unregulated short-term rentals has skyrocketed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an estimated 1,160 , contributing to a shortage of affordable housing stock and traditional long-term rentals .
The unincorporated town , which sits along California 62 about 30 miles north of Palm Springs , has a median household income of about $ 37,700 , compared with about $ 60,100 countywide , according to the U.S. Census Bureau .
“ The county is aware of complaints about home inspections , ” said David Wert , a county spokesman .
“ We ’ ve reminded our code enforcement inspectors that these property owners are our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” “ But we didn ’ t tell them to stop writing violations — just to be courteous , ” he added .
Although county inspectors say they have no choice but to enforce the new law , four years in the making , homeowners who created short-term rentals out of their residences are facing up to building and safety violations they can not easily afford to correct .
The law applies only to short-term rentals .
The county has yet to come up with a plan to gain control of hundreds of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freight containers , crude lean-tos , Sherpa huts , travel trailers and yurts .
Residents are fighting back by filing complaints to county agencies and scrutinizing the findings of enforcement officers .
Clint Stoker , a building contractor and planning commissioner in the nearby city of Yucca Valley , said he has spent more than $ 25,000 on improvements at his rental properties in Joshua Tree , including a 75-year-old Spanish-style home with a pool that rents for $ 600 a night .
“ A lot of people are scared and upset , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he added , “ are dinging people for every possible unpermitted improvement they can find : recessed lights , water heaters , partitions , hot tub valves , kitchen cabinets , sinks and floor space and the number of available parking spaces — you name it.
” Stoker said that some of the county ’ s listed violations are in error .
“ So , homeowners have started comparing notes .
If we can prove that enforcement officers were wrong , we can force the county to relax its enforcement policies.
” County @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to apply for a permit to continue operating .
So far , the response to the crackdown has been less than cooperative .
As of Tuesday , only about 90 homeowners had filed an application .
Thomas Fjallstam , who heads the Joshua Tree Gateway Communities Vacation Rentals Assn.
, a group of roughly 450 property owners in the area , has postponed filing a permit application with the hope that what he described as “ overly invasive county inspectors ” will become more lenient amid rising protests .
“ I ’ m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out there , ” he said .
“ I don ’ t want them to search my house and then have to respond to a flurry of code enforcement notices.
” Fjallstam claims that county officials misled the community into thinking that code enforcement officers would primarily be looking for possible health and safety violations , such as smoke detectors and fire extinguishers .
“ Instead , they ’ re going over every inch of an applicant ’ s home with a microscope , ” he said .
Joshua Tree has always been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rock climbers and hikers , with musicians and artists drawn to the town after the 1973 overdose death of Flying Burrito Brothers singer Gram Parsons in Room 8 of the Joshua Tree Inn .
In recent years , several residents and outside investors have pushed to transform Joshua Tree from a primarily low-cost weekend resort to a place where families , professionals and big spenders might spend a week or more .
That has triggered pushback from those who fear that more rentals will mean more traffic , all-night parties and trespassing .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ restaurateurs depend upon the sometimes-disruptive summer pilgrimage of college students and hangers-on for their livelihoods .
A narrow dirt road leads to a bluff overlooking town , where there is a unique escape marked by a hand-painted sign that says , “ Please respect our privacy.
” Amanda B ’ Hymer , who moved to Joshua Tree in 2001 and raised a daughter there , presides over the 65-acre spread .
For years it has been a destination and creative workplace for creative types that locals like to call Joshua Tree ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ s boyfriend , Patrick Hutchinson , 59 , is a live recording engineer for the Eagles of Death Metal , a Joshua Tree band that was on stage at a music venue in Paris on Dec. 7 , 2015 , when gunmen stormed in and opened fire , killing 90 people .
She markets to visitors who want to chill in one of her tiny rustic cabins decked out in 19th century motifs , with windows that offer panoramic views straight out of a Hollywood western set .
Standing in the bedroom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ customers , B ’ Hymer said , “ We just spent a lot of money on improvements here including a new roof .
Now , the challenge is to try and survive an inspection , which doesn ’ t seem fair .

Amanda B’Hymer, who owns a vacation home in Joshua Tree, says she’s wary of San Bernardino County’s stepped-up code enforcement of hundreds of its short-term rental homes.
This high-desert gateway to Joshua Tree National Park is in an uproar over what some see as heavy-handed enforcement of a new law aimed at reining in hundreds of Airbnb units and other short-term rentals created during a construction boom.
The controversy erupted in January when San Bernardino County enforcement officers armed with clipboards, cameras and laser measuring devices started prying into the bedrooms, bathrooms and kitchens of once sleepy neighborhoods, where some homeowners had ignored building and safety codes for decades.
The inspections are required under the new law, which took effect in December, in order to obtain a permit to continue operating a short-term rental in this town of about 9,000 residents. Far from wealthy but blessed with an abundance of nature, this community of sun-scorched modest homes and low-slung motels is nestled in an otherworldly landscape of weather-sculpted boulders and spindly Joshua trees, near a national park that receives 3 million visitors a year.
Many property owners figured they had little to worry about. Now, “there’s a perception that inspectors are overreaching,” Peter Spurr, a real estate agent in Joshua Tree, said on Tuesday as enforcement officers were making the rounds in compact vehicles emblazoned with the county logo.
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Joshua Tree. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Spurr said he gets about 80% of his business from buying and selling short-term rentals, and he’s getting calls from owners wondering if they should cash out.
“The concern is that they could trigger a wave of panic-driven property sales that could drive down home values and crater our local economy,” he said.
County officials say the area’s number of unregulated short-term rentals has skyrocketed by 21% over the last year to an estimated 1,160, contributing to a shortage of affordable housing stock and traditional long-term rentals. The unincorporated town, which sits along California 62 about 30 miles north of Palm Springs, has a median household income of about $37,700, compared with about $60,100 countywide, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.
“The county is aware of complaints about home inspections,” said David Wert, a county spokesman. “We’ve reminded our code enforcement inspectors that these property owners are our customers and to treat everyone with dignity.”
“But we didn’t tell them to stop writing violations — just to be courteous,” he added.
Although county inspectors say they have no choice but to enforce the new law, four years in the making, homeowners who created short-term rentals out of their residences are facing up to building and safety violations they cannot easily afford to correct.
The law applies only to short-term rentals. The county has yet to come up with a plan to gain control of hundreds of “alternative rentals” — tepees, freight containers, crude lean-tos, Sherpa huts, travel trailers and yurts.
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Residents are fighting back by filing complaints to county agencies and scrutinizing the findings of enforcement officers.
Clint Stoker, who owns vacation homes in Joshua Tree, is angry over San Bernardino County code enforcement. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Clint Stoker, a building contractor and planning commissioner in the nearby city of Yucca Valley, said he has spent more than $25,000 on improvements at his rental properties in Joshua Tree, including a 75-year-old Spanish-style home with a pool that rents for $600 a night.
“A lot of people are scared and upset,” Stoker said. Enforcement officers, he added, “are dinging people for every possible unpermitted improvement they can find: recessed lights, water heaters, partitions, hot tub valves, kitchen cabinets, sinks and floor space and the number of available parking spaces — you name it.”
Stoker said that some of the county’s listed violations are in error. “So, homeowners have started comparing notes. If we can prove that enforcement officers were wrong, we can force the county to relax its enforcement policies.”
County officials have given homeowners until March 31 to apply for a permit to continue operating. So far, the response to the crackdown has been less than cooperative. As of Tuesday, only about 90 homeowners had filed an application.
Thomas Fjallstam, who heads the Joshua Tree Gateway Communities Vacation Rentals Assn., a group of roughly 450 property owners in the area, has postponed filing a permit application with the hope that what he described as “overly invasive county inspectors” will become more lenient amid rising protests.
“I’m going to wait and see what happens out there,” he said. “I don’t want them to search my house and then have to respond to a flurry of code enforcement notices.”
Fjallstam claims that county officials misled the community into thinking that code enforcement officers would primarily be looking for possible health and safety violations, such as smoke detectors and fire extinguishers.
“Instead, they’re going over every inch of an applicant’s home with a microscope,” he said.
A property with rustic cabins owned by Amanda B’Hymer. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Joshua Tree has always been a close-knit oasis for nature lovers, rock climbers and hikers, with musicians and artists drawn to the town after the 1973 overdose death of Flying Burrito Brothers singer Gram Parsons in Room 8 of the Joshua Tree Inn.
In recent years, several residents and outside investors have pushed to transform Joshua Tree from a primarily low-cost weekend resort to a place where families, professionals and big spenders might spend a week or more. That has triggered pushback from those who fear that more rentals will mean more traffic, all-night parties and trespassing.
But many rental owners, merchants and restaurateurs depend upon the sometimes-disruptive summer pilgrimage of college students and hangers-on for their livelihoods.
A narrow dirt road leads to a bluff overlooking town, where there is a unique escape marked by a hand-painted sign that says, “Please respect our privacy.” Amanda B’Hymer, who moved to Joshua Tree in 2001 and raised a daughter there, presides over the 65-acre spread. For years it has been a destination and creative workplace for creative types that locals like to call Joshua Tree’s “desert tribe.”
B’Hymer‘s boyfriend, Patrick Hutchinson, 59, is a live recording engineer for the Eagles of Death Metal, a Joshua Tree band that was on stage at a music venue in Paris on Dec. 7, 2015, when gunmen stormed in and opened fire, killing 90 people.
She markets to visitors who want to chill in one of her tiny rustic cabins decked out in 19th century motifs, with windows that offer panoramic views straight out of a Hollywood western set.
Standing in the bedroom of a little cabin favored by repeat customers, B’Hymer said, “We just spent a lot of money on improvements here including a new roof. Now, the challenge is to try and survive an inspection, which doesn’t seem fair.
“The county doesn’t understand us,” she said.


latimes--2020-02-10--Skelton: Iowa doesn't represent America's diversity. It shouldn't set the tone for a presidential el

Skelton: Iowa doesn't represent America's diversity. It shouldn't set the tone for a presidential election

California voters finally are in position to influence the nomination of a presidential candidate .
But elsewhere the Democrats ’ nominating process needs to be chucked .
The long-ballyhooed Iowa caucuses and the hallowed New Hampshire primary should be stripped of their first-in-the-nation privileges before the next presidential election .
These pipsqueak states have been allowed to kick off the national nominating process for far too long .
Even if Iowa hadn ’ t booted the head count on its chaotic caucuses night , the Hawkeye and Granite states should not influence the candidates ’ fates disproportionately to their small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are roughly 90 % white .
The nation is around 60 % white .
OK , maybe size shouldn ’ t matter .
But a representative sample of racial and ethnic voters should .
There are other states of similar size with much more diverse electorates .
For example , in the West there ’ s Oregon , Nevada , Arizona and New Mexico .
Eastern politicians would squawk that campaigning out here would be too inconvenient .
Yeah , so ?
Western politicians have been complaining about New Hampshire ’ s inconvenience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Carolina is 64 % white with a large black population that dominates the Democratic electorate .
Its primary is already the fourth contest in the lineup , after Iowa , New Hampshire and Nevada .
So advance South Carolina a couple of steps .
Or let it lead off the whole shebang with Nevada .
In the nation ’ s center , Oklahoma is much more diverse than Iowa .
Make it one of the early contests .
And Iowa ’ s neighbor , Illinois , is a clone of America .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 13 million people — 63 % white , 17 % Latino , 14 % black and 5 % Asian .
That ’ s pretty close to the nation as a whole .
It has “ Big Shoulders ” Chicago and rural life downstate — something for everybody .
It ’ s also plenty convenient for practically any candidate .
I ’ d start the nominating process with the Illinois primary and be happy about it .
Enough of pampered Iowa and New Hampshire .
One can argue that despite Iowa ’ s lack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ started the first black president on his way to the White House .
Barack Obama won there in 2008 .
But I agree with Obama ’ s former Housing and Urban Development secretary , Julian Castro .
Before dropping out of the 2020 race , he told reporters last November : “ We can ’ t as a Democratic Party continually and justifiably complain about Republicans who suppress the vote of people of color and then turn around and start our nominating contest in two states that , even though they take their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of color.
” Defenders of Iowa and New Hampshire point out that these tiny , compact states keep alive “ retail ” politics .
Candidates discuss issues one on one with individual voters or in small groups gathered in coffee shops .
They don ’ t need to spend millions on TV ads like candidates do in far-flung , heavily populated California .
“ Voters take the primary seriously , ” says Steve Maviglio , a California Democratic strategist who grew up in New Hampshire and was elected to the Legislature there .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as often as you want — not through a 30-second TV ad or Facebook spot .
There ’ s value in that for the democratic system .
“ It ’ s not a bunch of cows in a pasture either .
There ’ s a tech belt , old mill towns with blue-collar workers and commuters from Boston .
And while it ’ s not ethnically diverse , voters share the same concerns as Democrats do nationally.
” Fine .
But my argument is that there are other small states where the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and they ’ re more diverse .
Give some of them a crack at being first .
And don ’ t remind me that New Hampshire state law requires its primary to be the nation ’ s first .
The Democratic National Committee doesn ’ t have to follow that law .
It could refuse to accept the primary results .
The state ’ s delegates could be barred from the national convention .
“ Certainly states that are more representative of the country ’ s population should be reflected in the early @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says California Secretary of State Alex Padilla , who runs our election system .
Another reform that needs to happen is scuttling the whole caucus contraption — and not just because Iowans couldn ’ t count straight .
“ I like the people of Iowa .
They work hard at being responsible , ” says Democratic strategist Bill Carrick , who has managed presidential races there .
“ But the truth is , you have to be able to count the results .
Maybe the caucus process is just out of date .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t know how they survive in this era.
” I used to like caucuses .
Now I don ’ t .
In an Iowa caucus , there aren ’ t secret ballots .
People must commit themselves to three hours in a school cafeteria or gymnasium .
It ’ s usually freezing outside with snow and ice .
Turnout is abysmal .
Many seniors and people with disabilities can ’ t handle it .
Neither can workers on night shifts .
And the whole thing is convoluted .
Just let people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place — or mail it in .
Like in California .
Nevada has a simpler caucus system .
But it also should turn to a primary because it ’ s more democratic .
For too many elections , California has relegated itself to the nosebleed seats and squinted at the race .
Or if we were up close , the contest had practically run its course .
But on Super Tuesday — March 3 — we ’ ll at last be in the heat of the action with 13 other primary states .
@ @ @

California voters finally are in position to influence the nomination of a presidential candidate. But elsewhere the Democrats’ nominating process needs to be chucked.
The long-ballyhooed Iowa caucuses and the hallowed New Hampshire primary should be stripped of their first-in-the-nation privileges before the next presidential election.
These pipsqueak states have been allowed to kick off the national nominating process for far too long. Even if Iowa hadn’t booted the head count on its chaotic caucuses night, the Hawkeye and Granite states should not influence the candidates’ fates disproportionately to their small size and homogeneous population.
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Both states are roughly 90% white. The nation is around 60% white.
OK, maybe size shouldn’t matter. But a representative sample of racial and ethnic voters should. There are other states of similar size with much more diverse electorates.
For example, in the West there’s Oregon, Nevada, Arizona and New Mexico. Eastern politicians would squawk that campaigning out here would be too inconvenient. Yeah, so? Western politicians have been complaining about New Hampshire’s inconvenience for decades.
In the East, South Carolina is 64% white with a large black population that dominates the Democratic electorate. Its primary is already the fourth contest in the lineup, after Iowa, New Hampshire and Nevada. So advance South Carolina a couple of steps. Or let it lead off the whole shebang with Nevada.
In the nation’s center, Oklahoma is much more diverse than Iowa. Make it one of the early contests.
And Iowa’s neighbor, Illinois, is a clone of America.
Illinois is the sixth-largest state with about 13 million people — 63% white, 17% Latino, 14% black and 5% Asian. That’s pretty close to the nation as a whole. It has “Big Shoulders” Chicago and rural life downstate — something for everybody. It’s also plenty convenient for practically any candidate.
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I’d start the nominating process with the Illinois primary and be happy about it.
Enough of pampered Iowa and New Hampshire.
One can argue that despite Iowa’s lack of racial diversity, however, it started the first black president on his way to the White House. Barack Obama won there in 2008.
But I agree with Obama’s former Housing and Urban Development secretary, Julian Castro. Before dropping out of the 2020 race, he told reporters last November:
“We can’t as a Democratic Party continually and justifiably complain about Republicans who suppress the vote of people of color and then turn around and start our nominating contest in two states that, even though they take their role seriously, hardly have any people of color.”
Defenders of Iowa and New Hampshire point out that these tiny, compact states keep alive “retail” politics. Candidates discuss issues one on one with individual voters or in small groups gathered in coffee shops.
They don’t need to spend millions on TV ads like candidates do in far-flung, heavily populated California.
“Voters take the primary seriously,” says Steve Maviglio, a California Democratic strategist who grew up in New Hampshire and was elected to the Legislature there. “You can hear directly from candidates as often as you want — not through a 30-second TV ad or Facebook spot. There’s value in that for the democratic system.
“It’s not a bunch of cows in a pasture either. There’s a tech belt, old mill towns with blue-collar workers and commuters from Boston. And while it’s not ethnically diverse, voters share the same concerns as Democrats do nationally.”
Fine. But my argument is that there are other small states where the same comfy retail politics could be performed — and they’re more diverse. Give some of them a crack at being first.
And don’t remind me that New Hampshire state law requires its primary to be the nation’s first. The Democratic National Committee doesn’t have to follow that law. It could refuse to accept the primary results. The state’s delegates could be barred from the national convention.
“Certainly states that are more representative of the country’s population should be reflected in the early stages of the primary calendar,” says California Secretary of State Alex Padilla, who runs our election system.
Another reform that needs to happen is scuttling the whole caucus contraption — and not just because Iowans couldn’t count straight.
“I like the people of Iowa. They work hard at being responsible,” says Democratic strategist Bill Carrick, who has managed presidential races there. “But the truth is, you have to be able to count the results. Maybe the caucus process is just out of date. They make things too complicated. I don’t know how they survive in this era.”
I used to like caucuses. Now I don’t.
In an Iowa caucus, there aren’t secret ballots. People must commit themselves to three hours in a school cafeteria or gymnasium. It’s usually freezing outside with snow and ice. Turnout is abysmal. Many seniors and people with disabilities can’t handle it. Neither can workers on night shifts. And the whole thing is convoluted.
Just let people fill out a ballot at a polling place — or mail it in. Like in California.
Nevada has a simpler caucus system. But it also should turn to a primary because it’s more democratic.
For too many elections, California has relegated itself to the nosebleed seats and squinted at the race. Or if we were up close, the contest had practically run its course.
But on Super Tuesday — March 3 — we’ll at last be in the heat of the action with 13 other primary states. No caucuses.


latimes--2020-02-11--Korean liquor store. Black neighborhood. A quarter century after the riots, misgivings still run dee

Korean liquor store. Black neighborhood. A quarter century after the riots, misgivings still run deep

It started with a stick — that much everybody can agree on .
A Korean stock boy wielded the stick at a black patron inside a Leimert Park liquor store late on a Sunday afternoon .
In some tellings , the customer was rudely chased away for being short a nickel — another instance of the Korean-owned store mistreating the surrounding African American community .
In others , the man was drunk and making his third booze run of the day , and the employee denied him service , as required by law .
The incident in late 2017 pitted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shopkeeper against a band of black activists who voiced familiar complaints about outsiders taking advantage of the scarcity of retail options in South L.A .
It snowballed into a months-long boycott and protests and unnerved the neighborhood , the Korean community and a city that keenly remembers how similar tensions a quarter century ago culminated with Los Angeles up in flames .
In time , one party would be driven out of town and the other would claim victory , with city and community officials scrambling to draw up a plan to prevent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to everyone involved , it was a reminder that the embers of the 1992 L.A. riots still smolder in communities where economic disparities and racial and cultural misunderstandings never went away .
A half-dozen members of the Africa Town Coalition were holding their weekly food bank in Leimert Park , passing out meals and produce , when someone ran over and told them about the skirmish at Hubert ’ s Liquor .
They were regulars in the area , chanting black empowerment slogans and soliciting donations for food and school supply giveaways .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the generation that came of age in Los Angeles during the collective ire of 1992 , with the political angst but without the organizational prowess or scale of the Black Lives Matter movement .
For years , they had protested and boycotted businesses they believed had disrespected the community : a Walmart , a Boost Mobile , a Wienerschnitzel .
When they heard about Hubert ’ s , they kicked into action and announced a “ grand closing ” of the store .
They made signs — “ Our $ $ s count @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the black nationalist flag and brought out the bullhorn , blocking customers from entering the store .
The protests tapped into long-held complaints about Hubert ’ s — the prices a dollar or two higher than at big-box stores , the short treatment from employees who didn ’ t seem to live in or care about the neighborhood , the row of photos taped on the bulletproof glass of suspected shoplifters .
They didn ’ t know much about the owner , a diminutive woman who spoke faltering English , but it almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she was yet another outsider profiting off the neighborhood .
“ They would add 5 cents more than necessary .
For a lot of people , 5 cents is a big deal , ” said Eschelle Washington , 38 .
Protests and boycotts were tried and true methods for the group .
William “ Billion ” Campbell , 49 , staged his first protest in his 20s when a convenience store clerk yelled at him and his cousin for reading comic books without buying them .
The clerk apologized after two days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hold them accountable and choke off their finances , ” said Kevin Wharton Price , one of the group ’ s leaders .
“ Irregardless of how people view our methods , our methodology is sound and successful.
” Hubert ’ s is in the heart of Leimert Park , one of Los Angeles ’ last remaining historically black neighborhoods , an area the group was advocating to get renamed “ Africa Town.
” Protesters cried out to customers that the store “ does not deserve the black and the brown dollars.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Campbell were briefly detained but not charged , and returned the next day to protest .
After weeks , when they felt their complaints were falling on deaf ears , they took the protest to Koreatown .
The signs they carried didn ’ t mince words : It almost felt like fate that Soon Yoon had ended up in Leimert Park .
She had arrived in the U.S. with little to her name .
She first worked at a gas station , then sold tamales and menudo in Canoga Park before she saved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in East L.A .
When her husband left her for a younger woman , the store became a lifeline for Yoon and her two children .
During the L.A. riots , dozens of Korean-owned liquor stores were burned to the ground .
By then a single mother in her 50s , Yoon planned to move on to something safer , maybe a coin laundry , and sold her store .
But one day she missed her normal exit off the 10 Freeway and somehow ended up in Leimert Park .
She saw a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bought it with a Small Business Administration loan .
For two decades , Yoon said , she thought she had a good relationship with the community .
Save for some kids who would run out with a can of this or that a couple times a year , she had little trouble .
Her prices weren ’ t cheap , but an extra 2 % or 3 % markup was a business decision many shopkeepers made to take advantage of the lack of competition and compensate for what they believed was the risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ areas .
“ People think we ’ re raking it in , but they don ’ t see the 10 to 15 hours a day we put in , the loans we took out and the hard work we do , ” said Mike Kim , president of the Southern California Korean American Grocers Assn .
“ They only think of the money we take away.
” Yoon had regulars with whom she exchanged warm greetings , who would come in for their morning paper or a snack after performances at a nearby @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she paid a neighborhood guy down on his luck to sweep her parking lot .
One man called her “ mama-san , ” and she would come out from behind the counter to give him a hug .
Through the area merchants association , she donated to programs at nearby Crenshaw High .
The man who was chased out of the store with the stick also was a regular , the neighborhood drunk whose poison of choice is beer , Yoon said .
She was watching through a security camera from the back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came out front to see what was going on , one of the women who took issue with the stock boy ’ s behavior threw water at her .
A handful of protesters returned the next day with their signs and bullhorns , and again the day after that .
What started with complaints about one man ’ s mistreatment evolved into a litany of grievances , blaming all of the area ’ s social ills on the store and the liquor it sells .
The protests continued for weeks , then months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep the crowd from getting out of hand , but said they couldn ’ t stop the group from rallying on public streets .
By December 2017 , after months of on-and-off protests and lists of demands , Yoon ’ s daughter , concerned for her 79-year-old mother , began imploring her to leave it all behind .
Alarmed by the protests , a store employee called the Korean American Federation , a community group that serves and represents first-generation , non-English-speaking immigrants .
Emile Mack , the federation ’ s vice president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ official , said he could see the dispute from both perspectives .
An adoptee from South Korea raised by black parents in South L.A. , he grew up going to a corner liquor store a lot like Hubert ’ s for chips and soda in the ‘ 60s and ‘ 70s .
Using his connections , he assembled a group to talk out the situation — representatives from the First African Methodist Episcopal Church , mayor ’ s office , City Council and Assembly .
The group began meeting at a church and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demands from the protesters .
Mack realized the situation at Hubert ’ s was a sign that , however much leaders of the black and Korean communities were holding joint events and posing for photo ops , among many Angelenos , stereotypes and misunderstandings persisted .
“ The people that are actually in the community don ’ t have much better understanding or relationship than they did back in ’ 92 , ” he said .
“ ‘ Koreans , they ’ re just here taking our money .
African Americans come in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Basic things you could ’ ve heard 25 years ago , still being thought by most people in the community.
” Back then , nearly half the liquor stores in South L.A. were owned by Korean immigrants drawn by cheap rent , the minimal English required and a stock that doesn ’ t go bad .
They set up shop in neighborhoods they didn ’ t understand at a time when crime was at an all-time high , police presence was heightened and black communities felt under siege .
Tensions rose in 1991 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , was shot in the back of her head by a Korean shopkeeper who suspected her of shoplifting .
The hostility turned to rage when Soon Ja Du , convicted of manslaughter , was sentenced to probation .
When South L.A. erupted in riots after the Rodney King verdict the following year , more than 2,300 Korean-owned businesses were looted and burned down .
In many ways , the Korean-owned liquor stores that still dot South L.A. today are a snapshot from the early 1990s .
The majority of the owners are still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to more lucrative professions .
Most of the customers also remain economically disenfranchised — if not worse off — compared with the rest of the city .
To Kirkpatrick Tyler , the mayor ’ s field representative for South L.A. , it seemed as if everyone involved in the Hubert ’ s dispute simply wanted to be heard and acknowledged .
He tried to act as a translator of sorts , “ listening to people and putting what they ’ re saying in a palatable format that other people can understand.
” “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said .
“ It ’ s about how do we make the decision , ‘ Let ’ s stay in this space and talk to each other.
’ ” After spending hours with the protesters and speaking extensively with Yoon , the owner , Mack drafted a response to the Africa Town Coalition ’ s demands .
Yoon offered to participate in cultural sensitivity training and assist with local substance abuse programs ; she agreed to offer more than just liquor and to make a monthly donation to the coalition ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yoon already had been sponsoring nearby youth programs and that she had previously employed a black clerk for eight years until he retired , and had been trying to hire others since .
Yoon had already removed the photos of alleged shoplifters .
In December 2017 , as Mack and the protesters were going back and forth about what changes should be made at the store , Yoon quietly sold the business to another Korean owner .
Mack said she felt she was being portrayed in an unfairly negative light .
“ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said .
“ It was just getting to be too much.
” Yoon later said that she felt pressured to sell for far less than what Hubert ’ s was worth .
Some of her regulars , she added , implored her to stay , offering to call the police on the protesters on her behalf .
She believes it was outsiders , not the community , who pushed her out .
” I never lost the neighborhood ’ s heart , ” she said .
The protests continued for about a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eventually faded away .
Since then , Hubert ’ s has become a symbol of both progress and stagnation .
Simon Choi , the new owner , lowered prices , cleaned up the store ’ s appearance and began stocking more fresh produce .
He holds barbecues in the parking lot , donates beverages every week to Africa Town Coalition ’ s food giveaway for homeless people and donates $ 100 monthly to support the group ’ s activities .
This fall , Choi also bought a new leaf blower for a neighborhood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Korean American Federation and Mayor Eric Garcetti ’ s office have explored using lessons from what happened at Hubert ’ s elsewhere in Los Angeles .
They talked of creating a “ cultural competency ” workshop for business owners to teach them communication skills and the historical context for specific communities , possibly devising a score that would be posted at each store like restaurant sanitation ratings .
But after several meetings , working groups and proposals , the effort has fizzled , with a new South L.A. representative for Garcetti @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moving on to other issues .
Mack said recently that until fundamental inequalities are improved , another situation like Hubert ’ s probably awaits in some other corner of Los Angeles .
“ Unless there are changes that allow the smaller business to be acquired by the average person , it ’ s still going to be difficult , ” he said .
“ I don ’ t think the changes have been made that make black ownership any more viable today than it was 25 years ago.
” This fall , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the battle over Hubert ’ s .
Kevin Wharton Price , one of the protest leaders , walked into a downtown courthouse in November wearing a faded Africa Town sweatshirt .
He had come to address the 2-year-old warrant he had received after demonstrating at the store .
The penalty : a $ 400 fine .
To Price , it was worth it for Leimert Park .
Besides , he said , he plans to let it go to collections anyway .

It started with a stick — that much everybody can agree on.
A Korean stock boy wielded the stick at a black patron inside a Leimert Park liquor store late on a Sunday afternoon. In some tellings, the customer was rudely chased away for being short a nickel — another instance of the Korean-owned store mistreating the surrounding African American community. In others, the man was drunk and making his third booze run of the day, and the employee denied him service, as required by law.
The incident in late 2017 pitted the store’s longtime elderly Korean shopkeeper against a band of black activists who voiced familiar complaints about outsiders taking advantage of the scarcity of retail options in South L.A. It snowballed into a months-long boycott and protests and unnerved the neighborhood, the Korean community and a city that keenly remembers how similar tensions a quarter-century ago culminated with Los Angeles up in flames.
In time, one party would be driven out of town and the other would claim victory, with city and community officials scrambling to draw up a plan to prevent such tensions in the future.
And to everyone involved, it was a reminder that the embers of the 1992 L.A. riots still smolder in communities where economic disparities and racial and cultural misunderstandings never went away.
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Kevin Wharton Price, left, founder of the Africa Town Coalition, during a rally about changing Leimert Park’s name to “Africa Town” in May. The coalition led protests at Hubert’s Liquor. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
The protesters
A half-dozen members of the Africa Town Coalition were holding their weekly food bank in Leimert Park, passing out meals and produce, when someone ran over and told them about the skirmish at Hubert’s Liquor.
They were regulars in the area, chanting black empowerment slogans and soliciting donations for food and school supply giveaways. Primarily middle-aged men, they belonged to the generation that came of age in Los Angeles during the collective ire of 1992, with the political angst but without the organizational prowess or scale of the Black Lives Matter movement.
For years, they had protested and boycotted businesses they believed had disrespected the community: a Walmart, a Boost Mobile, a Wienerschnitzel. When they heard about Hubert’s, they kicked into action and announced a “grand closing” of the store. They made signs — “Our $$s count. Respect Black Power” — waved the black nationalist flag and brought out the bullhorn, blocking customers from entering the store.
The protests tapped into long-held complaints about Hubert’s — the prices a dollar or two higher than at big-box stores, the short treatment from employees who didn’t seem to live in or care about the neighborhood, the row of photos taped on the bulletproof glass of suspected shoplifters. They didn’t know much about the owner, a diminutive woman who spoke faltering English, but it almost didn’t matter. To them, she was yet another outsider profiting off the neighborhood.
“They would add 5 cents more than necessary. For a lot of people, 5 cents is a big deal,” said Eschelle Washington, 38.
× The Africa Town Coalition led a months-long protest of a Korean-owned liquor store in Leimert Park.
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Protests and boycotts were tried and true methods for the group. William “Billion” Campbell, 49, staged his first protest in his 20s when a convenience store clerk yelled at him and his cousin for reading comic books without buying them. The clerk apologized after two days.
“We have the right to hold them accountable and choke off their finances,” said Kevin Wharton Price, one of the group’s leaders. “Irregardless of how people view our methods, our methodology is sound and successful.”
Hubert’s is in the heart of Leimert Park, one of Los Angeles’ last remaining historically black neighborhoods, an area the group was advocating to get renamed “Africa Town.” Protesters cried out to customers that the store “does not deserve the black and the brown dollars.” At one heated demonstration, Price and Campbell were briefly detained but not charged, and returned the next day to protest.
After weeks, when they felt their complaints were falling on deaf ears, they took the protest to Koreatown. The signs they carried didn’t mince words:
“No More Korean Merchant Parasites.”
Hubert’s Liquor in Leimert Park. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
The owner
It almost felt like fate that Soon Yoon had ended up in Leimert Park.
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She had arrived in the U.S. with little to her name. She first worked at a gas station, then sold tamales and menudo in Canoga Park before she saved up enough to buy a liquor store in East L.A. When her husband left her for a younger woman, the store became a lifeline for Yoon and her two children.
During the L.A. riots, dozens of Korean-owned liquor stores were burned to the ground. By then a single mother in her 50s, Yoon planned to move on to something safer, maybe a coin laundry, and sold her store.
But one day she missed her normal exit off the 10 Freeway and somehow ended up in Leimert Park. She saw a busy liquor store for sale and soon bought it with a Small Business Administration loan.
Column One A showcase for compelling storytelling from the Los Angeles Times. More stories
For two decades, Yoon said, she thought she had a good relationship with the community. Save for some kids who would run out with a can of this or that a couple times a year, she had little trouble.
Her prices weren’t cheap, but an extra 2% or 3% markup was a business decision many shopkeepers made to take advantage of the lack of competition and compensate for what they believed was the risk of doing business in poorer, higher-crime areas.
“People think we’re raking it in, but they don’t see the 10 to 15 hours a day we put in, the loans we took out and the hard work we do,” said Mike Kim, president of the Southern California Korean American Grocers Assn. “They only think of the money we take away.”
1 / 4 An LAPD officer guards the intersection at Central and 46th Street on April 30, 1992. (Gary Friedman / Los Angeles Times) 2 / 4 A man flees from a looted sporting goods store at Vermont and 1st Street as LAPD officers arrive on April 30, 1992. (Gerard Burkhart / For the Times) 3 / 4 A rioter attacks a car on Florence and Normandie after the Rodney King verdict on April 29, 1992. (Kirk McKoy / Los Angeles Times) 4 / 4 Soon Ja Du, shown in 1992, fatally shot Latasha Harlins after a scuffle at Soon’s store. (Ken Lubas / Los Angeles Times)
Yoon had regulars with whom she exchanged warm greetings, who would come in for their morning paper or a snack after performances at a nearby theater let out. Now and then she paid a neighborhood guy down on his luck to sweep her parking lot. One man called her “mama-san,” and she would come out from behind the counter to give him a hug. Through the area merchants association, she donated to programs at nearby Crenshaw High.
The man who was chased out of the store with the stick also was a regular, the neighborhood drunk whose poison of choice is beer, Yoon said. She was watching through a security camera from the back when the trouble started.
Advertisement
When Yoon came out front to see what was going on, one of the women who took issue with the stock boy’s behavior threw water at her. A handful of protesters returned the next day with their signs and bullhorns, and again the day after that.
What started with complaints about one man’s mistreatment evolved into a litany of grievances, blaming all of the area’s social ills on the store and the liquor it sells.
The protests continued for weeks, then months. Police officers repeatedly came by to keep the crowd from getting out of hand, but said they couldn’t stop the group from rallying on public streets.
By December 2017, after months of on-and-off protests and lists of demands, Yoon’s daughter, concerned for her 79-year-old mother, began imploring her to leave it all behind.
A customer makes his way down the aisle at Hubert’s Liquor. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
The mediators
Alarmed by the protests, a store employee called the Korean American Federation, a community group that serves and represents first-generation, non-English-speaking immigrants.
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Emile Mack, the federation’s vice president and a retired Los Angeles Fire Department official, said he could see the dispute from both perspectives. An adoptee from South Korea raised by black parents in South L.A., he grew up going to a corner liquor store a lot like Hubert’s for chips and soda in the ‘60s and ‘70s.
Using his connections, he assembled a group to talk out the situation — representatives from the First African Methodist Episcopal Church, mayor’s office, City Council and Assembly. The group began meeting at a church and later at City Hall, going over demands from the protesters.
“The people that are actually in the community don’t have much better understanding or relationship than they did back in ’92.” — Emile Mack, Korean American Federation of Los Angeles
Mack realized the situation at Hubert’s was a sign that, however much leaders of the black and Korean communities were holding joint events and posing for photo ops, among many Angelenos, stereotypes and misunderstandings persisted.
“The people that are actually in the community don’t have much better understanding or relationship than they did back in ’92,” he said. “‘Koreans, they’re just here taking our money. African Americans come in and they steal from us.’ … Basic things you could’ve heard 25 years ago, still being thought by most people in the community.”
Back then, nearly half the liquor stores in South L.A. were owned by Korean immigrants drawn by cheap rent, the minimal English required and a stock that doesn’t go bad. They set up shop in neighborhoods they didn’t understand at a time when crime was at an all-time high, police presence was heightened and black communities felt under siege.
Advertisement
Tensions rose in 1991 when a 15-year-old girl, Latasha Harlins, was shot in the back of her head by a Korean shopkeeper who suspected her of shoplifting. The hostility turned to rage when Soon Ja Du, convicted of manslaughter, was sentenced to probation. When South L.A. erupted in riots after the Rodney King verdict the following year, more than 2,300 Korean-owned businesses were looted and burned down.
Ruth Harlins, center in scarf, grandmother of Latasha Harlins, and other family and community members raise candles on the 25th anniversary of her shooting death along Figueroa Street in Los Angeles. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
In many ways, the Korean-owned liquor stores that still dot South L.A. today are a snapshot from the early 1990s. The majority of the owners are still first-generation immigrants whose children have gone on to more lucrative professions. Most of the customers also remain economically disenfranchised — if not worse off — compared with the rest of the city.
To Kirkpatrick Tyler, the mayor’s field representative for South L.A., it seemed as if everyone involved in the Hubert’s dispute simply wanted to be heard and acknowledged. He tried to act as a translator of sorts, “listening to people and putting what they’re saying in a palatable format that other people can understand.”
“It’s an uncomfortable space,” he said. “It’s about how do we make the decision, ‘Let’s stay in this space and talk to each other.’”
After spending hours with the protesters and speaking extensively with Yoon, the owner, Mack drafted a response to the Africa Town Coalition’s demands.
Yoon offered to participate in cultural sensitivity training and assist with local substance abuse programs; she agreed to offer more than just liquor and to make a monthly donation to the coalition’s food program. Mack noted that Yoon already had been sponsoring nearby youth programs and that she had previously employed a black clerk for eight years until he retired, and had been trying to hire others since. Yoon had already removed the photos of alleged shoplifters.
In December 2017, as Mack and the protesters were going back and forth about what changes should be made at the store, Yoon quietly sold the business to another Korean owner. Mack said she felt she was being portrayed in an unfairly negative light.
Advertisement
“It was really troubling her obviously,” he said. “It was just getting to be too much.”
Yoon later said that she felt pressured to sell for far less than what Hubert’s was worth. Some of her regulars, she added, implored her to stay, offering to call the police on the protesters on her behalf. She believes it was outsiders, not the community, who pushed her out.
”I never lost the neighborhood’s heart,” she said.
Kevin Wharton Price is seen through a Black Nationalist Flag. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
The aftermath
The protests continued for about a month after the ownership change, but eventually faded away. Since then, Hubert’s has become a symbol of both progress and stagnation.
Simon Choi, the new owner, lowered prices, cleaned up the store’s appearance and began stocking more fresh produce. He holds barbecues in the parking lot, donates beverages every week to Africa Town Coalition’s food giveaway for homeless people and donates $100 monthly to support the group’s activities. This fall, Choi also bought a new leaf blower for a neighborhood beautification project.
The Africa Town Coalition, the Korean American Federation and Mayor Eric Garcetti’s office have explored using lessons from what happened at Hubert’s elsewhere in Los Angeles. They talked of creating a “cultural competency” workshop for business owners to teach them communication skills and the historical context for specific communities, possibly devising a score that would be posted at each store like restaurant sanitation ratings.
But after several meetings, working groups and proposals, the effort has fizzled, with a new South L.A. representative for Garcetti’s office and the community groups moving on to other issues.
Advertisement
Mack said recently that until fundamental inequalities are improved, another situation like Hubert’s probably awaits in some other corner of Los Angeles.
“Unless there are changes that allow the smaller business to be acquired by the average person, it’s still going to be difficult,” he said. “I don’t think the changes have been made that make black ownership any more viable today than it was 25 years ago.”
This fall, there was one final piece of unfinished business from the battle over Hubert’s.
Kevin Wharton Price, one of the protest leaders, walked into a downtown courthouse in November wearing a faded Africa Town sweatshirt. He had come to address the 2-year-old warrant he had received after demonstrating at the store. The penalty: a $400 fine.
To Price, it was worth it for Leimert Park. Besides, he said, he plans to let it go to collections anyway.


latimes--2020-02-10--Man arrested on suspicion of posing as ride-share driver to get women into car

A man who police say posed as a ride-share driver was arrested last week in Bakersfield after three investigations in 2018 , 2019 and 2020 .
Investigators with the Bakersfield Police Department arrested Nassef Ragheb , 48 , on Feb. 7 on suspicion of stalking , prowling , burglary , false imprisonment , battery , peeping into a residence and attempted sexual battery .
The most recent alleged incident occurred on Feb.1 with a report of a prowler at a residence in northwest Bakersfield .
Ragheb was identified as a suspect , police said .
Ragheb was reported to Bakersfield @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Departmnet in 2018 and 2019 following two incidents that investigators said are related to the most recent event .
Law enforcement found evidence that he had posed as a ride-share driver in an effort to get women to enter his vehicle .
In at least one instance , authorities said , Ragheb attempted to forcibly kiss the woman after driving her to her residence .
Ragheb was also allegedly observed in the backyard of the same woman ’ s residence , peering through windows .
In a separate incident , officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residence through an unlocked door .
According to jail records , Ragheb is being held on $ 650,000 bail .
Police are asking for assistance in identifying any related incidents .
Anyone with information is asked to call Det .
Petris at ( 661 ) 326-3554 or ( 661 ) 327-7111 .

A man who police say posed as a ride-share driver was arrested last week in Bakersfield after three investigations in 2018, 2019 and 2020.
Investigators with the Bakersfield Police Department arrested Nassef Ragheb, 48, on Feb. 7 on suspicion of stalking, prowling, burglary, false imprisonment, battery, peeping into a residence and attempted sexual battery.
The most recent alleged incident occurred on Feb.1 with a report of a prowler at a residence in northwest Bakersfield. Ragheb was identified as a suspect, police said.
Ragheb was reported to Bakersfield Police Department and the Kern County Sheriff’s Departmnet in 2018 and 2019 following two incidents that investigators said are related to the most recent event. Law enforcement found evidence that he had posed as a ride-share driver in an effort to get women to enter his vehicle. In at least one instance, authorities said, Ragheb attempted to forcibly kiss the woman after driving her to her residence.
Ragheb was also allegedly observed in the backyard of the same woman’s residence, peering through windows. In a separate incident, officials said he entered another victim’s residence through an unlocked door.
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According to jail records, Ragheb is being held on $650,000 bail. Police are asking for assistance in identifying any related incidents. Anyone with information is asked to call Det. Petris at (661) 326-3554 or (661) 327-7111.


latimes--2020-02-10--Plane crash reported off coast of Rancho Palos Verdes was probably a false report, authorities say

Authorities responded Monday evening to a possible plane crash off the coast of Rancho Palos Verdes but found no aircraft @ @ @ @ @ a witness called 911 to report a small plane going down in the ocean , @ @ @ @ @ raft deployed after the aircraft descended toward the water , said Ed Pickett , a @ @ @ @ @ Fire Department .
Firetrucks , lifeguard boats and helicopters responded to the scene , and @ @ @ @ @ post at the Point Vicente Lighthouse .
By 7:45 p.m. , most first responders had @ @ @ @ @ , as no aircraft had been found , and only a few lifeguard boats remained @ @ @ @ @ diligence , ” according to the county fire department .
Authorities said because only one @ @ @ @ @ , it was probably a false report , as they would have expected more people @ @ @ @ @ plane crash .

Firefighters set up a staging area near the Point Vicente Lighthouse, near where an airplane might have descended into the ocean.
Authorities responded Monday evening to a possible plane crash off the coast of Rancho Palos Verdes but found no aircraft.
At 5:58 p.m., a witness called 911 to report a small plane going down in the ocean, telling the dispatcher a small raft deployed after the aircraft descended toward the water, said Ed Pickett, a supervising dispatcher at L.A. County Fire Department.
Firetrucks, lifeguard boats and helicopters responded to the scene, and firefighters set up a command post at the Point Vicente Lighthouse.
By 7:45 p.m., most first responders had been called off the search, as no aircraft had been found, and only a few lifeguard boats remained, doing their “due diligence,” according to the county fire department.
Authorities said because only one person called in the incident, it was probably a false report, as they would have expected more people to call 911 about a plane crash.