latimes--2020-10-31--As election nears, some would-be voters frustrated by citizenship delays

San Diegan Alfredo De Jesus applied to become a U.S. citizen toward the beginning of 2020 — as soon as he was eligible .
He thought his application would be processed in plenty of time to vote in this year ’ s election .
But he ’ s still waiting .
De Jesus is among many citizens-to-be whose applications stalled in large part because of COVID-19 .
U.S .
Citizenship and Immigration Services , the agency responsible for processing naturalizations , shuttered at the beginning of the pandemic for several months and is still working to catch up .
De @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ People like me , we have been really getting ready for becoming a U.S. citizen in order for us to be heard , to do what is supposed to be our obligation or responsibility , ” De Jesus said , “ but because of this pandemic , now we ’ re not going to be part of this big event.
” At the end of March , right after the pandemic shut down much of the country , there were more than 678,600 citizenship applications pending , including about 3,500 from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to agency .
Nearly 13,300 of those were at the San Diego office .
U.S .
Citizenship and Immigration Services hasn ’ t yet released more recent data .
Maria Elena Upson , spokeswoman for the agency , said that while it was closed from March 18 through June 3 , the agency managed to process 6,935 applications .
Since reopening , she said , the agency first prioritized ceremonies to swear in the roughly 110,000 people who were already approved and had their oath ceremonies canceled during the pandemic shutdown .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agency has processed more than 241,500 naturalizations since reopening , Upson said .
The process requires several steps , including getting fingerprinted , taking a test and being interviewed , before someone can be sworn in as a U.S. citizen .
That ’ s still a reduction in processing speed from recent years because of ongoing guidelines about safety in office space during the pandemic .
Based on a Union-Tribune analysis of the agency ’ s data , officials have averaged about 60,000 to 69,000 applications per month in recent years , depending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fiscal 2019 was a record year for the agency in the number of naturalizations , at about 834,000 .
Since the reopening , the average has been just over 48,000 applications per month .
It is not clear how many additional people might have submitted applications since March or exactly how many are pending now .
“ Citizenship applications continue to be a priority for USCIS , and we strive to complete them as efficiently as possible , ” Upson said .
“ We are conducting naturalization interviews and are committed to conducting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a manner that is safe for our staff and for the public.
” For immigrants like De Jesus , the slowdown means that it will be another four years before they are able to vote in a presidential election in the country they call home .
De Jesus came to San Diego from Veracruz , Mexico , in 2012 to visit family .
While here , he revealed to a friend that he was being harassed by police back in Mexico because he is gay .
His friend told him that he might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Because De Jesus was already in the United States on a visa , he was able to request asylum through U.S .
Citizenship and Immigration Services rather than immigration courts .
A couple of years later , an asylum officer granted him protection .
When asylum seekers become asylees , they are given a special visa that , after one year , can be updated to a green card .
Then they must wait five years to apply for U.S. citizenship .
As De Jesus made his way through the process , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a patient advocate , a job that he loves .
And he loves the support that he feels in San Diego for both of the communities that he identifies with — the Latino community and the gay community .
It is his membership in the Latino community that particularly makes him want to be able to vote .
He said he knows many fellow Latinos who don ’ t see the point in it .
He tells them that he thinks voting is important , and he wants to set an example .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we are just giving up hope and giving up to the things that we don ’ t really want to happen , ” De Jesus said .
“ The only way to be heard is by voting .
That ’ s a big privilege .
Not all of us have it.
” De Jesus got help with his citizenship application from Alliance San Diego .
The organization was gearing up at the beginning of 2020 to launch a program focused on helping eligible immigrants naturalize in time to vote this election .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases , said Michelle Celleri , an attorney with Alliance San Diego .
“ They reach out , and they ask , ‘ When is my case going to be processed ?
How long is this taking ?
’ and there ’ s no real answers I can give them because the government doesn ’ t even know , ” Celleri said .
“ And so there ’ s a little bit of anxiety .
Lots of people ’ s plans are being placed on hold.
” De Jesus ’ application was the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the agency this year , so that means none of her clients has made it through processing yet .
If he could vote , De Jesus said , he would be voting Democrat because he believes that President Trump is hurting his communities .
He acknowledged that in a state like California where there is little doubt in the polls about the outcome for president , his vote might not be missed as much as it could be elsewhere .
But he still wants to participate .
And there are plenty of would-be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ processed in places that analysts are watching closely as potential swing states .
The backlog in those states — Arizona , Florida , Georgia , Iowa , Michigan , Minnesota , Nevada , New Hampshire , North Carolina , Ohio , Pennsylvania , Texas and Wisconsin — was nearly 242,300 at the end of March .
Before the pandemic , it had already grown 7 % since the end of fiscal 2019 , slightly more than growth of pending cases nationally , at about 5 % .

Alfredo De Jesus is a green card holder who applied for U.S. citizenship at the beginning of the year, but because of delays in processing, he will not naturalize in time to vote next week.
San Diegan Alfredo De Jesus applied to become a U.S. citizen toward the beginning of 2020 — as soon as he was eligible.
He thought his application would be processed in plenty of time to vote in this year’s election. But he’s still waiting.
De Jesus is among many citizens-to-be whose applications stalled in large part because of COVID-19. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, the agency responsible for processing naturalizations, shuttered at the beginning of the pandemic for several months and is still working to catch up.
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De Jesus said he feels frustrated and disappointed.
“People like me, we have been really getting ready for becoming a U.S. citizen in order for us to be heard, to do what is supposed to be our obligation or responsibility,” De Jesus said, “but because of this pandemic, now we’re not going to be part of this big event.”
At the end of March, right after the pandemic shut down much of the country, there were more than 678,600 citizenship applications pending, including about 3,500 from members of the U.S. military, according to agency data . Nearly 13,300 of those were at the San Diego office.
U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services hasn’t yet released more recent data.
Maria Elena Upson, spokeswoman for the agency, said that while it was closed from March 18 through June 3, the agency managed to process 6,935 applications.
Since reopening, she said, the agency first prioritized ceremonies to swear in the roughly 110,000 people who were already approved and had their oath ceremonies canceled during the pandemic shutdown. That task took about 10 weeks.
The agency has processed more than 241,500 naturalizations since reopening, Upson said. The process requires several steps, including getting fingerprinted, taking a test and being interviewed, before someone can be sworn in as a U.S. citizen.
That’s still a reduction in processing speed from recent years because of ongoing guidelines about safety in office space during the pandemic.
Based on a Union-Tribune analysis of the agency’s data, officials have averaged about 60,000 to 69,000 applications per month in recent years, depending on the year. Upson noted that fiscal 2019 was a record year for the agency in the number of naturalizations, at about 834,000.
Since the reopening, the average has been just over 48,000 applications per month.
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It is not clear how many additional people might have submitted applications since March or exactly how many are pending now.
“Citizenship applications continue to be a priority for USCIS, and we strive to complete them as efficiently as possible,” Upson said. “We are conducting naturalization interviews and are committed to conducting as many interviews as we can in a manner that is safe for our staff and for the public.”
For immigrants like De Jesus, the slowdown means that it will be another four years before they are able to vote in a presidential election in the country they call home.
De Jesus came to San Diego from Veracruz, Mexico, in 2012 to visit family.
While here, he revealed to a friend that he was being harassed by police back in Mexico because he is gay. His friend told him that he might be able to apply for asylum.
Because De Jesus was already in the United States on a visa, he was able to request asylum through U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services rather than immigration courts. A couple of years later, an asylum officer granted him protection.
When asylum seekers become asylees, they are given a special visa that, after one year, can be updated to a green card. Then they must wait five years to apply for U.S. citizenship.
As De Jesus made his way through the process, he found work in a Hillcrest pharmacy as a patient advocate, a job that he loves. And he loves the support that he feels in San Diego for both of the communities that he identifies with — the Latino community and the gay community.
It is his membership in the Latino community that particularly makes him want to be able to vote. He said he knows many fellow Latinos who don’t see the point in it. He tells them that he thinks voting is important, and he wants to set an example.
“If we don’t vote, we are just giving up hope and giving up to the things that we don’t really want to happen,” De Jesus said. “The only way to be heard is by voting. That’s a big privilege. Not all of us have it.”
De Jesus got help with his citizenship application from Alliance San Diego. The organization was gearing up at the beginning of 2020 to launch a program focused on helping eligible immigrants naturalize in time to vote this election.
Clients call often to ask about their cases, said Michelle Celleri, an attorney with Alliance San Diego.
“They reach out, and they ask, ‘When is my case going to be processed? How long is this taking?’ and there’s no real answers I can give them because the government doesn’t even know,” Celleri said. “And so there’s a little bit of anxiety. Lots of people’s plans are being placed on hold.”
De Jesus’ application was the first that her organization sent off to the agency this year, so that means none of her clients has made it through processing yet.
If he could vote, De Jesus said, he would be voting Democrat because he believes that President Trump is hurting his communities. He acknowledged that in a state like California where there is little doubt in the polls about the outcome for president, his vote might not be missed as much as it could be elsewhere. But he still wants to participate.
And there are plenty of would-be citizens waiting for their applications to be processed in places that analysts are watching closely as potential swing states. The backlog in those states — Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Texas and Wisconsin — was nearly 242,300 at the end of March. Before the pandemic, it had already grown 7% since the end of fiscal 2019, slightly more than growth of pending cases nationally, at about 5%.
Morrissey writes for the San Diego Union-Tribune.


latimes--2020-10-31--Four hurt in shooting at strip club in Anaheim

Four people were wounded in a shooting at a strip club in Anaheim early Saturday , authorities said .
None of their injuries was believed to be life-threatening .
Shots were fired from a passing sedan into the Sahara Theater in the 1200 block of South State College Boulevard about 1:35 a.m. , said Sgt .
Shane Carringer , public information officer with the Anaheim Police Department .
Between 30 and 50 people were inside the club at the time , though many had left by the time officers arrived to investigate , Carringer said .
Four people suffered what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from minor to moderate in severity , Carringer said .
One man refused medical attention , and two men and one woman were taken to area hospitals , he said .
One or two of them had been discharged by later Saturday morning , he said .
Police were looking for a bright red , newer-model Honda sedan from which the suspect opened fire , Carringer said .
No description of the shooter was provided .
There was no word on a motive , and police reported no arrest as of Saturday morning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t know much about it still , ” Carringer said .
“ We have a bunch of leads we ’ re following up on , but right now , it ’ s largely still a very active investigation.
” Anyone with information was asked to contact Anaheim police .
Orange County is currently in the red tier of the state ’ s four-phase plan for relaxing coronavirus restrictions , meaning the risk of transmission is still considered substantial .
But some nonessential businesses have been permitted to resume indoor operations .
Carringer said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to operate , provided it served food .
Darwin Cheng , assistant director of the environmental health division of Orange County ’ s Health Care Agency , said in a statement that the agency would forward the matter to the California Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control “ for evaluation and assessment.
” He noted that the division ’ s authority over clubs is limited to their food operations .
A similar situation arose earlier this month when San Diego Padres outfielder Tommy Pham was stabbed outside a Midway District strip club .
San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tier .
Officials said then that strip clubs that serve food can be considered restaurants , which are allowed to operate with some restrictions in counties classified in the red tier .
But strip clubs are not permitted to operate as bars or live entertainment venues in those counties , which means that people can ’ t drink without eating , and dancers can ’ t perform pole or lap dances , they said .

An injured person is wheeled to an ambulance after a shooting at the Sahara Theater club in Anaheim.
Four people were wounded in a shooting at a strip club in Anaheim early Saturday, authorities said. None of their injuries was believed to be life-threatening.
Shots were fired from a passing sedan into the Sahara Theater in the 1200 block of South State College Boulevard about 1:35 a.m., said Sgt. Shane Carringer, public information officer with the Anaheim Police Department.
Between 30 and 50 people were inside the club at the time, though many had left by the time officers arrived to investigate, Carringer said.
Four people suffered what appeared to be gunshot wounds that ranged from minor to moderate in severity, Carringer said. One man refused medical attention, and two men and one woman were taken to area hospitals, he said. One or two of them had been discharged by later Saturday morning, he said.
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Police were looking for a bright red, newer-model Honda sedan from which the suspect opened fire, Carringer said. No description of the shooter was provided.
There was no word on a motive, and police reported no arrest as of Saturday morning.
“We just really don’t know much about it still,” Carringer said. “We have a bunch of leads we’re following up on, but right now, it’s largely still a very active investigation.”
Anyone with information was asked to contact Anaheim police.
Orange County is currently in the red tier of the state’s four-phase plan for relaxing coronavirus restrictions, meaning the risk of transmission is still considered substantial. But some nonessential businesses have been permitted to resume indoor operations.
Carringer said he believed the strip club was allowed to operate, provided it served food.
Darwin Cheng, assistant director of the environmental health division of Orange County’s Health Care Agency, said in a statement that the agency would forward the matter to the California Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control “for evaluation and assessment.” He noted that the division’s authority over clubs is limited to their food operations.
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A similar situation arose earlier this month when San Diego Padres outfielder Tommy Pham was stabbed outside a Midway District strip club. San Diego County is also in the red tier.
Officials said then that strip clubs that serve food can be considered restaurants, which are allowed to operate with some restrictions in counties classified in the red tier. But strip clubs are not permitted to operate as bars or live entertainment venues in those counties, which means that people can’t drink without eating, and dancers can’t perform pole or lap dances, they said.


latimes--2020-10-31--San Diego County warns college fraternities to cancel Halloween weekend parties or be fined

San Diego County on Friday sent cease-and-desist letters to eight College Area homes where it says large Halloween weekend gatherings were planned in “ blatant violation ” of state public health orders .
According to the letters , each house faces criminal misdemeanor citations and $ 1,000 fines for each violation of California Department of Public Health guidance limiting private gatherings to people from no more than three households .
Six of the homes are described in the notices as San Diego State University fraternity and sorority houses .
They include those of Sigma Alpha Epsilon , Kappa Sigma , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sorority .
Kappa Sigma , according to an SDSU fraternity and sorority status page , is no longer recognized as a fraternal order on campus .
The university issued a stay-at-home advisory for all students on and off campus from Oct. 23 through Nov. 2 , campus newspaper The Daily Aztec .
SDSU has reported almost 1,300 COVID-19 cases since its fall semester began in August , according to the university ’ s .
SDSU issued a short statement early Friday evening indicating that it supports the orders , saying that it requested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health officials to encourage adherence to public health guidelines that ban gatherings with attendees from more than three different households .
Since an outbreak started on the San Diego campus in late August , the university has hired extra private security to police college-area neighborhoods , and SDSU said Friday that the enforcement has now generated nearly 970 notices of alleged violations related to health orders .
In addition to continuing to enforce the health order , the university said it is moving forward with “ disciplinary sanctions , including suspension and expulsion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case in the past , no specifics were provided .
All eight letters , each signed by Dr. Wilma Wooten , the county ’ s public health officer , indicate that named fraternities , or those living at addresses not operated by fraternities , intend to “ hold large gatherings ” from Friday through Sunday .
“ We were compelled to take this action because there is a great deal at stake , ” Wooten said in a statement .
“ Let me be very clear , the region ’ s livelihood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tied to our individual and collective actions.
” Fraternity leaders denied any large gatherings had been approved or planned .
Lee Abed , president of the Interfraternity Council at SDSU , “ I have been in contact with all of the local fraternity chapter leaders multiple times this week , and I am fully confident that no fraternities on this campus were planning on doing any kind of parties this weekend.
” Given that there are thousands of students not in fraternities or sororities living in the neighborhoods around campus , he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonmembers from posting rumors about parties .
But students and others say partying is still going on at fraternity houses regardless of whether it is officially sanctioned or not .
“ I ’ m almost surrounded by fraternities , and they ’ ve constantly held parties in this area this fall , ” said neighborhood resident Molly Finberg , who lives on Rockford Drive .
“ They get really hostile when you do things like ask them to turn down the music .
We ’ ve complained to SDSU ... but nothing seems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ San Diego County gyms have filed a federal lawsuit against local and state officials alleging that coronavirus-related restrictions on their businesses violate their constitutional rights .
The gyms ’ lawsuit , filed Tuesday in federal court in San Diego , names three state officials , including Gov .
Gavin Newsom , several local mayors , including San Diego Mayor Kevin Faulconer , and the entire county Board of Supervisors , among others .
Owners of two of the gyms — Metroflex Gym in Oceanside and Ramona Fitness Center in Ramona — have already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus restrictions .
Lou Uridel , who owns Metroflex Gym , was for opening in defiance of the public health order .
He ’ s now of Oceanside .
Peter San Nicolas , owner of Ramona Fitness Center , became the first person with health order violations in August , though those charges have since been dropped .
Dist .
Atty .
Summer Stephan , who originally levied the charges against San Nicolas , is named as a defendant in the new lawsuit .
Gyms were in August at 10 % capacity .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pentecostal Church in Chula Vista , as did around the stat Rallies demanding more reopening have become a regular weekend occurrence in San Diego .
On Saturday , the Thomas More Society is holding one at the County Administration Building .
The rally comes as the United States set a daily coronavirus case record with 97,088 new cases Friday .
The county on Friday reported 471 new positive coronavirus tests and three more deaths .
While hospitalizations have remained relatively flat , the county has tallied 330 or more new cases on five @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sisson write for the San Diego Union-Tribune .
Staff writer Gary Robbins contributed to this report .

San Diego County on Friday sent cease-and-desist letters to eight College Area homes where it says large Halloween weekend gatherings were planned in “blatant violation” of state public health orders.
According to the letters, each house faces criminal misdemeanor citations and $1,000 fines for each violation of California Department of Public Health guidance limiting private gatherings to people from no more than three households.
Six of the homes are described in the notices as San Diego State University fraternity and sorority houses.
They include those of Sigma Alpha Epsilon, Kappa Sigma, Pi Kappa Alpha and Gamma Phi Beta Sorority. Kappa Sigma, according to an SDSU fraternity and sorority status page, is no longer recognized as a fraternal order on campus.
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The university issued a stay-at-home advisory for all students on and off campus from Oct. 23 through Nov. 2, campus newspaper The Daily Aztec reported . SDSU has reported almost 1,300 COVID-19 cases since its fall semester began in August, according to the university’s coronavirus tracker .
SDSU issued a short statement early Friday evening indicating that it supports the orders, saying that it requested such actions after working with county public health officials to encourage adherence to public health guidelines that ban gatherings with attendees from more than three different households.
Since an outbreak started on the San Diego campus in late August, the university has hired extra private security to police college-area neighborhoods, and SDSU said Friday that the enforcement has now generated nearly 970 notices of alleged violations related to health orders.
In addition to continuing to enforce the health order, the university said it is moving forward with “disciplinary sanctions, including suspension and expulsion,” though, as has been the case in the past, no specifics were provided.
All eight letters, each signed by Dr. Wilma Wooten, the county’s public health officer, indicate that named fraternities, or those living at addresses not operated by fraternities, intend to “hold large gatherings” from Friday through Sunday.
“We were compelled to take this action because there is a great deal at stake,” Wooten said in a statement. “Let me be very clear, the region’s livelihood hangs in the balance and is directly tied to our individual and collective actions.”
Fraternity leaders denied any large gatherings had been approved or planned. Lee Abed, president of the Interfraternity Council at SDSU, “I have been in contact with all of the local fraternity chapter leaders multiple times this week, and I am fully confident that no fraternities on this campus were planning on doing any kind of parties this weekend.”
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Given that there are thousands of students not in fraternities or sororities living in the neighborhoods around campus, he said, there is no way to stop nonmembers from posting rumors about parties.
But students and others say partying is still going on at fraternity houses regardless of whether it is officially sanctioned or not.
“I’m almost surrounded by fraternities, and they’ve constantly held parties in this area this fall,” said neighborhood resident Molly Finberg, who lives on Rockford Drive. “They get really hostile when you do things like ask them to turn down the music. We’ve complained to SDSU ... but nothing seems to get done.”
Meanwhile, eight San Diego County gyms have filed a federal lawsuit against local and state officials alleging that coronavirus-related restrictions on their businesses violate their constitutional rights.
The gyms’ lawsuit, filed Tuesday in federal court in San Diego, names three state officials, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, several local mayors, including San Diego Mayor Kevin Faulconer, and the entire county Board of Supervisors, among others.
Owners of two of the gyms — Metroflex Gym in Oceanside and Ramona Fitness Center in Ramona — have already made news with their public fights against coronavirus restrictions. Lou Uridel, who owns Metroflex Gym, was arrested in May for opening in defiance of the public health order. He’s now running for mayor of Oceanside.
Peter San Nicolas, owner of Ramona Fitness Center, became the first person criminally charged with health order violations in August, though those charges have since been dropped.
Dist. Atty. Summer Stephan, who originally levied the charges against San Nicolas, is named as a defendant in the new lawsuit.
Gyms were allowed to reopen in August at 10% capacity.
In May, the South Bay United Pentecostal Church in Chula Vista filed a similar complaint , as did several churches around the stat
Rallies demanding more reopening have become a regular weekend occurrence in San Diego. On Saturday, the Thomas More Society is holding one at the County Administration Building.
The rally comes as the United States set a daily coronavirus case record with 97,088 new cases Friday.
The county on Friday reported 471 new positive coronavirus tests and three more deaths. While hospitalizations have remained relatively flat, the county has tallied 330 or more new cases on five of the past seven days
Dyer and Sisson write for the San Diego Union-Tribune. Staff writer Gary Robbins contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-10-31--Prop. 16: Everything you need to know about affirmative action measure

Proposition 16 would allow the reinstatement of affirmative action programs in California and repeal the decades-old ban on preferential treatment by public colleges and other government agencies based on race , ethnicity or sex .
Here is a rundown of the issue : Under Proposition 16 , public universities , including the University of California and California State systems , would be allowed to consider race , sex , color , ethnicity or national origin to address diversity in admissions and other programs .
Both state and local governments would be allowed to consider those same factors when hiring government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposition , placed on the ballot by the Democrat-controlled California Legislature , would repeal Proposition 209 , a highly controversial measure approved by voters in 1996 , which banned affirmative action at public universities .
Prop .
209 came in a very different political climate , part of several measures about issues of race and immigration , most notably Prop .
187 , the 1994 measure that banned immigrants here illegally from getting some public benefits .
Voters approved 187 but it was later thrown out by the courts .
Prop .
209 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Prop .
16 comes amid the protests over the death of George Floyd in police custody in Minneapolis and the racial reckoning that followed .
Backers say Floyd ‘ s death underscores the institutional racism that should dispel any notion that America is a colorblind society .
They see it as a way to increase the ranks of Black and Latino people in public universities and give people of color a more level playing field .
Critics argue Prop .
16 goes counter to the idea of individual merit .
Some argue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ preparation of students of color , which they say helped increase college graduation rates .
Prop .
16 is endorsed by many top California Democratic leaders .
But recent polls suggest it faces an uphill fight even in blue California .
Proposition 16 asks Californians to give affirmative action another try Should California allow affirmative action ?
Here ’ s why some say the UC isn ’ t diverse enough Racial inequity in California is real .
But is Prop .
16 the answer ?
Are Californians serious about fighting systemic racism ?
@ @ @ @ @

Proposition 16 would allow the reinstatement of affirmative action programs in California and repeal the decades-old ban on preferential treatment by public colleges and other government agencies based on race, ethnicity or sex.
Here is a rundown of the issue:
The details
Under Proposition 16, public universities, including the University of California and California State systems, would be allowed to consider race, sex, color, ethnicity or national origin to address diversity in admissions and other programs. Both state and local governments would be allowed to consider those same factors when hiring government employees and awarding government contracts.
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The proposition, placed on the ballot by the Democrat-controlled California Legislature, would repeal Proposition 209, a highly controversial measure approved by voters in 1996, which banned affirmative action at public universities.
Prop. 209 came in a very different political climate, part of several measures about issues of race and immigration, most notably Prop. 187, the 1994 measure that banned immigrants here illegally from getting some public benefits. Voters approved 187 but it was later thrown out by the courts. Prop. 209, by contrast, survived legal challenges.
The state of play
Prop. 16 comes amid the protests over the death of George Floyd in police custody in Minneapolis and the racial reckoning that followed.
Backers say Floyd‘s death underscores the institutional racism that should dispel any notion that America is a colorblind society. They see it as a way to increase the ranks of Black and Latino people in public universities and give people of color a more level playing field. Critics argue Prop. 16 goes counter to the idea of individual merit. Some argue that Prop. 209 forced better academic preparation of students of color, which they say helped increase college graduation rates.
Prop. 16 is endorsed by many top California Democratic leaders. But recent polls suggest it faces an uphill fight even in blue California.
Reading list
Proposition 16 asks Californians to give affirmative action another try
Can Prop. 16 boost California’s Latino-, Black-, Asian- and women-owned companies?
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Should California allow affirmative action? Here’s why some say the UC isn’t diverse enough
Racial inequity in California is real. But is Prop. 16 the answer?
Latino ambivalence about affirmative action could doom Prop. 16
Are Californians serious about fighting systemic racism? Prop. 16 will tell
Affirmative action measure Prop. 16 has Latinos divided, uncertain


latimes--2020-10-31--Jackie Lacey vs. George Gascón: All you need to know about L.A County district attorney's race

The battle to lead the Los Angeles County district attorney ’ s office is one of the most closely watched local races in the nation , seen by many as a referendum on criminal justice reform after a summer of protests against police brutality .
Former San Francisco Dist .
Atty .
George Gascón has mounted a well-funded challenge to veteran L.A. County Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey from the left , claiming she has failed to hold police accountable and overseen a regressive , “ tough-on-crime ” office that ’ s focused simply on punishing crime rather than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she has balanced the need for leniency and pretrial diversion against public safety during her eight years in office , something she contends Gascón ‘ s lack of prosecutorial experience would prevent him from pulling off .
Here is the race at a glance : Lacey , 63 , became a deputy district attorney in 1986 and rose to be former Dist .
Atty .
Steve Cooley ’ s second in command before she was elected to replace him in 2012 .
She ran unopposed for a second term in 2016 .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American to be elected district attorney of L.A. County .
Under her leadership , the office has won a number of high-profile cases , convicting the “ Grim Sleeper ” serial killer and securing a plea deal that sent on manslaughter charges .
Earlier this year , she brought who was convicted on similar charges in New York City .
In recent months , she ’ s also filed a slew of rape charges against adult film actor Ron Jeremy .
Community activists have criticized her for declining to bring charges against police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases .
Others say some of her often touted reform programs — including alternative sentencing courts and a conviction review unit — are more for show and don ’ t help nearly enough defendants .
A career cop , Gascón , 65 , rose through the ranks of the Los Angeles Police Department , becoming an assistant chief .
He went on to serve as police chief in Mesa , Ariz. , and San Francisco before he was appointed district attorney there in 2011 .
He served two terms before stepping down to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the stars of a nationwide push to elect progressive prosecutors , Gascón was a co-author of Proposition 47 , the controversial initiative that reduced a number of crimes classified as felonies to misdemeanors .
He was also among the first prosecutors in the nation to after Californians voted to legalize the recreational use of cannabis and helped set the table for San Francisco ’ s shift away from the use of cash bail .
Law enforcement groups and others said his policies deterred police from making arrests for low-level crimes in San Francisco @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 37 % under his tenure .
Donors have poured more than $ 14 million into the race , a figure political consultants say is high for a law enforcement election .
Gascón has taken in $ 7.3 million , while Lacey has collected about $ 6.8 million .
Much of the money backing Gascón has come in the form of six- and seven-figure checks from wealthy progressive mega-donors who favor criminal justice reform and have backed efforts like Proposition 47 and measures to abolish the death penalty in California .
Most of them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though Gascón has also taken in $ 1.5 million from liberal philanthropist George Soros .
Lacey ’ s campaign is boosted primarily by law enforcement unions , with the Assn .
for Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs leading the way , augmented by contributions from a political action committee established by the union representing rank-and-file LAPD officers and other police groups around the state .
Lacey was the top vote getter in a three-person primary , claiming 48 % of the vote to Gascon ’ s 28 % .
But after a summer of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politicians — including U.S. Rep Adam Schiff ( D-Burbank ) and Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti — to drop their endorsements of Lacey and instead back Gascón , some see her as vulnerable .
Gascón also has the support of the L.A. County Democratic Party .
In D.A.
’ s race framed by reform , George Gascón ’ s police career is under a microscope Jackie Lacey grew up in South L.A .
But in a tough D.A.
’ s race , her opponents are encroaching on her home turf How Jackie Lacey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time in office shapes the L.A. County D.A .
's race Jackie Lacey is a longtime champion for mentally ill defendants .
But do her reforms go far enough ?

The battle to lead the Los Angeles County district attorney’s office is one of the most closely watched local races in the nation, seen by many as a referendum on criminal justice reform after a summer of protests against police brutality.
Former San Francisco Dist. Atty. George Gascón has mounted a well-funded challenge to veteran L.A. County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey from the left, claiming she has failed to hold police accountable and overseen a regressive, “tough-on-crime” office that’s focused simply on punishing crime rather than reducing it.
Lacey has countered that she has balanced the need for leniency and pretrial diversion against public safety during her eight years in office, something she contends Gascón‘s lack of prosecutorial experience would prevent him from pulling off.
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Here is the race at a glance:
Jackie Lacey
Lacey, 63, became a deputy district attorney in 1986 and rose to be former Dist. Atty. Steve Cooley’s second in command before she was elected to replace him in 2012. She ran unopposed for a second term in 2016. She is the first woman and first African American to be elected district attorney of L.A. County.
Under her leadership, the office has won a number of high-profile cases, convicting the “Grim Sleeper” serial killer and securing a plea deal that sent Marion “Suge” Knight to prison for 28 years on manslaughter charges. Earlier this year, she brought sexual assault charges against fallen Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein, who was convicted on similar charges in New York City. In recent months, she’s also filed a slew of rape charges against adult film actor Ron Jeremy.
Community activists have criticized her for declining to bring charges against police officers in a number of high-profile use-of-force cases. Others say some of her often touted reform programs — including alternative sentencing courts and a conviction review unit — are more for show and don’t help nearly enough defendants.
George Gascón
A career cop, Gascón, 65, rose through the ranks of the Los Angeles Police Department, becoming an assistant chief. He went on to serve as police chief in Mesa, Ariz., and San Francisco before he was appointed district attorney there in 2011. He served two terms before stepping down to challenge Lacey last year.
One of the stars of a nationwide push to elect progressive prosecutors, Gascón was a co-author of Proposition 47, the controversial initiative that reduced a number of crimes classified as felonies to misdemeanors. He was also among the first prosecutors in the nation to successfully expunge a wide array of marijuana convictions after Californians voted to legalize the recreational use of cannabis and helped set the table for San Francisco’s shift away from the use of cash bail.
Law enforcement groups and others said his policies deterred police from making arrests for low-level crimes in San Francisco, where the property crime rate surged 37% under his tenure.
Money
Donors have poured more than $14 million into the race, a figure political consultants say is high for a law enforcement election. Gascón has taken in $7.3 million, while Lacey has collected about $6.8 million.
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Much of the money backing Gascón has come in the form of six- and seven-figure checks from wealthy progressive mega-donors who favor criminal justice reform and have backed efforts like Proposition 47 and measures to abolish the death penalty in California. Most of them are concentrated in the Bay Area, though Gascón has also taken in $1.5 million from liberal philanthropist George Soros.
Lacey’s campaign is boosted primarily by law enforcement unions, with the Assn. for Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs leading the way, augmented by contributions from a political action committee established by the union representing rank-and-file LAPD officers and other police groups around the state.
State of the Race
Lacey was the top vote getter in a three-person primary, claiming 48% of the vote to Gascon’s 28%. But after a summer of protests against police shootings led many powerful politicians — including U.S. Rep Adam Schiff (D-Burbank) and Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti — to drop their endorsements of Lacey and instead back Gascón, some see her as vulnerable. Gascón also has the support of the L.A. County Democratic Party.
Reading list
San Franciscans question George Gascón’s legacy as ‘godfather of progressive prosecutors’
In D.A.’s race framed by reform, George Gascón’s police career is under a microscope
Jackie Lacey grew up in South L.A. But in a tough D.A.’s race, her opponents are encroaching on her home turf
How Jackie Lacey’s and George Gascón’s time in office shapes the L.A. County D.A.’s race
Jackie Lacey is a longtime champion for mentally ill defendants. But do her reforms go far enough?
L.A. County D.A. Jackie Lacey’s husband charged with assault in gun-waving incident


latimes--2020-10-31--Column: The pandemic and the economy top voter concerns, but there's a bigger issue

“ We have done an incredible job environmentally , ” President Trump said in the last presidential debate , believe it or not .
That was a bit like Genghis Khan saying , “ We ’ ve done really good work in Eurasia.
” As we slog toward the finish line in the most high-stakes , nerve-rattling presidential election in my lifetime , the pandemic and its impact on the economy are exactly where they should be on the list of issues that will decide the outcome — at or near the top .
But I ’ m certain — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that whoever prevails , we ’ ll get past the virus at some point , and the economy will one day hum again .
When that happens , though , the planet will still be warming at an alarming rate .
And if President Trump is reelected , we can be quite sure he will do more irreversible damage to the natural environment and to climate change initiatives .
Two weeks ago , citing analysis by the law schools at Harvard and Columbia universities , the New York Times identified nearly 100 environmental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has rolled back or is in the process of eliminating .
In California , which has tried to lead by example on climate , the Trump administration has been positively vindictive , revoking the state ’ s ability to reduce tailpipe emissions and removing protections for salmon and smelt .
Elsewhere , Trump has worked methodically to eviscerate protections for wetlands and endangered species , roll back oil and gas drilling restrictions in national forests , weaken power plant emission controls and lift ocean protections to make way for energy production .
Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the environment also includes pulling out of the Paris climate agreement and , lately , stacking the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration with climate change doubters , even as global heat extremes become the norm , night-time temperatures rise , atmospheric carbon dioxide content is at historic highs and 2020 is about to close out as the hottest year on record .
If there were oil deposits in the District of Columbia , you ’ d see derricks on the back lawn of the White House and a gas station out front .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ say in Trump ’ s defense is that for all his ruthless disregard for the natural world and the scholars who beg us to respect its fragility , he didn ’ t create this mess that we ’ ll be passing down to our grandchildren .
“ We ’ ve been assaulting biodiversity for over a hundred years , ” says Professor Stephanie Pincetl , founding director of the Center for Sustainable Communities at UCLA .
Pincetl ’ s resume would not fit on this page .
Her areas of expertise include environmental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ depletion and land use governance .
She ’ s been a research scientist with the U.S. Forest Service , a Fulbright scholar in England , a researcher and professor in France , and she wrote “ Transforming California : A Political History of Land Use and Development , ” a study of the environmental degradation of her native state .
“ I love California , ” Pincetl said .
“ But we haven ’ t really been able to figure out how to build better with the resources we have .
We do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue to be motivated in my work by this immense feeling of anger , despair and bewilderment.
” Last week , I headed north to meet with Pincetl at the 20-acre orange orchard on which she and her husband Jonathan live , off the grid , at the base of the Topa Topa Mountains in the eastern end of the Ojai Valley .
Along the way , I couldn ’ t help but be awed once more by the glory of California ’ s coastal and mountain terrains , nor could I overlook @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the landscape .
We ’ ve paved over natural habitats and flood basins , forced wildlife into retreat and fouled the air , not with bad intentions but with too little respect for what preceded us .
And despite California ’ s role as a leader on steps to stall climate change , our accelerating cycles of drought , extreme heat and wildfires are all signs that we ’ re losing the fight .
When I arrived , Pincetl and her husband offered me a glass of orange juice that had traveled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearest tree to my gullet .
I heard about how water use in the orchard has been reduced by 40 % thanks to Jonathan ’ s mulch-farming techniques , then sat back with Pincetl under a great oak tree and listened to the patter of falling acorns as I squinted through branches to green-tinted mountain peaks .
A deer appeared at the end of a row of trees , and in the quietude , I began waxing about the treasure we call California .
At least until Pincetl suggested I was being a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ misdeeds closer to home while focusing on Trump ’ s mortal sins .
“ We ’ re still fracking , and polluting the water we use for fracking , ” said Pincetl , who also rattled off a list of massive real estate development projects in nearby communities where the temps are hot and the water is scarce .
In those places , getting to work will require long commutes for many , transit is virtually nonexistent , and Pincetl marvels at our penchant for building needlessly large homes that burn vast amounts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liberal California , the wealthy are big burners , said Pincetl , who also mentioned our history of building “ willy-nilly , ” as she called it , near combustible wildlands .
“ Single-family zoning has remained sacrosanct in California , ” Pincetl said , and you can ’ t separate land-use decisions from their climate impact .
But in her mind , there ’ s an even bigger piece that ’ s missing from the conversation .
“ People have forgotten that in addition to the climate impacts of burning fossil fuel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Pincetl .
Air pollution , water pollution and toxicity not only damage ecosystems , said the professor , but they create widespread health problems — including childhood asthma , heart disease , breast cancer and low sperm counts .
“ We need to be more rigorous when we look at climate , and my biggest gripe with climate scientists is that they don ’ t connect back to these other questions , ” said Pincetl .
We didn ’ t really talk much about Trump , whose loyalties are clear .
If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the energy he ’ s expended attacking the environment , we wouldn ’ t have the highest death toll in the world .
Trump , who has a stock market ticker for a heart and a calculator for a soul , was asked during the last debate what he would say to families of color who fear the health consequences of living near oil refineries and chemical plants that have benefited from his regulatory rollbacks .
“ They are making a lot of money , more money than they ’ ve ever made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a false choice between environmental protection and good jobs , when in fact both are possible — essential , I should say — in a clean-energy future .
“ I think that the Green New Deal is really an important vision for the future , and I ’ m glad to see that Biden is moving in that direction , ” Pincetl said .
“ What I worry about is that Biden is an incrementalist … and we ’ re past the time for incrementalism.
” But the fire is raging and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and gas .
On climate , the biggest issue of this election and our times , any forward progress is better than falling further behind .

Stephanie Pincetl, founding director of the Center for Sustainable Communities at UCLA, at her property in Ojai.
“We have done an incredible job environmentally,” President Trump said in the last presidential debate, believe it or not.
That was a bit like Genghis Khan saying, “We’ve done really good work in Eurasia.”
As we slog toward the finish line in the most high-stakes, nerve-rattling presidential election in my lifetime, the pandemic and its impact on the economy are exactly where they should be on the list of issues that will decide the outcome — at or near the top.
Advertisement
But I’m certain — or hopeful, I should say — that whoever prevails, we’ll get past the virus at some point, and the economy will one day hum again.
When that happens, though, the planet will still be warming at an alarming rate. And if President Trump is reelected, we can be quite sure he will do more irreversible damage to the natural environment and to climate change initiatives.
Two weeks ago, citing analysis by the law schools at Harvard and Columbia universities, the New York Times identified nearly 100 environmental protections and climate policies the Trump administration has rolled back or is in the process of eliminating.
In California, which has tried to lead by example on climate, the Trump administration has been positively vindictive, revoking the state’s ability to reduce tailpipe emissions and removing protections for salmon and smelt.
Elsewhere, Trump has worked methodically to eviscerate protections for wetlands and endangered species, roll back oil and gas drilling restrictions in national forests, weaken power plant emission controls and lift ocean protections to make way for energy production.
Trump’s “incredible job” on the environment also includes pulling out of the Paris climate agreement and, lately, stacking the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration with climate change doubters, even as global heat extremes become the norm, night-time temperatures rise, atmospheric carbon dioxide content is at historic highs and 2020 is about to close out as the hottest year on record.
If there were oil deposits in the District of Columbia, you’d see derricks on the back lawn of the White House and a gas station out front. But the one thing I’ll say in Trump’s defense is that for all his ruthless disregard for the natural world and the scholars who beg us to respect its fragility, he didn’t create this mess that we’ll be passing down to our grandchildren.
Advertisement
“We’ve been assaulting biodiversity for over a hundred years,” says Professor Stephanie Pincetl, founding director of the Center for Sustainable Communities at UCLA.
Pincetl’s resume would not fit on this page. Her areas of expertise include environmental science, urban planning, natural resource depletion and land use governance. She’s been a research scientist with the U.S. Forest Service, a Fulbright scholar in England, a researcher and professor in France, and she wrote “Transforming California: A Political History of Land Use and Development,” a study of the environmental degradation of her native state.
“I love California,” Pincetl said. “But we haven’t really been able to figure out how to build better with the resources we have. We do not design with nature, so I continue to be motivated in my work by this immense feeling of anger, despair and bewilderment.”
Last week, I headed north to meet with Pincetl at the 20-acre orange orchard on which she and her husband Jonathan live, off the grid, at the base of the Topa Topa Mountains in the eastern end of the Ojai Valley. Along the way, I couldn’t help but be awed once more by the glory of California’s coastal and mountain terrains, nor could I overlook how many wounds we’ve inflicted on the landscape.
We’ve paved over natural habitats and flood basins, forced wildlife into retreat and fouled the air, not with bad intentions but with too little respect for what preceded us. And despite California’s role as a leader on steps to stall climate change, our accelerating cycles of drought, extreme heat and wildfires are all signs that we’re losing the fight.
When I arrived, Pincetl and her husband offered me a glass of orange juice that had traveled about 12 feet to get from the nearest tree to my gullet. I heard about how water use in the orchard has been reduced by 40% thanks to Jonathan’s mulch-farming techniques, then sat back with Pincetl under a great oak tree and listened to the patter of falling acorns as I squinted through branches to green-tinted mountain peaks.
A deer appeared at the end of a row of trees, and in the quietude, I began waxing about the treasure we call California. At least until Pincetl suggested I was being a bit nostalgic, if not overlooking environmental misdeeds closer to home while focusing on Trump’s mortal sins.
“We’re still fracking, and polluting the water we use for fracking,” said Pincetl, who also rattled off a list of massive real estate development projects in nearby communities where the temps are hot and the water is scarce.
In those places, getting to work will require long commutes for many, transit is virtually nonexistent, and Pincetl marvels at our penchant for building needlessly large homes that burn vast amounts of energy. In mostly blue and liberal California, the wealthy are big burners, said Pincetl, who also mentioned our history of building “willy-nilly,” as she called it, near combustible wildlands.
“Single-family zoning has remained sacrosanct in California,” Pincetl said, and you can’t separate land-use decisions from their climate impact. But in her mind, there’s an even bigger piece that’s missing from the conversation.
“People have forgotten that in addition to the climate impacts of burning fossil fuel, there are other impacts,” said Pincetl. Air pollution, water pollution and toxicity not only damage ecosystems, said the professor, but they create widespread health problems — including childhood asthma, heart disease, breast cancer and low sperm counts.
“We need to be more rigorous when we look at climate, and my biggest gripe with climate scientists is that they don’t connect back to these other questions,” said Pincetl.
We didn’t really talk much about Trump, whose loyalties are clear. If Trump had attacked the coronavirus with half the energy he’s expended attacking the environment, we wouldn’t have the highest death toll in the world.
Trump, who has a stock market ticker for a heart and a calculator for a soul, was asked during the last debate what he would say to families of color who fear the health consequences of living near oil refineries and chemical plants that have benefited from his regulatory rollbacks.
“They are making a lot of money, more money than they’ve ever made,” said Trump, who insists on a false choice between environmental protection and good jobs, when in fact both are possible — essential, I should say — in a clean-energy future.
And Biden?
“I think that the Green New Deal is really an important vision for the future, and I’m glad to see that Biden is moving in that direction,” Pincetl said. “What I worry about is that Biden is an incrementalist … and we’re past the time for incrementalism.”
She’s right.
But the fire is raging and Trump’s answer is more oil and gas. On climate, the biggest issue of this election and our times, any forward progress is better than falling further behind.
Steve.lopez@latimes.com


latimes--2020-10-31--With push for progressive D.A.s, elected prosecutors feel the pressure of a changing profession

When Los Angeles County Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey began her fight against challenger George Gascón , her strategy to fend him off seemed clear : attack the purported reformer as weak on crime , while touting her own record on public safety .
That classic approach seemed to work during a March primary that saw Gascón , the former San Francisco district attorney , finish 20 points behind Lacey , narrowly forcing a runoff in November .
But after Minneapolis police killed George Floyd in May , sparking national protests against police brutality and what some see as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the tenor of the race shifted .
Suddenly , crime statistics seemed an inadequate measure of a prosecutor ’ s worth .
Amidst calls from protesters for her to step down , Lacey changed her attacks on Gascón — questioning his credentials as a reformer .
Once content to slam him for property crime surges in San Francisco , Lacey instead tore into Gascón ’ s record of not prosecuting police in fatal force cases , even though she ’ s been routinely criticized on the same issue during her eight years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Gascón is both a microcosm of — and perhaps now the most important battleground in — a national struggle over the future of how prosecutors operate in the U.S. As criminal justice reform has moved from a back-burner issue to the forefront of American politics , advocates have increasingly targeted elected district attorneys as a weak link in efforts to cultivate a more equal justice system and hold police and public officials accountable .
“ We have gone from a point where many prosecutors could take for granted that they were going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community , ” said Alissa Heydari , deputy director for the Institute for Innovation in Prosecution at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York .
“ Now prosecutors are very much in the spotlight.
” A combination of victories by nearly a dozen progressive candidates in Philadelphia , Chicago , San Francisco and other locales , and rising public anger over police misconduct , has given momentum to an effort that only a few years ago seemed quixotic .
Some contend that even prosecutors not up for reelection are embracing reform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a bid to retain popularity and preempt challenges similar to Gascón ’ s .
Prosecutors traditionally have been close allies with local law enforcement .
But ideas such as lowering incarceration rates , ending cash bail and diverting low-level offenders from the criminal justice system have become common themes even for mainstream prosecutors , evidence of a new mindset in a profession that once was mostly centered on conviction rates and police support .
“ It ’ s a cat that ’ s out of the bag , ” said Chris Lazare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice political action committee , one of the most prominent groups pushing for reform-minded district attorneys .
“ It ’ s slow for sure , but it ’ s working.
” That shift started in 2016 when criminal justice reform advocates began fundraising and organizing on behalf of local challengers , bringing money and expertise to sleepy races where often the only big cash came from law enforcement unions .
In Philadelphia , an upset win by then-civil rights attorney Larry Krasner put a defense lawyer in power in a city with some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the country .
At the same time , Black Lives Matter and other community groups began targeting district attorneys with protests and bad publicity after controversial police killings of Black and Latino people across the country .
Since Krasner ’ s win , Lazare said the Real Justice PAC has helped the campaigns of at least 35 candidates for district attorney , including Chesa Boudin in San Francisco , Joe Gonzales in the county covering San Antonio and Kim Foxx in Cook County , Ill. , the second-largest prosecutor ’ s office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In Miami , former assistant state attorney Melba Pearson fell short in her bid to unseat veteran prosecutor Katherine Fernandez-Rundle this summer .
But shortly after the election , Fernandez-Rundle said she would convene a task force of researchers , activists and law enforcement leaders to address issues of inequality in the criminal justice system .
While Pearson says she has little hope Fernandez-Rundle will back away from her more traditional tough-on-crime approach , she does think contests like the one in Los Angeles are putting incumbent prosecutors on notice that a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ There will be some instances where a well-funded challenger will scare the bejesus out of an elected [ prosecutor ] , ” said Pearson , who now serves as the director of policy and programs at Florida International University ’ s Center for the Administration of Justice .
“ You ’ re thinking about the long game and you ’ re thinking about your future , so you may be more willing to make some of the changes and be more responsive to the public outcry.
” Observers have noticed Lacey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the looming threat of Gascón ’ s candidacy .
She dismissed tens of thousands of marijuana convictions in February , about two months after Gascón entered the race and more than a year after he launched a similar initiative in San Francisco .
But overall , she has rejected most ideas central to the progressive movement , such as abolishing the death penalty .
Some criminal justice advocates contend the pressure to shift left is being felt even in places where the incumbent is not on the ballot .
Cephus Johnson , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believes such concerns influenced Alameda County Dist .
Atty .
Nancy O ’ Malley ’ s recent decision to reopen the investigation of the shooting of Johnson ’ s nephew , Oscar Grant , by Bay Area Rapid Transit Police in 2009 .
O ’ Malley handily bested challenger Pamela Price in 2018 , during an election cycle in which a number of progressive contenders tried , but failed , to upset entrenched prosecutors in California .
Grant ’ s case was one of the first times an officer , Johannes Mehserle , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But Grant ’ s family has long contended that Mehserle ’ s partner , Anthony Pirone , who knelt on Grant ’ s neck , should also have faced charges .
Johnson said that during a recent meeting that O ’ Malley promised to review Pirone ’ s participation .
O ’ Malley has disputed that politics played into the Grant case , saying in a statement that , “ My role as the elected district attorney remains the same as it has been since I took office .
I am responsive to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said he has noticed a change in prosecutors ’ attitudes in the decade he has worked on criminal justice reforms .
“ District attorneys have now looked at the possibility for them and their political careers being damaged for failures to hold these officers accountable , ” said Johnson .
Passage last year of a new California law lowering the threshold for officers to be charged in on-duty killings may also put more pressure on prosecutors , he said .
Some retired prosecutors and law enforcement experts , meanwhile , contend ideas espoused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety .
Steve Cooley , who served three terms as L.A. County ’ s top prosecutor before Lacey , said progressive mega-donors have boosted candidates he considers unqualified .
“ They are able to come in and put someone in there who ordinarily wouldn ’ t stand a chance in hell , ” Cooley said .
Even as they have begun to tap funding from their own moneyed interests , Gascón and other progressive prosecutors have called on their peers to cease taking union contributions , arguing doing so creates a conflict of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
California Assembly member Rob Bonta ( D-Alameda ) , who recently told the San Francisco Chronicle he is considering challenging O ’ Malley in the 2022 election , said he plans to introduce legislation next year that would require prosecutors to recuse themselves in misconduct cases involving law enforcement agencies whose unions had donated to their campaigns — legislation that ’ s sure to be contentious at the state Capitol .
Cooley said he believes candidates such as Gascón — a longtime former LAPD officer and former police chief in Mesa , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helped foster an anti-law enforcement sentiment that will harm police and increase crime in L.A. and other cities “ Law enforcement is going to change their ways .
They are not going to be as proactive , ” he said .
“ You ’ re going to see more drive and wave policing.
” Although fears of crime surges have been commonly used to criticize progressive challengers , that rhetoric hasn ’ t entirely lined up with reality in cities where such candidates won office .
San Francisco did see a 37 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gascón , though violent crime remained relatively flat and the city saw a historic low in killings during his last year in office .
In St. Louis , violent crime remained unchanged and property crime has fallen by more than 7 % under reformist prosecutor Kim Gardner , records show .
Philadelphia has seen a surge in homicides under Krasner , but overall crime rates have remained relatively static .
Eugene O ’ Donnell , a former New York City police officer and prosecutor who now teaches at the John Jay School of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ influx of money into races like the one in L.A. County , where Lacey and Gascón have courted millions from police unions and progressive boosters , has led such contests to be framed around broad ideological issues rather than those affecting local public safety .
“ My concern about this is it ’ s not getting us to a place where we ’ re having a serious conversation about public safety at all … or even justice .
They ’ re just proxy wars for really wealthy people.
” Others say the emergence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the result of aggressive organizing by voters and activists who want to see a criminal justice system guided by rehabilitation , rather than punishment .
“ Often times the prosecutor is the face of reform , but really they are the response to the movement that has been fighting this fight for a long time , ” said Jonathan Rapping , president and founder of the public defender organization Gideon ’ s Promise and an Atlanta-based law professor .
“ They are the result of activists and organizers and public defenders who have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an environment that welcomes this new kind of prosecutor .
”

When Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey began her fight against challenger George Gascón, her strategy to fend him off seemed clear: attack the purported reformer as weak on crime, while touting her own record on public safety.
That classic approach seemed to work during a March primary that saw Gascón, the former San Francisco district attorney, finish 20 points behind Lacey, narrowly forcing a runoff in November. But after Minneapolis police killed George Floyd in May, sparking national protests against police brutality and what some see as systemic racism in the criminal justice system, the tenor of the race shifted.
Suddenly, crime statistics seemed an inadequate measure of a prosecutor’s worth. Amidst calls from protesters for her to step down, Lacey changed her attacks on Gascón — questioning his credentials as a reformer.
Once content to slam him for property crime surges in San Francisco, Lacey instead tore into Gascón’s record of not prosecuting police in fatal force cases, even though she’s been routinely criticized on the same issue during her eight years in office.
Advertisement
The battle between Lacey and Gascón is both a microcosm of — and perhaps now the most important battleground in — a national struggle over the future of how prosecutors operate in the U.S. As criminal justice reform has moved from a back-burner issue to the forefront of American politics, advocates have increasingly targeted elected district attorneys as a weak link in efforts to cultivate a more equal justice system and hold police and public officials accountable.
“We have gone from a point where many prosecutors could take for granted that they were going to be reelected without talking to the community,” said Alissa Heydari, deputy director for the Institute for Innovation in Prosecution at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York. “Now prosecutors are very much in the spotlight.”
A combination of victories by nearly a dozen progressive candidates in Philadelphia, Chicago, San Francisco and other locales, and rising public anger over police misconduct, has given momentum to an effort that only a few years ago seemed quixotic. Some contend that even prosecutors not up for reelection are embracing reform, or at least reform rhetoric, in a bid to retain popularity and preempt challenges similar to Gascón’s.
Prosecutors traditionally have been close allies with local law enforcement. But ideas such as lowering incarceration rates, ending cash bail and diverting low-level offenders from the criminal justice system have become common themes even for mainstream prosecutors, evidence of a new mindset in a profession that once was mostly centered on conviction rates and police support.
“It’s a cat that’s out of the bag,” said Chris Lazare, an organizing director with the Real Justice political action committee, one of the most prominent groups pushing for reform-minded district attorneys. “It’s slow for sure, but it’s working.”
That shift started in 2016 when criminal justice reform advocates began fundraising and organizing on behalf of local challengers, bringing money and expertise to sleepy races where often the only big cash came from law enforcement unions.
In Philadelphia, an upset win by then-civil rights attorney Larry Krasner put a defense lawyer in power in a city with some of the highest per capita incarceration rates in the country. At the same time, Black Lives Matter and other community groups began targeting district attorneys with protests and bad publicity after controversial police killings of Black and Latino people across the country.
Advertisement
Since Krasner’s win, Lazare said the Real Justice PAC has helped the campaigns of at least 35 candidates for district attorney, including Chesa Boudin in San Francisco, Joe Gonzales in the county covering San Antonio and Kim Foxx in Cook County, Ill., the second-largest prosecutor’s office in the country, which encompasses Chicago.
In Miami, former assistant state attorney Melba Pearson fell short in her bid to unseat veteran prosecutor Katherine Fernandez-Rundle this summer. But shortly after the election, Fernandez-Rundle said she would convene a task force of researchers, activists and law enforcement leaders to address issues of inequality in the criminal justice system.
While Pearson says she has little hope Fernandez-Rundle will back away from her more traditional tough-on-crime approach, she does think contests like the one in Los Angeles are putting incumbent prosecutors on notice that a significant segment of their constituencies wants change.
“There will be some instances where a well-funded challenger will scare the bejesus out of an elected [prosecutor],” said Pearson, who now serves as the director of policy and programs at Florida International University’s Center for the Administration of Justice. “You’re thinking about the long game and you’re thinking about your future, so you may be more willing to make some of the changes and be more responsive to the public outcry.”
Observers have noticed Lacey moving left on some issues due to the looming threat of Gascón’s candidacy. She dismissed tens of thousands of marijuana convictions in February, about two months after Gascón entered the race and more than a year after he launched a similar initiative in San Francisco. But overall, she has rejected most ideas central to the progressive movement, such as abolishing the death penalty.
Some criminal justice advocates contend the pressure to shift left is being felt even in places where the incumbent is not on the ballot.
Cephus Johnson, a reform advocate in Oakland, said he believes such concerns influenced Alameda County Dist. Atty. Nancy O’Malley’s recent decision to reopen the investigation of the shooting of Johnson’s nephew, Oscar Grant, by Bay Area Rapid Transit Police in 2009. O’Malley handily bested challenger Pamela Price in 2018, during an election cycle in which a number of progressive contenders tried, but failed, to upset entrenched prosecutors in California.
Grant’s case was one of the first times an officer, Johannes Mehserle, was charged in an on-duty killing. But Grant’s family has long contended that Mehserle’s partner, Anthony Pirone, who knelt on Grant’s neck, should also have faced charges. Johnson said that during a recent meeting that O’Malley promised to review Pirone’s participation.
O’Malley has disputed that politics played into the Grant case, saying in a statement that, “My role as the elected district attorney remains the same as it has been since I took office. I am responsive to the community I serve.”
But Johnson said he has noticed a change in prosecutors’ attitudes in the decade he has worked on criminal justice reforms.
“District attorneys have now looked at the possibility for them and their political careers being damaged for failures to hold these officers accountable,” said Johnson. Passage last year of a new California law lowering the threshold for officers to be charged in on-duty killings may also put more pressure on prosecutors, he said.
Some retired prosecutors and law enforcement experts, meanwhile, contend ideas espoused by some progressive challengers may harm public safety. Steve Cooley, who served three terms as L.A. County’s top prosecutor before Lacey, said progressive mega-donors have boosted candidates he considers unqualified.
“They are able to come in and put someone in there who ordinarily wouldn’t stand a chance in hell,” Cooley said.
Even as they have begun to tap funding from their own moneyed interests, Gascón and other progressive prosecutors have called on their peers to cease taking union contributions, arguing doing so creates a conflict of interest when considering misconduct cases involving police.
California Assembly member Rob Bonta (D-Alameda), who recently told the San Francisco Chronicle he is considering challenging O’Malley in the 2022 election, said he plans to introduce legislation next year that would require prosecutors to recuse themselves in misconduct cases involving law enforcement agencies whose unions had donated to their campaigns — legislation that’s sure to be contentious at the state Capitol.
Cooley said he believes candidates such as Gascón — a longtime former LAPD officer and former police chief in Mesa, Ariz., and San Francisco — have helped foster an anti-law enforcement sentiment that will harm police and increase crime in L.A. and other cities
“Law enforcement is going to change their ways. They are not going to be as proactive,” he said. “You’re going to see more drive and wave policing.”
Although fears of crime surges have been commonly used to criticize progressive challengers, that rhetoric hasn’t entirely lined up with reality in cities where such candidates won office.
San Francisco did see a 37% surge in its property crime rate under Gascón, though violent crime remained relatively flat and the city saw a historic low in killings during his last year in office. In St. Louis, violent crime remained unchanged and property crime has fallen by more than 7% under reformist prosecutor Kim Gardner, records show. Philadelphia has seen a surge in homicides under Krasner, but overall crime rates have remained relatively static.
Eugene O’Donnell, a former New York City police officer and prosecutor who now teaches at the John Jay School of Criminal Justice, also worried that the influx of money into races like the one in L.A. County, where Lacey and Gascón have courted millions from police unions and progressive boosters, has led such contests to be framed around broad ideological issues rather than those affecting local public safety.
“My concern about this is it’s not getting us to a place where we’re having a serious conversation about public safety at all … or even justice. They’re just proxy wars for really wealthy people.”
Others say the emergence of Gascón and other reform candidates is the result of aggressive organizing by voters and activists who want to see a criminal justice system guided by rehabilitation, rather than punishment.
“Often times the prosecutor is the face of reform, but really they are the response to the movement that has been fighting this fight for a long time,” said Jonathan Rapping, president and founder of the public defender organization Gideon’s Promise and an Atlanta-based law professor. “They are the result of activists and organizers and public defenders who have really been, I think, creating an environment that welcomes this new kind of prosecutor.”


latimes--2020-10-31--Halloween a do-or-die moment in California fight against fall COVID-19 wave

Halloween is the one day of the year where being scared isn ’ t only accepted , it ’ s encouraged .
But with worrying signs of a potential coronavirus rebound in California and cases surging to unprecedented heights in other parts of the U.S. , government officials and health experts say this year ’ s fright night carries a very real threat .
State officials have been driving home the message that , with the virus still widespread , Californians shouldn ’ t celebrate the holiday like normal .
Trick-or-treating is strongly discouraged and , in some places , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ West Hollywood ’ s Halloween Carnaval and the Queen Mary ’ s Dark Harbor haunt in Long Beach , have been scrapped .
“ Treat yourself and your family to a safe Halloween .
Don ’ t trick the community to even higher levels of spread , ” said Dr. Robert Kim-Farley , medical epidemiologist and infectious disease expert at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health .
Though not as bad as the rest of the nation , there are signs the pandemic is worsening in California .
More than 30,200 coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ended Thursday , a 19 % jump from the previous week , a Los Angeles Times analysis found .
Hospitalizations have risen for two consecutive weeks .
Californians also are increasingly testing positive .
The rate at which coronavirus tests are coming back positive for the seven-day period that ended Thursday was 3.33 % ; at the beginning of the month , it was 2.42 % .
Even San Francisco — California ’ s only urban county in the state ’ s least restrictive reopening tier — is reporting increasing hospitalizations and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a pause in its reopening plans Friday , with Mayor London Breed saying , “ COVID-19 is not tired of us just because we ’ re tired of it.
” For Halloween , the real danger is that the decisions residents make — whether to head to this sizable shindig or that hush-hush haunted house — will have ripple effects long afterward , experts say .
“ It ’ s not just about who might get infected on Halloween as a result of an ill-advised party , but it ’ s the line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ person who are going to get infected as a result , ” said Paula Cannon , a professor of molecular microbiology and immunology at the Keck School of Medicine at USC .
“ And , frankly , some of the people in that line are ghosts.
” The stakes are high .
California let its collective guard down around Memorial Day , and for weeks paid the price as infections , hospitalizations and deaths surged , making the summer the state ’ s deadliest COVID-19 season .
Though the state has made significant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mask order , business restrictions and continued public vigilance — Halloween is the harbinger of the wider holiday season .
Many experts have predicted that a new coronavirus wave could crest as colder temperatures push people inside and families and friends gather to celebrate .
“ The reality is 24 states over the last seven days ... have experienced record-high cases of COVID-19 , ” Gov .
Gavin Newsom said Friday .
“ We ’ re entering into the holiday season , where people are more likely to mix ; we ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more people are more likely to come back indoors ; we ’ re entering into the flu season , which will put compounding and competing challenges in our healthcare delivery system.
” Los Angeles County is already starting to see a notable uptick in its daily number of new coronavirus cases — from about 940 at the beginning of October to nearly 1,200 as of last week .
“ We still have way too much community transmission happening , and it won ’ t help us as we head into the colder months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with what ’ s in front of us if we can ’ t , right now , start moving in a different direction , ” county Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said .
The county reported 1,745 new COVID-19 cases Thursday , the highest one-day increase not connected to a reporting backlog since August .
There have been 10,987 reported cases in the seven-day period that ended Thursday , a 39 % increase from the previous week .
“ What worries me is that it ’ s going up , ” Ferrer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate .
“ And even if the increase is relatively small , we have seen before that , without a lot of attention , we can accelerate to a place where it actually creates the possibility of overwhelming the healthcare system and , certainly , causes a lot of illness and death.
” The rise in cases and positive test rates means it ’ s not the time to attend large Halloween get-togethers or gather to watch election night results , experts say .
Nor is it advisable to rent hotel rooms for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adults are doing .
“ This is not the time to go out and have some wild party , ” said Dr. George Rutherford , an epidemiologist and infectious diseases expert at UC San Francisco .
The state has generally banned large gatherings , and says smaller ones of no more than three households may be held outdoors with limitations , including time limits and social distancing .
“ This is not the time to be taking your masks off .
This is not the time to be going inside and not maintaining @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ This is not the time to be out messing around.
” Part of being able to reopen society is needing to pause when disease levels worsen to a worrying degree .
“ This virus takes off very quickly .
So we want to be able to stay ahead of the virus .
By the time you have lots of cases and try to catch up , the healthcare systems are often overwhelmed .
And that ’ s where you see more devastation from this virus , ” said Dr. Grant Colfax , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s important to keep in mind that rising case rates “ represent new people that have the potential to go and infect other people , ” Cannon said .
“ You ’ re setting the seeds of new infections in new families , in new workplaces and in new homes , ” she said .
“ That ’ s the danger of this virus ... we are just creating a sort of unsustainable situation where this will just keep going and going and going.
” While infection risks are inherent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ troubling because parties and trick-or-treating “ involve face-to-face interactions with people from different households , ” said Dr. Wilma Wooten , San Diego County ’ s public health officer .
“ If a COVID-19 infection is detected among a participant , it will be very difficult to find and notify those who may have been exposed , ” she said in a statement .
It can take days for those infected to show symptoms , if they ever do .
Yet those without symptoms can still be vectors for the virus .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall ill enough to require hospitalization .
That ’ s what makes the conga line of late-in-the-year holidays so troubling from a public health perspective .
“ We do not want to see one event foster increased transmission that is then amplified in the next event , then further amplified in the next event , ” Kim-Farley said .
While Halloween may be abnormal this year , that doesn ’ t mean residents can ’ t scare up some fun in a safer way .
Families can go to drive-through trick-or-treat events or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just put on their costumes to walk around for a bit .
“ Little kids holding the hands of their parents in their Capt .
America costume , you can do that quite safely , ” Cannon said .
“ As a parent , you can take your child or your children out early to walk around , maybe in less crowded areas of your neighborhood .
You can have candy with you and reward the kids ... make it sort of a Halloween treasure hunt.
” Even in-person events aren ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state guidelines .
But , Cannon pointed out , “ If anyone shows up in a Dodgers uniform , you want to check that that ’ s actually a Halloween costume and not a real Dodger.
” Times staff writers Maura Dolan and Iris Lee contributed to this report .

A family wears face coverings Wednesday while visiting a Brentwood home that goes all out with Hollywood-caliber Halloween decorations.
Halloween is the one day of the year where being scared isn’t only accepted, it’s encouraged.
But with worrying signs of a potential coronavirus rebound in California and cases surging to unprecedented heights in other parts of the U.S., government officials and health experts say this year’s fright night carries a very real threat.
State officials have been driving home the message that, with the virus still widespread, Californians shouldn’t celebrate the holiday like normal.
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Trick-or-treating is strongly discouraged and, in some places, banned. Major events, such as West Hollywood’s Halloween Carnaval and the Queen Mary’s Dark Harbor haunt in Long Beach, have been scrapped.
“Treat yourself and your family to a safe Halloween. Don’t trick the community to even higher levels of spread,” said Dr. Robert Kim-Farley, medical epidemiologist and infectious disease expert at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health.
Though not as bad as the rest of the nation, there are signs the pandemic is worsening in California. More than 30,200 coronavirus cases were reported for the seven-day period that ended Thursday, a 19% jump from the previous week, a Los Angeles Times analysis found. Hospitalizations have risen for two consecutive weeks.
Californians also are increasingly testing positive. The rate at which coronavirus tests are coming back positive for the seven-day period that ended Thursday was 3.33%; at the beginning of the month, it was 2.42%.
Even San Francisco — California’s only urban county in the state’s least restrictive reopening tier — is reporting increasing hospitalizations and positive test rates.
The city announced a pause in its reopening plans Friday, with Mayor London Breed saying, “COVID-19 is not tired of us just because we’re tired of it.”
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For Halloween, the real danger is that the decisions residents make — whether to head to this sizable shindig or that hush-hush haunted house — will have ripple effects long afterward, experts say.
“It’s not just about who might get infected on Halloween as a result of an ill-advised party, but it’s the line of people I see standing behind that person who are going to get infected as a result,” said Paula Cannon, a professor of molecular microbiology and immunology at the Keck School of Medicine at USC. “And, frankly, some of the people in that line are ghosts.”
The stakes are high. California let its collective guard down around Memorial Day, and for weeks paid the price as infections, hospitalizations and deaths surged, making the summer the state’s deadliest COVID-19 season.
Though the state has made significant progress since then — through a mandatory mask order, business restrictions and continued public vigilance — Halloween is the harbinger of the wider holiday season. Many experts have predicted that a new coronavirus wave could crest as colder temperatures push people inside and families and friends gather to celebrate.
“The reality is 24 states over the last seven days ... have experienced record-high cases of COVID-19,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said Friday. “We’re entering into the holiday season, where people are more likely to mix; we’re entering into the winter months, when more people are more likely to come back indoors; we’re entering into the flu season, which will put compounding and competing challenges in our healthcare delivery system.”
Los Angeles County is already starting to see a notable uptick in its daily number of new coronavirus cases — from about 940 at the beginning of October to nearly 1,200 as of last week.
“We still have way too much community transmission happening, and it won’t help us as we head into the colder months, as we head into flu season, with what’s in front of us if we can’t, right now, start moving in a different direction,” county Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said.
The county reported 1,745 new COVID-19 cases Thursday, the highest one-day increase not connected to a reporting backlog since August. There have been 10,987 reported cases in the seven-day period that ended Thursday, a 39% increase from the previous week.
“What worries me is that it’s going up,” Ferrer said about the county’s case rate. “And even if the increase is relatively small, we have seen before that, without a lot of attention, we can accelerate to a place where it actually creates the possibility of overwhelming the healthcare system and, certainly, causes a lot of illness and death.”
The rise in cases and positive test rates means it’s not the time to attend large Halloween get-togethers or gather to watch election night results, experts say. Nor is it advisable to rent hotel rooms for a birthday bash, as some younger adults are doing.
“This is not the time to go out and have some wild party,” said Dr. George Rutherford, an epidemiologist and infectious diseases expert at UC San Francisco.
The state has generally banned large gatherings, and says smaller ones of no more than three households may be held outdoors with limitations, including time limits and social distancing.
“This is not the time to be taking your masks off. This is not the time to be going inside and not maintaining social distance,” Rutherford said. “This is not the time to be out messing around.”
Part of being able to reopen society is needing to pause when disease levels worsen to a worrying degree.
“This virus takes off very quickly. So we want to be able to stay ahead of the virus. By the time you have lots of cases and try to catch up, the healthcare systems are often overwhelmed. And that’s where you see more devastation from this virus,” said Dr. Grant Colfax, director of public health for San Francisco.
It’s important to keep in mind that rising case rates “represent new people that have the potential to go and infect other people,” Cannon said.
“You’re setting the seeds of new infections in new families, in new workplaces and in new homes,” she said. “That’s the danger of this virus ... we are just creating a sort of unsustainable situation where this will just keep going and going and going.”
While infection risks are inherent with any gathering, Halloween is especially troubling because parties and trick-or-treating “involve face-to-face interactions with people from different households,” said Dr. Wilma Wooten, San Diego County’s public health officer.
“If a COVID-19 infection is detected among a participant, it will be very difficult to find and notify those who may have been exposed,” she said in a statement.
It can take days for those infected to show symptoms, if they ever do. Yet those without symptoms can still be vectors for the virus. And it can take weeks for someone to fall ill enough to require hospitalization.
That’s what makes the conga line of late-in-the-year holidays so troubling from a public health perspective.
“We do not want to see one event foster increased transmission that is then amplified in the next event, then further amplified in the next event,” Kim-Farley said.
While Halloween may be abnormal this year, that doesn’t mean residents can’t scare up some fun in a safer way.
Families can go to drive-through trick-or-treat events or car parades, hold online parties or just put on their costumes to walk around for a bit.
“Little kids holding the hands of their parents in their Capt. America costume, you can do that quite safely,” Cannon said. “As a parent, you can take your child or your children out early to walk around, maybe in less crowded areas of your neighborhood. You can have candy with you and reward the kids ... make it sort of a Halloween treasure hunt.”
Even in-person events aren’t entirely off-limits, provided they follow the state guidelines.
But, Cannon pointed out, “If anyone shows up in a Dodgers uniform, you want to check that that’s actually a Halloween costume and not a real Dodger.”
Times staff writers Maura Dolan and Iris Lee contributed to this report.