latimes--2020-10-16--California teacher unions fight calls to reopen schools

As parents express widespread dissatisfaction with distance learning , two influential California teachers unions are pushing against growing momentum to reopen schools in many communities , saying that campuses are not yet safe enough amid the pandemic .
Leaders with the California Teachers Assn.
, with 300,000 members , and United Teachers Los Angeles , representing 30,000 in the state ’ s largest school district , said that districts do not have the resources to provide the level of protection they say is needed to bring teachers and children together in classrooms .
“ Our teachers want to be in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ E. Toby Boyd , president of the California Teachers Assn .
“ We can ’ t do it unless it ’ s safe.
” Their stance carries weight in the coming weeks and months as teachers ’ working conditions are part of union-negotiated contracts .
Unions and districts need to return to bargaining tables to work out new schedules , classroom arrangements and workloads under the safety guidelines for operating in-person classes during the pandemic .
Boyd acknowledged that 100 % safety is impossible , while suggesting that teachers and their union leaders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what is safe enough .
In Los Angeles , union participants in a news conference Thursday at Dorsey High School in South L.A. spoke out against calls to speed up the pace of reopening because the district ’ s high-poverty communities have been hard-hit by COVID-19 and because infection rates remain high .
About 80 % of district students are from low-income families .
“ We can not allow a rushed or careless reopening of schools that will once again disproportionately impact students and families of color because of unsafe conditions at their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an English teacher at Dorsey .
Union organizers also opposed a piecemeal , school-by-school reopening , especially because that would favor more prosperous neighborhoods , where COVID-19 is less prevalent .
“ We need to know that students in East L.A. will be just as safe returning to school as students in West L.A. ” Hapuarachy said .
Critics of the unions point to research that suggests the unions ’ positions are too extreme .
“ More and more research is showing that reopening schools will not overly endanger students and staff , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Center for Education at the Pacific Research Institute .
Izumi cited research from Brown University suggesting that “ schools are not super spreaders and school infection rates are low even in places with high community rates.
” Separately , researchers at Yale concluded that child care could be offered with relative safety .
Currently , no schools can fully reopen in Los Angeles County because of widespread virus transmission , according to state guidelines .
But school systems can offer in-person , one-on-one tutoring and assessments and bring back small groups @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students with disabilities and students learning English .
United Teachers Los Angeles has reached an agreement over one-on-one tutoring that allows teachers to volunteer for the work .
But the union opposes the return of small groups of students until further safety protocols can be negotiated .
Some other nearby school systems are moving more swiftly to bring back small groups .
A campus is allowed to bring in up to 10 % of enrollment at a time for services to these students .
The timing of the union response Thursday signals the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gaining the upper hand amid the push and pull of politics , evolving science , incomplete data and frustration over distance learning .
On Tuesday , L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger questioned a senior health official about why it was taking so long for schools to open in L.A. County .
Some school and district officials also have pressed the issue , noting that infection rates in their communities are low .
Advocacy groups , including some newly formed by parents , also have called for campuses to reopen — or to at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A poll commissioned by the research and advocacy group Education Trust — West found that parents think less of distance learning than they did in March , even though most students are now connected online and most experts agree that districts have upped their online game .
Still , 35 % of parents rated online learning as successful compared with 57 % in March .
Low-income parents are more likely to rate online learning as unsuccessful .
The survey was conducted among 800 parents of children in California public schools from Oct. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interval of plus or minus 3.4 percentage points and adjusted for geographic and demographic accuracy .
The poll also found that more than two-thirds of parents report higher stress levels for their children in school .
And just over half of parents say they would like more in-person learning for their child than what is currently planned .
But the flip side is that many parents are not so eager to rush their children back to campus , which was a focus of a CTA poll .
The CTA poll also found widespread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of opinions on whether district officials are moving too fast or too slow to reopen campuses : 46 % of parents said their local district was moving at about the right pace ; 25 % too fast ; 22 % too slow ; 7 % were not sure .
In this poll , 62 % of parents said they were not comfortable with sending their children back to school when surveyed from Sept. 18 to 25 .
Four in 10 voters and parents said campuses should not reopen for in-person instruction until there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ registered voters in California with a sample that allowed for breaking out the views of parents with a margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points .
All but 10 of California ’ s 58 counties can now reopen campuses provided that they follow extensive protocols , according to the California Department of Education .
These 10 counties , which have 35.6 % of California students , include Los Angeles and San Bernardino counties in Southern California and Monterey and Sonoma counties to the north .
However , not all eligible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Santa Ana Unified in Orange County and San Diego Unified , the state ’ s second-largest school system .
Long Beach Unified , the second-largest district in L.A. County , has announced that it won ’ t fully open campuses before January .
L.A. Unified , the nation ’ s second-largest school system , hasn ’ t ruled out reopening sooner but has trailed some nearby school systems in bringing back small groups of students with special needs , which is allowed in any county — in part because of union resistance .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ child with special needs prompted parent Erica Meyrich-Pinciss to move from an L.A. Unified school to one in Hermosa Beach .
Because L.A. Unified is offering no in-class instruction , Meyrich-Pinciss ’ son attended his first few weeks of transitional kindergarten through Zoom .
But there were constant technical problems , Meyrich-Pinciss said , and the teacher spent most of the day playing YouTube videos for the class of students with multiple disabilities .
She said her son was bored and seemed to be regressing .
Alicia Baltazar , a single parent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said she doesn ’ t believe L.A. Unified has enough financial resources to carry out necessary safety precautions .
As someone who is immunocompromised , Baltazar feels like her life is in LAUSD ’ s hands .
“ Our campuses don ’ t even have a nurse every day of the week , ” she said .
“ So how can you tell me it ’ s safe to send my kid to school during a pandemic ?
” At Dorsey High School , groups allied with UTLA presented “ minimum conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The demands included a call for additional cleaning staff and a maximum classroom size of 12 students at a time .
State rules require physical distancing or barriers when this is impossible but do not specify the class size once schools are allowed to fully reopen .
Some of the demands are in accord with what L.A. Unified officials insist they are trying to accomplish — including comprehensive testing and contract tracing , but points of difference are expected to emerge at the negotiating table .
One clear point at both events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Current funding levels for schools were based on the presumption that more federal aid would be forthcoming .
Without it , funding cuts are looming .
“ Our response to this unprecedented pandemic can not be budget cuts and business as usual .
There is no plan in Sacramento to increase funding for our schools , ” said Lester Garcia , political director for Local 99 of Service Employees International Union , which represents most non-teaching workers in L.A. Unified .

Teachers participate this month in a car caravan protest, asserting that the Compton Unified School District is not doing enough to keep them safe. District officials insist otherwise.
As parents express widespread dissatisfaction with distance learning, two influential California teachers unions are pushing against growing momentum to reopen schools in many communities, saying that campuses are not yet safe enough amid the pandemic.
Leaders with the California Teachers Assn., with 300,000 members, and United Teachers Los Angeles, representing 30,000 in the state’s largest school district, said that districts do not have the resources to provide the level of protection they say is needed to bring teachers and children together in classrooms.
“Our teachers want to be in front of the students,” said E. Toby Boyd, president of the California Teachers Assn. “We can’t do it unless it’s safe.”
Their stance carries weight in the coming weeks and months as teachers’ working conditions are part of union-negotiated contracts. Unions and districts need to return to bargaining tables to work out new schedules, classroom arrangements and workloads under the safety guidelines for operating in-person classes during the pandemic.
Boyd acknowledged that 100% safety is impossible, while suggesting that teachers and their union leaders are in the best position to determine what is safe enough.
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In Los Angeles, union participants in a news conference Thursday at Dorsey High School in South L.A. spoke out against calls to speed up the pace of reopening because the district’s high-poverty communities have been hard-hit by COVID-19 and because infection rates remain high. About 80% of district students are from low-income families.
“We cannot allow a rushed or careless reopening of schools that will once again disproportionately impact students and families of color because of unsafe conditions at their schools,” said Sharonne Hapuarachy, an English teacher at Dorsey.
Union organizers also opposed a piecemeal, school-by-school reopening, especially because that would favor more prosperous neighborhoods, where COVID-19 is less prevalent.
“We need to know that students in East L.A. will be just as safe returning to school as students in West L.A.” Hapuarachy said.
Critics of the unions point to research that suggests the unions’ positions are too extreme.
“More and more research is showing that reopening schools will not overly endanger students and staff,” said Lance Izumi, senior director of the Center for Education at the Pacific Research Institute. Izumi cited research from Brown University suggesting that “schools are not super spreaders and school infection rates are low even in places with high community rates.”
Advertisement
Separately, researchers at Yale concluded that child care could be offered with relative safety.
Currently, no schools can fully reopen in Los Angeles County because of widespread virus transmission, according to state guidelines. But school systems can offer in-person, one-on-one tutoring and assessments and bring back small groups of students with special needs, including students with disabilities and students learning English.
United Teachers Los Angeles has reached an agreement over one-on-one tutoring that allows teachers to volunteer for the work. But the union opposes the return of small groups of students until further safety protocols can be negotiated. Some other nearby school systems are moving more swiftly to bring back small groups. A campus is allowed to bring in up to 10% of enrollment at a time for services to these students.
The timing of the union response Thursday signals the teachers’ concern that reopening momentum is gaining the upper hand amid the push and pull of politics, evolving science, incomplete data and frustration over distance learning.
On Tuesday, L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger questioned a senior health official about why it was taking so long for schools to open in L.A. County. Some school and district officials also have pressed the issue, noting that infection rates in their communities are low. Advocacy groups, including some newly formed by parents, also have called for campuses to reopen — or to at least serve more students with special needs.
A poll commissioned by the research and advocacy group Education Trust — West found that parents think less of distance learning than they did in March, even though most students are now connected online and most experts agree that districts have upped their online game. Still, 35% of parents rated online learning as successful compared with 57% in March. Low-income parents are more likely to rate online learning as unsuccessful.
The survey was conducted among 800 parents of children in California public schools from Oct. 1 through 7, with a confidence interval of plus or minus 3.4 percentage points and adjusted for geographic and demographic accuracy.
The poll also found that more than two-thirds of parents report higher stress levels for their children in school. And just over half of parents say they would like more in-person learning for their child than what is currently planned.
But the flip side is that many parents are not so eager to rush their children back to campus, which was a focus of a CTA poll.
The CTA poll also found widespread discontent with distance learning and an array of opinions on whether district officials are moving too fast or too slow to reopen campuses: 46% of parents said their local district was moving at about the right pace; 25% too fast; 22% too slow; 7% were not sure.
In this poll, 62% of parents said they were not comfortable with sending their children back to school when surveyed from Sept. 18 to 25. Four in 10 voters and parents said campuses should not reopen for in-person instruction until there is a vaccine. Pollsters interviewed 1,296 registered voters in California with a sample that allowed for breaking out the views of parents with a margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points.
All but 10 of California’s 58 counties can now reopen campuses provided that they follow extensive protocols, according to the California Department of Education. These 10 counties, which have 35.6% of California students, include Los Angeles and San Bernardino counties in Southern California and Monterey and Sonoma counties to the north.
However, not all eligible districts have chosen to reopen, including Santa Ana Unified in Orange County and San Diego Unified, the state’s second-largest school system. Long Beach Unified, the second-largest district in L.A. County, has announced that it won’t fully open campuses before January.
L.A. Unified, the nation’s second-largest school system, hasn’t ruled out reopening sooner but has trailed some nearby school systems in bringing back small groups of students with special needs, which is allowed in any county — in part because of union resistance.
Frustration over lack of services for her child with special needs prompted parent Erica Meyrich-Pinciss to move from an L.A. Unified school to one in Hermosa Beach.
Because L.A. Unified is offering no in-class instruction, Meyrich-Pinciss’ son attended his first few weeks of transitional kindergarten through Zoom. But there were constant technical problems, Meyrich-Pinciss said, and the teacher spent most of the day playing YouTube videos for the class of students with multiple disabilities.
She said her son was bored and seemed to be regressing.
Alicia Baltazar, a single parent of a fifth-grader at Friese Avenue Elementary School, said she doesn’t believe L.A. Unified has enough financial resources to carry out necessary safety precautions.
As someone who is immunocompromised, Baltazar feels like her life is in LAUSD’s hands.
“Our campuses don’t even have a nurse every day of the week,” she said. “So how can you tell me it’s safe to send my kid to school during a pandemic?”
At Dorsey High School, groups allied with UTLA presented “minimum conditions for reopening ... centered on racial justice.”
The demands included a call for additional cleaning staff and a maximum classroom size of 12 students at a time. State rules require physical distancing or barriers when this is impossible but do not specify the class size once schools are allowed to fully reopen.
Some of the demands are in accord with what L.A. Unified officials insist they are trying to accomplish — including comprehensive testing and contract tracing, but points of difference are expected to emerge at the negotiating table.
One clear point at both events was a call for more funding.
Current funding levels for schools were based on the presumption that more federal aid would be forthcoming. Without it, funding cuts are looming.
“Our response to this unprecedented pandemic cannot be budget cuts and business as usual. There is no plan in Sacramento to increase funding for our schools,” said Lester Garcia, political director for Local 99 of Service Employees International Union, which represents most non-teaching workers in L.A. Unified.


latimes--2020-10-16--Deputies killed Dijon Kizzee after a bike stop. We found 15 similar law enforcement shootings, many

Deputies killed Dijon Kizzee after a bike stop. We found 15 similar law enforcement shootings, many fatal

Noel Aguilar was riding his bicycle on a sidewalk when he stole a glance at a couple of Los Angeles County sheriff ’ s deputies and quickly pedaled away .
Within minutes of what began as a routine encounter , the 23-year-old was dead with three rounds in his back .
When Christian Cobian was stopped by deputies because his bike didn ’ t have lights , he ran from them with his hand underneath his shirt .
Deputies said they thought Cobian , 26 , was going to shoot them and fired 13 rounds , killing him .
No @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dijon Kizzee , 29 , was shot 16 times and killed by deputies who tried to stop him for riding his bike on the wrong side of the street in South L.A. , spurring weeks of protests .
Kizzee ’ s death and the others highlight how deadly violence can erupt from minor infractions and has sparked criticism of law enforcement ’ s failure to deescalate such incidents .
The Times identified 16 cases since 2005 where a stop for bike violations in Los Angeles County resulted in a police shooting , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ records from the district attorney , coroner and various court cases .
Most of the stops occurred in communities made up largely of Black and Latino residents .
In 11 incidents , including Kizzee ’ s , the bicyclists — all male and Black or Latino — were killed .
Among those 16 cases , violations ranged from riding on the sidewalk to biking without a light or on the wrong side of the road .
In 11 cases , authorities said they found a firearm .
In one shooting , deputies found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a semiautomatic handgun .
Traffic stops have long been a source of controversy in policing , even more so now amid calls for police reform sparked by the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis .
The aggressive enforcement of minor infractions that law enforcement has long touted as effective under the “ broken windows ” theory of policing has been criticized for resulting in racial disparities and alienating residents without lowering crime .
A Times analysis in 2019 found that LAPD officers searched Black and Latino drivers far more often than white people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people were more likely to be found with illegal items .
There has been much debate about who police pull over in a vehicle for traffic violations , but much less examination of how those laws are enforced for bicyclists .
Bike stops are under particular scrutiny as cycling has become a safe alternative during the coronavirus outbreak for many people in poor communities who would normally rely on public transportation to get around .
It is difficult to find data on bike stops because many departments aren ’ t required to collect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use of force .
In Tampa , one study found that Black cyclists were nearly three times more likely to be stopped than white cyclists , said Ojmarrh Mitchell , a criminology professor at Arizona State University who conducted the research .
New York Atty .
Gen. Letitia James recently recommended that police cease conducting routine traffic stops because they too often escalate into violence .
The guidance came as her office reviewed the death of Allan Feliz , who was shot and killed after he was stopped for allegedly not wearing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York City Police Department ’ s response to protests against Floyd ’ s death .
“ Laws with a history of alleged disparate and discriminatory enforcement , such as bicycle operation on the sidewalk , ‘ jaywalking , ’ loitering , and fare evasion , should be repealed or removed from police enforcement , ” her office said in a July report .
Seizing a gun or uncovering criminal activity during a stop for a minor traffic violation is considered good police work , and can boost an officer ’ s statistics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jody Armour , a professor at USC who studies racial disparities in the legal system , said such interactions create a “ reservoir of resentment.
” “ It really robs people of their full participation in core community activities , ” Armour said .
“ It starts to make second-class citizens out of people in stereotyped groups.
” Civil rights attorneys said countless more bicycle stops have resulted in the use of force by police or an arrest , sometimes only for resisting an officer , and criticized the use of petty violations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color .
Cycling advocates said such encounters have led them to rethink their push to get people on bikes in those communities .
“ How often do we hear of those — white guy on a bike in Encino , shot dead , ” said Humberto Guizar , an attorney who represented the family of Aguilar , who was killed in Long Beach in 2014 .
During that encounter , one of the deputies was accidentally shot by his partner .
“ That ’ s just a cop-out , a pretext to justify @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mistreatment of communities of color in inner cities.
” The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1996 that pretext stops are legal as long as someone breaks a traffic law .
They are unlawful , the high court said , only when the officer ’ s true motives for a search hinges on a person ’ s race .
Experts said that ’ s difficult to prove , though an argument could be bolstered with an analysis of an officer ’ s stops or a review of their social media activity .
“ In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say their motivations are racist , ” said Ed Obayashi , a deputy sheriff in Plumas County and national use-of-force expert .
When two Inglewood police officers in an unmarked car said they recognized Richard Tyson as a gang member and tried to stop him for biking on a sidewalk , he kept riding , according to the district attorney ’ s review of the May 2007 case .
“ Why are you always messing with me ?
” Tyson , 20 , said , according to the review .
“ I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The officers said he then adjusted a bulge in his waistband .
Tyson biked away , and the officers , who said they thought he had a gun , followed with lights and sirens .
An officer chased Tyson to the backyard of an apartment complex , where he found Tyson crawling out of bushes .
Tyson reached for his waistband and the officer fired six rounds , killing him .
Paramedics found a packaged T-shirt in his sweatshirt pocket .
There was no gun .
Prosecutors concluded that the deadly force was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actions were consistent with a person who was armed and dangerous.
” Tyson ’ s family sued the city of Inglewood and settled for $ 375,000 .
Vershell Hall , Tyson ’ s mother , said she believes her son was “ executed.
” “ He was scared , that ’ s why he was hiding , ” she said .
“ It ’ s almost as if he knew they were going to kill him.
” Like Tyson , Kizzee also ran after deputies tried to stop him for a bike violation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he dropped a jacket with a gun inside , the Sheriff ’ s Department said .
Deputies later said they shot at Kizzee when he picked up the gun and pointed it at them .
His family ’ s attorneys dispute that account and said witnesses reported that Kizzee did not have anything in his hands when he was shot .
Sheriff Alex Villanueva has portrayed the neighborhood where Kizzee was killed as crime-riddled and said budget cuts have eliminated youth programs and special enforcement teams .
Through mid-September of this year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homicides and 115 arrests of individuals with firearms — the “ overwhelming majority ” of whom are gang members — within a one-mile radius .
“ We ’ re not out there terrorizing , we ’ re not there racially profiling , we ’ re not engaged in systemic racism of any kind , ” Villanueva said at a recent news conference .
“ We ’ re trying to keep people alive .
And it ’ s a very tough job.
” He sought to justify deputies ’ stopping Kizzee , saying : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s out of place or wrong , that ’ s what elevates peoples ’ curiosity , deputies ’ curiosity — they ’ re trained to be proactive in the right way .
They don ’ t racial-profile , but they will criminally profile.
” Asst .
Los Angeles Police Chief Robert Arcos said that his department is focused on building trust within communities that feel racially profiled and pushing officers to defuse tense situations .
The department is also using body-worn video to help train officers on best practices during routine stops .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ crime is reported , but they ’ re also responsible for ensuring people are educated about traffic safety and enforcement .
In some cases , a stop for a minor infraction “ can escalate very quickly without knowing what was in that person ’ s mind at the time , ” he said .
The Sheriff ’ s Department and LAPD both said that information on how often bike violations result in an arrest or use of force was not readily available .
Several more cases reviewed by The Times escalated into an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not a shooting .
In one from October 2012 , Alfonso Cerda , 44 , was run over and killed by a patrol car that had pulled into a driveway to block his path as deputies attempted to detain him for biking without proper lights .
The district attorney ’ s office declined to file a vehicular manslaughter charge against the deputy who was driving , but the county settled a wrongful death lawsuit filed by Cerda ’ s three children and parents for $ 1.3 million .
“ I ’ m still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cerda , said recently .
Kevin Shin , the senior director of public policy and partnerships for the Los Angeles County Bicycle Coalition , works with a variety of groups to educate cyclists on equipment and rules of the road , in part , to minimize the possibility of interacting with law enforcement .
Shin said people are simply looking for a safe way to get around .
“ It ’ s hard for them to do that when one of the greatest fears that they have is running into a law enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Williams , 38 , kept riding when police lights flashed on a trip to a doctor ’ s appointment in March .
Williams teaches bike safety for the nonprofit People for Mobility Justice and knows the laws .
Williams was never given a ticket or told why the stop occurred .
“ What am I doing wrong ?
” Williams thought .
“ Why , as a Black person , does my day have to be interrupted ?
Why do I have to be late for my doctor ’ s appointment ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is reconsidering what it means to encourage people to ride bikes .
“ It feels like , at this time , telling people to get on bikes is a death sentence , ” Williams said .
Jose Beltran , who works in the nonprofit sector , said he was stopped on his bike at least nine times between 2009 and 2010 .
During one trip , from Cal State Los Angeles to his home in the Florence-Graham neighborhood , officers bombarded him with questions : Why are you out on your bike at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that might get you in trouble ?
When was the last time you did drugs ?
Another time , Beltran said a utility pouch he wears while cycling was searched for weapons , then tossed back at him .
He decided to change his appearance , shearing his waist-length hair to a buzz cut , donning a reflective vest and wearing more athletic clothing , figuring officers would not think he was up to something .
But Beltran , 35 , quit riding two years ago , in part because he still felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a cyclist , I became kind of the go-to person to vent on , ” he said .
It ’ s been 13 years since Tyson was killed in Inglewood , but his mother , Hall , 61 , still keeps a file filled with documents related to his shooting .
Each time she moves , the file comes with her .
In June , Hall , inspired by the activism surrounding the killing of Floyd , took to the streets to protest .
Despite the arthritis in her feet that makes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she “ just had to ” go out .
“ I ’ m not done fighting for my son , ” she said .
Staff writers Phi Do , Paul Duginski , Swetha Kannan , Iris Lee , Jennifer Lu , Maloy Moore , Ryan Menezes , Andrea Roberson and Aida Ylanan contributed to this report .

Noel Aguilar was riding his bicycle on a sidewalk when he stole a glance at a couple of Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputies and quickly pedaled away.
Within minutes of what began as a routine encounter, the 23-year-old was dead with three rounds in his back.
When Christian Cobian was stopped by deputies because his bike didn’t have lights, he ran from them with his hand underneath his shirt. Deputies said they thought Cobian, 26, was going to shoot them and fired 13 rounds, killing him. No gun was found.
In August, Dijon Kizzee, 29, was shot 16 times and killed by deputies who tried to stop him for riding his bike on the wrong side of the street in South L.A., spurring weeks of protests.
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Kizzee’s death and the others highlight how deadly violence can erupt from minor infractions and has sparked criticism of law enforcement’s failure to deescalate such incidents.
The Times identified 16 cases since 2005 where a stop for bike violations in Los Angeles County resulted in a police shooting, according to interviews and a review of public records from the district attorney, coroner and various court cases. Most of the stops occurred in communities made up largely of Black and Latino residents. In 11 incidents, including Kizzee’s, the bicyclists — all male and Black or Latino — were killed.
Among those 16 cases, violations ranged from riding on the sidewalk to biking without a light or on the wrong side of the road. In 11 cases, authorities said they found a firearm. In one shooting, deputies found an airsoft gun they said looked like a semiautomatic handgun.
Traffic stops have long been a source of controversy in policing, even more so now amid calls for police reform sparked by the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. The aggressive enforcement of minor infractions that law enforcement has long touted as effective under the “broken windows” theory of policing has been criticized for resulting in racial disparities and alienating residents without lowering crime.
Seated at her dining room table Vershell Hall holds the autopsy report related to the death of her son Richard Tyson, 20, who was killed by Inglewood police officers in 2007 on Thursday, Oct. 8, 2020 in Los Angeles, CA. (Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)
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A Times analysis in 2019 found that LAPD officers searched Black and Latino drivers far more often than white people during traffic stops, even though white people were more likely to be found with illegal items.
There has been much debate about who police pull over in a vehicle for traffic violations, but much less examination of how those laws are enforced for bicyclists. Bike stops are under particular scrutiny as cycling has become a safe alternative during the coronavirus outbreak for many people in poor communities who would normally rely on public transportation to get around.
It is difficult to find data on bike stops because many departments aren’t required to collect such information unless it results in a use of force.
In Tampa, one study found that Black cyclists were nearly three times more likely to be stopped than white cyclists, said Ojmarrh Mitchell, a criminology professor at Arizona State University who conducted the research.
New York Atty. Gen. Letitia James recently recommended that police cease conducting routine traffic stops because they too often escalate into violence. The guidance came as her office reviewed the death of Allan Feliz, who was shot and killed after he was stopped for allegedly not wearing a seat belt, as well as the New York City Police Department’s response to protests against Floyd’s death.
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“Laws with a history of alleged disparate and discriminatory enforcement, such as bicycle operation on the sidewalk, ‘jaywalking,’ loitering, and fare evasion, should be repealed or removed from police enforcement,” her office said in a July report.
Seizing a gun or uncovering criminal activity during a stop for a minor traffic violation is considered good police work, and can boost an officer’s statistics and stature within a department.
But Jody Armour, a professor at USC who studies racial disparities in the legal system, said such interactions create a “reservoir of resentment.”
“It really robs people of their full participation in core community activities,” Armour said. “It starts to make second-class citizens out of people in stereotyped groups.”
Civil rights attorneys said countless more bicycle stops have resulted in the use of force by police or an arrest, sometimes only for resisting an officer, and criticized the use of petty violations as a way to profile people of color. Cycling advocates said such encounters have led them to rethink their push to get people on bikes in those communities.
“How often do we hear of those — white guy on a bike in Encino, shot dead,” said Humberto Guizar, an attorney who represented the family of Aguilar, who was killed in Long Beach in 2014. During that encounter, one of the deputies was accidentally shot by his partner. “That’s just a cop-out, a pretext to justify the misconduct … to justify the continuing mistreatment of communities of color in inner cities.”
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The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1996 that pretext stops are legal as long as someone breaks a traffic law. They are unlawful, the high court said, only when the officer’s true motives for a search hinges on a person’s race. Experts said that’s difficult to prove, though an argument could be bolstered with an analysis of an officer’s stops or a review of their social media activity.
“In reality, no one is going to say their motivations are racist,” said Ed Obayashi, a deputy sheriff in Plumas County and national use-of-force expert.
When two Inglewood police officers in an unmarked car said they recognized Richard Tyson as a gang member and tried to stop him for biking on a sidewalk, he kept riding, according to the district attorney’s review of the May 2007 case.
“Why are you always messing with me?” Tyson, 20, said, according to the review. “I’m just coming from the store.” The officers said he then adjusted a bulge in his waistband.
Vershell Hall keeps the personal belonging that were found on her son Richard Tyson, 20, when he was killed by Inglewood police officers in 2007. (Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)
Tyson biked away, and the officers, who said they thought he had a gun, followed with lights and sirens. An officer chased Tyson to the backyard of an apartment complex, where he found Tyson crawling out of bushes. Tyson reached for his waistband and the officer fired six rounds, killing him. Paramedics found a packaged T-shirt in his sweatshirt pocket. There was no gun.
Prosecutors concluded that the deadly force was reasonable, saying “Tyson’s actions were consistent with a person who was armed and dangerous.” Tyson’s family sued the city of Inglewood and settled for $375,000.
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Vershell Hall, Tyson’s mother, said she believes her son was “executed.”
“He was scared, that’s why he was hiding,” she said. “It’s almost as if he knew they were going to kill him.”
Like Tyson, Kizzee also ran after deputies tried to stop him for a bike violation. During a struggle with deputies, he dropped a jacket with a gun inside, the Sheriff’s Department said. Deputies later said they shot at Kizzee when he picked up the gun and pointed it at them. His family’s attorneys dispute that account and said witnesses reported that Kizzee did not have anything in his hands when he was shot.
Sheriff Alex Villanueva has portrayed the neighborhood where Kizzee was killed as crime-riddled and said budget cuts have eliminated youth programs and special enforcement teams. Through mid-September of this year, he said, there were a dozen homicides and 115 arrests of individuals with firearms — the “overwhelming majority” of whom are gang members — within a one-mile radius.
“We’re not out there terrorizing, we’re not there racially profiling, we’re not engaged in systemic racism of any kind,” Villanueva said at a recent news conference. “We’re trying to keep people alive. And it’s a very tough job.”
He sought to justify deputies’ stopping Kizzee, saying: “If something looks like it’s out of place or wrong, that’s what elevates peoples’ curiosity, deputies’ curiosity — they’re trained to be proactive in the right way. They don’t racial-profile, but they will criminally profile.”
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Asst. Los Angeles Police Chief Robert Arcos said that his department is focused on building trust within communities that feel racially profiled and pushing officers to defuse tense situations. The department is also using body-worn video to help train officers on best practices during routine stops.
Arcos said officers respond to areas where crime is reported, but they’re also responsible for ensuring people are educated about traffic safety and enforcement. In some cases, a stop for a minor infraction “can escalate very quickly without knowing what was in that person’s mind at the time,” he said.
The Sheriff’s Department and LAPD both said that information on how often bike violations result in an arrest or use of force was not readily available.
Several more cases reviewed by The Times escalated into an arrest or allegations of officer misconduct, not a shooting. In one from October 2012, Alfonso Cerda, 44, was run over and killed by a patrol car that had pulled into a driveway to block his path as deputies attempted to detain him for biking without proper lights.
The district attorney’s office declined to file a vehicular manslaughter charge against the deputy who was driving, but the county settled a wrongful death lawsuit filed by Cerda’s three children and parents for $1.3 million.
“I’m still grieving,” his brother, Alvaro Cerda, said recently.
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Kevin Shin, the senior director of public policy and partnerships for the Los Angeles County Bicycle Coalition, works with a variety of groups to educate cyclists on equipment and rules of the road, in part, to minimize the possibility of interacting with law enforcement. Shin said people are simply looking for a safe way to get around.
“It’s hard for them to do that when one of the greatest fears that they have is running into a law enforcement officer,” Shin said.
Lena Williams teaches bike safety classes for People for Mobility Justice and in March was pulled over on their bike but still is not sure why. (Dania Maxwell/Los Angeles Times)
Lena Williams, 38, kept riding when police lights flashed on a trip to a doctor’s appointment in March. Williams teaches bike safety for the nonprofit People for Mobility Justice and knows the laws.
Williams was never given a ticket or told why the stop occurred.
“What am I doing wrong?” Williams thought. “Why, as a Black person, does my day have to be interrupted? Why do I have to be late for my doctor’s appointment?”
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And after Kizzee was killed, Williams is reconsidering what it means to encourage people to ride bikes.
“It feels like, at this time, telling people to get on bikes is a death sentence,” Williams said.
Jose Beltran, who works in the nonprofit sector, said he was stopped on his bike at least nine times between 2009 and 2010. During one trip, from Cal State Los Angeles to his home in the Florence-Graham neighborhood, officers bombarded him with questions: Why are you out on your bike at this time? Did you do anything that might get you in trouble? When was the last time you did drugs?
Another time, Beltran said a utility pouch he wears while cycling was searched for weapons, then tossed back at him.
He decided to change his appearance, shearing his waist-length hair to a buzz cut, donning a reflective vest and wearing more athletic clothing, figuring officers would not think he was up to something.
But Beltran, 35, quit riding two years ago, in part because he still felt targeted by police.
“When I was a cyclist, I became kind of the go-to person to vent on,” he said.
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It’s been 13 years since Tyson was killed in Inglewood, but his mother, Hall, 61, still keeps a file filled with documents related to his shooting. Each time she moves, the file comes with her.
In June, Hall, inspired by the activism surrounding the killing of Floyd, took to the streets to protest. Despite the arthritis in her feet that makes it difficult to walk, she said she “just had to” go out.
“I’m not done fighting for my son,” she said.
Staff writers Phi Do, Paul Duginski, Swetha Kannan, Iris Lee, Jennifer Lu, Maloy Moore, Ryan Menezes, Andrea Roberson and Aida Ylanan contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-10-15--In reversal, Trump administration approves California wildfire relief funding

A rejection from the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide aid to California for numerous recent wildfires was reversed Friday following appeals from the governor and Republican lawmakers .
“ Just got off the phone with President Trump who has approved our Major Disaster Declaration request .
Grateful for his quick response , ” Gov .
Gavin Newsom said in an afternoon statement .
The prior evening , FEMA rejected the state ’ s request for disaster relief funds for six recent California wildfires , including Los Angeles County ’ s Bobcat fire , San Bernardino County ’ s El @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , one of the largest that continues to burn in Fresno and Madera counties .
The decision was met with outcry from officials in California , which has experienced its worst fire season on record in 2020 .
“ I have personally toured the damaged areas and listened to heartbreaking stories from people who lost their homes and businesses to the Creek fire , ” state Sen. Andreas Borgeas ( R-Modesto ) wrote in a letter to the White House on Friday , asking it to reconsider FEMA ’ s decision .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on federal lands and the surrounding communities supported tourists who come to enjoy the National Parks.
” Borgeas ’ district includes the Sierra National Forest , where the Creek fire has burned some 340,000 acres and where National Guard troops recently helped airlift hundreds of people cut off due to the flames .
Trump recognized those troop members in a recent ceremony in Sacramento .
When word of FEMA ’ s initial rejection first reached California , emergency officials scrambled to find money in a budget already devastated by the coronavirus .
Within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ R-Elk Grove ) tweeted that House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy ( R-Bakersfield ) had spoken with Trump and that a “ Presidential Disaster Declaration is imminent and help is on the way.
” The governor ’ s office soon confirmed that assertion .
Newsom on Friday said he spoke with Trump about reconsidering the state ’ s rejected application for federal wildfire assistance and the president , who was aboard Air Force One , almost immediately said he would approve it .
“ I couldn ’ t even finish the ask , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Milken Institute ’ s Global Conference .
“ He said , ‘ You got it .
I ’ m signing off on that major disaster declaration in California.
’ ” Despite the contentious relationship between California and the president , Newsom has consistently said that ’ s he ’ s had a good working relationship with the administration when dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic and response to the state ’ s wildfires .
The state ’ s fires have been fueled by several factors , including climate change .
Trump has repeatedly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy , sometimes with misleading claims , and had rejected the role of rising temperatures as a factor .
More than 4 million acres have burned this year , more than double the state ’ s previous record .
The fires have scorched an area larger than the state of Connecticut and have killed 31 people .
A major disaster declaration allows for cost-sharing for staffing , damage , cleanup and rebuilding between the state and federal government .
It also activates federal programs led by FEMA .
In it ’ s initial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were not of such severity and magnitude to exceed the combined capabilities of the state , affected local governments , voluntary agencies and other responding federal agencies.
” The agency said it was already assisting the state in combating wildfires .
“ FEMA approved four Fire Management Assistance Grants in five counties for wildfires included in the state ’ s disaster request , allowing reimbursement to state , local governments and other eligible agencies for 75 % of firefighting , evacuation and sheltering costs .
These grants will deliver millions of dollars of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help reduce the risks of future disasters .
If the state identifies additional information to support the request , it may appeal the decision within 30 days.
” The state and local governments rely on FEMA every year to help recover up to 75 % of their staffing costs for sending firefighters into other jurisdictions — including onto federal land — to help fight wildfires for weeks at a time .
Federal documents filed with the National Interagency Fire Center show costs to date to fight the Bobcat fire in Los Angeles County @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bernardino County and the Slater fire in Siskiyou County were $ 67.8 million , $ 38.4 million and $ 44.8 million , respectively .
The agencies that sent firefighters to these incidents generally expect to be paid back a portion of the costs for sending their crews .
California did not ask for a specific dollar amount because damage estimates are not complete , said Brian Ferguson , deputy director of crisis communication and media relations for the governor ’ s Office of Emergency Services .
“ The true cost won ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he said .
He added : “ What the state is looking for is the highest level of federal support , which requires the highest bars be cleared .
But we feel our case for those requirements has been met.
” According to Ferguson , such aid could easily reach into the hundreds of millions of dollars .
The state is also asking for aid for San Diego County ’ s Valley fire and Mendocino County ’ s Oak fire .
Newsom formally submitted a letter to the White House and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a declaration and citing the fact that five of the six largest fires in California ’ s recorded history have taken place this year .
The biggest is the August Complex fire , which began Aug. 16 and as of Oct. 15 had burned just over 1 million acres through seven Northern California counties and was 77 % contained .
Newsom also said funds would go toward helping rebuild public infrastructure , miles of roads , parks , signs and fire shelters .
“ Many of the counties impacted by these wildfires are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ storms and the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic , ” Newsom wrote .
Many residents lost homes and property that was uninsured .
According to Newsom , as of Sept. 28 , 959 residences were destroyed by fires and 90 more were damaged , totaling an estimated $ 264,289,200 .
The governor also noted the cash-strapped nature of the state , which is projecting a pandemic-induced $ 54.3-billion deficit this fiscal year .
In February , the federal government agreed to pay back California more than $ 170 million for repair to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government kicked in $ 562.5 million for the project .
California previously successfully applied for a declaration from the federal government for two fires caused by lightning , including the Complex fire , in August .
Newsom will also probably ask for another disaster declaration , Ferguson said , for the Glass fire in Sonoma County and the Zogg fire in Shasta County .
The Zogg fire was extinguished on Tuesday , while the Glass fire is 97 % contained .
For many in state government , FEMA ’ s initial decision to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump tweet last year in which the president said FEMA should withhold aid to California unless state officials “ get their act together , which is unlikely.
” The administration ultimately backed off on that threat .

A rejection from the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide aid to California for numerous recent wildfires was reversed Friday following appeals from the governor and Republican lawmakers.
“Just got off the phone with President Trump who has approved our Major Disaster Declaration request. Grateful for his quick response,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in an afternoon statement.
The prior evening, FEMA rejected the state’s request for disaster relief funds for six recent California wildfires, including Los Angeles County’s Bobcat fire, San Bernardino County’s El Dorado fire, and the Creek fire, one of the largest that continues to burn in Fresno and Madera counties.
The decision was met with outcry from officials in California, which has experienced its worst fire season on record in 2020.
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“I have personally toured the damaged areas and listened to heartbreaking stories from people who lost their homes and businesses to the Creek fire,” state Sen. Andreas Borgeas (R-Modesto) wrote in a letter to the White House on Friday, asking it to reconsider FEMA’s decision. “Many of the structures destroyed were located on federal lands and the surrounding communities supported tourists who come to enjoy the National Parks.”
Borgeas’ district includes the Sierra National Forest, where the Creek fire has burned some 340,000 acres and where National Guard troops recently helped airlift hundreds of people cut off due to the flames. Trump recognized those troop members in a recent ceremony in Sacramento.
When word of FEMA’s initial rejection first reached California, emergency officials scrambled to find money in a budget already devastated by the coronavirus. Within hours however, Rep. Tom McClintock (R-Elk Grove) tweeted that House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Bakersfield) had spoken with Trump and that a “Presidential Disaster Declaration is imminent and help is on the way.”
The governor’s office soon confirmed that assertion.
Newsom on Friday said he spoke with Trump about reconsidering the state’s rejected application for federal wildfire assistance and the president, who was aboard Air Force One, almost immediately said he would approve it. “I couldn’t even finish the ask,” Newsom said during a remote appearance at the Milken Institute’s Global Conference. “He said, ‘You got it. I’m signing off on that major disaster declaration in California.’ ”
Despite the contentious relationship between California and the president, Newsom has consistently said that’s he’s had a good working relationship with the administration when dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic and response to the state’s wildfires.
The state’s fires have been fueled by several factors, including climate change. Trump has repeatedly criticized California for its handling of fire policy, sometimes with misleading claims, and had rejected the role of rising temperatures as a factor.
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More than 4 million acres have burned this year, more than double the state’s previous record. The fires have scorched an area larger than the state of Connecticut and have killed 31 people.
A major disaster declaration allows for cost-sharing for staffing, damage, cleanup and rebuilding between the state and federal government. It also activates federal programs led by FEMA.
In its initial rejection, FEMA said the fires “were not of such severity and magnitude to exceed the combined capabilities of the state, affected local governments, voluntary agencies and other responding federal agencies.”
The agency said it was already assisting the state in combating wildfires. “FEMA approved four Fire Management Assistance Grants in five counties for wildfires included in the state’s disaster request, allowing reimbursement to state, local governments and other eligible agencies for 75% of firefighting, evacuation and sheltering costs. These grants will deliver millions of dollars of assistance for emergency expenses and funds to help reduce the risks of future disasters. If the state identifies additional information to support the request, it may appeal the decision within 30 days.”
The state and local governments rely on FEMA every year to help recover up to 75% of their staffing costs for sending firefighters into other jurisdictions — including onto federal land — to help fight wildfires for weeks at a time.
Federal documents filed with the National Interagency Fire Center show costs to date to fight the Bobcat fire in Los Angeles County, the El Dorado fire in San Bernardino County and the Slater fire in Siskiyou County were $67.8 million, $38.4 million and $44.8 million, respectively. The agencies that sent firefighters to these incidents generally expect to be paid back a portion of the costs for sending their crews.
California did not ask for a specific dollar amount because damage estimates are not complete, said Brian Ferguson, deputy director of crisis communication and media relations for the governor’s Office of Emergency Services.
“The true cost won’t be known for months or years afterward,” he said.
He added: “What the state is looking for is the highest level of federal support, which requires the highest bars be cleared. But we feel our case for those requirements has been met.”
According to Ferguson, such aid could easily reach into the hundreds of millions of dollars.
The state is also asking for aid for San Diego County’s Valley fire and Mendocino County’s Oak fire.
Newsom formally submitted a letter to the White House and FEMA on Sept. 28 asking for such a declaration and citing the fact that five of the six largest fires in California’s recorded history have taken place this year.
The biggest is the August Complex fire, which began Aug. 16 and as of Oct. 15 had burned just over 1 million acres through seven Northern California counties and was 77% contained.
Newsom also said funds would go toward helping rebuild public infrastructure, miles of roads, parks, signs and fire shelters.
“Many of the counties impacted by these wildfires are still recovering from previous devastating wildfires, storms and the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic,” Newsom wrote.
He added, “Californians are exhausted.”
Many residents lost homes and property that was uninsured. According to Newsom, as of Sept. 28, 959 residences were destroyed by fires and 90 more were damaged, totaling an estimated $264,289,200.
The governor also noted the cash-strapped nature of the state, which is projecting a pandemic-induced $54.3-billion deficit this fiscal year.
In February, the federal government agreed to pay back California more than $170 million for repair to the Oroville Dam spillway. Overall, the government kicked in $562.5 million for the project.
California previously successfully applied for a declaration from the federal government for two fires caused by lightning, including the Complex fire, in August.
Newsom will also probably ask for another disaster declaration, Ferguson said, for the Glass fire in Sonoma County and the Zogg fire in Shasta County. The Zogg fire was extinguished on Tuesday, while the Glass fire is 97% contained.
For many in state government, FEMA’s initial decision to reject the funding request was reminiscent a Trump tweet last year in which the president said FEMA should withhold aid to California unless state officials “get their act together, which is unlikely.”
The administration ultimately backed off on that threat.


latimes--2020-10-15--Law enforcement aircraft searched for jet pack near LAX but couldn't find anything

When a pilot for China Airlines told the Los Angeles International Airport control tower that he saw what appeared to be a person flying in a jet pack outside the plane as it approached the airport Wednesday , a law enforcement aircraft was directed to look for the mysterious flier .
When it received the request , the aircraft was flying about seven miles from where the pilot said he ’ d seen the jet pack , according to radio communications .
But when the craft arrived , no sign was found of a person flying in a jet pack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second time pilots have reported seeing someone flying in a jet pack in the LAX approach pattern in a little over a month .
The FBI has been investigating a reported sighting in late August but has not announced any leads .
Within aviation circles , there has been much speculation about whether this is really a person in a jet pack or perhaps a drone that looks like the device .
“ The FBI is in contact with the FAA and investigating multiple reports of what , according to witnesses , appeared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pack near LAX , including one today by a China Airlines pilot , ” the agency said in a statement .
Air traffic controllers took no chances with the reported 1:45 p.m. sighting by the pilot of a packed Boeing 777 and immediately scrambled to warn commercial airliners descending into the airport of the potential threat .
As China Airlines 006 began its descent , the pilot radioed the tower : “ We just saw a bright object at 6,000.
” The tower sought clarification , asking the pilot to repeat himself .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ saw a flying object ... flight suit jet pack at 6,000.
” The surprised-sounding air traffic controller asked : “ Was it a UAV [ unmanned aerial vehicle , or drone ] or was it a jet pack ?
” The China Airlines pilot said the object was too far away and too shiny to be certain , but said it looked “ like a jet pack.
” The tower then warned another large jetliner , an Emirates flight , “ there was a jet pack reported about 13 miles ahead.
” Air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about seven miles away and asked for its assistance to check out the reported sighting .
As air traffic controllers began redirecting flights around that section of airspace , the law enforcement aircraft flew to the last known sighting of the jet pack .
In the earlier sighting , on Aug. 30 , the control tower at LAX received reports about a jet pack around 6:45 p.m. “ Tower , American 1997 .
We just passed a guy in a jet pack , ” an American Airlines pilot said .
“ American 1997 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they off to your left or right side ?
” the tower operator asked .
“ Off the left side , maybe 300 yards or so , about our altitude , ” the pilot responded .
“ We just saw the guy pass us by in the jet pack , ” a pilot from Jet Blue Airways then told the tower , which warned another pilot about the sighting .
“ Only in L.A. , ” the air traffic controller said at one point .

A plane approaches LAX for a landing with downtown Los Angeles in the background.
When a pilot for China Airlines told the Los Angeles International Airport control tower that he saw what appeared to be a person flying in a jet pack outside the plane as it approached the airport Wednesday, a law enforcement aircraft was directed to look for the mysterious flier.
When it received the request, the aircraft was flying about seven miles from where the pilot said he’d seen the jet pack, according to radio communications. But when the craft arrived, no sign was found of a person flying in a jet pack.
For the record: An earlier version of this article stated the initial sighting of a jet pack at Los Angeles International Airport occurred Aug. 29. The date was Aug. 30.
Wednesday’s sighting marks the second time pilots have reported seeing someone flying in a jet pack in the LAX approach pattern in a little over a month. The FBI has been investigating a reported sighting in late August but has not announced any leads.
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Within aviation circles, there has been much speculation about whether this is really a person in a jet pack or perhaps a drone that looks like the device.
“The FBI is in contact with the FAA and investigating multiple reports of what, according to witnesses, appeared to be an individual in a jet pack near LAX, including one today by a China Airlines pilot,” the agency said in a statement.
Air traffic controllers took no chances with the reported 1:45 p.m. sighting by the pilot of a packed Boeing 777 and immediately scrambled to warn commercial airliners descending into the airport of the potential threat.
As China Airlines 006 began its descent, the pilot radioed the tower: “We just saw a bright object at 6,000.”
The tower sought clarification, asking the pilot to repeat himself. The pilot then replied, “We saw a flying object ... flight suit jet pack at 6,000.”
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The surprised-sounding air traffic controller asked: “Was it a UAV [unmanned aerial vehicle, or drone] or was it a jet pack?”
The China Airlines pilot said the object was too far away and too shiny to be certain, but said it looked “like a jet pack.”
The tower then warned another large jetliner, an Emirates flight, “there was a jet pack reported about 13 miles ahead.”
Air traffic controllers spotted a law enforcement aircraft about seven miles away and asked for its assistance to check out the reported sighting.
As air traffic controllers began redirecting flights around that section of airspace, the law enforcement aircraft flew to the last known sighting of the jet pack.
“Not seeing anything,” the pilot reported.
California Second sighting of person wearing a jet pack near LAX prompts new investigation The report comes six weeks after two commercial pilots said they saw a man in a jet pack flying around the eastern approach to Los Angeles International Airport.
In the earlier sighting, on Aug. 30, the control tower at LAX received reports about a jet pack around 6:45 p.m.
“Tower, American 1997. We just passed a guy in a jet pack,” an American Airlines pilot said.
“American 1997, OK, thank you. Were they off to your left or right side?” the tower operator asked.
“Off the left side, maybe 300 yards or so, about our altitude,” the pilot responded.
“We just saw the guy pass us by in the jet pack,” a pilot from Jet Blue Airways then told the tower, which warned another pilot about the sighting.
“Only in L.A.,” the air traffic controller said at one point.


latimes--2020-10-17--Can Prop. 16 boost California's Latino-, Black-, Asian- and women-owned companies?

Twenty-five years ago , Gene Hale , president of a Gardena construction company , was selling more than $ 8 million a year in cranes , forklifts and concrete to help build freeways from San Diego to Sacramento .
But in 1996 , when Californians approved Proposition 209 , outlawing affirmative action for Black-owned companies like his , “ that wrecked procurement with the state , ” he said .
Hale ’ s business with public agencies , which accounted for about 10 % of his revenue , “ basically went down to zero.
” A quarter-century later , California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bar race- and gender-based programs , is one of the first to revisit the issue .
An initiative on the November ballot , Proposition 16 , would repeal the 1996 measure .
The proposed turnabout comes as debates over racial and gender equity have exploded nationwide in the wake of police violence against Black and Latino people and sexual harassment scandals at the highest levels of business and government .
Opponents of Proposition 16 say promoting diversity should not involve racial and gender preferences : The state should be colorblind and gender-blind — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ admissions or of businesses seeking to tap into the multibillion-dollar state procurement system .
In practice , affirmative action in contracting never completely disappeared in California .
Under U.S. law , federally funded projects such as highways continued to allow the targeting of “ disadvantaged enterprises , ” defined as Latino- , Black- , Asian- and women-owned businesses .
But Proposition 16 could lead to reinstating extensive state and local programs to encourage racial and gender equity .
Proponents calculate that Black- , Latino- , Asian- and women-owned businesses — including many small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — have lost out on hundreds of millions of dollars in state-sponsored contracting opportunities over the last two decades .
The loss of state programs “ was devastating to our communities , ” said Hale , who serves as chairman of the Greater Los Angeles African American Chamber of Commerce .
This year ’ s measure doesn ’ t propose new language .
It would simply erase the section of the California constitution that now reads : “ The state shall not discriminate against , or grant preferential treatment to , any individual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sex , color , ethnicity , or national origin in the operation of public employment , public education , or public contracting.
” Polls suggest Proposition 16 could lose , overshadowed by a slew of more controversial initiatives on this year ’ s ballot .
And those who remember Proposition 209 are more likely to recall the debate around admissions to public universities than its effects on state and local contracting .
But partly because of its effect on the state ’ s economic landscape , the measure has broad business support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which had remained neutral on Proposition 209 , is a backer , as are Gov .
Gavin Newsom and vice presidential candidate Sen. Kamala Harris .
In the last quarter-century , the state has become more racially diverse .
Today , 39.4 % of Californians are Latino , followed by 36.5 % non-Hispanic white , 15.5 % Asian and 6.5 % Black .
Four percent identify as multiracial , and smaller percentages identify as Native American or Pacific Islander .
“ We ’ ve had 24 years of failure because of Prop .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bradford ( D-Gardena ) .
Overturning the 1996 measure “ affords us the opportunity ... to remove the barriers of hiring , the barriers of education , remove the barriers of opportunity.
” But Ward Connerly , a Black Republican businessman who spearheaded Proposition 209 , has returned to defend it as head of the campaign against Proposition 16 .
“ Every time you give someone affirmative action , you ’ re discriminating against somebody else , ” he told a San Diego television station .
“ In order to build a civil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be treated equally and fairly by their government.
” When it comes to economic opportunity , the complex regulations and often opaque finances of public agencies seem designed to confuse the average voter .
But the money at stake in Proposition 16 is massive .
Last year , the state spent $ 13.2 billion on contracts with private companies .
City and county governments contracted out billions more , with Los Angeles alone spending about $ 4 billion , according to Mayor Eric Garcetti ’ s office .
Public procurement affects a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everything from infrastructure at the ports of Los Angeles , Long Beach and Oakland to prison laundries and courthouse janitorial services .
Los Angeles ’ Department of Public Works — which builds libraries , fire and police stations , sidewalks and sewage plants — doled out $ 290 million to private businesses last year .
Affirmative action has given many entrepreneurs a toehold as they were getting started .
“ In the late 1980s , I took advantage of affirmative action because there was such disparity , ” said Anna Sauceda , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ACS Group , a Santa Fe Springs construction firm .
“ It was an opportunity to get in there and compete .
We were able to build our résumé.
” The Saucedas , who are Mexican American , said that more than half their firm ’ s annual revenue of $ 4 million to $ 10 million comes from public contracts .
They built a 4.5-mile walkway for the city of Whittier and installed lighting and Wi-Fi in Lynwood parks .
Their business-to-business contracts include one for $ 2 million to weatherize homes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
16 would level the playing field so you can build new people into the system , ” said Darrel Sauceda , who is chairman of the Los Angeles Latino Chamber of Commerce .
General contractors often rely on “ the good-old-boy network ” to find subcontractors , he added .
“ Prop .
16 will mandate they start using fresh horses.
” In placing Proposition 16 on the ballot , the Legislature asserted in a preamble : “ In the wake of Proposition 209 , California saw stark workforce diversity reductions for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contracting and in public education.
” But exactly how much Latino- , Black- , Asian- and women-owned businesses have suffered from the loss of state-sponsored affirmative action is unclear from public records .
Many California agencies stopped collecting comprehensive race and gender-related data .
Five years ago , a study commissioned by the Equal Justice Society , an Oakland-based nonprofit , cited the 24.5 % of the state ’ s 1995 contracts awarded under its now-disbanded program for “ minority- and women-owned business enterprises.
” The study calculated , in inflation-adjusted dollars , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 825 million a year .
Similarly , lawsuits forcing San Francisco and San Jose to abandon their affirmative action programs in the wake of Proposition 209 ’ s passage resulted in losses for minority- and women-owned businesses of $ 30 million and $ 20 million a year , respectively , the study suggested .
The Californians for Equal Rights Campaign , the anti-Proposition 16 organization , calls the study ’ s numbers “ not actually losses , but taxpayer dollars saved by avoiding preferential treatment.
” The group also cites a 2007 UC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of state-funded highway contracts fell 5.6 % after affirmative action was halted , due perhaps to “ higher costs of firms located in high-minority areas.
” But current public data do not track what has happened to the hundreds of millions of dollars a year that used to be routed to businesses led by women and people of color .
Most of that money presumably isn ’ t returned to taxpayers but , rather , is spent on contracts with other firms .
Last month , the University of California , which spends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for goods and services , released a report on Proposition 209 that found “ the implications for UC ’ s diverse suppliers were acute.
” Before affirmative action was outlawed , 10.2 % of UC ’ s spending went to “ disadvantaged business enterprises , ” which include Black- , Latino- and Asian-owned companies , and 5.7 % to firms owned by women .
Those numbers dropped to 2.79 % and 1.85 % , respectively , by fiscal 2019 , according to the report .
Lost in the contentious debate is the fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good faith ” outreach to suppliers based on market studies that set race- and gender-based numerical goals .
The California Department of Transportation reports that nearly a fifth of the $ 10.8 billion it spent on federally funded projects over the last five years went to certified “ disadvantaged business enterprises , ” which include Latino- , Black- , Asian- and women-owned companies .
At the same time , contracts for purely state-funded roads — $ 7.8 billion over the same period — were not covered by any race- or gender-based outreach rules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women-owned business enterprise ” goals were disbanded in 1997 .
Large city public works must also take affirmative action if they get federal funds .
As a result , Los Angeles ’ 6th Street Viaduct project is directing 24 % of its $ 340 million in construction contracts to Black- , Latino- , Asian- and women-owned businesses .
For projects without federal funding — say , a new police station — Los Angeles adheres to Proposition 209 by requiring contractors to reach out not only to suppliers who register as “ minority ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s database , but also to white-owned businesses .
“ Contractors have to cast as wide a net as possible and tell us what their goals are , ” said Greg Good , president of the city ’ s Public Works board .
“ They literally have to show us they ’ ve made the phone calls ” to suppliers .
“ But Prop .
209 casts a heavy shadow , ” he added .
“ We can ’ t make the participation of minority businesses or women-owned businesses part of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If Proposition 16 passes , city affirmative action programs could mimic federal rules by studying diversity in various trades and setting numerical expectations for outreach to suppliers .
“ Structural racism is real , ” Good said .
“ Los Angeles is a giant economic engine , and we can play a big role in ameliorating that.
” Even if affirmative action were to be restored , however , it would continue to rely not on quotas but on governments holding contractors to “ good faith ” efforts to expand their usual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Asian- and women-owned businesses .
“ Public agencies call it ‘ good faith , ’ ” said Lola Smallwood Cuevas , co-founder of the Los Angeles Black Worker Center , a nonprofit advocacy group .
“ We call it ‘ good fake.
’ The operative word is ‘ ask.
’ You can ask contractors for an inclusionary workforce .
Some volunteer , and others may not.
” Several years ago , Cuevas was part of a coalition that met with companies bidding on the $ 2-billion Crenshaw/LAX light-rail line .
“ You ask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers are on a project ?
’ The first thing they say is , ‘ Prop .
209 doesn ’ t allow us to speak specifically about the Black community.
’ ” Hale , the Gardena construction firm owner , said general contractors for public agencies “ can just pretend to make a good-faith effort .
All they have to do is offer proof that they made some phone calls to minority subcontractors.
” For the moment , he is busy selling equipment for the construction of SoFi Stadium in Inglewood and for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Center .
But he looks forward to an era of more robust affirmative action , whether in this election cycle or another .
“ Aspirational goals don ’ t get you much , ” he said .

Anna Sauceda, who with husband Darrel Sauceda owns construction firm ACS Group, says affirmative action gave their careers a toehold in the 1980s.
Twenty-five years ago, Gene Hale, president of a Gardena construction company, was selling more than $8 million a year in cranes, forklifts and concrete to help build freeways from San Diego to Sacramento.
But in 1996, when Californians approved Proposition 209, outlawing affirmative action for Black-owned companies like his, “that wrecked procurement with the state,” he said. Hale’s business with public agencies, which accounted for about 10% of his revenue, “basically went down to zero.”
A quarter century later, California, the first of several states to bar race- and gender-based programs, is one of the first to revisit the issue. An initiative on the November ballot, Proposition 16, would repeal the 1996 measure.
The proposed turnabout comes as debates over racial and gender equity have exploded nationwide in the wake of police violence against Black and Latino people and sexual harassment scandals at the highest levels of business and government.
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Opponents of Proposition 16 say promoting diversity should not involve racial and gender preferences: The state should be colorblind and gender-blind — whether in the realm of public university admissions or of businesses seeking to tap into the multibillion-dollar state procurement system.
In practice, affirmative action in contracting never completely disappeared in California. Under U.S. law, federally funded projects such as highways continued to allow the targeting of “disadvantaged enterprises,” defined as Latino-, Black-, Asian- and women-owned businesses.
But Proposition 16 could lead to reinstating extensive state and local programs to encourage racial and gender equity. Proponents calculate that Black-, Latino-, Asian- and women-owned businesses — including many small companies, such as Hale’s — have lost out on hundreds of millions of dollars in state-sponsored contracting opportunities over the last two decades.
The loss of state programs “was devastating to our communities,” said Hale, who serves as chairman of the Greater Los Angeles African American Chamber of Commerce.
This year’s measure doesn’t propose new language. It would simply erase the section of the California constitution that now reads: “The state shall not discriminate against, or grant preferential treatment to, any individual or group on the basis of race, sex, color, ethnicity, or national origin in the operation of public employment, public education, or public contracting.”
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Polls suggest Proposition 16 could lose, overshadowed by a slew of more controversial initiatives on this year’s ballot.
Gene Hale, head of construction firm G&C Corp., laments that general contractors for public agencies “can just pretend to make a good-faith effort” to fulfill a federal requirement to aim for race and gender diversity goals when looking for subcontractors. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
And those who remember Proposition 209 are more likely to recall the debate around admissions to public universities than its effects on state and local contracting.
But partly because of its impact on the state’s economic landscape, the measure has broad business support. The state Chamber of Commerce, which had remained neutral on Proposition 209, is a backer, as are Gov. Gavin Newsom and vice presidential candidate Sen. Kamala Harris.
In the last quarter century, the state has become more racially diverse. Today, 39.4% of Californians are Latino, followed by 36.5% non-Hispanic white, 15.5% Asian and 6.5% Black. Four percent identify as multiracial, and smaller percentages identify as Native American or Pacific Islander.
“We’ve had 24 years of failure because of Prop. 209,” said state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena). Overturning the 1996 measure “affords us the opportunity ... to remove the barriers of hiring, the barriers of education, remove the barriers of opportunity.”
But Ward Connerly, a Black Republican businessman who spearheaded Proposition 209, has returned to defend it as head of the campaign against Proposition 16.
“Every time you give someone affirmative action, you’re discriminating against somebody else,” he told a San Diego television station. “In order to build a civil society, everyone needs to believe they will be treated equally and fairly by their government.”
When it comes to economic opportunity, the complex regulations and often opaque finances of public agencies seem designed to confuse the average voter. But the money at stake in Proposition 16 is massive.
Public procurement involves a vast swath of the California economy — everything from infrastructure at the ports of Los Angeles, Long Beach and Oakland to prison laundries and courthouse janitorial services. The state, with an overall budget of $321 billion, issued 624,569 contracts to private businesses last year, but does not publicly tally the full dollar amount.
City and county governments award thousands of contracts too. Los Angeles alone spent about $4 billion last year, with the city’s utility, the Department of Water and Power, and its airport authority among the biggest contracting agencies, according to Mayor Eric Garcetti’s office. The city’s Department of Public Works — which builds libraries, fire and police stations, sidewalks and sewage plants—doled out $290 million to private companies last year.
Proposition 209 author Ward Connerly in 2003.
(Rich Pedroncelli/AP)
Affirmative action has given many entrepreneurs a toehold as they were getting started.
“In the late 1980s, I took advantage of affirmative action because there was such disparity,” said Anna Sauceda, who with her husband, Darrel, owns ACS Group, a Santa Fe Springs construction firm. “It was an opportunity to get in there and compete. We were able to build our résumé.”
The Saucedas, who are Mexican American, said that more than half their firm’s annual revenue of $4 million to $10 million comes from public contracts. They built a 4.5-mile walkway for the city of Whittier and installed lighting and Wi-Fi in Lynwood parks. Their business-to-business contracts include one for $2 million to weatherize homes for Southern California Gas Co.
“Prop. 16 would level the playing field so you can build new people into the system,” said Darrel Sauceda, who is chair of the Los Angeles Latino Chamber of Commerce. General contractors often rely on “the good-old-boy network” to find subcontractors, he added. “Prop. 16 will mandate they start using fresh horses.”
In placing Proposition 16 on the ballot, the legislature asserted in a preamble: “In the wake of Proposition 209, California saw stark workforce diversity reductions for people of color and women in public contracting and in public education.”
But exactly how much Latino-, Black-, Asian- and women-owned businesses have suffered from the loss of state-sponsored affirmative action is unclear from public records. Many California agencies stopped collecting comprehensive race and gender-related data.
Five years ago, a study commissioned by the Equal Justice Society, an Oakland-based nonprofit, cited the 24.5% of the state’s 1995 contracts awarded under its now-disbanded program for “minority- and women-owned business enterprises.” The study calculated, in inflation-adjusted dollars, that Proposition 209 cost those companies $825 million a year.
ACS Group owners Anna Sauceda, second from left, and Darrel Sauceda, right, stand with a client as they go over plans for the renovation of a commercial building in Valley Village. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Similarly, lawsuits forcing San Francisco and San Jose to abandon their affirmative action programs in the wake of Proposition 209’s passage resulted in losses for minority- and women-owned businesses of $30 million and $20 million a year, respectively, the study suggested.
The Californians for Equal Rights Campaign, the anti-Proposition 16 organization, calls the study’s numbers “not actually losses, but taxpayer dollars saved by avoiding preferential treatment.”
The group also cites a 2007 UC Santa Cruz study that found the cost of state-funded highway contracts fell 5.6% after affirmative action was halted, due perhaps to “higher costs of firms located in high-minority areas.”
But current public data do not track what has happened to the hundreds of millions of dollars a year that used to be routed to businesses led by women and people of color. Most of that money presumably isn’t returned to taxpayers but, rather, is spent on contracts with other firms.
Last month, the University of California, which spends $12 billion a year on contracts for goods and services, released a report on Proposition 209 that found “the implications for UC’s diverse suppliers were acute.”
Before affirmative action was outlawed, 10.2% of UC’s spending went to “disadvantaged business enterprises,” which include Black-, Latino- and Asian-owned companies, and 5.7% to firms owned by women.
Those numbers dropped to 2.79% and 1.85%, respectively, by fiscal 2019, according to the report.
Lost in the contentious debate is the fact that federally funded projects still require “good faith” outreach to suppliers based on market studies that set race- and gender-based numerical goals.
The California Department of Transportation reports that nearly a fifth of the $10.8 billion it spent on federally funded projects over the last five years went to certified “disadvantaged business enterprises,” which include Latino-, Black-, Asian- and women-owned companies.
At the same time, contracts for purely state-funded roads — $7.8 billion over the same period — were not covered by any race- or gender-based outreach rules given that CalTrans’ “minority- and women-owned business enterprise” goals were disbanded in 1997.
Large city public works must also take affirmative action if they get federal funds. As a result, Los Angeles’ 6th Street Viaduct project is directing 24% of its $340 million in construction contracts to Black-, Latino-, Asian- and women-owned businesses.
For projects without federal funding — say, a new police station — Los Angeles adheres to Proposition 209 by requiring contractors to reach out not only to suppliers who register as “minority” or “women-owned” in the city’s database, but also to white-owned businesses.
“Contractors have to cast as wide a net as possible and tell us what their goals are,” said Greg Good, president of the city’s Public Works board. “They literally have to show us they’ve made the phone calls” to suppliers.
“But Prop. 209 casts a heavy shadow,” he added. “We can’t make the participation of minority businesses or women-owned businesses part of the scoring criteria” in awarding a project.
If Proposition 16 passes, city affirmative action programs could mimic federal rules by studying diversity in various trades and setting numerical expectations for outreach to suppliers.
“Structural racism is real,” Good said. “Los Angeles is a giant economic engine, and we can play a big role in ameliorating that.”
Even if affirmative action were to be restored, however, it would continue to rely not on quotas but on governments holding contractors to “good faith” efforts to expand their usual suppliers to new Latino, Black, Asian and women-owned businesses.
Those efforts can fall short.
“Public agencies call it ‘good faith,’” said Lola Smallwood Cuevas, co-founder of the Los Angeles Black Worker Center, a nonprofit advocacy group. “We call it ‘good fake.’ The operative word is ‘ask.’ You can ask contractors for an inclusionary workforce. Some volunteer, and others may not.”
Several years ago, Cuevas was part of a coalition that met with companies bidding on the $2-billion Crenshaw/LAX light-rail line. “You ask, ‘How do we ensure Black workers are on a project?’ The first thing they say is, ‘Prop. 209 doesn’t allow us to speak specifically about the Black community.’”
Hale, the Gardena construction firm owner, said general contractors for public agencies “can just pretend to make a good-faith effort. All they have to do is offer proof that they made some phone calls to minority subcontractors.”
For the moment, he is busy selling equipment for the construction of SoFi Stadium in Inglewood and for a hotel near the Los Angeles Convention Center. But he looks forward to an era of more robust affirmative action, whether in this election cycle or another.
“Aspirational goals don’t get you much,” he said.