latimes--2020-06-05--A coronavirus mystery: How many people in L.A. actually have COVID-19?

One of the most pressing questions public health officials are trying to answer about the coronavirus is how many people actually have been infected by it .
Have a relatively significant portion of Californians been infected with the virus but survived without much problem ?
Or has the virus touched only a tiny sliver of California , suggesting the chances of serious illness are greater if you ’ re infected ?
In April , controversial studies out of Stanford University and USC suggested the coronavirus has circulated much more widely than previously thought in Silicon Valley and Los Angeles County @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions from other epidemiologists around the country about whether those estimates were too high .
To figure out how many people in L.A. County had evidence of past infection to the coronavirus , researchers aimed to test a representative sample of the county ’ s 7.9 million adults to see if they had antibodies to the virus .
The presence of antibodies indicates that the body has been infected with the coronavirus before , and that the body ’ s immune system responded to it .
The original study of 863 adults tested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ April 14 found that 4.1 % tested positive for coronavirus antibodies .
That ’ s equivalent to about 322,000 L.A. County adults .
When factoring in false positives and negatives and adjusting for demographics — because those tested were disproportionately more white and higher-income than the actual demographics of the county — scientists estimated that 4.65 % of L.A. County residents tested positive for the antibodies .
Then in May , the same researchers from USC and L.A. County repeated the study with different people at different sites .
The new study ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2.1 % tested positive for antibodies .
This time , 1,014 adults were tested in the county between May 8 and 12 .
The results suggest that only about 165,000 L.A. County adults have antibodies to the coronavirus — an estimate nearly 50 % lower than the first study ’ s results .
What to make of the changes is the subject of much debate .
The new results also may mean that the coronavirus might be deadlier than previously suggested by the first survey in L.A. County , said Neeraj Sood , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a professor at USC ’ s Sol Price School of Public Policy .
Sood said the average of the two results would lead him to guess that roughly 3 % of L.A. County adults , or 236,000 people , have been infected with the coronavirus .
The findings underscore that many more studies are needed before we better understand how widely the disease has spread .
Scientists in L.A. County and at USC said there were a number of reasons for the differing results .
The latest study made an effort to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was not done in the prior survey , and there was a concerted effort to test more blacks , Latinos and Asian Americans .
Different testing sites were also chosen .
Random chance could also be a reason .
“ If you toss a coin 10 times , you don ’ t always get five heads .
Sometimes you might get one head and sometimes you might get all 10 as a head , ” said Sood , who is also an author of the Stanford report , at a recent press conference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and outcomes could also explain differences in testing positive , ” Sood said .
There ’ s another reason , although it is highly speculative : People are seeing antibodies to the coronavirus decline in the months after recovering from infection .
“ Antibody levels may have waned amongst persons who had been infected early in the pandemic prior to the safer-at-home order , ” said Barbara Ferrer , director of public health in L.A. County .
The order was implemented March 19 .
“ I want to emphasize that this is completely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t fully investigated this issue , but this is something we will look at , ” Sood said .
“ This is right now just a potential explanation .
It doesn ’ t mean that we think this is a likely explanation.
” While lab tests can detect antibody levels at lower amounts , the tests the scientists used for the study detect a specific amount of antibodies only above a certain arbitrary threshold , Sood said in an interview .
Ferrer said it ’ ll be important to do more surveys @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and also test other populations not represented in the survey , like those experiencing homelessness and living without shelter or those living in jails and nursing homes .
“ The survey may also not have captured the experiences of those who live in extreme poverty .
So plans are underway to do special studies for high-risk populations , ” Ferrer said .
Children will also be tested in a later survey .
It ’ s also possible the first L.A. County study was simply problematic .
The first studies of antibody prevalence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under criticism by other epidemiologists , who thought it was an overestimate .
The simplest answer is that the first L.A. County study had too many false positives , said Dr. George Rutherford , epidemiologist and infectious-diseases expert at UC San Francisco.
`` I suspect what was really going on was ... they overestimated to start with and now they ’ re coming out with probably a closer estimate.
” Rutherford said he thought losing antibodies to the coronavirus is the least likely explanation for the difference in results between the two studies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the general population , there ’ s a well-known risk that a study will find too many false positives , Rutherford said .
To deal with that risk , you don ’ t release the first study ’ s results immediately ; you run a second test using a different technique on the first set of lab specimens , Rutherford said .
The second test would try to identify the existence of the antibody that ’ s related to a different part of the coronavirus .
“ Then if you have both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot closer to being a true positive than doing a single test , ” Rutherford said .
Rutherford said across California , he suspects that 1 % of residents have been infected with the coronavirus at some point .
It could be higher in Los Angeles County , but Rutherford said he thought even a 2 % prevalence rate for L.A. County may be slightly high .
Rutherford also suspects the estimate that 21 % of New York City residents have been infected with the coronavirus is too high , and he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Rutherford is embarking on a study of 1,200 people who have previously tested negative for the coronavirus in six counties of the San Francisco Bay Area to determine the number of new cases per person over time .
He said he suspects 1 % to 1.5 % of the people he ’ s studying will become positive , and it could rise if the outbreak gets worse .
Sood defended the methodology of the first study , which he said did account for the risk of finding too many false positives .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was to generate the results quickly and within a budget , and as a result , the lab specimens were tested only once before they were made public .
Sood also said the test his team used , sold by Minneapolis-based Premier Biotech , was informally evaluated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration for accuracy and had good results : The FDA found a 0 % false positive rate and a 7 % false negative rate , Sood said .
The FDA has allowed Premier Biotech ’ s coronavirus antibody test to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet for clinical purposes .
Finally , Sood said his study ’ s results are consistent with what he says is the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ’ s best guess of the case-fatality rate .
Of everyone infected by the virus , an estimated 0.26 % will die , according to calculations Sood did based on data on the CDC ’ s website .
That case-fatality rate matches what actually happened in L.A. County by April 24 , when a cumulative 850 deaths had been recorded , and Sood ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three weeks prior to that date .
It can take roughly three weeks from exposure to the virus to die from COVID-19 , according to CDC estimates .
There remains uncertainty over how deadly the coronavirus is for those who are infected by it .
Other experts have said they suspect that 1 % of people who are infected with the virus will die , a rate four times as large as the figure Sood calculated based on CDC data .
One thing is clear : The vast majority of L.A. County residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to getting sick .
It means L.A. County ’ s stay-at-home order has been effective at curbing the spread of disease .
But it also means L.A. County is nowhere near most of its population being immune to the virus , and the region will have to think of policies that can protect the population in the next two years or so before a vaccine might become widely available .
If you take the average of the two study results , “ that still means we probably have 97 % of the people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kim-Farley , medical epidemiologist and infectious-diseases expert at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health .

One of the most pressing questions public health officials are trying to answer about the coronavirus is how many people actually have been infected by it.
Have a relatively significant portion of Californians been infected with the virus but survived without much problem?
Or has the virus touched only a tiny sliver of California, suggesting the chances of serious illness are greater if you’re infected?
Advertisement
In April, controversial studies out of Stanford University and USC suggested the coronavirus has circulated much more widely than previously thought in Silicon Valley and Los Angeles County.
Almost immediately, there have been questions from other epidemiologists around the country about whether those estimates were too high.
To figure out how many people in L.A. County had evidence of past infection to the coronavirus, researchers aimed to test a representative sample of the county’s 7.9 million adults to see if they had antibodies to the virus. The presence of antibodies indicates that the body has been infected with the coronavirus before, and that the body’s immune system responded to it.
The original study of 863 adults tested in L.A. County between April 10 and April 14 found that 4.1% tested positive for coronavirus antibodies. That’s equivalent to about 322,000 L.A. County adults. When factoring in false positives and negatives and adjusting for demographics — because those tested were disproportionately more white and higher-income than the actual demographics of the county — scientists estimated that 4.65% of L.A. County residents tested positive for the antibodies.
Then in May, the same researchers from USC and L.A. County repeated the study with different people at different sites.
The new study’s results were dramatically different: Only 2.1% tested positive for antibodies. This time, 1,014 adults were tested in the county between May 8 and 12.
The results suggest that only about 165,000 L.A. County adults have antibodies to the coronavirus — an estimate nearly 50% lower than the first study’s results.
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What to make of the changes is the subject of much debate.
The new results also may mean that the coronavirus might be deadlier than previously suggested by the first survey in L.A. County, said Neeraj Sood, the L.A. County study’s leader and a professor at USC’s Sol Price School of Public Policy.
Sood said the average of the two results would lead him to guess that roughly 3% of L.A. County adults, or 236,000 people, have been infected with the coronavirus.
The findings underscore that many more studies are needed before we better understand how widely the disease has spread.
Scientists in L.A. County and at USC said there were a number of reasons for the differing results. The latest study made an effort to include Mandarin and Spanish speakers, which was not done in the prior survey, and there was a concerted effort to test more blacks, Latinos and Asian Americans. Different testing sites were also chosen.
Random chance could also be a reason. “If you toss a coin 10 times, you don’t always get five heads. Sometimes you might get one head and sometimes you might get all 10 as a head,” said Sood, who is also an author of the Stanford report, at a recent press conference.
“Some of this random variation and outcomes could also explain differences in testing positive,” Sood said.
There’s another reason, although it is highly speculative: People are seeing antibodies to the coronavirus decline in the months after recovering from infection.
“Antibody levels may have waned amongst persons who had been infected early in the pandemic prior to the safer-at-home order,” said Barbara Ferrer, director of public health in L.A. County. The order was implemented March 19.
“I want to emphasize that this is completely speculative at this time. We haven’t fully investigated this issue, but this is something we will look at,” Sood said. “This is right now just a potential explanation. It doesn’t mean that we think this is a likely explanation.”
While lab tests can detect antibody levels at lower amounts, the tests the scientists used for the study detect a specific amount of antibodies only above a certain arbitrary threshold, Sood said in an interview.
Ferrer said it’ll be important to do more surveys with more people in the coming months, and also test other populations not represented in the survey, like those experiencing homelessness and living without shelter or those living in jails and nursing homes.
“The survey may also not have captured the experiences of those who live in extreme poverty. So plans are underway to do special studies for high-risk populations,” Ferrer said. Children will also be tested in a later survey.
It’s also possible the first L.A. County study was simply problematic. The first studies of antibody prevalence in L.A. and Santa Clara counties came under criticism by other epidemiologists, who thought it was an overestimate.
The simplest answer is that the first L.A. County study had too many false positives, said Dr. George Rutherford, epidemiologist and infectious-diseases expert at UC San Francisco. “ I suspect what was really going on was ... they overestimated to start with and now they’re coming out with probably a closer estimate.”
Rutherford said he thought losing antibodies to the coronavirus is the least likely explanation for the difference in results between the two studies.
When a disease is quite rare in the general population, there’s a well-known risk that a study will find too many false positives, Rutherford said.
To deal with that risk, you don’t release the first study’s results immediately; you run a second test using a different technique on the first set of lab specimens, Rutherford said. The second test would try to identify the existence of the antibody that’s related to a different part of the coronavirus.
“Then if you have both of those positive ... it’s a lot closer to being a true positive than doing a single test,” Rutherford said.
Rutherford said across California, he suspects that 1% of residents have been infected with the coronavirus at some point. It could be higher in Los Angeles County, but Rutherford said he thought even a 2% prevalence rate for L.A. County may be slightly high.
Rutherford also suspects the estimate that 21% of New York City residents have been infected with the coronavirus is too high, and he could see it perhaps being 10%.
Rutherford is embarking on a study of 1,200 people who have previously tested negative for the coronavirus in six counties of the San Francisco Bay Area to determine the number of new cases per person over time. He said he suspects 1% to 1.5% of the people he’s studying will become positive, and it could rise if the outbreak gets worse.
Sood defended the methodology of the first study, which he said did account for the risk of finding too many false positives. Sood said the goal of the study was to generate the results quickly and within a budget, and as a result, the lab specimens were tested only once before they were made public.
Sood also said the test his team used, sold by Minneapolis-based Premier Biotech, was informally evaluated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration for accuracy and had good results: The FDA found a 0% false positive rate and a 7% false negative rate, Sood said. The FDA has allowed Premier Biotech’s coronavirus antibody test to be used for research purposes but not yet for clinical purposes.
Finally, Sood said his study’s results are consistent with what he says is the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s best guess of the case-fatality rate. Of everyone infected by the virus, an estimated 0.26% will die, according to calculations Sood did based on data on the CDC’s website.
That case-fatality rate matches what actually happened in L.A. County by April 24, when a cumulative 850 deaths had been recorded, and Sood’s estimate of 324,000 having been infected three weeks prior to that date.
It can take roughly three weeks from exposure to the virus to die from COVID-19, according to CDC estimates.
There remains uncertainty over how deadly the coronavirus is for those who are infected by it. Other experts have said they suspect that 1% of people who are infected with the virus will die, a rate four times as large as the figure Sood calculated based on CDC data.
One thing is clear: The vast majority of L.A. County residents have not been infected and are susceptible to getting sick.
It means L.A. County’s stay-at-home order has been effective at curbing the spread of disease. But it also means L.A. County is nowhere near most of its population being immune to the virus, and the region will have to think of policies that can protect the population in the next two years or so before a vaccine might become widely available.
If you take the average of the two study results, “that still means we probably have 97% of the people still susceptible,” said Dr. Robert Kim-Farley, medical epidemiologist and infectious-diseases expert at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health.


latimes--2020-06-05--Looters who hit L.A. stores explain what they did: 'Get my portion!'

The young man flanked the shattered entry of a ransacked CVS in Santa Monica , where people had swept the shelves clean of everything from diapers to detergent .
The man , who did not cover his face , admitted he was a looter .
He did not apologize .
“ We ’ ve got no other way of showing people how angry we are , ” he said .
Out of the store ran another young man , this one holding a carton of eggs .
He grabbed a friend and started scanning the street for targets : police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it because we can , ” he said .
Over in Van Nuys , a teenage boy standing outside a ravaged Skechers store held up a backpack .
That was all he took .
But it was enough , he said .
“ We are just trying to provide and take up the opportunity that we are getting right now .
That ’ s all.
” In the unprecedented reaction to the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officers , peaceful protest marches across Southern California in the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about police brutality and race relations .
But the massive demonstrations have been accompanied by looting in some cities around the Southland .
Authorities believe most of the thefts and vandalism came from people not directly connected to the protests who used the teeming crowds as cover to steal merchandise .
Some of the looting appears to be organized , with groups driving around hitting multiple stores .
For others , it was an outgrowth over the deep anger and frustration about the way blacks and others are mistreated , and they cited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump , the privilege exposed in the college admissions scandal , and widening inequality .
“ If Donald Trump is saying shoot us tonight , that is not giving us no leeway , ” said a teenager holding the stolen Skechers backpack Monday in Van Nuys .
“ That ’ s just making things worse .
If that ’ s giving permission for the police to shoot children , innocent teenagers , things like that , that ’ s not right.
” Times reporters interviewed people of different races and backgrounds who stole @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The looters , unwilling to risk prosecution , declined to provide their names .
Hundreds of stores were hit over a three-day period , in many cases broadcast on live television .
The stealing was largely limited to a few business districts including Fairfax , Santa Monica ’ s shopping district , parts of Long Beach , downtown Los Angeles , Van Nuys and Hollywood .
Merchants — already reeling from coronavirus closures — were left with battered stores and even more losses .
They and others expressed alarm at how the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long before police arrived .
Some have argued that too much attention is paid to the looting , which they say distracts from the powerful political movement fueled by Floyd ’ s killing .
Yet the images had a larger symbolism .
“ Part of it is simply an assertion of power .
Riots nearly always have a carnival aspect because people who for nearly all their lives have felt under the thumb of other groups suddenly have a sense of power , ” said Stephen Reicher , who studies crowd psychology at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ People who have been invisible and whose situation has been ignored all their lives suddenly become visible.
” Some looters have often been strategic , hitting high-end spots such as Nordstrom and the Apple Store at the Grove and the trendy retail strips of Melrose and Fairfax .
Many looters appear to be working in caravans that methodically block off certain streets with their vehicles , which serve as getaway cars for those running off with merchandise .
Those tactics were on display on Sunday in Santa Monica , where teams @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clean within minutes as protesters marched nearby .
Others returned again and again throughout the afternoon to the same stores for more .
Some paused on the street to distribute the goods among themselves or stuff them in backpacks , suitcases or boxes .
“ Get my portion !
Get my portion !
” one man shouted as looters hammered and kicked an ATM at Ye Olde King ’ s Head Gift Shoppe .
The looters , most of them wearing dark colors and bandanas or masks , blended in among crowds already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They seemed to know one another and were fast and coordinated , calling out commands .
“ The jewelry store !
” one looter screamed , announcing the next destination .
At Santa Monica Jewelry and Loan , the sound of gunshots erupted when looters attempted to break in .
They fled .
Two security guards could be seen through the broken glass , guns drawn .
Some appeared to be spontaneously joining in , taking what was left of the destroyed businesses .
At a vandalized 7-Eleven , a homeless man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in awe of the scene .
He walked in and carried out a beverage .
A South Los Angeles man who was tagging along with a group of looters Sunday afternoon said he had been in Santa Monica just to get something to eat .
But when he saw the protests forming , he decided to jump in .
The man , who didn ’ t want to share his name for fear of legal repercussions , said looters didn ’ t concern him .
“ The real answer is everybody knows this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do anything and get away with it.
” He cited the college admissions scandal that has resulted in short prison sentences for wealthy white people .
If that had been him , the punishment would have been more severe , he said .
The anger at inequality is not uncommon among business owners , many of whom are people of color .
Eddie Perez , 22 , whose father owns a smoke shop in Hollywood , felt so strongly after Floyd ’ s killing that he joined protesters at a march on Monday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wooden boards and broke through the glass at the store , destroying it within 45 minutes .
The pipes , hookahs , souvenirs , T-shirts and snacks inside couldn ’ t be salvaged , even though some were left behind .
His father , a Guatemalan immigrant who swept floors and did construction work for decades before saving enough money to open the store three years ago , lost $ 20,000 worth of merchandise .
The family of activists had put a “ Justice For George Floyd ” sign in the window of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I ’ m just very angry at the fact that we are a minority-owned business and we stand so much with the movement , ” Perez said .
“ It destroyed my trust in the world for that day.
” Still , Perez said he understood why the looting occurred , even if he doesn ’ t justify it .
“ People are angry .
People are tired .
The Rodney King situation happened how long ago and this is still happening ?
” he said .
“ It ’ s hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to why they broke into all these places.
” Some shopkeepers expressed outrage over Floyd ’ s slaying , but felt that nothing excuses criminal behavior and that looters should face consequences .
Joe Green , owner of Broadway Wine and Spirits in Santa Monica , said he was lucky that his family-owned store experienced only one broken window .
Green fended off looters , aided by his customers and neighbors .
When he called the police , he said he was told that no one was coming .
“ I think there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to pay for your actions , ” said Green , noting that businesses have already been struggling because of the pandemic .
“ Peaceful protesting is great .
But rioting and looting and vandalizing ?
No .
Burning businesses down ?
That ’ s not the answer.
” For 30 uninterrupted minutes Monday night , the looters roamed along the strip of stores just below Sunset on Highland Avenue in Hollywood , breaking into numerous businesses .
Many had work gloves , face masks or bandanas wrapped around their heads .
Some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman had blue medical scrubs .
Some toted bats .
This account is based on video reviewed by The Times , which showed a chaotic scene at the fringes of the demonstrations nearby .
Despite the heavy police presence in the neighborhood , only one police car was seen in the video , apparently responding to another call .
Over a half hour , the looters went unchecked .
The crowd spent more than 20 minutes trying to bust open an ATM that was snatched from a smoke shop .
Two men were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the machine , and the smashed remnants littered Highland Avenue long afterward .
Meanwhile , a psychic ’ s shop and a barber shop went untouched .
The looters were mostly young and male , some of them teenagers and a few of them middle-aged .
There were some women in the group , which was mostly black and Latino .
One of the looters was questioned on the spot by a friend of one of the merchants : Why was everyone out looting ?
As the camera rolled , the young man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a black mask wrapped around the lower half of his face — spoke of long-simmering frustrations , of white people plundering the black community and appropriating their success .
“ We ’ re tired of being killed , ” he said .
“ We ’ re tired of laws being passed while they put drugs and guns in our community .
They pass laws to lock us up.
” Asked if he was among the demonstrators peacefully protesting earlier in the day , he dismissed the idea .
“ Protesting peacefully ?
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That didn ’ t get us nowhere.
” Times staff writers Melissa Etehad and Jaclyn Cosgrove contributed to this report .

Maya Lau, Alejandra Reyes-Velarde, Matt Hamilton

Looters rush out of the Patagonia Store on 4th St. in Los Angeles.
The young man flanked the shattered entry of a ransacked CVS in Santa Monica, where people had swept the shelves clean of everything from diapers to detergent. The man, who did not cover his face, admitted he was a looter. He did not apologize.
“We’ve got no other way of showing people how angry we are,” he said.
Out of the store ran another young man, this one holding a carton of eggs. He grabbed a friend and started scanning the street for targets: police cars. “We’re doing it because we can,” he said.
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Over in Van Nuys, a teenage boy standing outside a ravaged Skechers store held up a backpack. That was all he took. But it was enough, he said.
“We are just trying to provide and take up the opportunity that we are getting right now. That’s all.”
In the unprecedented reaction to the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officers, peaceful protest marches across Southern California in the last week have already dramatically changed the debate about police brutality and race relations.
But the massive demonstrations have been accompanied by looting in some cities around the Southland. Authorities believe most of the thefts and vandalism came from people not directly connected to the protests who used the teeming crowds as cover to steal merchandise.
Some of the looting appears to be organized, with groups driving around hitting multiple stores. For others, it was an outgrowth over the deep anger and frustration about the way blacks and others are mistreated, and they cited a host of other issues: President Trump, the privilege exposed in the college admissions scandal, and widening inequality.
“If Donald Trump is saying shoot us tonight, that is not giving us no leeway,” said a teenager holding the stolen Skechers backpack Monday in Van Nuys. “That’s just making things worse. If that’s giving permission for the police to shoot children, innocent teenagers, things like that, that’s not right.”
Times reporters interviewed people of different races and backgrounds who stole from stores over the last few days. The looters, unwilling to risk prosecution, declined to provide their names.
Hundreds of stores were hit over a three-day period, in many cases broadcast on live television. The stealing was largely limited to a few business districts including Fairfax, Santa Monica’s shopping district, parts of Long Beach, downtown Los Angeles, Van Nuys and Hollywood. Merchants — already reeling from coronavirus closures — were left with battered stores and even more losses. They and others expressed alarm at how the stealing was able to go on so long before police arrived.
Advertisement
Some have argued that too much attention is paid to the looting, which they say distracts from the powerful political movement fueled by Floyd’s killing. Yet the images had a larger symbolism.
“Part of it is simply an assertion of power. Riots nearly always have a carnival aspect because people who for nearly all their lives have felt under the thumb of other groups suddenly have a sense of power,” said Stephen Reicher, who studies crowd psychology at the University of St. Andrews in Scotland.
“People who have been invisible and whose situation has been ignored all their lives suddenly become visible.”
::
1 / 40 A Van Nuys watch and jewelry store is broken into Monday. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 2 / 40 An LAPD officer arrests a looting suspect in an alley behind a Hollywood Boulevard store. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 3 / 40 A looting arrest in Van Nuys. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 4 / 40 AJ Lovelace tries to stop people from breaking into a Walgreens store at Santa Monica Boulevard and Highland Avenue. “We need peace, and we need someone to talk to each other,” he said after they fled the scene. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 5 / 40 An LAPD officer arrests a looting suspect in an alley behind a Hollywood Boulevard store. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 6 / 40 People break into and burglarize a store in Hollywood. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 7 / 40 National Guardsmen outside Santa Monica Place. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 8 / 40 People exit a looted store in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 9 / 40 People are taken into custody for curfew violations suspects in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 10 / 40 An arrest in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 11 / 40 A looted store in Santa Monica. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 12 / 40 People exit a looted store in Long Beach on Sunday. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times) 13 / 40 A police officer inspects the damage to a supermarket. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 14 / 40 Looting in Long Beach on Sunday. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 15 / 40 Looting in Long Beach. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 16 / 40 A man smashes windows in Santa Monica. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 17 / 40 People walk away with stolen surfboards in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 18 / 40 A person rushes out of a looted store in Santa Monica. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 19 / 40 A shattered storefront on Melrose Avenue on Sunday. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times) 20 / 40 Smashed windows on La Cienega Boulevard. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times) 21 / 40 People taking stolen goods on Saturday. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 22 / 40 People carry items taken from stores that were broken into in the Fairfax District on Saturday in Los Angeles. (Kent Nishimura/Los Angeles Times) 23 / 40 A person kicks in the door of a Whole Foods Market in the Fairfax District of Los Angeles on Saturday. (Kent Nishimura/Los Angeles Times) 24 / 40 Police arrest looters at Whole Foods Market in the Fairfax District on Saturday in Los Angeles. (Kent Nishimura/Los Angeles Times) 25 / 40 A man leaves the broken-into Apple Store with merchandise at the Grove in the Fairfax District in Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 26 / 40 Los Angeles police contain protesters at the Farmers Market as they demonstrate in the Fairfax District of Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 27 / 40 Looters ransack a Walgreens store along Broadway in downtown Los Angeles on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 28 / 40 People ransack Spokes ‘N Stuff in the Melrose District of Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 29 / 40 Protesters break windows along Figueroa Street in downtown Los Angeles on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 30 / 40 People run from a burglarized jewelry store as LAPD officers approach in downtown Los Angeles. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 31 / 40 People run from a burglarized jewelry store as LAPD officers approach in downtown Los Angeles. (Wally Skali/Los Angeles Times) 32 / 40 A man breaks a window with a bat in downtown Los Angeles. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 33 / 40 A man steals liquor bottles from Terroni restaurant in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 34 / 40 Police officers stand outside a damaged business in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 35 / 40 People break into a Rite Aid store in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 36 / 40 People take liquor and beer from a Rite Aid store in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 37 / 40 People take jewelry from a store in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 38 / 40 People look for jewelry on the floor at a jewelry store in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 39 / 40 People run from a looted jewelry store as LAPD officers approach in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 40 / 40 A man smashes the window of a business in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
Some looters have often been strategic, hitting high-end spots such as Nordstrom and the Apple Store at the Grove and the trendy retail strips of Melrose and Fairfax.
Many looters appear to be working in caravans that methodically block off certain streets with their vehicles, which serve as getaway cars for those running off with merchandise.
Those tactics were on display on Sunday in Santa Monica, where teams of young people ransacked some stores completely clean within minutes as protesters marched nearby. Others returned again and again throughout the afternoon to the same stores for more.
Some paused on the street to distribute the goods among themselves or stuff them in backpacks, suitcases or boxes.
“Get my portion! Get my portion!” one man shouted as looters hammered and kicked an ATM at Ye Olde King’s Head Gift Shoppe.
The looters, most of them wearing dark colors and bandanas or masks, blended in among crowds already wearing face coverings because of the coronavirus. They seemed to know one another and were fast and coordinated, calling out commands.
“The jewelry store!” one looter screamed, announcing the next destination. At Santa Monica Jewelry and Loan, the sound of gunshots erupted when looters attempted to break in. They fled.
Two security guards could be seen through the broken glass, guns drawn.
Some appeared to be spontaneously joining in, taking what was left of the destroyed businesses.
At a vandalized 7-Eleven, a homeless man approached the store, his jaw dropping in awe of the scene. He walked in and carried out a beverage.
A South Los Angeles man who was tagging along with a group of looters Sunday afternoon said he had been in Santa Monica just to get something to eat. But when he saw the protests forming, he decided to jump in.
The man, who didn’t want to share his name for fear of legal repercussions, said looters didn’t concern him.
“The real answer is everybody knows this world works for white people. They do anything and get away with it.”
He cited the college admissions scandal that has resulted in short prison sentences for wealthy white people. If that had been him, the punishment would have been more severe, he said.
::
The anger at inequality is not uncommon among business owners, many of whom are people of color.
Eddie Perez, 22, whose father owns a smoke shop in Hollywood, felt so strongly after Floyd’s killing that he joined protesters at a march on Monday.
But soon after looters ripped apart wooden boards and broke through the glass at the store, destroying it within 45 minutes. The pipes, hookahs, souvenirs, T-shirts and snacks inside couldn’t be salvaged, even though some were left behind.
His father, a Guatemalan immigrant who swept floors and did construction work for decades before saving enough money to open the store three years ago, lost $20,000 worth of merchandise.
The family of activists had put a “Justice For George Floyd” sign in the window of the store before it was ransacked.
“I’m just very angry at the fact that we are a minority-owned business and we stand so much with the movement,” Perez said. “It destroyed my trust in the world for that day.”
Still, Perez said he understood why the looting occurred, even if he doesn’t justify it.
“People are angry. People are tired. The Rodney King situation happened how long ago and this is still happening?” he said. “It’s hard, but I comprehend the reasons as to why they broke into all these places.”
Some shopkeepers expressed outrage over Floyd’s slaying, but felt that nothing excuses criminal behavior and that looters should face consequences.
Joe Green, owner of Broadway Wine and Spirits in Santa Monica, said he was lucky that his family-owned store experienced only one broken window. Green fended off looters, aided by his customers and neighbors. When he called the police, he said he was told that no one was coming.
“I think there needs to be stiffer penalties. You have to pay for your actions,” said Green, noting that businesses have already been struggling because of the pandemic.
“Peaceful protesting is great. But rioting and looting and vandalizing? No. Burning businesses down? That’s not the answer.”
AJ Lovelace tries to stop looters from breaking into a Walgreens store at Santa Monica and Highland. “We need peace, and we need someone to talk to each other,” he said after the looters fled. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
For 30 uninterrupted minutes Monday night, the looters roamed along the strip of stores just below Sunset on Highland Avenue in Hollywood, breaking into numerous businesses. Many had work gloves, face masks or bandanas wrapped around their heads. Some carried backpacks or trash bags. One woman had blue medical scrubs. Some toted bats.
This account is based on video reviewed by The Times, which showed a chaotic scene at the fringes of the demonstrations nearby. Despite the heavy police presence in the neighborhood, only one police car was seen in the video, apparently responding to another call. Over a half hour, the looters went unchecked.
The crowd spent more than 20 minutes trying to bust open an ATM that was snatched from a smoke shop. Two men were successful in prying loose the safe within the machine, and the smashed remnants littered Highland Avenue long afterward. Meanwhile, a psychic’s shop and a barber shop went untouched.
The looters were mostly young and male, some of them teenagers and a few of them middle-aged. There were some women in the group, which was mostly black and Latino.
One of the looters was questioned on the spot by a friend of one of the merchants: Why was everyone out looting?
As the camera rolled, the young man — dressed in a hoodie, with a black mask wrapped around the lower half of his face — spoke of long-simmering frustrations, of white people plundering the black community and appropriating their success.
“We’re tired of being killed,” he said. “We’re tired of laws being passed while they put drugs and guns in our community. They pass laws to lock us up.”
Asked if he was among the demonstrators peacefully protesting earlier in the day, he dismissed the idea.
“Protesting peacefully? We did that in the ‘60s. That didn’t get us nowhere.”
Times staff writers Melissa Etehad and Jaclyn Cosgrove contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-06-05--Growing the LAPD was gospel at City Hall. George Floyd changed that

It has been an article of faith in Los Angeles politics for more than a quarter-century : Build the Police Department and its budget , and you will build a stronger , safer city .
Mayors from moderate Republican Richard Riordan to liberal Democrat Antonio Villaraigosa charted that course , with special emphasis on expanding the LAPD to at least 10,000 sworn officers .
But city leaders now appear ready to slow and perhaps reverse that longtime trend , following the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody and a wave of rage , sorrow and demands in Los @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minority communities with more than a police presence .
Mayor Eric Garcetti said he will direct $ 250 million to youth jobs , health initiatives and “ peace centers ” to heal trauma , and will allow those who have suffered discrimination to collect damages .
The money will have to be cut from other city operations ; Garcetti , backed by City Council President Nury Martinez and his new Police Commission president , said as much as $ 150 million would come from the Los Angeles Police Department .
That is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forward in April , which proposed a 7 % spending increase for the LAPD , including a previously agreed-upon package of raises and bonuses for rank-and-file officers .
The shift has already caught attention nationally , Garcetti said .
“ I got calls from mayors around the country , some of them saying , ‘ I ’ m so excited , ’ and other ones saying : ‘ What the hell did you do ?
Now I got ta shift money , ’ ” Garcetti told political , religious and community leaders Thursday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in South Los Angeles .
“ That ’ s exactly the point .
It starts someplace , and we say we are going to be who we want to be , or we ’ re going to continue being the killers that we are.
” Garcetti ’ s office said his “ killers ” remark referred to police agencies across the country .
The mayor suggested that the shift of funds , if approved by the City Council , would push the LAPD ’ s budget to less than 50 % of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the budget he released in April , the LAPD got 53.8 % of the money not designated for other specific uses .
Police Chief Michel Moore said Thursday that making a reduction of as much as $ 150 million might mean cutting personnel because 96 % to 97 % of the department ’ s budget comprises salaries and other payroll costs .
“ This is a sizable and sobering amount and one that you initially look at it with some concern as to how one might find such a level , ” Moore @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be earnest and also to hear perspectives of others.
” The department now stands at 9,985 officers .
Past reductions have often been made by slashing overtime hours .
But cutting overtime can mean reducing actual patrols on the streets because it is cheaper to pay overtime than to hire more officers .
Some city leaders signaled that this could be a starting point for broader changes .
“ These times demand a more careful reflection of our city ’ s priorities and values — no single department should be exempt from review @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The plan to cut the police and other departments to fund new social service programs arose only in recent days , so details remained scarce .
Garcetti acknowledged the proposal was being shaped at “ light speed ” and said he hoped for more details by Friday .
He said the new funds would specifically address “ structural racism ” against black people .
He said the money will be taken from other sources “ to put it into health , to put it into hope , to put it into housing and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recently as last weekend , Garcetti gave no hint that he would consider decreasing LAPD funding .
“ I know that there ’ s some who call for defunding or having fewer police officers , ” Garcetti said at a news briefing Sunday .
“ I ’ ve always seen the departments , the more that they ’ re underfunded , the worse things can happen.
” But Wednesday , a group of labor and community leaders criticized Garcetti for what they saw as the overly aggressive response by the LAPD to protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week following Floyd ’ s death .
The leaders wrote a letter asking Garcetti for a cut of “ at least ” $ 250 million from the Police Department ’ s $ 1.8-billion budget .
Among the groups calling for the changes were local chapters of the powerful Service Employees International Union , United Teachers Los Angeles and the Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy , or LAANE .
Some coalition leaders followed up by meeting Garcetti at City Hall .
They urged Garcetti not to repeat the mistakes that followed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the hardest-hit communities languished for many years , with few improvements .
“ This is no time for half-measures that do not acknowledge the central importance of anti-Black racism to this crisis , ” the coalition ’ s letter said .
“ Investments must be targeted to the specific people and communities that have been most impacted by over-policing , using data that specifically calls out race — not divided equally between council districts as in the politics of the past.
” The call for reducing police spending , in favor of other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the city ’ s politics ever since the 1992 riots that followed the acquittal of four police officers involved in the beating of a black man , Rodney King .
Businessman Riordan won the mayor ’ s office in 1993 with a pledge to increase the LAPD by nearly 3,000 officers , to 10,000 .
His campaign slogan ?
“ Tough enough to turn L.A. around.
” His successor , former City Atty .
James Hahn , pledged to add more police .
And civil rights activist Villaraigosa pledged to complete Riordan ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a mark achieved in 2013 .
“ If you look at the arc of the city ’ s history for three decades , there is a tectonic shift here with this growing constituency for reform , ” said Zev Yaroslavsky , a former city and county lawmaker and now instructor at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs .
“ There is the emergence of this multiracial coalition of people , who have formed a powerful constituency , and they are making their voices heard.
” Leaders of the union that represents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the shift abrupt and disingenuous .
Los Angeles Police Protective League officers said they had a phone conference Wednesday with Garcetti and council members Martinez and Curren Price .
The political leaders said they wanted to talk to the union about changes to the police budget but then , before those discussions occurred , announced their intention to make cuts , according to the union .
“ In the private phone call , the politicians praised our officers ’ work and professionalism , ” said Jerretta Sandoz , vice president of the police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they placed the blame of Los Angeles ’ social problems squarely on the shoulders of our officers .
It was hypocritical and political doublespeak of the highest order , and we refuse to participate in this charade.
” In a statement , Sandoz added : “ It was one of the most craven , disingenuous political sleights of hands we have seen in some time.
” Garcetti ’ s supporters said he had repeatedly praised police in the field , noting that a letter sent to all city employees Thursday thanked officers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ honorably.
” Those who built the LAPD to its current size recalled that a bigger force had been promoted as one that would treat citizens more humanely .
Reformers said that the old Police Department had been forced into a command and control model because it did not have time to get to know citizens and communities .
The increased number of officers was supposed to improve “ community policing ” and allow cops to do more than just make arrests .
But a kinder and gentler approach has advanced fitfully , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Connie Rice , a civil rights lawyer and activist for LAPD reform for decades , called Garcetti ’ s proposed redirection of funds away from the department “ a gesture that is satisfying on a superficial level.
” But , she added , “ It ’ s really not enough.
” Rice called for regional cooperation on public safety issues and a paradigm shift that makes policing just one service operating in cooperation with healthcare providers , social workers , recreation specialists and a range of others .
Giving police the proper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adopt a more supportive mission , Rice said , rather than “ a mission of shock and awe and suppression.
” Some of the activist groups pushing hardest for a change called the discussion of reduced police funding an “ interim ” victory .
But Black Lives Matter Los Angeles leaders said they would like to see the share of the city ’ s general fund devoted to police reduced from about 50 % to 5.7 % .
Said Melina Abdullah , one of the leaders of Black Lives Matter Los Angeles : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to know that we ’ re fighting for truly transformative change here and won ’ t be bought off with just this minimal amount of money .
”

Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti addresses protesters this week outside City Hall. Garcetti says he will seek up to $150 million in cuts to the LAPD budget.
It has been an article of faith in Los Angeles politics for more than a quarter-century: Build the Police Department and its budget, and you will build a stronger, safer city.
Mayors from moderate Republican Richard Riordan to liberal Democrat Antonio Villaraigosa charted that course, with special emphasis on expanding the LAPD to at least 10,000 sworn officers.
For the record: An earlier version of this article said officers of Los Angeles Police Protective League said in a statement they had a phone conference with Garcetti and council members Monica Rodriguez and Curren Price. The conference was with Garcetti, Council President Nury Martinez and Price.
But city leaders now appear ready to slow and perhaps reverse that longtime trend, following the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody and a wave of rage, sorrow and demands in Los Angeles that the government provide poor and minority communities with more than a police presence.
Mayor Eric Garcetti said he will direct $250 million to youth jobs, health initiatives and “peace centers” to heal trauma, and will allow those who have suffered discrimination to collect damages. The money will have to be cut from other city operations; Garcetti, backed by City Council President Nury Martinez and his new Police Commission president, said as much as $150 million would come from the Los Angeles Police Department.
1 / 82 A protester dances on top of Donald Trump’s star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame during a demonstration by members of Refuse Fascism who are calling an end to the Trump administration on June 20, 2020. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 2 / 82 Deborah Jay Winams cries after singing a song at a Black Lives Matter Los Angeles rally to call for justice in the fatal shooting of Kenneth Ross Jr. by Gardena police in 2018. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 3 / 82 People participate in the All Black Lives Matter march in West Hollywood on Sunday, June 14. Thousands of demonstrators marched for racial justice and LGBTQ rights. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times) 4 / 82 A protester waves a rainbow flag on Sunset Boulevard during the All Black Lives Matter march on Sunday. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times) 5 / 82 Thousands hold up signs and march in the All Black Lives Matter solidarity protest on Hollywood Boulevard. The procession started at Hollywood and Highland and moved into West Hollywood. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times) 6 / 82 Jason De Puy of West Hollywood wears a mask that reads “Black Trans Lives Matter” as people fill Hollywood Boulevard during a solidarity march called All Black Lives Matter on Sunday, June 14. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times) 7 / 82 Protesters hold up signs at the All Black Lives Matter march, which was organized by Black LGBTQ leaders and organizations in place of a previously planned event by the group behind LA Pride. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times) 8 / 82 Protesters march, raising fists and signs in the air, on La Brea Avenue in Hollywood on Sunday. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times) 9 / 82 The Compton Cowboys ride horseback down South Tamarind Avenue, joining thousand of protesters Sunday during the Compton peace ride, which ended at City Hall. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 10 / 82 Houston Rockets star Russell Westbrook speaks to the crowd of protesters and the Compton Cowboys at the end of a peace walk at Compton City Hall on Sunday. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times) 11 / 82 Elijah Estrada, 6, holds up his fist for 8:46, the length of time George Floyd was held down by Minneapolis Police Officer Derek Chauvin, at the conclusion of a peace ride and walk with the Compton Cowboys at Compton City Hall on Sunday. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 12 / 82 A family member of Breonna Taylor, right, is hugged by another woman after speaking to protesters in Beverly Hills Saturday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 13 / 82 A woman tries to get between Black Lives Matter protesters and pro-Trump counter protesters during a demonstration at the intersection of Main Street and Pacific Coast Highway in Huntington Beach on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 14 / 82 Los Angeles Police Deputy Chief Regina Scott takes knee next to Johnathan Jasper, brother of slain teen Anthony Weber, during a rally in front of LA City Councilman Marqueece Harris-Dawson’s office Saturday. (Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times) 15 / 82 A protester yells in front of a Black Lives Matter mural with the names of victims on Fairfax Ave. during a march Saturday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 16 / 82 David Blackgold hugs Huntington Beach police officer K. Wood during a Black Lives Matter protest in Huntington Beach Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 17 / 82 A National Guardsman holds a rose given to him by a protester along Fairfax Ave. during a march Saturday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 18 / 82 A Black Lives Matter protester blows bubbles by a police line in Huntington Beach on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 19 / 82 A protester lies on the ground under his horse with his hands behind his back as demonstrators including some on horseback rally in front of LA City Councilman Marqueece Harris-Dawson’s office in Los Angeles Saturday. (Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times) 20 / 82 Tempers flare between Black Lives Matter demonstratiors and pro-Trump counterprotesters in Huntington Beach on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 21 / 82 Black Lives Matter demonstrators raise clenched fist in Huntington Beach on Saturday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 22 / 82 Mek Bitul held up a sign with the words, “This Is The Tipping Point!!!” in front of City Hall, joining nearly 1,000 people gathered to protest the death of George Floyd and in support of Black Lives Matter, in downtown Los Angeles. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 23 / 82 Katyana DeCampos, a citizen of France visiting California, marched with a sign with the words “Anti Racism,” joining nearly 1,000 people gathered to protest the death of George Floyd and in support of Black Lives Matter, in downtown Los Angeles. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 24 / 82 Zoe Perkins, 4, of Glendale and her mother brought flowers to the Hall of Justice in downtown Los Angeles to protest the death of George Floyd. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times) 25 / 82 LAPD Chief Michel Moore, left, talks with community leaders outside police headquarters after a candlelight vigil for George Floyd on Friday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 26 / 82 A man lays a rose at the Hall of Justice in downtown Los Angeles. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times) 27 / 82 Braydon Deauce White, 4, fist-bumps a National Guardsman at LAPD headquarters Thursday morning. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 28 / 82 Allison Bracy of Fontana hugs daughter Brielle Bracy, 10, while attending a rally in Riverside on Thursday. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 29 / 82 A protester drapes himself with a flag during a demonstration in downtown Los Angeles on Thursday. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 30 / 82 Gustavo R. Ramirez of Pomona kneels in front of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. statue in Riverside. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 31 / 82 Protesters at Moonlight State Beach in Encinitas. (Gabriella Angotti-Jones / Los Angeles Times) 32 / 82 Crowds gather in downtown L.A. to protest the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. At 9 p.m., for exactly 8 minutes and 46 seconds, protesters shone lights into the sky. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 33 / 82 Protesters dance on Spring Street in downtown Los Angeles as a march attracted thousands of people. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 34 / 82 Thousands of protesters gather at the Los Angeles Civic Center. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 35 / 82 Thousands of protesters gather at the Los Angeles Civic Center. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 36 / 82 Thousands of protesters gather at the Los Angeles Civic Center. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 37 / 82 Stephen Chang, 32, left, of Silver Lake, with an American flag draped over his head, joins other demonstrators at the intersection of Spring and Temple streets in downtown Los Angeles, as they protest against L.A. Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey and also demand justice in the death of George Floyd. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times) 38 / 82 Miles Miles, 8, left, and Memphis Miley, 6, center, of Newport Beach, join protest against racism in Newport Beach. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times) 39 / 82 Protester Vailing high-fives National Guardsmen as they march through Hollywood to demand justice for the killing of George Floyd in Hollywood. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 40 / 82 Protesters march through a residential neighborhood in Hollywood. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 41 / 82 Protesters walk through a residential neighborhood in Hollywood. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 42 / 82 A L.A. Sheriff’s deputy watches as protester Annik Chung holds a sign while cheering on marchers along La Brea Ave. in Hollywood. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 43 / 82 Mustafa-Ali, 27, from Lancaster, Pennsylvania, joins other demonstrators as they protest on Spring St. in downtown Los Angeles. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times) 44 / 82 Paul Villalobos, 28, from Oakland, joins other demonstrators as they protest on Spring St. in downtown Los Angeles. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times) 45 / 82 A huge crowd gathers in downtown Los Angeles to protest the death of George Floyd and in support of Black Lives Matter. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 46 / 82 Protestors march through downtown Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 47 / 82 Protestors march through downtown Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 48 / 82 Protestors march through downtown Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 49 / 82 Riverside County Sheriff Lt Chris Durham tries to calm nerves after hundreds of demonstrators that marched to the police station protest the death of George Floyd in Moreno Valley. (Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times) 50 / 82 In a sign of peace, protesters reach out to Riverside County Sheriff deputies, who were there to enforce an 8pm curfew during a demonstration to protest the death of George Floyd’s in Moreno Valley. (Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times) 51 / 82 Hundreds of demonstrators block traffic as they march down both sides of Balboa Blvd. to protest against racism in Newport Beach. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times) 52 / 82 Protesters march through West Hollywood to demand justice for the killing of George Floyd during march on Wednesday. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 53 / 82 Protesters march through West Hollywood to demand justice for the killing of George Floyd during march on Wednesday. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times) 54 / 82 Protestors rally on the steps Anaheim City Hall steps against last week’s in-custody death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times) 55 / 82 Protestors rally on the steps Anaheim City Hall steps against last week’s in-custody death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times) 56 / 82 Protestors rally on the steps Anaheim City Hall steps against last week’s in-custody death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times) 57 / 82 Protestors rally on the steps Anaheim City Hall steps against last week’s in-custody death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times) 58 / 82 Bando Kev prays along Hollywood Blvd. in front of the National Guard and near TCL Chinese Theatre in Hollywood. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 59 / 82 A couple promote peace on Highland Ave. in Hollywood as protesters continue to demonstrate. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 60 / 82 Makenzie Anderson, 2, rides on her father, Shawn’s shoulders as they join hundreds of protesters marching throughout downtown. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 61 / 82 Marcus Owen, yells out chants for George Floyd as hundreds of protesters gather outside City Hall in a daylong protest. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 62 / 82 Hussain Sharif, left, Mari Drake, and Thomas Rosado chant as they ride along with hundreds of protesters at a downtown demonstration. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 63 / 82 Hundreds of protesters march throughout downtown ending with many arrested for curfew violations. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 64 / 82 “Hands up. Don’t shoot,” say hundreds participating in a march against the of George Floyd on Abbot Kinney Blvd. in Venice onTuesday. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times) 65 / 82 Members of the California National Guard flash peace signs after protesters had marched by in support of Black Lives Matter in Venice. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times) 66 / 82 Protesters shoot hoops while taking a break from marching against the death of George Floyd by police on Abbot Kinney Blvd. in Venice on Tuesday. The basketball hoop was attached to the front of a bus that followed the protest for a while. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times) 67 / 82 Several hundred protesters take a knee and hold their fists in the air during a moment of silence to honor George Floyd during a peaceful protest march from Manhattan Beach to Hermosa Beach. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times) 68 / 82 A woman stands next to an image of George Floyd as hundreds participate in a march against the in-custody death of Floyd in Venice. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times) 69 / 82 Terrence Burney, 36, left, and Commander of the LAPD Operation West Bureau Cory Palka, right, talk together peacefully in front of Getty House in Hancock Park. (Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times) 70 / 82 Protestors gather outside Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti’s Hancock Park house as they continue to demonstrate against police brutality. (Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times) 71 / 82 Jessica Jordan takes a knee as she joins other protesters at Sunset & Vine in Hollywood on Tuesday. (Al Seib/Los Angeles Times) 72 / 82 A young woman reacts to a group chant, while gathered with a couple hundred people to protest the death of George Floyd and in support of Black Lives Matter, near the Manhattan Beach Pier. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 73 / 82 Jayse Garcia, 27, of Los Angeles takes part in a demonstration in Hollywood. (Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times) 74 / 82 Protesters sit in front of National Guardsmen closing Sunset Blvd at Vine Street in Hollywood. (Al Seib/Los Angeles Times) 75 / 82 Mira Ercingoz,16, from Palos Verdes, center in red hat, holds a poster with an image of George Floyd alongside protesters in Manhattan Beach. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 76 / 82 Demonstrators take a knee during protests in Hollywood on Tuesday.
(Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times) 77 / 82 A mother and daughter pass protestors in Hollywood. (Al Seib/Los Angeles Times) 78 / 82 Several hundred protesters gather to demand justice for George Floyd at the Manhattan Beach Pier Plaza Tuesday. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times) 79 / 82 Janie Hill,15, from Lawndale, receives a hug from a friend, following an emotional discussion with a Manhattan Beach Police officer, at the conclusion of a protest in Manhattan Beach. (Jay L. Clendenin/Los Angeles Times) 80 / 82 LAPD Cmdr. Gerald Woodyard takes a knee with clergy members from the Los Angeles area as they participate in a march and demonstration outside LAPD headquarters in Los Angeles. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 81 / 82 L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti walks out to address protesters and clergy members outside LAPD headquarters on Tuesday. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 82 / 82 Several hundred protesters take a knee and hold their fists in the air during a moment of silence to honor George Floyd during a peaceful protest march from Manhattan Beach to Hermosa Beach. (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)
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That is a striking reversal from the budget Garcetti put forward in April, which proposed a 7% spending increase for the LAPD, including a previously agreed-upon package of raises and bonuses for rank-and-file officers.
The shift has already caught attention nationally, Garcetti said.
“I got calls from mayors around the country, some of them saying, ‘I’m so excited,’ and other ones saying: ‘What the hell did you do? Now I gotta shift money,’” Garcetti told political, religious and community leaders Thursday at the First African Methodist Episcopal Church in South Los Angeles. “That’s exactly the point. It starts someplace, and we say we are going to be who we want to be, or we’re going to continue being the killers that we are.”
Garcetti’s office said his “killers” remark referred to police agencies across the country. The mayor suggested that the shift of funds, if approved by the City Council, would push the LAPD’s budget to less than 50% of the city’s general fund.
In the budget he released in April, the LAPD got 53.8% of the money not designated for other specific uses.
Police Chief Michel Moore said Thursday that making a reduction of as much as $150 million might mean cutting personnel because 96% to 97% of the department’s budget comprises salaries and other payroll costs.
“This is a sizable and sobering amount and one that you initially look at it with some concern as to how one might find such a level,” Moore said. “My commitment is to be earnest and also to hear perspectives of others.”
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The department now stands at 9,985 officers. Past reductions have often been made by slashing overtime hours. But cutting overtime can mean reducing actual patrols on the streets because it is cheaper to pay overtime than to hire more officers.
Some city leaders signaled that this could be a starting point for broader changes.
“These times demand a more careful reflection of our city’s priorities and values — no single department should be exempt from review,” Councilwoman Monica Rodriguez said.
The plan to cut the police and other departments to fund new social service programs arose only in recent days, so details remained scarce. Garcetti acknowledged the proposal was being shaped at “light speed” and said he hoped for more details by Friday.
He said the new funds would specifically address “structural racism” against black people. He said the money will be taken from other sources “to put it into health, to put it into hope, to put it into housing and to put it into healing.”
As recently as last weekend, Garcetti gave no hint that he would consider decreasing LAPD funding.
“I know that there’s some who call for defunding or having fewer police officers,” Garcetti said at a news briefing Sunday. “I’ve always seen the departments, the more that they’re underfunded, the worse things can happen.”
But Wednesday, a group of labor and community leaders criticized Garcetti for what they saw as the overly aggressive response by the LAPD to protesters who have flooded streets in the last week following Floyd’s death. The leaders wrote a letter asking Garcetti for a cut of “at least” $250 million from the Police Department’s $1.8-billion budget.
Among the groups calling for the changes were local chapters of the powerful Service Employees International Union, United Teachers Los Angeles and the Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy, or LAANE. Some coalition leaders followed up by meeting Garcetti at City Hall.
They urged Garcetti not to repeat the mistakes that followed the civil unrest of 1992, in which the hardest-hit communities languished for many years, with few improvements.
“This is no time for half-measures that do not acknowledge the central importance of anti-Black racism to this crisis,” the coalition’s letter said. “Investments must be targeted to the specific people and communities that have been most impacted by over-policing, using data that specifically calls out race — not divided equally between council districts as in the politics of the past.”
The call for reducing police spending, in favor of other priorities, marked a notable departure from the city’s politics ever since the 1992 riots that followed the acquittal of four police officers involved in the beating of a black man, Rodney King.
Businessman Riordan won the mayor’s office in 1993 with a pledge to increase the LAPD by nearly 3,000 officers, to 10,000. His campaign slogan? “Tough enough to turn L.A. around.” His successor, former City Atty. James Hahn, pledged to add more police. And civil rights activist Villaraigosa pledged to complete Riordan’s mission of building a 10,000-officer LAPD, a mark achieved in 2013.
“If you look at the arc of the city’s history for three decades, there is a tectonic shift here with this growing constituency for reform,” said Zev Yaroslavsky, a former city and county lawmaker and now instructor at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs. “There is the emergence of this multiracial coalition of people, who have formed a powerful constituency, and they are making their voices heard.”
Leaders of the union that represents Los Angeles police officers said they found the shift abrupt and disingenuous.
Los Angeles Police Protective League officers said they had a phone conference Wednesday with Garcetti and council members Martinez and Curren Price.
The political leaders said they wanted to talk to the union about changes to the police budget but then, before those discussions occurred, announced their intention to make cuts, according to the union.
“In the private phone call, the politicians praised our officers’ work and professionalism,” said Jerretta Sandoz, vice president of the police union. “During their TV spectacle, they placed the blame of Los Angeles’ social problems squarely on the shoulders of our officers. It was hypocritical and political doublespeak of the highest order, and we refuse to participate in this charade.”
In a statement, Sandoz added: “It was one of the most craven, disingenuous political sleights of hands we have seen in some time.”
Garcetti’s supporters said he had repeatedly praised police in the field, noting that a letter sent to all city employees Thursday thanked officers for doing their job “selflessly and honorably.”
Those who built the LAPD to its current size recalled that a bigger force had been promoted as one that would treat citizens more humanely. Reformers said that the old Police Department had been forced into a command and control model because it did not have time to get to know citizens and communities.
The increased number of officers was supposed to improve “community policing” and allow cops to do more than just make arrests. But a kinder and gentler approach has advanced fitfully, according to those who follow the department closely.
Connie Rice, a civil rights lawyer and activist for LAPD reform for decades, called Garcetti’s proposed redirection of funds away from the department “a gesture that is satisfying on a superficial level.” But, she added, “It’s really not enough.”
Rice called for regional cooperation on public safety issues and a paradigm shift that makes policing just one service operating in cooperation with healthcare providers, social workers, recreation specialists and a range of others. Giving police the proper backup from others will allow them to adopt a more supportive mission, Rice said, rather than “a mission of shock and awe and suppression.”
Some of the activist groups pushing hardest for a change called the discussion of reduced police funding an “interim” victory.
But Black Lives Matter Los Angeles leaders said they would like to see the share of the city’s general fund devoted to police reduced from about 50% to 5.7%.
Said Melina Abdullah, one of the leaders of Black Lives Matter Los Angeles: “City Council and Mayor Garcetti need to know that we’re fighting for truly transformative change here and won’t be bought off with just this minimal amount of money.”
Times staff writer Richard Winton contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-06-04--Before George Floyd, there was Stephon Clark. Here's what his brother has learned about pain, protes

Before George Floyd, there was Stephon Clark. Here's what his brother has learned about pain, protests

With the National Guard carrying live ammunition and two nights of looting leaving the city on edge , no one was sure what would happen here Monday as darkness fell downtown — not police blaring reminders of a curfew from an unmarked car , not the city leaders and business people who had long since cleared out of the area , and not the protesters themselves , many seemingly young and inexperienced with civil disobedience .
Then a slight man , decked out in a tapered black suit , lace up loafers and a wide brim hat , stepped up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Stevante Clark , brother of Stephon Clark , gunned down by Sacramento police in 2018 , took hold of the only small bullhorn anyone had thought to bring , and with it , took hold of the crowd of about 600 .
“ If you disrespect the legacy of George Floyd , you are disrespecting the legacy of my brother , ” he yelled , his voice strained to a whisper from earlier protests .
“ And I will not allow that.
” Clark , 27 , is emerging as the leader @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to clearly convey and share emotionally the salt-in-the-wound agony of police violence that has defined his life since his unarmed brother was killed in his grandmother ’ s backyard — a bellwether of grief for a young generation already tired of hurting and desperately in need of hope from someone who feels authentic .
But he is an unlikely guide .
Two years of expressing his sorrow publicly in this city of 500,000 has included arrests , a mental breakdown involving a sword , humiliation and scorn , he said , leaving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ center stage .
“ He ’ s very genuine , ” said Darrell Steinberg , who first met Clark in the days after his brother ’ s shooting when Clark jumped on the dais at City Hall and yelled obscenities at him , as the current mayor and former Senate president pro tem .
“ There is a lot of good in there and yet he has his troubles , ” said Steinberg .
“ He demonstrates how complex the human condition is.
” Police killed Stephon Clark after they responded to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A sheriff ’ s department helicopter spotted him in a backyard , and two officers pursued and fatally shot him after seeing what would later turn out to be an iPhone in his hand .
The death came two years after Sacramento police killed another black man , Joseph Mann , in a case that led to massive reforms and the city ’ s first black police chief .
The shooting of Clark , like that of George Floyd , provoked fury that men of color continued to die due to police violence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down the freeway and forced The Kings to cancel NBA games .
Last year , protests around Clark ’ s death helped to pass legislation changing California law , increasing the standard for when law enforcement can use deadly force from when it is “ reasonable ” to “ necessary.
” A security guard with dreams of being a musician , Stevante Clark was thrown into the role of the grieving brother and spokesman for a movement when his brother died , but the pressure of national media attention coupled with the heartache @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of control .
Appearing on the Don Lemon show on CNN , Clark dinged a bell when he disliked a question , leaving Lemon flummoxed .
At a memorial service with the Rev .
Al Sharpton , Clark clung to the pastor and threw himself on the casket .
A few weeks after the shooting , he trashed a room in a hotel after watching video of it and was placed on an involuntary mental health hold by police , ending his ability to carry a gun and his security career .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ son in a local store .
He disrupted a church service .
He demanded city officials give him diplomatic immunity and a 24-hour auto detail facility .
He used trashcans to barricade the street where he lived and menaced roommates and neighbors with a machete in a three-day standoff , leading police to arrest him .
Public sentiment swung from sympathy to ridicule to fear .
For a time , it was unclear if people were seeing righteous anger , grandstanding or mental illness .
Clark himself seemed unsure , though he now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the grief , ” he said .
But problems have persisted .
Last month , he was arrested on three felony counts of domestic abuse , for which he has a June court date .
Clark declined to speak about the incident .
“ I am changing the ‘ You have to be perfect ’ narrative , ” he said .
“ I didn ’ t ask for this [ expletive ] .
God dropped the ball , said ‘ Here you go , let ’ s see what you can do with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sitting on metal bleachers at a baseball diamond near the Capitol on Tuesday morning , where he had used his social media following to gather volunteers to scrub graffiti , and where he was interrupted three times by passersby who wanted selfies .
“ I ’ ve been broken .
I am broken , ” he said .
“ And I ’ ve noticed that to be built like a king , excuse my French , but you have to be broken like a [ expletive ] .
” Clark is known for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authority that , even as he has gained prominence in Sacramento and the Capitol , have made him little trusted among an old guard that is wary of his volatile ways and refusal to align himself with known players in a town of politics .
“ Community leaders failed .
Democrats failed .
Republicans failed .
Christians failed .
Muslims failed .
Everybody has failed these kids , ” said Clark .
“ The anger is righteous anger.
” But , gentle and introspective away from cameras and followers , he said he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is chaos , ” and hopes to pass that lesson on .
“ I know I may come off as a little eccentric .
I have a foul mouth .
I am an advocate for marijuana .
I ’ m a civil libertarian .
I ’ m known to go line dancing at country bars at times , ” Clark said .
“ I ’ m not the most popular , liked guy .
And I can accept that though because I am not here to be popular or liked .
...
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I am going to die in this [ expletive ] .
” That outsider nature has made him invaluable during the unrest , at a time when both community and political leaders are searching for a way forward in the face of unrelenting rage across the country .
Protesters so far have had few clear calls to action , and even seasoned leaders with progressive credentials like Steinberg are struggling .
“ The young people out there look , I think understandably , at everyone in positions of power as not knowing and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maybe they are right , ” said Steinberg .
“ And I am trying to figure out how I can be better.
” By noon Tuesday , Clark was at the facade of the California State Library , where anti-law enforcement graffiti was scrawled on its smooth stone walls and National Guard members still stood watch .
Gov .
Gavin Newsom , who has also pledged to do better , was there as well , scrubbing in solidarity in a stained blue work shirt with a bottle of cleaner hanging from the back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impunity , Clark grabbed Newsom for an impromptu Facebook live — a rare unscripted moment for the careful politician who , along with other governors , earlier in the week had been berated by President Donald Trump for appearing “ weak ” in the face of unrest and failing to use military force to remove protesters .
Newsom , who seemed tired , also seemed thankful for Clark ’ s presence in a city that likely would have made national headlines if protesters had squared off with the National Guard .
There is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ended with clashes if not for Clark .
“ You more than anyone understand the rage that people have , ” Newsom said into Clark ’ s camera .
“ And [ understand ] this madness , but ... in a thoughtful , peaceful and constructive way.
” After taking the bullhorn that night , Clark led protesters to Sacramento County Dist .
Atty .
Anne Marie Schubert ’ s office , a place familiar to local activists , who have long contended that she is easy on officers who use lethal force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who shot Stephon Clark .
Clark ordered the crowd to take a knee and raise their fists as he recited names of people killed by police violence and institutional racism , back to Emmitt Till .
“ Give me your hand .
Give me your mind .
Give me your spirit .
Give me your heart , ” he yelled .
“ We can protest and whatnot , but what are we asking for ?
” Then he ordered the crowd to look to their left , look to their right and introduce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pastor in church .
Nearby , a young white man dressed in all black with red tennis shoes turned to the girl next to him .
Clark wants these protesters united in “ plotting and planning and mobilizing and strategizing , ” he said .
He wants them to call for more police reforms , and for California ’ s new use of force standard to be adopted nationwide .
By 10 p.m. , Clark had ordered protesters to make the area a “ ghost town ” rather than fall into what he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ massive law enforcement presence .
About 50 people were ultimately arrested , mostly for curfew , but the stealing and vandalism of previous nights didn ’ t materialize , and hasn ’ t since .
“ I am able to move like water in [ the protests ] , because I have paid the price for my agenda , ” said Clark .
Clark said he hopes to capitalize on his current prominence by holding regular Sunday rallies and revitalizing a reform movement that ebbs and flows with public outrage .
He is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be as big and organized as those of Bernie Sanders or Trump , and makes sure every person he meets is following him on Instagram .
Clark is almost always pushing his message , though late last year , after the passage of the state ’ s use of force law , he swore he was done .
“ I ’ ve been tired since my brother died .
I ’ m exhausted , ” said Clark .
He was , he said , going to step out of the spotlight and figure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his brother ’ s legacy , maybe focus on his music .
But then Floyd was killed , and the ending bled into another beginning .
“ I hate my life sometimes , ” said Clark .
“ But it is what it is .
I am in pain .
I speak to pain .
I speak to hurt .
”

Stevante Clark, whose brother Stephon Clark was killed by police in 2018, is hoisted by a supporter in front of Sacramento City Hall on Monday.
With the National Guard carrying live ammunition and two nights of looting leaving the city on edge, no one was sure what would happen here Monday as darkness fell downtown — not police blaring reminders of a curfew from an unmarked car, not the city leaders and business people who had long since cleared out of the area, and not the protesters themselves, many seemingly young and inexperienced with civil disobedience.
Then a slight man, decked out in a tapered black suit, lace up loafers and a wide brim hat, stepped up as mobocracy crept in with the evening.
Stevante Clark, brother of Stephon Clark, gunned down by Sacramento police in 2018, took hold of the only small bullhorn anyone had thought to bring, and with it, took hold of the crowd of about 600.
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“If you disrespect the legacy of George Floyd, you are disrespecting the legacy of my brother,” he yelled, his voice strained to a whisper from earlier protests. “And I will not allow that.”
Clark, 27, is emerging as the leader of a particular moment in Sacramento, able to clearly convey and share emotionally the salt-in-the-wound agony of police violence that has defined his life since his unarmed brother was killed in his grandmother’s backyard — a bellwether of grief for a young generation already tired of hurting and desperately in need of hope from someone who feels authentic.
But he is an unlikely guide. Two years of expressing his sorrow publicly in this city of 500,000 has included arrests, a mental breakdown involving a sword, humiliation and scorn, he said, leaving some nervous to have him back on center stage.
“He’s very genuine,” said Darrell Steinberg, who first met Clark in the days after his brother’s shooting when Clark jumped on the dais at City Hall and yelled obscenities at him, as the current mayor and former Senate president pro tem.
“There is a lot of good in there and yet he has his troubles,” said Steinberg. “He demonstrates how complex the human condition is.”
Police killed Stephon Clark after they responded to a call about someone breaking car windows. A sheriff’s department helicopter spotted him in a backyard, and two officers pursued and fatally shot him after seeing what would later turn out to be an iPhone in his hand.
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The death came two years after Sacramento police killed another black man, Joseph Mann, in a case that led to massive reforms and the city’s first black police chief. The shooting of Clark, like that of George Floyd, provoked fury that men of color continued to die due to police violence, setting off massive protests that shut down the freeway and forced The Kings to cancel NBA games.
Last year, protests around Clark’s death helped to pass legislation changing California law, increasing the standard for when law enforcement can use deadly force from when it is “reasonable” to “necessary.”
A security guard with dreams of being a musician, Stevante Clark was thrown into the role of the grieving brother and spokesman for a movement when his brother died, but the pressure of national media attention coupled with the heartache of loss left him erratic and seemingly out of control.
Appearing on the Don Lemon show on CNN, Clark dinged a bell when he disliked a question, leaving Lemon flummoxed. At a memorial service with the Rev. Al Sharpton, Clark clung to the pastor and threw himself on the casket.
Stevante Clark addresses protesters in 2018 after the police shooting of Stephon Clark in Sacramento. (Josh Edelson / AFP/Getty Images)
A few weeks after the shooting, he trashed a room in a hotel after watching video of it and was placed on an involuntary mental health hold by police, ending his ability to carry a gun and his security career.
He yelled profanities at a father and son in a local store. He disrupted a church service. He demanded city officials give him diplomatic immunity and a 24-hour auto detail facility.
He used trashcans to barricade the street where he lived and menaced roommates and neighbors with a machete in a three-day standoff, leading police to arrest him.
Public sentiment swung from sympathy to ridicule to fear. For a time, it was unclear if people were seeing righteous anger, grandstanding or mental illness.
Clark himself seemed unsure, though he now understands he was “knee deep in the grief,” he said.
But problems have persisted. Last month, he was arrested on three felony counts of domestic abuse, for which he has a June court date. Clark declined to speak about the incident.
“I am changing the ‘You have to be perfect’ narrative,” he said.
“I didn’t ask for this [expletive]. God dropped the ball, said ‘Here you go, let’s see what you can do with it,’” said Clark, sitting on metal bleachers at a baseball diamond near the Capitol on Tuesday morning, where he had used his social media following to gather volunteers to scrub graffiti, and where he was interrupted three times by passersby who wanted selfies.
“I’ve been broken. I am broken,” he said. “And I’ve noticed that to be built like a king, excuse my French, but you have to be broken like a [expletive].”
Clark is known for his raw and charismatic stream-of-consciousness rebukes of authority that, even as he has gained prominence in Sacramento and the Capitol, have made him little trusted among an old guard that is wary of his volatile ways and refusal to align himself with known players in a town of politics.
“Community leaders failed. Democrats failed. Republicans failed. Christians failed. Muslims failed. Everybody has failed these kids,” said Clark. “The anger is righteous anger.”
But, gentle and introspective away from cameras and followers, he said he has learned that “passion without direction is chaos,” and hopes to pass that lesson on.
“I know I may come off as a little eccentric. I have a foul mouth. I am an advocate for marijuana. I’m a civil libertarian. I’m known to go line dancing at country bars at times,” Clark said. “I’m not the most popular, liked guy. And I can accept that though because I am not here to be popular or liked. ... I represent the [expletive] struggle and I am going to die in this [expletive].”
That outsider nature has made him invaluable during the unrest, at a time when both community and political leaders are searching for a way forward in the face of unrelenting rage across the country. Protesters so far have had few clear calls to action, and even seasoned leaders with progressive credentials like Steinberg are struggling.
“The young people out there look, I think understandably, at everyone in positions of power as not knowing and not caring and certainly not understanding and maybe they are right,” said Steinberg. “And I am trying to figure out how I can be better.”
By noon Tuesday, Clark was at the facade of the California State Library, where anti-law enforcement graffiti was scrawled on its smooth stone walls and National Guard members still stood watch.
Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has also pledged to do better, was there as well, scrubbing in solidarity in a stained blue work shirt with a bottle of cleaner hanging from the back pocket of his jeans.
With typical impunity, Clark grabbed Newsom for an impromptu Facebook live — a rare unscripted moment for the careful politician who, along with other governors, earlier in the week had been berated by President Donald Trump for appearing “weak” in the face of unrest and failing to use military force to remove protesters.
Newsom, who seemed tired, also seemed thankful for Clark’s presence in a city that likely would have made national headlines if protesters had squared off with the National Guard. There is consensus here that Monday night may have ended with clashes if not for Clark.
“You more than anyone understand the rage that people have,” Newsom said into Clark’s camera. “And [understand] this madness, but ... in a thoughtful, peaceful and constructive way.”
After taking the bullhorn that night, Clark led protesters to Sacramento County Dist. Atty. Anne Marie Schubert’s office, a place familiar to local activists, who have long contended that she is easy on officers who use lethal force. She declined to charge the officers who shot Stephon Clark.
Clark ordered the crowd to take a knee and raise their fists as he recited names of people killed by police violence and institutional racism, back to Emmitt Till.
“Give me your hand. Give me your mind. Give me your spirit. Give me your heart,” he yelled. “We can protest and whatnot, but what are we asking for?”
He wants Schubert recalled.
Stevante Clark leads demonstrators protesting the death of George Floyd to the Sacramento County district attorney’s office Monday. (Anita Chabria)
Then he ordered the crowd to look to their left, look to their right and introduce themselves to their neighbors, like a pastor in church.
Nearby, a young white man dressed in all black with red tennis shoes turned to the girl next to him.
“Hi, I’m Josh,” he said.
Clark wants these protesters united in “plotting and planning and mobilizing and strategizing,” he said. He wants them to call for more police reforms, and for California’s new use of force standard to be adopted nationwide.
By 10 p.m., Clark had ordered protesters to make the area a “ghost town” rather than fall into what he described as the “trap” of massive law enforcement presence. About 50 people were ultimately arrested, mostly for curfew, but the stealing and vandalism of previous nights didn’t materialize, and hasn’t since.
“I am able to move like water in [the protests], because I have paid the price for my agenda,” said Clark.
Clark said he hopes to capitalize on his current prominence by holding regular Sunday rallies and revitalizing a reform movement that ebbs and flows with public outrage. He is quick to tell followers the events will be as big and organized as those of Bernie Sanders or Trump, and makes sure every person he meets is following him on Instagram.
Clark is almost always pushing his message, though late last year, after the passage of the state’s use of force law, he swore he was done.
“I’ve been tired since my brother died. I’m exhausted,” said Clark.
He was, he said, going to step out of the spotlight and figure out what his future looked like outside of his brother’s legacy, maybe focus on his music.
But then Floyd was killed, and the ending bled into another beginning.
“I hate my life sometimes,” said Clark. “But it is what it is. I am in pain. I speak to pain. I speak to hurt.”