latimes--2020-07-13--Chance of big San Andreas earthquake increased by Ridgecrest temblors, study suggests

A new study suggests that last year ’ s Ridgecrest earthquakes increased the chance of a large earthquake on California ’ s San Andreas fault .
The study , published in the Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America on Monday , says there is now a 2.3 % chance of an earthquake of magnitude 7.5 or greater in the next 12 months on a section of the 160-mile-long Garlock fault , which runs along the northern edge of the Mojave Desert .
That increased likelihood , in turn , would cause there to be a 1.15 % chance of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fault in the next year .
Those odds may seem small .
But they ’ re a substantial jump from what the chances were before last year ’ s Ridgecrest , Calif. , earthquakes , whose epicenters were about 125 miles northeast of downtown L.A .
The new odds mean a large quake on the Garlock fault is now calculated to be 100 times more likely — rising from 0.023 % in the next year to 2.3 % .
And the chance of a large quake on the San Andreas has roughly tripled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year to 1.15 % , said Ross Stein , a coauthor of the study and the CEO of Temblor , a catastrophe modeling company in the Bay Area that has built a free earthquake hazards app for smartphones .
Seismologist Lucy Jones , who did not play a role in the report released Monday , called the study “ elegant science ” but added that its conclusions are not confirmed .
“ It ’ s really interesting science , and I like the way they ’ ve been able to increase the complexity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That ’ s a real advance .
But it ’ s not yet proven , ” Jones said .
That said , Jones said that government officials in California should be prepared for a scenario in which an earthquake occurs that immediately raises the risk of a large quake on the San Andreas fault .
“ If the Garlock happens , yes , we will be saying the San Andreas is at increased risk , ” Jones said .
“ What do you do when there ’ s an earthquake that could be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What do you say ?
What do you do ?
” The study is the latest suggestion of a plausible scenario in which last summer ’ s earthquakes in a remote part of California might have started a chain of events that could result in a devastating earthquake on the San Andreas fault that has not been seen in Southern California in 163 years .
At its closest , the San Andreas fault comes within 35 miles of downtown Los Angeles .
“ Now , you can think of the Ridgecrest earthquake as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ... that it is nearly harmless , ” said Stein , an earthquake scientist emeritus of the U.S. Geological Survey and adjunct professor of geophysics at Stanford University .
“ But the problem is that ... the Ridgecrest earthquake brought the Garlock fault closer to rupture .
If that fault ruptures — and it gets within about 25 miles of the San Andreas — then there ’ s a high likelihood , maybe a 50/50 shot , that it would immediately rupture on the San Andreas , ” Stein said .
Stein ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Toda , of Tohoku University in Japan .
If the Garlock fault did rupture close to the San Andreas fault — but the San Andreas did not immediately rupture — Los Angeles would face the prospect of having a metaphorical sword of Damocles hanging over its neck , Stein said , with the prospect of L.A. facing a larger risk of a San Andreas quake within a matter of months , or perhaps decades .
“ In a way , if the fault ruptures all at once , life is simpler .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ But if it doesn ’ t — if it hangs , and plenty of faults do hang — that would put the city in a really difficult ... position.
” A hypothetical magnitude 7.8 quake on the San Andreas could cause more than 1,800 deaths , injure 5,000 , displace some 500,000 to 1 million people from their homes and hobble the region economically for a generation .
A quake of that magnitude produces 45 times more energy than the 1994 magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake .
Out of the many faults @ @ @ @ @ @ @ singularly poised to be the one that unleashes a megaquake in our lifetime because it is the main tectonic plate boundary between the Pacific and North American plates , and because of how fast the fault accumulates seismic strain .
Another troubling scenario Jones has mentioned before was a hypothetical magnitude 6 earthquake at the Cajon Pass north of San Bernardino .
It ’ s a particularly vexing scenario because such a quake could trigger large quakes on three major faults : the San Andreas , the San Jacinto and the Cucamonga .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ about an increased risk of a big earthquake on the San Andreas fault , however , the initial statewide response was flatfooted .
In 2016 , state officials didn ’ t issue a statement of the increased threat of a big quake on the San Andreas fault until about 39 hours after the first concerning quake hit in the Salton Sea .
Even when state officials finally put out a statement , they inserted an error that inaccurately downplayed the increased seismic risk .
It was corrected after an inquiry from the Los @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not the first time scientists have suggested the Ridgecrest earthquakes could be the first domino to fall that eventually leads Southern California ’ s section of the San Andreas fault to rupture in a significant way for the first time since 1857 , when a magnitude 7.8 earthquake ruptured 225 miles of fault between Monterey County and the Cajon Pass in San Bernardino County .
A year ago , the U.S. Geological Survey — the nation ’ s primary earthquake science agency — calculated that there was an extremely remote chance the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ridgecrest quakes .
And a USC professor of earth sciences , James Dolan , articulated the same Ridgecrest-to-Garlock-to-San Andreas scenario in an interview with The Times last year .
The Garlock fault ruptures on average every 1,300 years , said Tim Dawson , senior engineering geologist with the California Geological Survey , but earthquakes can occur as often as every few hundred years or have a drought between large quakes of as long as 3,000 years .
The last big earthquake on the Garlock fault happened about 500 years ago , Dawson said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Andreas fault along the Grapevine section of Interstate 5 can happen on average every 100 years , although there ’ s wide variation in how often they can happen ; there has been a time when it was just 20 years between major quakes , and another when there was a gap of 200 years between huge quakes .
Though it ’ s far from a sure bet the Garlock fault will rupture in our lifetime , the southern San Andreas is a likely candidate for such a big quake in our lifetime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fastest moving fault in California , ” Dawson said of the San Andreas , meaning it accumulates strain far faster than other faults .
“ It ’ s always going to play the most significant role in earthquake hazard in California.
” There ’ s a popular conception that earthquakes relieve seismic strain — they do — but they also increase seismic strain in other areas .
“ An earthquake will relieve stress on the fault that it occurs on .
But by relieving that , you ’ re transferring the stress onto @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ For every action , there ’ s a reaction.
” Scientists — and the public — have long been fascinated about the prospect of triggered earthquakes .
It was a main plot point in the movie “ San Andreas , ” starring Dwayne Johnson in 2015 .
Last year ’ s Fourth of July Ridgecrest quake , a magnitude 6.4 temblor , imparted greater stress on a fault that eventually ruptured a day later , causing the more powerful magnitude 7.1 quake on July 5 .
The most powerful earthquake in California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ magnitude 7.3 Landers earthquake that hit the sparsely populated Mojave Desert on June 28 , 1992 — and a magnitude 6.3 aftershock hours later near Big Bear — was believed to be related to the Joshua Tree earthquake , a magnitude 6.1 event , that occurred two months earlier .
The trio of quakes raised concerns that the San Andreas was next .
The theory at the time was that the Joshua Tree-Landers-Big Bear sequence of quakes essentially unclamped a section of the San Andreas fault .
That made it plausible the San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said Ken Hudnut , geophysicist with the USGS .
But the southern San Andreas fault has remained as quiet as it has since the 1850s .
Instead , the next big quakes in Southern California occurred where few scientists were expecting them to hit — the magnitude 6.7 earthquake that struck Northridge in 1994 , and the magnitude 7.1 Hector Mine earthquake in 1999 that was located even deeper in the remote Mojave Desert .
“ What has been actually happening in the real world is quite different than what we thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time in ’ 92 , ” Hudnut said .

Javaid Waseem’s store, the Minit Gas Station, was shaken by the July 4 and 5 earthquakes in 2019 in Ridgecrest, Calif.
A new study suggests that last year’s Ridgecrest earthquakes increased the chance of a large earthquake on California’s San Andreas fault.
The study, published in the Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America on Monday, says there is now a 2.3% chance of an earthquake of magnitude 7.5 or greater in the next 12 months on a section of the 160-mile-long Garlock fault, which runs along the northern edge of the Mojave Desert.
That increased likelihood, in turn, would cause there to be a 1.15% chance of a large earthquake on the San Andreas fault in the next year.
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Those odds may seem small. But they’re a substantial jump from what the chances were before last year’s Ridgecrest, Calif., earthquakes, whose epicenters were about 125 miles northeast of downtown L.A.
The new odds mean a large quake on the Garlock fault is now calculated to be 100 times more likely — rising from 0.023% in the next year to 2.3%.
And the chance of a large quake on the San Andreas has roughly tripled, from 0.35% in the next year to 1.15%, said Ross Stein, a coauthor of the study and the CEO of Temblor, a catastrophe modeling company in the Bay Area that has built a free earthquake hazards app for smartphones.
One plausible scenario involves the Ridgecrest, Calif., quakes triggering a large temblor on the Garlock fault, which then triggers a seismic event on the San Andreas. The chances of such an event happening are small. Another plausible scenario, not mapped, involves a rupture of faults southeast of the Ridgecrest quakes. (Jon Schleuss / Los Angeles Times)
Seismologist Lucy Jones, who did not play a role in the report released Monday, called the study “elegant science” but added that its conclusions are not confirmed.
“It’s really interesting science, and I like the way they’ve been able to increase the complexity of how they do their modeling. That’s a real advance. But it’s not yet proven,” Jones said.
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That said, Jones said that government officials in California should be prepared for a scenario in which an earthquake occurs that immediately raises the risk of a large quake on the San Andreas fault.
“If the Garlock happens, yes, we will be saying the San Andreas is at increased risk,” Jones said. “What do you do when there’s an earthquake that could be a foreshock to the San Andreas? What do you say? What do you do?”
The study is the latest suggestion of a plausible scenario in which last summer’s earthquakes in a remote part of California might have started a chain of events that could result in a devastating earthquake on the San Andreas fault that has not been seen in Southern California in 163 years.
At its closest, the San Andreas fault comes within 35 miles of downtown Los Angeles.
“Now, you can think of the Ridgecrest earthquake as being so far from Greater Los Angeles ... that it is nearly harmless,” said Stein, an earthquake scientist emeritus of the U.S. Geological Survey and adjunct professor of geophysics at Stanford University.
“But the problem is that ... the Ridgecrest earthquake brought the Garlock fault closer to rupture. If that fault ruptures — and it gets within about 25 miles of the San Andreas — then there’s a high likelihood, maybe a 50/50 shot, that it would immediately rupture on the San Andreas,” Stein said. Stein’s coauthor on the study is Shinji Toda, of Tohoku University in Japan.
If the Garlock fault did rupture close to the San Andreas fault — but the San Andreas did not immediately rupture — Los Angeles would face the prospect of having a metaphorical sword of Damocles hanging over its neck, Stein said, with the prospect of L.A. facing a larger risk of a San Andreas quake within a matter of months, or perhaps decades.
“In a way, if the fault ruptures all at once, life is simpler. It’s done,” Stein said. “But if it doesn’t — if it hangs, and plenty of faults do hang — that would put the city in a really difficult ... position.”
A hypothetical magnitude 7.8 quake on the San Andreas could cause more than 1,800 deaths, injure 5,000, displace some 500,000 to 1 million people from their homes and hobble the region economically for a generation. A quake of that magnitude produces 45 times more energy than the 1994 magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake.
Out of the many faults in California, the San Andreas is singularly poised to be the one that unleashes a megaquake in our lifetime because it is the main tectonic plate boundary between the Pacific and North American plates, and because of how fast the fault accumulates seismic strain.
Another troubling scenario Jones has mentioned before was a hypothetical magnitude 6 earthquake at the Cajon Pass north of San Bernardino. It’s a particularly vexing scenario because such a quake could trigger large quakes on three major faults: the San Andreas, the San Jacinto and the Cucamonga.
The last time scientists in California warned about an increased risk of a big earthquake on the San Andreas fault, however, the initial statewide response was flatfooted.
In 2016, state officials didn’t issue a statement of the increased threat of a big quake on the San Andreas fault until about 39 hours after the first concerning quake hit in the Salton Sea.
Even when state officials finally put out a statement, they inserted an error that inaccurately downplayed the increased seismic risk. It was corrected after an inquiry from the Los Angeles Times.
The study published Monday is not the first time scientists have suggested the Ridgecrest earthquakes could be the first domino to fall that eventually leads Southern California’s section of the San Andreas fault to rupture in a significant way for the first time since 1857, when a magnitude 7.8 earthquake ruptured 225 miles of fault between Monterey County and the Cajon Pass in San Bernardino County.
A year ago, the U.S. Geological Survey — the nation’s primary earthquake science agency — calculated that there was an extremely remote chance the San Andreas could be triggered by the Ridgecrest quakes.
And a USC professor of earth sciences, James Dolan, articulated the same Ridgecrest-to-Garlock-to-San Andreas scenario in an interview with The Times last year.
The Garlock fault ruptures on average every 1,300 years, said Tim Dawson, senior engineering geologist with the California Geological Survey, but earthquakes can occur as often as every few hundred years or have a drought between large quakes of as long as 3,000 years. The last big earthquake on the Garlock fault happened about 500 years ago, Dawson said.
Big quakes on the southern San Andreas fault along the Grapevine section of Interstate 5 can happen on average every 100 years, although there’s wide variation in how often they can happen; there has been a time when it was just 20 years between major quakes, and another when there was a gap of 200 years between huge quakes.
Though it’s far from a sure bet the Garlock fault will rupture in our lifetime, the southern San Andreas is a likely candidate for such a big quake in our lifetime. “It’s really the fastest moving fault in California,” Dawson said of the San Andreas, meaning it accumulates strain far faster than other faults. “It’s always going to play the most significant role in earthquake hazard in California.”
California Earthquake shook L.A. skyscrapers so hard some got vertigo Data from seismic sensors in buildings across Southern California show how the 7.1 Ridgecrest earthquake produced surprisingly long periods of shaking in some areas.
There’s a popular conception that earthquakes relieve seismic strain — they do — but they also increase seismic strain in other areas.
“An earthquake will relieve stress on the fault that it occurs on. But by relieving that, you’re transferring the stress onto something else,” Dawson said. “For every action, there’s a reaction.”
Scientists — and the public — have long been fascinated about the prospect of triggered earthquakes. It was a main plot point in the movie “San Andreas,” starring Dwayne Johnson in 2015.
It’s for a good reason.
Last year’s Fourth of July Ridgecrest quake, a magnitude 6.4 temblor, imparted greater stress on a fault that eventually ruptured a day later, causing the more powerful magnitude 7.1 quake on July 5.
The most powerful earthquake in California of the last 68 years, the magnitude 7.3 Landers earthquake that hit the sparsely populated Mojave Desert on June 28, 1992 — and a magnitude 6.3 aftershock hours later near Big Bear — was believed to be related to the Joshua Tree earthquake, a magnitude 6.1 event, that occurred two months earlier.
The trio of quakes raised concerns that the San Andreas was next.
The theory at the time was that the Joshua Tree-Landers-Big Bear sequence of quakes essentially unclamped a section of the San Andreas fault. That made it plausible the San Andreas fault might be next to rupture, said Ken Hudnut, geophysicist with the USGS.
But the southern San Andreas fault has remained as quiet as it has since the 1850s.
Instead, the next big quakes in Southern California occurred where few scientists were expecting them to hit — the magnitude 6.7 earthquake that struck Northridge in 1994, and the magnitude 7.1 Hector Mine earthquake in 1999 that was located even deeper in the remote Mojave Desert.
“What has been actually happening in the real world is quite different than what we thought was a plausible scenario back at the time in ’92,” Hudnut said.


latimes--2020-07-13--Body of actress Naya Rivera found in Lake Piru, officials say

A body found in Lake Piru is that of actress Naya Rivera , who disappeared five days ago during a boat outing with her young son , authorities said Monday .
“ Based on the location where the body was found , the physical characteristics of the body , the clothing found on the body and the physical condition of the body , as well as the absence of any other persons reported missing in the area , we are confident the body we found is that of Naya Rivera , ” Ventura County Sheriff Bill Ayub said at an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no indication of foul play , or that Rivera ’ s death was a suicide , he said .
The body was being taken to the Ventura County medical examiner ’ s office , where an autopsy will be performed and a positive identification will officially be made using dental records , officials said .
Search teams found the body at about 9:10 a.m. floating in the northeastern portion of the lake , Capt .
Eric Buschow of the Ventura County Sheriff ’ s Department said earlier in the day .
The area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with sonar equipment over the last several days , he said .
“ That particular area , when it was searched by divers , they were literally crawling on hands and knees at the bottom of the lake attached by ropes so they could make their way back out because visibility is so poor , ” Buschow said .
“ That gives you kind of an idea of what the conditions were like.
” The body probably was submerged for days , concealed by the 15- to 20-foot-high trees and brush that grow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before surfacing Monday , he said .
“ The body looked as though it had been in the water for several days , ” Ayub confirmed .
Divers , helicopters , drone aircraft and cadaver dogs have been searching for Rivera since Wednesday afternoon .
The 33-year-old actress , who gained fame for her role on “ Glee , ” was reported missing after her 4-year-old son was found asleep in a rental boat adrift on the Ventura County lake by himself .
A leasing agent had launched a search for the watercraft @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials said .
Authorities later learned that Rivera and her son were swimming together in the lake and that he was able to get back on the boat , but she had not .
“ It was during that time that her son described being helped into the boat by Naya , who boosted him onto the deck from behind , ” Ayub said Monday .
“ He told investigators that he looked back and saw her disappear under the surface of the water.
” The child was wrapped in a towel and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appears Rivera was not , as an adult-sized life vest was found on the boat , authorities said .
It wasn ’ t clear what happened , but officials offered a guess .
“ There are a lot of currents on the lake that appear particularly in the afternoon .
We believe it was mid-afternoon when she disappeared , ” Ayub said .
“ The idea perhaps being that the boat started drifting , it was unanchored .
And that she mustered enough energy to get her son back onto the boat , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rivera had rented the pontoon boat and headed to the northern portion of the lake with her son at about 1 p.m. , officials said .
At points during their journey , she exchanged FaceTime video calls with family members , Ayub said .
Investigators were able to focus their search on areas the pair had visited by looking at the shoreline in the background of those videos , as well as speaking with the occupants of three other watercraft that were out on the lake that day , he said .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compared with the search that had been previously conducted .
Roughly 20 personnel , down from more than 40 in previous days , were patrolling the northern section of the lake as divers continued to search the water .
Over the weekend , crews wrapped up their efforts at using sonar to scan the bottom of the lake , where visibility in the best of conditions is only about two feet , Buschow said .
After days of extensive searching , however , they had been unable to locate Rivera ’ s body @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members were notified of the discovery before news was made public , officials said .
“ As you can imagine , it ’ s been an extremely difficult time for her family throughout this whole ordeal , ” Ayub said .
“ As fathers , mothers , sons and daughters , our hearts are with them and we share their grief .
”

Cast members from the TV Show “Glee” and friends held hands as they shouted “Say her name — Naya” while gathered on the Lake Piru boat launch Monday morning just as the Ventura County Sheriff’s Search and Rescue dive team located a body believed to be that of actress Naya Rivera.
A body found in Lake Piru is that of actress Naya Rivera, who disappeared five days ago during a boat outing with her young son, authorities said Monday.
“Based on the location where the body was found, the physical characteristics of the body, the clothing found on the body and the physical condition of the body, as well as the absence of any other persons reported missing in the area, we are confident the body we found is that of Naya Rivera,” Ventura County Sheriff Bill Ayub said at an afternoon news conference.
Detectives have found no indication of foul play, or that Rivera’s death was a suicide, he said.
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The body was being taken to the Ventura County medical examiner’s office, where an autopsy will be performed and a positive identification will officially be made using dental records, officials said.
1 / 8 Cast members from the TV show “Glee” and friends of Naya Rivera gathered Monday morning at Lake Piru. The 33-year-old actress rented a pontoon boat Wednesday and had been swimming with her 4-year-old son, who was the last one to see her before she went missing. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 2 / 8 A Ventura County Sheriff’s Search and Rescue dive team located a body Monday morning in Lake Piru in the search for 33-year-old “Glee” actress Naya Rivera. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 3 / 8 Cast members from the TV show “Glee” and friends held hands and shouted “Say her name: Naya” as they gathered Monday at the Lake Piru boat launch. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 4 / 8 A pontoon boat rented by actress Naya Rivera is cordoned off with police tape Thursday at the marina at Lake Piru. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times) 5 / 8 Searchers in a Ventura County helicopter scanned the shoreline Thursday for missing actress Naya Rivera. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times) 6 / 8 The Ventura County Sheriff’s Search and Rescue dive team returned to the marina Monday morning after locating a body believed to be Naya Rivera. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 7 / 8 Boats return with rescuers on Lake Piru as it is learned that a Ventura County Sheriff’s dive team located a body. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 8 / 8 Friends and co-workers of Naya Rivera gathered at the lake Monday. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Search teams found the body at about 9:10 a.m. floating in the northeastern portion of the lake, Capt. Eric Buschow of the Ventura County Sheriff’s Department said earlier in the day.
The area was searched extensively by dive crews and with sonar equipment over the last several days, he said.
“That particular area, when it was searched by divers, they were literally crawling on hands and knees at the bottom of the lake attached by ropes so they could make their way back out because visibility is so poor,” Buschow said. “That gives you kind of an idea of what the conditions were like.”
The body probably was submerged for days, concealed by the 15- to 20-foot-high trees and brush that grow on the bed of the lake, before surfacing Monday, he said.
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“The body looked as though it had been in the water for several days,” Ayub confirmed.
Divers, helicopters, drone aircraft and cadaver dogs have been searching for Rivera since Wednesday afternoon. The 33-year-old actress, who gained fame for her role on “Glee,” was reported missing after her 4-year-old son was found asleep in a rental boat adrift on the Ventura County lake by himself. A leasing agent had launched a search for the watercraft because it was overdue for return, officials said.
Authorities later learned that Rivera and her son were swimming together in the lake and that he was able to get back on the boat, but she had not.
“It was during that time that her son described being helped into the boat by Naya, who boosted him onto the deck from behind,” Ayub said Monday. “He told investigators that he looked back and saw her disappear under the surface of the water.”
The child was wrapped in a towel and wearing a life vest, but it appears Rivera was not, as an adult-sized life vest was found on the boat, authorities said.
It wasn’t clear what happened, but officials offered a guess.
“There are a lot of currents on the lake that appear particularly in the afternoon. We believe it was mid-afternoon when she disappeared,” Ayub said. “The idea perhaps being that the boat started drifting, it was unanchored. And that she mustered enough energy to get her son back onto the boat, but not enough to save herself.”
Cast members from the TV Show “Glee” and friends comfort each other as they gathered on the Lake Piru boat launch Monday morning.
(Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Rivera had rented the pontoon boat and headed to the northern portion of the lake with her son at about 1 p.m., officials said.
At points during their journey, she exchanged FaceTime video calls with family members, Ayub said. Investigators were able to focus their search on areas the pair had visited by looking at the shoreline in the background of those videos, as well as speaking with the occupants of three other watercraft that were out on the lake that day, he said.
The search operation was significantly scaled back Monday compared with the search that had been previously conducted. Roughly 20 personnel, down from more than 40 in previous days, were patrolling the northern section of the lake as divers continued to search the water.
Over the weekend, crews wrapped up their efforts at using sonar to scan the bottom of the lake, where visibility in the best of conditions is only about two feet, Buschow said. After days of extensive searching, however, they had been unable to locate Rivera’s body until Monday.
Rivera’s family members were notified of the discovery before news was made public, officials said.
“As you can imagine, it’s been an extremely difficult time for her family throughout this whole ordeal,” Ayub said. “As fathers, mothers, sons and daughters, our hearts are with them and we share their grief.”


latimes--2020-07-13--Slowed by COVID-19, California group tries to track down families separated at the border

Veronica Ledesma goes to sleep worrying about 86 families .
And none of them are her own .
There ’ s the mother who fears being five minutes late to pick up her children .
They were separated at the border and when she is late the kids wonder if they will see her again .
The little boy who doesn ’ t want to be in this country anymore , after being taken from his parent .
A mother who prayed for someone to help her and her daughter , who were apart with no contact for over a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to connect these fragile families with services — paid for by the government — that will help them overcome the trauma and mental illness caused by the Trump administration ’ s “ zero tolerance ” immigration policy .
Since April , outreach coordinators have been trying to reach thousands of immigrant parents and children who have been reunified after months of separation .
Although the government has acknowledged that about 2,700 children were separated from their families at the border , the total number of those separated under President Trump remains unknown .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Human Rights found that the separations constituted torture .
In the last five months , coordinators with Seneca Family of Agencies , a California-based nonprofit , have reached several hundred families out of about 2,500 across the United States who are potentially eligible for services .
It ’ s a difficult job under any circumstances ; but a deadline looms , and the pandemic has made these families harder to find and turned available services into rare commodities .
“ The timing could not have been worse , and the impact could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ degree to which we are slowed down , ” said Ken Berrick , chief executive and founder of Seneca Family of Agencies .
“ What I think was thought of as a yearlong process just can ’ t possibly be done in that time.
” On a recent Thursday , Ledesma underwent a two-hour training meant to help coordinators track down families scattered across the country .
They went over community outreach ideas , such as contacting grocery stores , community centers and laundromats near addresses of families to see if they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Todo Por Mi Familia initiative .
During the training , they were able to find the number for a family on Whitepages .
“ Our goal is to connect every single one of our families to services , ” Ledesma said .
“ We don ’ t want to not be able to find one.
” Seneca has been helping with the effort since the end of March , after a judge ordered the government to provide mental health services to families who were separated by the government on or after July 1 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S .
The government ’ s contract with Seneca ends in January 2021 .
The Department of Justice did not respond to a request for comment about whether it would extend the contract .
“ We ’ re hoping there ’ ll be some flexibility , ” Berrick said .
“ We started this in an environment that was very different than what the settlement anticipated.
” To try to find families before the deadline , the agency has collaborated with legal and community-based organizations , created a hotline and made videos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The Mandalorian ” — touting the initiative .
Outreach coordinators have used contact information and last known addresses provided by the government .
But some of the numbers ring to detention centers .
Others are out of service .
Of her 86-family caseload , Ledesma — who is on the Central Texas team — has been able to reach only 12 .
When she does get in contact , Ledesma — who has a social work background — must overcome skepticism and assure families that the services will not affect their legal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be shared with Immigration and Customs Enforcement .
In a statement , the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services reiterated that information about the families discovered by Seneca is not shared with ICE or other government agencies .
” ... families interact only with Seneca nonprofit staff , and then with their mental health providers , not with federal personnel , ” the agency said in a statement .
To reassure families , Ledesma at times shares her own background immigrating to the U.S. from Mexico when she was 8 years old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program — better known as DACA .
In the case of one mother who wanted to help her daughter process the trauma , Ledesma was able to connect them with a clinic that would provide free mental health , dental and primary care services .
“ She was just very grateful to feel like her sacrifices were worth it , ” Ledesma said .
Some days though , Ledesma finds herself calling more than 10 providers .
Because of the pandemic , some clinics are closed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ or don ’ t call back immediately because they ’ re working from home .
“ It ’ s hard to find providers .
I think that ’ s where we ’ re struggling the most because of COVID-19 , ” Ledesma said .
“ We need other providers to step up and help us with these families.
” In her first therapy session , Luisa confessed the guilt she ’ d been carrying since she was separated from her 13-year-old daughter two years ago .
Guilt over the fact that her daughter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That the teenager avoided her embrace .
That she lashed out at her mother .
What happened , the therapist consoled Luisa , was not her fault .
Luisa arrived at the border in December 2017 , fleeing gang persecution in El Salvador .
Soon after , her daughter watched as she was placed in shackles .
The little girl could only make the shape of a heart with her hands before her mother was taken away .
While her daughter was placed with a foster family in the U.S. , Luisa was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of at least 471 parents who were deported without their children .
Luisa wouldn ’ t see her daughter for 16 months , until April 2019 .
By the time they reunited in the U.S. , with the help of the legal advocacy nonprofit Al Otro Lado , the two were like strangers .
Al Otro Lado has been able to reunite around 36 separated parents with their children , most recently in January .
There have been 25 of those families who have since connected with Seneca and five who have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Due to the COVID-19 pandemic , families are receiving tele-health services instead of face-to-face appointments .
Over the past month , Luisa and her daughter have had several therapy sessions where the therapist has asked them to open up to one another .
Luisa talked about why she left their country , her daughter about the fears that they might be separated again .
“ I think that ’ s the conversation where she opened her heart and began expressing herself , ” Luisa said .
“ It was something so beautiful that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ won ’ t change overnight , Luisa said , but her daughter is hugging her again .

Veronica Ledesma, an outreach coordinator with Seneca Family of Agencies, connects people with mental health services to overcome trauma caused by the Trump administration’s immigration policies.
Veronica Ledesma goes to sleep worrying about 86 families. And none of them are her own.
There’s the mother who fears being five minutes late to pick up her children. They were separated at the border and when she is late the kids wonder if they will see her again.
The little boy who doesn’t want to be in this country anymore, after being taken from his parent.
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A mother who prayed for someone to help her and her daughter, who were apart with no contact for over a month.
Ledesma’s job is to connect these fragile families with services — paid for by the government — that will help them overcome the trauma and mental illness caused by the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” immigration policy. Since April, outreach coordinators have been trying to reach thousands of immigrant parents and children who have been reunified after months of separation.
Although the government has acknowledged that about 2,700 children were separated from their families at the border, the total number of those separated under President Trump remains unknown. Earlier this year, the group Physicians for Human Rights found that the separations constituted torture.
In the last five months, coordinators with Seneca Family of Agencies, a California-based nonprofit, have reached several hundred families out of about 2,500 across the United States who are potentially eligible for services.
It’s a difficult job under any circumstances; but a deadline looms, and the pandemic has made these families harder to find and turned available services into rare commodities.
“The timing could not have been worse, and the impact could not be larger in terms of the degree to which we are slowed down,” said Ken Berrick, chief executive and founder of Seneca Family of Agencies. “What I think was thought of as a yearlong process just can’t possibly be done in that time.”
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On a recent Thursday, Ledesma underwent a two-hour training meant to help coordinators track down families scattered across the country.
They went over community outreach ideas, such as contacting grocery stores, community centers and laundromats near addresses of families to see if they’d put up fliers to promote the Todo Por Mi Familia initiative.
During the training, they were able to find the number for a family on Whitepages.
“Our goal is to connect every single one of our families to services,” Ledesma said. “We don’t want to not be able to find one.”
Seneca has been helping with the effort since the end of March, after a judge ordered the government to provide mental health services to families who were separated by the government on or after July 1, 2017, and who remain in the U.S.
The government’s contract with Seneca ends in January 2021. The Department of Justice did not respond to a request for comment about whether it would extend the contract.
“We’re hoping there’ll be some flexibility,” Berrick said. “We started this in an environment that was very different than what the settlement anticipated.”
To try to find families before the deadline, the agency has collaborated with legal and community-based organizations, created a hotline and made videos of celebrities — like Pedro Pascal of “The Mandalorian” — touting the initiative. Outreach coordinators have used contact information and last known addresses provided by the government.
But some of the numbers ring to detention centers. Others are out of service. Of her 86-family caseload, Ledesma — who is on the Central Texas team — has been able to reach only 12.
When she does get in contact, Ledesma — who has a social work background — must overcome skepticism and assure families that the services will not affect their legal proceedings and that their information will not be shared with Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
In a statement, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services reiterated that information about the families discovered by Seneca is not shared with ICE or other government agencies.
”...families interact only with Seneca nonprofit staff, and then with their mental health providers, not with federal personnel,” the agency said in a statement.
To reassure families, Ledesma at times shares her own background immigrating to the U.S. from Mexico when she was 8 years old. She was granted immigration relief under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program — better known as DACA.
In the case of one mother who wanted to help her daughter process the trauma, Ledesma was able to connect them with a clinic that would provide free mental health, dental and primary care services.
“She was just very grateful to feel like her sacrifices were worth it,” Ledesma said.
Some days though, Ledesma finds herself calling more than 10 providers. Because of the pandemic, some clinics are closed. Therapists aren’t accepting new patients or don’t call back immediately because they’re working from home.
“It’s hard to find providers. I think that’s where we’re struggling the most because of COVID-19,” Ledesma said. “We need other providers to step up and help us with these families.”
Luisa was separated from her 13-year-old daughter in 2017. They are both now in therapy. (Erin Anderson / Al Otro Lado)
In her first therapy session, Luisa confessed the guilt she’d been carrying since she was separated from her 13-year-old daughter two years ago.
Guilt over the fact that her daughter didn’t trust her anymore. That the teenager avoided her embrace. That she lashed out at her mother.
What happened, the therapist consoled Luisa, was not her fault.
Luisa arrived at the border in December 2017, fleeing gang persecution in El Salvador. Soon after, her daughter watched as she was placed in shackles.
The little girl could only make the shape of a heart with her hands before her mother was taken away.
While her daughter was placed with a foster family in the U.S., Luisa was deported to El Salvador. She was one of at least 471 parents who were deported without their children.
Luisa wouldn’t see her daughter for 16 months, until April 2019. By the time they reunited in the U.S., with the help of the legal advocacy nonprofit Al Otro Lado, the two were like strangers.
Al Otro Lado has been able to reunite around 36 separated parents with their children, most recently in January. There have been 25 of those families who have since connected with Seneca and five who have already started therapy, including Luisa.
Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, families are receiving tele-health services instead of face-to-face appointments.
Over the past month, Luisa and her daughter have had several therapy sessions where the therapist has asked them to open up to one another. Luisa talked about why she left their country, her daughter about the fears that they might be separated again.
“I think that’s the conversation where she opened her heart and began expressing herself,” Luisa said. “It was something so beautiful that we’ve been practicing.”
It won’t change overnight, Luisa said, but her daughter is hugging her again.
Families can access services by calling or texting Seneca’s confidential and toll-free hotline at 844-529-3327 or emailing info@todoporlafamilia.org.


latimes--2020-07-13--San Gabriel Mission fire provokes deep, conflicting reactions

Edgar Hernandez fumbled with his keys as he tried to unlock the gates to the San Gabriel Mission cemetery just before 7 a.m. Sunday Mass .
The 38-year-old kept looking across the parking lot to the ruins of one of the oldest Catholic houses of worship in Southern California .
The day before , fire had engulfed the 215-year-old mission church .
The roof was destroyed ; the pews , incinerated .
Only the altar and adobe walls survived .
Sunday services went on as usual in a nearby chapel untouched by the fire , but the acrid smell of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That ’ s not why Hernandez choked up .
“ I baptized my kids at that church , ” said the facility ’ s maintenance director .
“ I got married here , ” he said , pointing to the chapel .
“ One day you come , and everything ’ s fine .
The next day , everyone is hurting.
” Pain resonated around the valley that bears San Gabriel ’ s name in the wake of the fire , which local , regional and national officials are investigating .
It manifested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mission , which was founded in 1771 .
For many , this was their neighborhood parish , where generations of the same family went to weekly Mass , baptized children and said goodbye to loved ones .
“ You don ’ t really feel it until you see it in person , and then it hits home , ” said Michael Arden , 50 , a lifelong San Gabriel resident , who walked around the mission in construction clothes while holding a cup of coffee .
“ It ’ s going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” For others , the mission was a place that embraced them when few others would .
Altagracia Diaz Gamboa still remembers the welcome her family felt when they migrated from the Mexican state of Zacatecas to San Gabriel in 1968 , when she was a preteen .
“ People greeted us with open arms , ” said the 64-year-old , who held her wedding in the old mission church and saw her daughter marry there as well .
“ It ’ s always been like this .
So much love is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Still others felt it was a place of horror : where Native Americans toiled under brutally domineering Spaniards and were nearly exterminated .
“ I get why people are angry at [ St. Junipero ] Serra , ” said an elderly woman who refused to give her name .
Earlier in the week , a statue of the founder of the California mission system was moved to a private garden within the San Gabriel compound after activists tore down a similar monument near Olvera Street .
“ We should tell the truth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ connection to the building .
Sarah Zhi ducked under yellow caution tape that blocked off Mission Drive as she took her daily jog .
Nearby , workers swept up ashes that blackened the sidewalk and measured the church ’ s front doors in order to board them up with plywood .
“ It ’ s a Mexican church , but people are very nice there , ” said the Chinese immigrant , who has lived in the United States for six years .
She once went in with a friend and found it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in San Gabriel for 30 years but has never stepped into the church .
“ I read online that [ the mission ] was 249 years old , ” he said , as a woodpecker banged on the windowsill of the fenced-off museum , which didn ’ t suffer any damage .
“ You can ’ t even imagine what was around back then .
It ’ s important for people to realize that.
” People walked around the mission Sunday as if in a daze .
Gone were the tears of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ front of the then-smoldering structure .
On this morning , the faithful snapped photos of the bas-relief sculptures outside the chapel ’ s entrance that told the story of the mission ’ s founding .
They touched the statue of St. Anthony Claret , the founding father of the Claretian missionaries that now run the San Gabriel Mission .
They gazed at a grapevine near the gift shop , its fruit weeks away from ripening .
It ’ s as if they were reminding themselves of the adage “ ashes to ashes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t just a local parish , ” said 58-year-old Erlinda Romo , who volunteered at the mission before the COVID-19 pandemic shut it down in March .
“ It ’ s a regional parish .
There ’ s a connection that never leaves you .
And like the phoenix , we ’ ll rise again.
” Long overlooked in the solar system of Catholic missions in Southern California — it ’ s not as famous as its San Juan Capistrano counterpart , as picturesque as the ones in Ventura and Santa Barbara @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fernando — the San Gabriel Mission had earned a reappraisal in recent years from academics and even putative adversaries , exacerbating the emotions felt in the wake of the inferno .
“ There ’ s an extraordinary history there that we ’ re only just beginning to appreciate , ” said UC Riverside history professor Jennifer Scheper Hughes , who ’ s part of a research project aiming to recast the study of California ’ s mission system .
Hughes has taken Mexican conservationists to marvel at the mission and its collection of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them shake their heads at its shabby upkeep and lack of access to the descendants of the Tongva people who built San Gabriel .
“ One literally grabbed my arms by the fingernails and said , ‘ It ’ s a treasure that ’ s being totally disregarded , ’ ” Hughes said .
“ I just hope that this most recent incident wakes up the Archdiocese [ of Los Angeles ] to this.
” Deborah A. Miranda , an English professor at Washington and Lee University in Lexington , Va. , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s visiting every California mission to “ listen ” and tell its story .
For her , Mission San Gabriel imparts “ a sense of fear and fortress .
It ’ s built like a place to keep away the invading hordes.
” A member of the Monterey-based Ohlone Costanoan Esselen Nation , Miranda says many of the indigenous people she has talked to about the San Gabriel Mission fire feel conflicted .
“ They feel exultant , and they feel this deep grief , ” she said .
“ These are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we don ’ t have this proof that human beings could do this to other people.
” Carribean Fragoza , 39 , co-director of South El Monte Arts Posse , said she grew up in the San Gabriel Valley thinking “ that the mission was some great thing that everyone admired .
But as I learned more about it , the more disenchanted I became with it.
” She ’ s no longer so fond of it , save for the story of the Tongva medicine woman Toypurina .
In 1785 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was about to lead an insurrection against Mission San Gabriel .
Murals in her honor now dot Southern California , although none are near the mission .
“ She really became a symbol that represented that resistance was possible , ” said Fragoza , who included Toypurina ’ s story in a recently published collection of essays about El Monte that she co-edited .
“ She represents the stories that don ’ t get told.
” Fragoza hoped the fire might inspire a moment of reckoning for anyone connected to the mission , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of people who love it.
” That spirit of having roots was the theme for the 7 a.m. Mass held in San Gabriel ’ s chapel by Pastor John Molyneux .
The Gospel for the day : the Parable of the Sower , in which Jesus taught disciples the importance of planting seeds in good soil so they would root well and yield their bounty by a hundredfold .
“ Some of us are sad , ” Molyneux told parishioners , who were still struggling to adapt to the other recent disaster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Masses had restarted just a couple of weeks ago and remain capped at 100 .
Masks are mandatory , and the musical director pleaded with churchgoers to “ sing silently.
” They sat in every other pew ; to their side , the marble floors were marked with blue tape every six feet so people could practice social distancing during the Eucharist .
“ Some of us are grieving , ” Molyneux preached .
“ Some of us are angry .
These are the right emotions for you today .
However … we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ couple of hours , Los Angeles Archbishop José Gómez would lead a special Mass .
But now , Molyneux wanted to remind his flock of the mission ’ s building material .
“ Adobe gets stronger after intense heat , ” he said with a wearied smile .
“ I love that image .
We ’ ll come out of this stronger .
”

Edgar Hernandez fumbled with his keys as he tried to unlock the gates to the San Gabriel Mission cemetery just before 7 a.m. Sunday Mass.
The 38-year-old kept looking across the parking lot to the ruins of one of the oldest Catholic houses of worship in Southern California. The day before, fire had engulfed the 215-year-old mission church. The roof was destroyed; the pews, incinerated. Only the altar and adobe walls survived.
Parishioners attend Mass on Sunday at a mission chapel that was undamaged from the fire the day before. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
Sunday services went on as usual in a nearby chapel untouched by the fire, but the acrid smell of burnt wood filled the morning air. That’s not why Hernandez choked up.
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“I baptized my kids at that church,” said the facility’s maintenance director. “I got married here,” he said, pointing to the chapel. “One day you come, and everything’s fine. The next day, everyone is hurting.”
Pain resonated around the valley that bears San Gabriel’s name in the wake of the fire, which local, regional and national officials are investigating. It manifested in ways that told multiple stories about the mission, which was founded in 1771.
For many, this was their neighborhood parish, where generations of the same family went to weekly Mass, baptized children and said goodbye to loved ones.
“You don’t really feel it until you see it in person, and then it hits home,” said Michael Arden, 50, a lifelong San Gabriel resident, who walked around the mission in construction clothes while holding a cup of coffee. “It’s going to mean that much more when it reopens.”
Nick Delgado, 80, of El Monte, who grew up in San Gabriel and spent much of his life at the mission, visited on Sunday. (Christina House/Los Angeles Times)
For others, the mission was a place that embraced them when few others would.
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Altagracia Diaz Gamboa still remembers the welcome her family felt when they migrated from the Mexican state of Zacatecas to San Gabriel in 1968, when she was a preteen. “People greeted us with open arms,” said the 64-year-old, who held her wedding in the old mission church and saw her daughter marry there as well. “It’s always been like this. So much love is in there. The disaster is so tragic.”
Still others felt it was a place of horror: where Native Americans toiled under brutally domineering Spaniards and were nearly exterminated.
“I get why people are angry at [St. Junipero] Serra,” said an elderly woman who refused to give her name. Earlier in the week, a statue of the founder of the California mission system was moved to a private garden within the San Gabriel compound after activists tore down a similar monument near Olvera Street. “We should tell the truth about him.”
Even non-Catholics felt a connection to the building.
Sarah Zhi ducked under yellow caution tape that blocked off Mission Drive as she took her daily jog. Nearby, workers swept up ashes that blackened the sidewalk and measured the church’s front doors in order to board them up with plywood.
“It’s a Mexican church, but people are very nice there,” said the Chinese immigrant, who has lived in the United States for six years. She once went in with a friend and found it “beautiful.”
Robert Zhu has lived in San Gabriel for 30 years but has never stepped into the church.
“I read online that [the mission] was 249 years old,” he said, as a woodpecker banged on the windowsill of the fenced-off museum, which didn’t suffer any damage. “You can’t even imagine what was around back then. It’s important for people to realize that.”
Advertisement
People walked around the mission Sunday as if in a daze. Gone were the tears of the previous day, when dozens prayed in front of the then-smoldering structure. On this morning, the faithful snapped photos of the bas-relief sculptures outside the chapel’s entrance that told the story of the mission’s founding. They touched the statue of St. Anthony Claret, the founding father of the Claretian missionaries that now run the San Gabriel Mission. They gazed at a grapevine near the gift shop, its fruit weeks away from ripening.
The roof was heavily damaged in Saturday’s fire. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
It’s as if they were reminding themselves of the adage “ashes to ashes, dust to dust.”
“This isn’t just a local parish,” said 58-year-old Erlinda Romo, who volunteered at the mission before the COVID-19 pandemic shut it down in March. “It’s a regional parish. There’s a connection that never leaves you. And like the phoenix, we’ll rise again.”
**
Long overlooked in the solar system of Catholic missions in Southern California — it’s not as famous as its San Juan Capistrano counterpart, as picturesque as the ones in Ventura and Santa Barbara, or as quaint as Mission San Fernando — the San Gabriel Mission had earned a reappraisal in recent years from academics and even putative adversaries, exacerbating the emotions felt in the wake of the inferno.
“There’s an extraordinary history there that we’re only just beginning to appreciate,” said UC Riverside history professor Jennifer Scheper Hughes, who’s part of a research project aiming to recast the study of California’s mission system.
Advertisement
Hughes has taken Mexican conservationists to marvel at the mission and its collection of arts and artifacts, only to see them shake their heads at its shabby upkeep and lack of access to the descendants of the Tongva people who built San Gabriel.
“One literally grabbed my arms by the fingernails and said, ‘It’s a treasure that’s being totally disregarded,’” Hughes said. “I just hope that this most recent incident wakes up the Archdiocese [of Los Angeles] to this.”
Deborah A. Miranda, an English professor at Washington and Lee University in Lexington, Va., is working on a project in which she’s visiting every California mission to “listen” and tell its story. For her, Mission San Gabriel imparts “a sense of fear and fortress. It’s built like a place to keep away the invading hordes.”
Parishioners attend Mass on Sunday. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
A member of the Monterey-based Ohlone Costanoan Esselen Nation, Miranda says many of the indigenous people she has talked to about the San Gabriel Mission fire feel conflicted.
“They feel exultant, and they feel this deep grief,” she said. “These are not positive places. But without them, we don’t have this proof that human beings could do this to other people.”
Advertisement
Carribean Fragoza, 39, co-director of South El Monte Arts Posse, said she grew up in the San Gabriel Valley thinking “that the mission was some great thing that everyone admired. But as I learned more about it, the more disenchanted I became with it.”
She’s no longer so fond of it, save for the story of the Tongva medicine woman Toypurina. In 1785, Spanish authorities arrested Toypurina just as she was about to lead an insurrection against Mission San Gabriel. Murals in her honor now dot Southern California, although none are near the mission.
“She really became a symbol that represented that resistance was possible,” said Fragoza, who included Toypurina’s story in a recently published collection of essays about El Monte that she co-edited. “She represents the stories that don’t get told.”
Fragoza hoped the fire might inspire a moment of reckoning for anyone connected to the mission, “because there’s still a lot of people who love it.”
That spirit of having roots was the theme for the 7 a.m. Mass held in San Gabriel’s chapel by Pastor John Molyneux. The Gospel for the day: the Parable of the Sower, in which Jesus taught disciples the importance of planting seeds in good soil so they would root well and yield their bounty by a hundredfold.
“Some of us are sad,” Molyneux told parishioners, who were still struggling to adapt to the other recent disaster in their lives: the coronavirus.
Advertisement
Masses had restarted just a couple of weeks ago and remain capped at 100. Masks are mandatory, and the musical director pleaded with churchgoers to “sing silently.” They sat in every other pew; to their side, the marble floors were marked with blue tape every six feet so people could practice social distancing during the Eucharist.
“Some of us are grieving,” Molyneux preached. “Some of us are angry. These are the right emotions for you today. However … we gather as resurrected people.”
Masses resumed at the mission just a couple of weeks ago following coronavirus closures. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
In a couple of hours, Los Angeles Archbishop José Gómez would lead a special Mass. But now, Molyneux wanted to remind his flock of the mission’s building material.
“Adobe gets stronger after intense heat,” he said with a wearied smile. “I love that image. We’ll come out of this stronger.”


latimes--2020-07-14--Views on race relations in state worsen as more whites recognize reality of discrimination, survey s

Views on race relations in state worsen as more whites recognize reality of discrimination, survey shows

Californians ’ perceptions of race relations in the state have shifted dramatically since the spring , with views statewide having grown significantly gloomier than they were five months ago , according to a new statewide poll .
The survey , which compares its results to a similar poll conducted in February , offers a before-and-after look at how Californians ’ attitudes have shifted in the aftermath of the coronavirus outbreak , George Floyd ’ s death and the nationwide demonstrations that ensued .
Some 54 % of respondents said that relations between people of different races and ethnicities in California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uptick of 13 points since February .
The number of California adults who believe those relations were excellent or good dropped from 57 % to 44 % , the poll found .
The shift , the poll indicated , occurred across racial and ethnic groups in relatively equal numbers .
White Californians are now much more likely than they were earlier this year to say that Blacks , Latinos and Asians are “ frequently ” discriminated against .
The uptick comes as data have shown that the virus disproportionately affects Black and Latino @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explosion in anti-Asian hate incidents , said Paul Ong , director of UCLA ’ s Center for Neighborhood Knowledge , who was not involved in the poll .
“ The impacts are unevenly distributed — whether we ’ re talking about health , whether we ’ re talking employment or stability or negative racial encounters , ” Ong said .
“ Under COVID-19 , those things have become much more visible and a lot deeper.
” The poll also found that respondents do not attribute the rising tensions to the recent protests over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contrary , most Californians , 55 % , believe that protests over the deaths of Floyd , Ahmaud Arbery , Breonna Taylor and others have brought people in the state together , rather than splitting them further apart .
A plurality of respondents described the protests as “ justified ” and “ impactful , ” at 31 % , but also as “ violent ” and “ dangerous ” — 30 % and 28 % , respectively .
“ The categories aren ’ t and don ’ t have to be mutually exclusive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vice president at Strategies 360 , the polling and research firm that conducted the survey .
According to the survey , 67 % of Black respondents say that they face frequent discrimination in California .
And although the poll shows that whites have become more likely to acknowledge discrimination against people of color , it registered a small countertrend in the increased portion of whites who asserted that white people face discrimination , and the number of whites who said that their racial identity is “ extremely important ” to them .
Both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among Republicans and Trump supporters .
Respondents took part online in the California Community Poll from June 26 through July 6 .
The survey was commissioned by the Center for Asian Americans United for Self Empowerment , Hispanas Organized for Political Equality and the Los Angeles Urban League in consultation with The Times .
Strategies 360 polled 1,184 adult citizens .
The margin of sampling error is 3 percentage points .
In addition to taking the pulse on race in the aftermath of nationwide protests , the poll also exposed the manner in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ else that ’ s going on right now , ” Lieberman added .
The poll also found that a majority of Californians believe police treat Black people unfairly and perceive systemic racism in law enforcement — a question that was not part of the February survey .
Respondents were more divided on how police treat Latinos ( 46 % believe Latinos are treated fairly , while 48 % believe they are treated unfairly ) and believe that police treat Asians and whites mostly fairly .
And while nearly all of those surveyed support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which reforms they support .
Some 6 % would abolish police departments and shift their funding and responsibilities to other agencies , while 12 % would leave departments as they are and ensure they have the equipment and funding they need to do their jobs properly .
Another 45 % support additional accountability and training , and 32 % would go further to shift significant parts of police funding and responsibilities to other agencies while maintaining their role in handling violent crime .
“ We ’ re facing a lot of these conversations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but because of environment , ” said Helen Torres , executive director of HOPE .
“ There ’ s huge racial inequalities in our communities and our society , and that creates frustration across the board.
” The data show substantial racial gaps on police reform , with Black respondents most likely to favor shifting funding and responsibilities away from police and whites least likely to endorse such major reforms .
Just over 45 % of Black respondents say they would shift funds away from police , while 34 % of Latinos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way .
Police reform “ is at the heart of a lot of the discussions that are going on , ” said Michael Lawson , president of the Los Angeles Urban League .
“ It is at the core of what Black Lives Matter is demanding , and is an essential part of moving forward , ” Lawson said .
“ There have been discussions going back to the Rodney King situation .
This is a continuation of that.
” The recent spate of police killings of unarmed Black Americans and subsequent protests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perceptions on discrimination , Lawson added .
“ The visibility of people standing in the streets and saying , ‘ Enough is enough ’ is a big change , ” he said .
“ There is something different .
The needle has moved.
” Compared with February , white respondents are 18 points more likely to believe Black Americans are discriminated against frequently ( from 22 % saying as much in February to 40 % ) , 10 points more likely to believe Latinos are discriminated against frequently ( from 22 % to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more likely to believe Asians are discriminated against frequently ( from 7 % to 20 % ) .
There is a “ continuing hierarchy ” in which respondents perceive Black Americans to be the most affected by discrimination , followed by Latinos and Asian Americans , Ong noted .
Charlie Woo , the board chair of CAUSE , said it was important for Californians to understand that Asian Americans are also discriminated against .
“ People need to be aware of the challenges we face , ” Woo said .
“ The fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans don ’ t just fit in as model minorities , but also are discriminated against and face challenges ... that ’ s big progress .
”

Several hundred Black Lives Matter protesters take a knee and hold their fists in the air during a moment of silence to honor George Floyd during a peaceful protest march from Manhattan Beach to the Hermosa Beach Pier Plaza on June 2.
Californians’ perceptions of race relations in the state have shifted dramatically since the spring, with views statewide having grown significantly gloomier than they were five months ago, according to a new statewide poll.
The survey, which compares its results to a similar poll conducted in February, offers a before-and-after look at how Californians’ attitudes have shifted in the aftermath of the coronavirus outbreak, George Floyd’s death and the nationwide demonstrations that ensued.
Some 54% of respondents said that relations between people of different races and ethnicities in California were just fair or poor, an uptick of 13 points since February. The number of California adults who believe those relations were excellent or good dropped from 57% to 44%, the poll found. The shift, the poll indicated, occurred across racial and ethnic groups in relatively equal numbers.
White Californians are now much more likely than they were earlier this year to say that Black people, Latinos and Asians are “frequently” discriminated against. The uptick comes as data have shown that the virus disproportionately affects Black and Latino communities, and has led to an explosion in anti-Asian hate incidents, said Paul Ong, director of UCLA’s Center for Neighborhood Knowledge, who was not involved in the poll.
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“The impacts are unevenly distributed — whether we’re talking about health, whether we’re talking employment or stability or negative racial encounters,” Ong said. “Under COVID-19, those things have become much more visible and a lot deeper.”
The poll also found that respondents do not attribute the rising tensions to the recent protests over race and social justice.
On the contrary, most Californians, 55%, believe that protests over the deaths of Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and others have brought people in the state together, rather than splitting them further apart. A plurality of respondents described the protests as “justified” and “impactful,” at 31%, but also as “violent” and “dangerous” — 30% and 28%, respectively.
“The categories aren’t and don’t have to be mutually exclusive,” said Drew Lieberman, senior vice president at Strategies 360, the polling and research firm that conducted the survey.
According to the survey, 67% of Black respondents say that they face frequent discrimination in California. And although the poll shows that whites have become more likely to acknowledge discrimination against people of color, it registered a small countertrend in the increased portion of whites who asserted that white people face discrimination, and the number of whites who said that their racial identity is “extremely important” to them. Both those numbers have gone up, especially among Republicans and Trump supporters.
Respondents took part online in the California Community Poll from June 26 through July 6. The survey was commissioned by the Center for Asian Americans United for Self Empowerment, Hispanas Organized for Political Equality and the Los Angeles Urban League in consultation with The Times. Strategies 360 polled 1,184 adult citizens. The margin of sampling error is 3 percentage points.
In addition to taking the pulse on race in the aftermath of nationwide protests, the poll also exposed the manner in which the COVID-19 pandemic “colors everything else that’s going on right now,” Lieberman added.
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The poll also found that a majority of Californians believe police treat Black people unfairly and perceive systemic racism in law enforcement — a question that was not part of the February survey. Respondents were more divided on how police treat Latinos (46% believe Latinos are treated fairly, while 48% believe they are treated unfairly) and believe that police treat Asians and whites mostly fairly.
And while nearly all of those surveyed support police reform, Californians are divided on which reforms they support. Some 6% would abolish police departments and shift their funding and responsibilities to other agencies, while 12% would leave departments as they are and ensure they have the equipment and funding they need to do their jobs properly.
Another 45% support additional accountability and training, and 32% would go further to shift significant parts of police funding and responsibilities to other agencies while maintaining their role in handling violent crime.
“We’re facing a lot of these conversations, not because they’re new, but because of environment,” said Helen Torres, executive director of HOPE. “There’s huge racial inequalities in our communities and our society, and that creates frustration across the board.”
The data show substantial racial gaps on police reform, with Black respondents most likely to favor shifting funding and responsibilities away from police and whites least likely to endorse such major reforms.
Just over 45% of Black respondents say they would shift funds away from police, while 34% of Latinos and 28% of whites feel that way.
Police reform “is at the heart of a lot of the discussions that are going on,” said Michael Lawson, president of the Los Angeles Urban League.
“It is at the core of what Black Lives Matter is demanding, and is an essential part of moving forward,” Lawson said. “There have been discussions going back to the Rodney King situation. This is a continuation of that.”
The recent spate of police killings of unarmed Black Americans and subsequent protests has also led to a change in perceptions on discrimination, Lawson added.
“The visibility of people standing in the streets and saying, ‘Enough is enough’ is a big change,” he said. “There is something different. The needle has moved.”
Compared with February, white respondents are 18 points more likely to believe Black Americans are discriminated against frequently (from 22% saying as much in February to 40%), 10 points more likely to believe Latinos are discriminated against frequently (from 22% to 32%), and 13 points more likely to believe Asians are discriminated against frequently (from 7% to 20%).
There is a “continuing hierarchy” in which respondents perceive Black Americans to be the most affected by discrimination, followed by Latinos and Asian Americans, Ong noted.
Charlie Woo, the board chair of CAUSE, said it was important for Californians to understand that Asian Americans are also discriminated against.
“People need to be aware of the challenges we face,” Woo said. “The fact that Californians [now] recognize Asian Americans don’t just fit in as model minorities, but also are discriminated against and face challenges ... that’s big progress.”


latimes--2020-07-14--Despite criticism, LAPD Chief Michel Moore maintains support in political circles

In the political sea change that has occurred in Los Angeles since the protests sparked by the police killing of George Floyd , few top officials have come under more scrutiny than Los Angeles Police Chief Michel Moore .
Black Lives Matter activists have called for his ouster as part of a larger movement to defund the Los Angeles Police Department and enact sweeping reforms .
But at City Hall and in other corridors of power in L.A. politics , Moore continues to enjoy wide public backing , with officials pointing to the 40-year veteran ’ s record of implementing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ society isn ’ t just a job for one person — it ’ s for all of us — but Chief Moore is a critical leader in this work , ” Mayor Eric Garcetti said in a statement to The Times .
“ I think he ’ s not just the best person [ for the job ] in Los Angeles , but the best person in the country , ” said Commissioner Steve Soboroff of the department ’ s civilian Police Commission .
Activists and many protesters could not disagree more .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Matter-Los Angeles , which has long objected to Moore ’ s leadership and is suing the Police Department over its recent protest tactics , said Moore told protesters they had the right to be in the street to demand change over recent police killings of Black people , then ordered a violent crackdown with batons and foam and sponge bullets that left many peaceful protesters badly injured .
He also has presided over a department that has disproportionately pulled over and searched Black and Latino drivers , and illegitimately entered people into a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You have elected officials on one side who are measuring things politically , and then you have the people of Los Angeles on the other side who are looking at the quality of the job and the unwillingness to engage in the real , transformative change that is required , ” Abdullah said .
“ Michel Moore has demonstrated his loyalty to Garcetti , and that ’ s the most important thing rather than the job being the most important thing .
We want the job to be the most important thing.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positive consensus in L.A. political circles — at least among those officials who have made their views known — bodes well for Moore , as , under the City Charter it is the mayor , the Police Commission and the City Council who control the police chief ’ s fate .
The commission , whose members are appointed by the mayor , controls one mechanism for removal , and the council controls the other .
“ He has repeatedly expressed his willingness to lead the LAPD to implement the reforms that residents and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Councilman Paul Koretz , whose Fairfax district was the scene of some of the largest protests , most devastating property damage and most brutal LAPD enforcement tactics .
Neither body has discussed removing Moore , who took charge of the department in 2018 .
Some members have acknowledged concerns about his recent performance , but say they trust him to evaluate any shortcomings and improve .
Councilman Mitch O ’ Farrell , whose district takes in Hollywood , Silver Lake and Glassell Park , said criticisms from reform advocates “ are understandable , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ responsive to his critics.
” “ This moment demands that we all hold ourselves to a new , higher standard , ” he said .
Councilman Bob Blumenfield , who represents neighborhoods in the West San Fernando Valley , said he has seen footage and heard stories from Angelenos who were at recent protests “ that are truly disturbing , ” but he stands behind Moore .
“ The systemic change needed to address institutional racism in police departments needs chiefs who are willing to acknowledge mistakes and missteps and be the change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ I have confidence in Chief Moore to lead this department , but tough conversations and , more importantly , actions must happen.
” Some other council and Police Commission members have not responded to requests for comment on Moore .
The support comes amid public outcry calling for his removal .
Dozens of residents have called in to legislative hearings and every Police Commission meeting in the last month to demand Moore be fired .
It also comes as the department faces a class-action lawsuit and other litigation over its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multiple surveys are being circulated by labor groups to gauge sentiment among officers about the direction in which the department is headed under Moore ’ s leadership .
According to a command staff member with access to results for one survey , only 25 % of officers who had responded as of July 7 believed Moore ’ s response during the recent protests and unrest was adequate , and only 30 % felt supported by Moore .
Police union officials say many officers believe Moore abandoned them by bowing to activists and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve worked well with the Chief over the past two years .
However , most front-line officers hoped that he would have stood up for our officers and the department publicly while city politicians slashed our budget , cut hundreds of officers , and distorted the department ’ s substantial progress on enacting meaningful police reform , ” said Craig Lally , president of the Los Angeles Police Protective League .
Activists say Moore talks the talk of reform but often doubles back on his own progressive-minded pronouncements to defend the overpolicing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reprehensible police practices .
Officials who continue to back Moore are disingenuous about their desire to see true change in the department , activists say , and should look more to Moore ’ s actions than his rhetoric .
Amid the current “ Defund Police ” movement , for example , Moore has professed a desire to see a portion of police work shifted to other trained professionals , including mental health providers , which is a key demand of activists .
But he also has argued against cuts to the police budget @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say .
Moore himself has had moments of introspection , in which the weight of the current movement for police reform has made him wonder whether his time at the top was running short .
Amid a barrage of criticism and calls for his firing during a Police Commission meeting last month , Moore got a text message from Soboroff — first obtained by the Center for Investigative Reporting — in which Soboroff suggested the critics couldn ’ t be reasoned with .
“ So sad .
So mean so angry , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to say they “ must listen and remain resolved ” — and that he , too , could “ see the need to change ” leadership at the LAPD if calls for his head grew .
“ Not aware of [ an ] incident of civil unrest to this degree in which the top elected officials and for that matter the cop aren ’ t needed to exit to reset , ” Moore wrote .
The blunt assessment was one based on history , which has seen leaders of major police departments across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the wake of big protests and civil disturbances , Moore said in an interview with The Times .
But it was no capitulation to resign .
Moore said he wants to be part of the broader public safety solution being sought by activists and protesters , and to make the LAPD a shining example of progressive policing nationally .
“ These are hard days .
These are troubling and uncertain times , ” Moore said .
“ But I also know that I want to be a part — and I see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in law enforcement and in 21st century policing across America.
” Having headed up every major division of the LAPD over his nearly 40 years on the force , Moore said he brings a “ steady hand ” and “ credibility ” to the LAPD at a time when both are needed badly .
He said he has shown an ability to “ reconcile differences ” rather than get into fights with people who don ’ t immediately see eye to eye with him .
He believes he can give officers “ confidence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we are an agency to be proud of.
” He said he knows that “ a significant number of them may be demoralized , disheartened under a lot of pressure and underappreciated , ” but that they should know that he has their backs and recognizes all of their hard work improving the department in recent years .
Garcetti said he first met Moore when Moore was “ cleaning up ” the department after officers were caught framing civilians in the late 1990s , and made him chief because “ he has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a reformer , unafraid to take difficult steps forward.
” Garcetti said the LAPD needs that type of leader now .
Garcetti also faced calls from Black Lives Matter-Los Angeles to fire Moore ’ s predecessor , Charlie Beck , over police killings .
Since then , the city ’ s arrest of homeless people , police use of force , and gentrification have made the mayor a target of left-wing activists .
Those activists have also been critical of Moore .
But Garcetti defends Moore , just as he stuck by Beck @

Kevin Rector, Dakota Smith, Richard Winton

In the political sea change that has occurred in Los Angeles since the protests sparked by the police killing of George Floyd, few top officials have come under more scrutiny than Los Angeles Police Chief Michel Moore.
Black Lives Matter activists have called for his ouster as part of a larger movement to defund the Los Angeles Police Department and enact sweeping reforms. But at City Hall and in other corridors of power in L.A. politics, Moore continues to enjoy wide public backing, with officials pointing to the 40-year veteran’s record of implementing reforms.
“Bringing about a fairer society isn’t just a job for one person — it’s for all of us — but Chief Moore is a critical leader in this work,” Mayor Eric Garcetti said in a statement to The Times.
“I think he’s not just the best person [for the job] in Los Angeles, but the best person in the country,” said Commissioner Steve Soboroff of the department’s civilian Police Commission.
Activists and many protesters could not disagree more.
Melina Abdullah, co-founder of Black Lives Matter-Los Angeles, which has long objected to Moore’s leadership and is suing the Police Department over its recent protest tactics, said Moore told protesters they had the right to be in the street to demand change over recent police killings of Black people, then ordered a violent crackdown with batons and foam and sponge bullets that left many peaceful protesters badly injured.
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He also has presided over a department that has disproportionately pulled over and searched Black and Latino drivers, and illegitimately entered people into a gang database, Abdullah noted.
“You have elected officials on one side who are measuring things politically, and then you have the people of Los Angeles on the other side who are looking at the quality of the job and the unwillingness to engage in the real, transformative change that is required,” Abdullah said. “Michel Moore has demonstrated his loyalty to Garcetti, and that’s the most important thing rather than the job being the most important thing. We want the job to be the most important thing.”
Activists’ criticisms notwithstanding, the more positive consensus in L.A. political circles — at least among those officials who have made their views known — bodes well for Moore, as, under the City Charter it is the mayor, the Police Commission and the City Council who control the police chief’s fate. The commission, whose members are appointed by the mayor, controls one mechanism for removal, and the council controls the other.
“He has repeatedly expressed his willingness to lead the LAPD to implement the reforms that residents and leaders are calling for,” said Councilman Paul Koretz, whose Fairfax district was the scene of some of the largest protests, most devastating property damage and most brutal LAPD enforcement tactics.
Neither body has discussed removing Moore, who took charge of the department in 2018. Some members have acknowledged concerns about his recent performance, but say they trust him to evaluate any shortcomings and improve.
Councilman Mitch O’Farrell, whose district takes in Hollywood, Silver Lake and Glassell Park, said criticisms from reform advocates “are understandable,” but that Moore “has been responsive to his critics.”
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“This moment demands that we all hold ourselves to a new, higher standard,” he said.
Councilman Bob Blumenfield, who represents neighborhoods in the West San Fernando Valley, said he has seen footage and heard stories from Angelenos who were at recent protests “that are truly disturbing,” but he stands behind Moore.
“The systemic change needed to address institutional racism in police departments needs chiefs who are willing to acknowledge mistakes and missteps and be the change we need to see,” he said. “I have confidence in Chief Moore to lead this department, but tough conversations and, more importantly, actions must happen.”
Some other council and Police Commission members have not responded to requests for comment on Moore.
The support comes amid public outcry calling for his removal. Dozens of residents have called in to legislative hearings and every Police Commission meeting in the last month to demand Moore be fired. It also comes as the department faces a class-action lawsuit and other litigation over its handling of the protests, and as multiple surveys are being circulated by labor groups to gauge sentiment among officers about the direction in which the department is headed under Moore’s leadership.
According to a command staff member with access to results for one survey, only 25% of officers who had responded as of July 7 believed Moore’s response during the recent protests and unrest was adequate, and only 30% felt supported by Moore.
Police union officials say many officers believe Moore abandoned them by bowing to activists and the politicians who back them.
“We’ve worked well with the Chief over the past two years. However, most front-line officers hoped that he would have stood up for our officers and the department publicly while city politicians slashed our budget, cut hundreds of officers, and distorted the department’s substantial progress on enacting meaningful police reform,” said Craig Lally, president of the Los Angeles Police Protective League.
Activists say Moore talks the talk of reform but often doubles back on his own progressive-minded pronouncements to defend the overpolicing of Black and brown communities and other reprehensible police practices.
Officials who continue to back Moore are disingenuous about their desire to see true change in the department, activists say, and should look more to Moore’s actions than his rhetoric.
Amid the current “Defund Police” movement, for example, Moore has professed a desire to see a portion of police work shifted to other trained professionals, including mental health providers, which is a key demand of activists. But he also has argued against cuts to the police budget needed to make that possible, activists say.
Moore himself has had moments of introspection, in which the weight of the current movement for police reform has made him wonder whether his time at the top was running short.
Amid a barrage of criticism and calls for his firing during a Police Commission meeting last month, Moore got a text message from Soboroff — first obtained by the Center for Investigative Reporting — in which Soboroff suggested the critics couldn’t be reasoned with.
“So sad. So mean so angry,” Soboroff wrote.
Moore quickly wrote back to say they “must listen and remain resolved” — and that he, too, could “see the need to change” leadership at the LAPD if calls for his head grew.
“Not aware of [an] incident of civil unrest to this degree in which the top elected officials and for that matter the cop aren’t needed to exit to reset,” Moore wrote.
The blunt assessment was one based on history, which has seen leaders of major police departments across the country resign or get pushed out in the wake of big protests and civil disturbances, Moore said in an interview with The Times. But it was no capitulation to resign.
Moore said he wants to be part of the broader public safety solution being sought by activists and protesters, and to make the LAPD a shining example of progressive policing nationally.
“These are hard days. These are troubling and uncertain times,” Moore said. “But I also know that I want to be a part — and I see us being a part — of leading in law enforcement and in 21st century policing across America.”
Having headed up every major division of the LAPD over his nearly 40 years on the force, Moore said he brings a “steady hand” and “credibility” to the LAPD at a time when both are needed badly. He said he has shown an ability to “reconcile differences” rather than get into fights with people who don’t immediately see eye to eye with him.
He believes he can give officers “confidence that we have a path forward, that we are an agency to be proud of.” He said he knows that “a significant number of them may be demoralized, disheartened under a lot of pressure and underappreciated,” but that they should know that he has their backs and recognizes all of their hard work improving the department in recent years.
Garcetti said he first met Moore when Moore was “cleaning up” the department after officers were caught framing civilians in the late 1990s, and made him chief because “he has proven throughout his career that he is a reformer, unafraid to take difficult steps forward.”
Garcetti said the LAPD needs that type of leader now.
Garcetti also faced calls from Black Lives Matter-Los Angeles to fire Moore’s predecessor, Charlie Beck, over police killings.
Since then, the city’s arrest of homeless people, police use of force, and gentrification have made the mayor a target of left-wing activists. Those activists have also been critical of Moore.
But Garcetti defends Moore, just as he stuck by Beck.
Times staff writer David Zahniser contributed to this report.