latimes--2020-02-19--Rapper Pop Smoke gunned down in Hollywood Hills home

A group of people , including one wearing a mask and armed with a handgun , burst into a posh Hollywood Hills home early Wednesday and fatally shot up-and-coming rapper Pop Smoke , police said .
Los Angeles Police Department detectives were still trying to determine the motive of the attack , which stunned the rap world and prompted an outpouring of grief from fans .
“ There is a lot of information available , ” said LAPD Capt .
Jonathan Tippet .
“ We have some work to do.
” Officers responded after someone calling from the East Coast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friend ’ s home shortly before 5 a.m. , said LAPD Capt .
Steve Lurie .
When officers arrived at the $ 2.5-million home in the 2000 block of Hercules Drive , they found the 20-year-old rapper , whose legal name is Bashar Barakah Jackson , with gunshot wounds .
He was taken to a hospital , where he was pronounced dead .
Officers detained several people inside the house , but they were later released .
At least four suspects fled the scene , and authorities say they have not been found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rapper was staying was targeted by the assailants .
In recent years , Los Angeles homes being rented by musicians have been the targets of several home invasions , according to law enforcement sources .
Investigators are aware that the rapper may have inadvertently posted an image with the home ’ s address on social media , the sources said .
Pop Smoke also had been tied by officials to the Crips street gang , and detectives suspected the assailants were probably gang members .
Tippet , however , cautioned against ascribing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation is still in its early stages .
Authorities are looking through images from security cameras throughout the neighborhood in search of a possible getaway car .
Locations with license-plate readers in the area also could help detectives .
Photos and videos on Pop Smoke ’ s Instagram story showed him in L.A. getting a haircut Tuesday and posing by the infinity pool in the backyard of the Hollywood Hills home where he was staying .
Later that evening , he posted a photo of the Los Angeles skyline from what appeared to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Hollywood Hills home is owned by Teddi Mellencamp of “ The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills ” and her husband , Edwin Arroyave , according to property records .
Mellencamp wrote on Instagram that she was informed about the shooting early Wednesday by a third-party leasing and management company that oversees the rental property .
“ Foremost , we would like to extend our prayers and condolences to the family and loved ones affected by this tragic loss of life , ” she wrote .
The rapper ’ s death came days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Woo 2 , ” debuted at No .
7 on the Billboard Top 200 list .
His breakthrough mixtape , “ Meet the Woo , ” released last year , has 280 million streams globally .
Pop Smoke was signed to Republic Records through Victor Victor Worldwide , according to the label .
“ We are devastated by the unexpected and tragic loss of Pop Smoke , ” a Republic Records spokesperson said Wednesday .
“ Our prayers and thoughts go out to his family , friends and fans , as we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was one of the most promising voices from the New York drill scene , a regional variant of a hard-edged , gothic sound that originated in Chicago with acts such as Chief Keef but that also won popularity on the East Coast and in the U.K. His dense clusters of lyrics and the high-tension moods recalled an older era in New York rap , but his laconic delivery and gravelly timbre were entirely of the moment .
Typical of hip-hop today , his single “ Welcome to the Party ” — a menacing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 808MeloBeats — became a streaming sensation in a matter of weeks , and allies including Nicki Minaj and the U.K. grime star Skepta quickly joined on a remix .
But Pop Smoke ’ s brief life in Brooklyn was troubled from the start .
He claimed in interviews that he had been expelled from middle school for bringing a gun to campus .
Even after his rise , his rough past caught up with him .
What could have been a triumphant hometown set at New York ’ s Rolling Loud festival last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Police Department requested that he and four other local rappers be pulled from the bill , citing “ public safety concerns.
” “ The above listed performers have been associated with recent acts of violence citywide , ” wrote NYPD Assistant Chief Martin Morales in a letter to organizers .
“ The New York City Police Department believes if these individuals are allowed to perform , there will be a higher risk of violence.
” Last month , a federal grand jury indicted the rapper on a count of transporting a stolen vehicle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York alleged in court documents that Pop Smoke stole a $ 375,000 Rolls-Royce Wraith in Los Angeles .
It was later found at his mother ’ s home in New York .
He had pleaded not guilty to the charge .
During a hearing in the case in Brooklyn last month , a federal prosecutor said the government believed that Pop Smoke was a member of a street gang affiliated with the Crips , according to a court transcript .
Because Pop Smoke is considered by law enforcement to be affiliated with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is considered a gang-related homicide .
Detectives also suspect the assailants are probably gang members , but it has not been determined whether the killing was motivated by gang rivalry , officials said .
The slaying comes at a tense moment in hip-hop , when young artists including Lil Peep and Juice Wrld have died of drug overdoses , while others like XXXTentacion and L.A. rapper Nipsey Hussle have been killed in street violence .
“ The Bible tells us that jealousy is as cruel as the grave , ” Minaj , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after news of the performer ’ s death broke .
“ Unbelievable .
Rest In Peace , Pop.
” Young M.A.
, a fellow rapper from the Brooklyn music scene , posted a photo of Pop Smoke on Instagram as a tribute to the artist .
“ Lost for words right now , ” she wrote .
“ Brooklyn King !
Rest up !
” Rapper Freddie Gibbs wrote on Twitter that he was “ in the lab last night comparing Pop Smoke to 50 [ Cent ] when he came out.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on his Meet the Woo Tour next month , with an initial show March 2 in Washington , D.C .
He also was scheduled to perform on the second day of the Rolling Loud festival in Miami in May .

Hannah Fry, August Brown, Richard Winton

Pop Smoke, a rising New York rapper, was found with fatal gunshot wounds at a home in the Hollywood Hills early Wednesday, authorities said.
A group of people, including one wearing a mask and armed with a handgun, burst into a posh Hollywood Hills home early Wednesday and fatally shot up-and-coming rapper Pop Smoke, police said.
Los Angeles Police Department detectives were still trying to determine the motive of the attack, which stunned the rap world and prompted an outpouring of grief from fans.
“There is a lot of information available,” said LAPD Capt. Jonathan Tippet. “We have some work to do.”
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Officers responded after someone calling from the East Coast reported that several people had entered their friend’s home shortly before 5 a.m., said LAPD Capt. Steve Lurie.
When officers arrived at the $2.5-million home in the 2000 block of Hercules Drive, they found the 20-year-old rapper, whose legal name is Bashar Barakah Jackson, with gunshot wounds.
He was taken to a hospital, where he was pronounced dead. Officers detained several people inside the house, but they were later released. At least four suspects fled the scene, and authorities say they have not been found.
Investigators suspect the home where the rapper was staying was targeted by the assailants. In recent years, Los Angeles homes being rented by musicians have been the targets of several home invasions, according to law enforcement sources.
Investigators are aware that the rapper may have inadvertently posted an image with the home’s address on social media, the sources said.
Pop Smoke also had been tied by officials to the Crips street gang, and detectives suspected the assailants were probably gang members.
Tippet, however, cautioned against ascribing a motive in the slaying given that the investigation is still in its early stages. Authorities are looking through images from security cameras throughout the neighborhood in search of a possible getaway car. Locations with license-plate readers in the area also could help detectives.
Photos and videos on Pop Smoke’s Instagram story showed him in L.A. getting a haircut Tuesday and posing by the infinity pool in the backyard of the Hollywood Hills home where he was staying. Later that evening, he posted a photo of the Los Angeles skyline from what appeared to be the home’s backyard.
The Hollywood Hills home is owned by Teddi Mellencamp of “The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills” and her husband, Edwin Arroyave, according to property records. Mellencamp wrote on Instagram that she was informed about the shooting early Wednesday by a third-party leasing and management company that oversees the rental property.
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“Foremost, we would like to extend our prayers and condolences to the family and loved ones affected by this tragic loss of life,” she wrote.
The rapper’s death came days after his second mixtape, “Meet the Woo 2,” debuted at No. 7 on the Billboard Top 200 list. His breakthrough mixtape, “Meet the Woo,” released last year, has 280 million streams globally.
Pop Smoke was signed to Republic Records through Victor Victor Worldwide, according to the label.
“We are devastated by the unexpected and tragic loss of Pop Smoke,” a Republic Records spokesperson said Wednesday. “Our prayers and thoughts go out to his family, friends and fans, as we mourn this loss together.”
LAPD Capt. Steve Lurie addresses a news conference on the fatal shooting of rapper Pop Smoke. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
The rapper was one of the most promising voices from the New York drill scene, a regional variant of a hard-edged, gothic sound that originated in Chicago with acts such as Chief Keef but that also won popularity on the East Coast and in the U.K. His dense clusters of lyrics and the high-tension moods recalled an older era in New York rap, but his laconic delivery and gravelly timbre were entirely of the moment.
Typical of hip-hop today, his single “Welcome to the Party” — a menacing slice of noir produced by the London-based 808MeloBeats — became a streaming sensation in a matter of weeks, and allies including Nicki Minaj and the U.K. grime star Skepta quickly joined on a remix.
But Pop Smoke’s brief life in Brooklyn was troubled from the start. He claimed in interviews that he had been expelled from middle school for bringing a gun to campus. Even after his rise, his rough past caught up with him. What could have been a triumphant hometown set at New York’s Rolling Loud festival last year was derailed when the New York Police Department requested that he and four other local rappers be pulled from the bill, citing “public safety concerns.”
“The above listed performers have been associated with recent acts of violence citywide,” wrote NYPD Assistant Chief Martin Morales in a letter to organizers. “The New York City Police Department believes if these individuals are allowed to perform, there will be a higher risk of violence.”
Last month, a federal grand jury indicted the rapper on a count of transporting a stolen vehicle across state lines. Prosecutors in New York alleged in court documents that Pop Smoke stole a $375,000 Rolls-Royce Wraith in Los Angeles. It was later found at his mother’s home in New York. He had pleaded not guilty to the charge.
During a hearing in the case in Brooklyn last month, a federal prosecutor said the government believed that Pop Smoke was a member of a street gang affiliated with the Crips, according to a court transcript.
Because Pop Smoke is considered by law enforcement to be affiliated with a street gang, authorities say his slaying is considered a gang-related homicide. Detectives also suspect the assailants are probably gang members, but it has not been determined whether the killing was motivated by gang rivalry, officials said.
The slaying comes at a tense moment in hip-hop, when young artists including Lil Peep and Juice Wrld have died of drug overdoses, while others like XXXTentacion and L.A. rapper Nipsey Hussle have been killed in street violence.
“The Bible tells us that jealousy is as cruel as the grave,” Minaj, a fellow New Yorker, wrote on Instagram after news of the performer’s death broke. “Unbelievable. Rest In Peace, Pop.”
Young M.A., a fellow rapper from the Brooklyn music scene, posted a photo of Pop Smoke on Instagram as a tribute to the artist.
“Lost for words right now,” she wrote. “Brooklyn King! Rest up!”
Rapper Freddie Gibbs wrote on Twitter that he was “in the lab last night comparing Pop Smoke to 50 [Cent] when he came out.”
Pop Smoke had been scheduled to embark on his Meet the Woo Tour next month, with an initial show March 2 in Washington, D.C. He also was scheduled to perform on the second day of the Rolling Loud festival in Miami in May.
Rest Up Pop Smoke, you were too young. God Bless and comfort your family. What a crazy trajectory you were on man smh 🙏🏾🙏🏾🙏🏾 — Chance The Rapper (@chancetherapper) February 19, 2020
No such thing as success with out jealousy, treachery comes from those who are close. R.i.P pic.twitter.com/OZxKtpPZog — 50cent (@50cent) February 19, 2020


latimes--2020-02-19--A decorated detective, a suspected mobster: How a secret alliance ended in claims of blood and betra

A decorated detective, a suspected mobster: How a secret alliance ended in claims of blood and betrayal

The Escalade was headed down a dreary and industrial stretch of road in Commerce when the first bullet buried itself in the driver ’ s back .
He stomped on the gas .
Bullets slammed into the car .
Blood leaked from his gut .
The black SUV was ferrying the son of Lev Aslan Dermen , a petroleum mogul and suspected organized crime figure .
His son escaped , unscathed .
The shooting drew little notice until a year later , when an extortionist for the Mexican Mafia contacted a Los Angeles Police Department detective from jail with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gang member , he said , but a Glendale detective had offered him $ 100,000 to “ scare ” someone , according to an affidavit that details his statement .
The detective , John Saro Balian , was Dermen ’ s close associate of a decade , court documents and testimony have since revealed .
They traveled together to Turkey and partied together in Las Vegas .
Dermen came to trust the detective with the most delicate of tasks , the records show .
The allegation that Balian betrayed his associate and arranged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remains unproven .
No triggerman has been charged .
While Balian ’ s alleged role in the shooting was detailed in court documents , he wasn ’ t charged in the incident and instead pleaded guilty to three felonies , none of them violent .
His attorney , Craig Missakian , denied the detective was behind the shooting and said in court the allegations came from the mouths of witnesses who , facing prison for crimes of their own , were trying to save themselves “ by pointing a finger at a high-profile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the detective and the petroleum mogul were behind bars — Balian charged in Los Angeles with concealing from federal agents his dealings with the Mexican Mafia , Dermen indicted in Utah , implicated in an energy subsidy scam that allegedly bilked the U.S. Treasury of $ 511 million .
The Times pieced together the story of their unlikely alliance and its bitter end through court records , testimony and interviews with people who knew both men .
They each came to Southern California as children , Dermen from Armenia , Balian from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ religious and political upheaval .
But their lives in the United States took very different paths .
Balian ’ s family opened a small restaurant in Orange County .
Bussing tables and washing dishes as a boy , he came to see the police officers who ate there as a second family , his attorney wrote in court papers .
Balian enrolled in the police academy at 23 and joined the Montebello Police Department in 1996 .
He flourished there : Officer of the Year in 2001 , tapped to join the gang @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a shining star , ” said a former colleague who did not want to be identified because of Balian ’ s admitted ties to organized crime .
“ Everybody thought the world of him.
” Dermen , born Levon Termendzhyan , left Armenia at 14 for Los Angeles .
He enrolled at Hollywood High and took his first job pumping gas at a La Crescenta station .
In the quarter-century that followed , Dermen bought up gas stations , opened a string of truck stops and started petroleum companies in Vernon and Commerce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He became enormously wealthy .
He held court at the Beverly Wilshire and traveled in black SUVs , flanked by bodyguards .
Parked behind the gate of his Bel Air home was a Bugatti , a Lamborghini , a Maybach and a Rolls Royce .
In 1993 , Dermen , then 26 , and his brother were charged with selling untaxed diesel fuel .
They were acquitted , and Dermen ’ s mythos of operating beyond the reach of the law was born , federal prosecutors wrote in a recent court filing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dermen and his energy empire were investigated by the Internal Revenue Service , the Environmental Protection Agency , Homeland Security Investigations , the FBI , and the Glendale and Los Angeles police departments , according to evidence introduced during the trial of his associate , his cousin ’ s appeal of a kidnapping conviction and warrants served on Dermen ’ s home and businesses in 2017 .
He was suspected of laundering money , evading taxes , and stealing fuel and selling it in his gas stations , the warrants show ; charges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Glendale police in 2003 , accused of brandishing a handgun at a plainclothes detective who was tailing his cousin , and acquitted after two trials .
Law enforcement authorities have yet to convince a jury anywhere that Dermen committed a felony .
Mark Geragos , who has represented Dermen for more than a decade , has insisted to judges and juries that his client is no criminal kingpin , only a savvy , successful businessman in the oil and gas industry .
By 2006 , Balian was the spokesman for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Montebello two years earlier .
Dermen was awaiting trial in the alleged assault of the Glendale detective .
Under circumstances that remain unclear , the two met that year at a deli in Burbank .
Lawyers for both men would not discuss what went on there .
But over the next decade , the two grew close .
Dermen “ surrounded himself ” with law enforcement officers , federal prosecutors wrote in a recent court filing , to convey to business partners that he was insulated from prosecution .
A federal jury in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Security Investigations agent , of unlawfully helping Dermen ’ s business partner travel between the United States and Mexico , where he was negotiating a deal on Dermen ’ s behalf with Pemex , the state oil company .
Cisneros told investigators he intervened as “ a solid ” for Dermen and Balian , who he said was also involved in the incident , according to a transcript of the interview .
Cisneros spent a year in prison for the offense .
Balian was Dermen ’ s frequent companion .
The two were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flight to Istanbul in 2011 .
Balian told customs he was carrying $ 18,000 in cash that belonged to Dermen , according to a law enforcement document reviewed by The Times .
Nothing in the document suggests that carrying the cash was unlawful .
In 2014 , according to an affidavit for his arrest , Balian took on a sensitive task .
Dermen ’ s cousin — a squat émigré of the Soviet Union known as “ Gordo ” — was serving a life sentence at Pelican Bay State Prison for a kidnapping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the testimony of a man named James Anthony Patlan , according to an appeals court ’ s decision that summarized the case .
Patlan had tried in 2002 to abduct a wealthy Armenian baker at gunpoint in Glendale .
Arrested that night at Glendale Memorial Hospital , he told a detective he was joined in the botched kidnapping by a short , overweight Armenian man he knew only as “ Gordo.
” Shown a lineup of possible “ Gordos , ’ Patlan picked out Dermen ’ s cousin , Arutyun Khrayan , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pounds , according to the appeals court ’ s decision .
Khrayan was convicted of kidnapping for ransom in 2008 .
Six years later , with Dermen ’ s cousin appealing the verdict , Balian offered an associate with ties to the Mexican Mafia $ 80,000 to find Patlan and persuade him to recant , according to the associate , whose statements are detailed in Balian ’ s arrest affidavit .
Patlan was out of prison , having served a 10-year sentence .
Furnished with addresses and license plate numbers , two gang @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bouncer ” Grey — set out to find him , Grey testified in August .
“ They were trying to pay him , ” Grey explained to a jury in federal court .
“ Gordo , you know , his family wanted him freed , and they were willing to pay this guy to retract his statement.
” “ If you had found this witness , ” a defense attorney asked , “ and he said , ‘ No , thanks very much , I ’ m not interested , ’ you were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They never found Patlan , Grey testified , and Khrayan remains in prison .
Missakian , Balian ’ s attorney , acknowledged in court the detective tried to track down the witness .
But “ the effort , ” he said , “ was to try to get Mr. Patlan to tell the truth ” about a “ very tainted and disturbing ” process the Glendale police used to implicate Dermen ’ s cousin in the kidnapping .
The pursuit may not have turned up Patlan or sprung Dermen ’ s cousin from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into contact with the Mexican Mafia , the criminal syndicate born six decades ago in the California prison system , according to the affidavit for his arrest .
Associates of the gang , trading testimony for leniency , have implicated the detective in various extortion plots .
He has been charged in none of them .
One was allegedly hatched after Cordero , who Balian had enlisted to find Patlan in 2014 , was shot to death in Highland Park .
Jose Sanchez , a Mexican Mafia associate , testified in a Van @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the detective attended Cordero ’ s funeral at Rose Hills , then shook down an Armenian bail bondsman said to be on a hit list drawn up after Cordero ’ s killing .
Balian relayed an order from Cordero ’ s best friend , a jailed Mexican Mafia member tasked with exacting revenge , Sanchez testified : The bondsman , Mihran Papazian , could buy back his life for $ 100,000 .
“ I can ’ t pay that , I can ’ t pay that , I don ’ t have that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bondsman pleading .
“ Balian kept saying , ‘ They ’ re bullshitting you that they don ’ t have money.
’ To keep slapping him , to keep pressuring him , and they ’ ll pay.
” With Papazian proving uncooperative , the detective told Sanchez to hire someone to shoot up his car in front of his house , Sanchez testified .
He said he demurred : “ I wasn ’ t going to get someone ’ s house shot up just over bullshit , especially coming from a cop.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ he has “ no idea what Sanchez was talking about and denied any truth in his claims.
” Papazian tried to placate Sanchez with firearms and six pounds of marijuana , Sanchez testified .
He said he kept the guns , sold the marijuana and gave Balian $ 1,000 of the proceeds .
Sanchez was then arrested on an extortion charge .
But the bondsman ’ s woes did not end there .
On a Sunday morning in October 2017 , his 73-year-old father returned from walking the family dog and was shot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Valley Glen .
Five months later , Papazian ’ s friend and cousin were gunned down on his front porch .
Assassins dispatched by the Mexican Mafia had mistaken Papazian ’ s cousin , friend and father for the bondsman , authorities said at a preliminary hearing .
No testimony or evidence was introduced at the hearing that implicated Balian in the killings .
By 2016 , two views of Balian had developed within Glendale police headquarters .
To his supervisors , he seemed as hardworking and good-spirited as ever .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , including one that netted 13 pounds of heroin and a mention in the Glendale News-Press , his performance review noted .
A sergeant described him as “ trustworthy and reliable , ” “ always upbeat , ” and bringing to the narcotics squad “ a sense of high morale , good teamwork and cohesiveness.
” An FBI-led task force , focused on Russian and Armenian organized crime and stationed in the same building , had by then formed a much different impression of the detective .
In December 2015 , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who were investigating a suspected narcotics trafficker , that their target had an associate who wore a badge and a gun .
Shown a series of photographs , the thief identified Balian “ without hesitation , ” the affidavit for his arrest said .
The agents weighed whether to recruit a Glendale officer to approach Balian and propose they commit crimes together , according to law enforcement documents reviewed by The Times .
They decided against it , reasoning such a strategy was more likely to raise his suspicions than succeed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ assigned to the task force were walled off .
LAPD detectives began tailing Balian ’ s unmarked grey Honda sedan through the streets of Los Angeles .
As investigators closed in , his relationship with Dermen was collapsing .
In a lawsuit playing out in Los Angeles Superior Court , Dermen said businesses he ’ d helped Balian finance — a beverage company in Nevada and a fuel dock in Newport Beach — had failed and the detective owed him money .
Through his attorney , Balian denied taking money from Dermen and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a loan from the U.S. Small Business Administration .
Dermen alleged in a declaration that Balian conspired with an estranged business partner , Edgar Sargsyan , who he says embezzled $ 23 million , “ to take me down to ensure they would not be responsible for the tens of millions of dollars they owe.
” Sargsyan , who didn ’ t respond to requests for comment , said in court papers he cut ties with Dermen after learning he was under investigation .
He denied stealing money from Dermen or conspiring with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 2016 , Dermen ’ s son was in a black Escalade , headed home from his father ’ s office in Commerce .
The son ’ s bodyguard , who asked that his name be withheld out of safety concerns , told The Times they had pulled up to a stop sign when he felt a burning in his lower back .
He spun around and saw stuffing from the SUV ’ s seats filled the air .
He realized someone was shooting at them , that the seats were being punctured @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the gas .
Once he reached a safe distance , he pulled over and told Dermen ’ s son to call 911 .
He looked down at his hands , which had been clutching his stomach .
They were covered in blood .
The task force investigating Balian took an interest in the shooting : The agents , who knew Dermen well , at one point theorized his son may have been targeted by an Armenian organized crime figure whose own son was murdered two months later , according to court testimony .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ FBI agent testified in 2018 .
They had few leads until about a year later , when Sanchez — facing a long stretch in prison for extortion and narcotics trafficking — decided to “ drop out , ” as he put it in court .
In an interview with LAPD detectives at the Los Angeles County jail , Sanchez implicated Balian in a series of crimes , including the Commerce shooting , according to the affidavit for Balian ’ s arrest .
The detective , he said , had offered him and another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Montano , $ 100,000 to scare somebody — an Armenian man he didn ’ t know , according to the affidavit .
Sanchez said he didn ’ t take part but lent his Honda Pilot to Montano , who returned the car that night , handed Sanchez a gun and said , “ I think I hit him.
” That night , Sanchez told the detectives , Balian came to his apartment in downtown Los Angeles and took the gun .
Balian ’ s phone pinged off a cell tower two blocks from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to the arrest affidavit .
Reached by phone , Montano denied meeting Balian or having any role in the attack on Dermen ’ s son .
“ All I can say is those are false allegations , ” he said .
“ The cops came and asked me about it when I was in jail , and I told them I don ’ t know anything about that .
I ’ ve never met the guy .
I have nothing to do with him.
” Balian ’ s attorney denied , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to The Times , that the detective had any role in the shooting .
He called into question Sanchez ’ s credibility and motives , saying he and other witnesses were “ obviously trying to help themselves , and if they can help themselves by pointing a finger at a high-profile cop , so be it.
” Sanchez has pleaded guilty to extortion and narcotics trafficking charges .
Jeff Mitchell , the assistant U.S. attorney who prosecuted Balian , said in a sentencing memo there wasn ’ t enough evidence to tie him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrested in May 2018 , charged with lying about his dealings with the Mexican Mafia and Armenian organized crime figures .
The detective , held in solitary confinement for his own safety , soon agreed to cooperate and pleaded guilty to three felonies .
He admitted taking a $ 2,000 bribe , tipping Grey , the former Mexican Mafia associate , to his impending arrest , and lying to federal agents about his “ criminal business relationship ” with Sanchez , among other falsehoods .
A grand jury in Salt Lake City , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dermen had conspired with Jacob and Isaiah Kingston , leaders of a fundamentalist Mormon sect in Utah , to plunder a half-billion dollars in biofuel subsidies and stash the proceeds in Turkey .
He was arrested three months after Balian .
Since then , prosecutors have hinted at why he befriended Balian : Dermen , they say , charged the Kingstons tens of millions of dollars to come under the auspices of “ the umbrella , ” as he called his coterie of lawmen .
Geragos , Dermen ’ s attorney , dismissed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” concocted by government witnesses facing decades in prison .
It is unclear , in the prosecution ’ s telling , whether Balian or other law enforcement officers supplied Dermen with actual protection from the law or merely the impression of it .
The umbrella “ sounds like a fairy tale , ” a prosecutor , Leslie Goemaat , acknowledged in court , but Jacob Kingston “ believed in this — he believed in this umbrella.
” In one instance , Kingston sent Dermen $ 70 million to pay off “ the umbrella @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who has pleaded guilty to several dozen counts of fraud , money laundering and witness tampering — will testify he saw Dermen and his associates hand cash to law enforcement officials in Southern California , a judge in Turkey and government ministers in Belize , prosecutors wrote in a court filing .
John Saldivar , prime minister-elect of Belize , has already resigned ; prosecutors revealed text messages between the minister and Kingston , in which Saldivar wrote he “ really [ needed ] the February tranche , ” and that the “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s best to deal with March at the same time.
” Dermen ’ s trial began last month ; if convicted on all counts , prosecutors say he could spend the rest of his life in prison .
Balian was sentenced last March .
He offered little explanation for what he called “ serious errors in judgment ” in a letter to the court , although he said he wished he could tell his younger self “ to ignore the lure of money.
” He was ordered incarcerated for 21 months , 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and walked out of prison in November .
His former colleague from Montebello , remembering the young , ambitious officer who had impressed so many , said he was stunned to hear Balian was working with the Mexican Mafia and Armenian organized crimes figures , as he has since admitted doing .
“ When we were there , ” he said , “ that ’ s who he wanted to save the world from .
”

The Escalade was headed down a dreary and industrial stretch of road in Commerce when the first bullet buried itself in the driver’s back. He stomped on the gas. Bullets slammed into the car. Blood leaked from his gut.
The black SUV was ferrying the son of Lev Aslan Dermen, a petroleum mogul and suspected organized crime figure. His son escaped, unscathed.
The shooting drew little notice until a year later, when an extortionist for the Mexican Mafia contacted a Los Angeles Police Department detective from jail with a startling story: The gunman was a gang member, he said, but a Glendale detective had offered him $100,000 to “scare” someone, according to an affidavit that details his statement.
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The detective, John Saro Balian, was Dermen’s close associate of a decade, court documents and testimony have since revealed. They traveled together to Turkey and partied together in Las Vegas. Dermen came to trust the detective with the most delicate of tasks, the records show.
The allegation that Balian betrayed his associate and arranged the July 14, 2016, attack remains unproven. No triggerman has been charged. While Balian’s alleged role in the shooting was detailed in court documents, he wasn’t charged in the incident and instead pleaded guilty to three felonies, none of them violent.
His attorney, Craig Missakian, denied the detective was behind the shooting and said in court the allegations came from the mouths of witnesses who, facing prison for crimes of their own, were trying to save themselves “by pointing a finger at a high-profile cop.”
Two years after the attack, the detective and the petroleum mogul were behind bars — Balian charged in Los Angeles with concealing from federal agents his dealings with the Mexican Mafia, Dermen indicted in Utah, implicated in an energy subsidy scam that allegedly bilked the U.S. Treasury of $511 million.
The Times pieced together the story of their unlikely alliance and its bitter end through court records, testimony and interviews with people who knew both men.
They each came to Southern California as children, Dermen from Armenia, Balian from Turkey, where his Armenian family fled religious and political upheaval. But their lives in the United States took very different paths.
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Balian’s family opened a small restaurant in Orange County. Bussing tables and washing dishes as a boy, he came to see the police officers who ate there as a second family, his attorney wrote in court papers.
Balian enrolled in the police academy at 23 and joined the Montebello Police Department in 1996. He flourished there: Officer of the Year in 2001, tapped to join the gang unit. “He was seen as a shining star,” said a former colleague who did not want to be identified because of Balian’s admitted ties to organized crime. “Everybody thought the world of him.”
Dermen, born Levon Termendzhyan, left Armenia at 14 for Los Angeles. He enrolled at Hollywood High and took his first job pumping gas at a La Crescenta station. In the quarter-century that followed, Dermen bought up gas stations, opened a string of truck stops and started petroleum companies in Vernon and Commerce, he said in a 2017 deposition.
He became enormously wealthy. He held court at the Beverly Wilshire and traveled in black SUVs, flanked by bodyguards. Parked behind the gate of his Bel Air home was a Bugatti, a Lamborghini, a Maybach and a Rolls Royce.
In 1993, Dermen, then 26, and his brother were charged with selling untaxed diesel fuel. They were acquitted, and Dermen’s mythos of operating beyond the reach of the law was born, federal prosecutors wrote in a recent court filing.
Over the next 25 years, Dermen and his energy empire were investigated by the Internal Revenue Service, the Environmental Protection Agency, Homeland Security Investigations, the FBI, and the Glendale and Los Angeles police departments, according to evidence introduced during the trial of his associate, his cousin’s appeal of a kidnapping conviction and warrants served on Dermen’s home and businesses in 2017.
He was suspected of laundering money, evading taxes, and stealing fuel and selling it in his gas stations, the warrants show; charges were never brought. He was arrested by the Glendale police in 2003, accused of brandishing a handgun at a plainclothes detective who was tailing his cousin, and acquitted after two trials. Law enforcement authorities have yet to convince a jury anywhere that Dermen committed a felony.
Mark Geragos, who has represented Dermen for more than a decade, has insisted to judges and juries that his client is no criminal kingpin, only a savvy, successful businessman in the oil and gas industry.
By 2006, Balian was the spokesman for the Glendale Police Department, having transferred from Montebello two years earlier. Dermen was awaiting trial in the alleged assault of the Glendale detective. Under circumstances that remain unclear, the two met that year at a deli in Burbank.
Lawyers for both men would not discuss what went on there. But over the next decade, the two grew close. Dermen “surrounded himself” with law enforcement officers, federal prosecutors wrote in a recent court filing, to convey to business partners that he was insulated from prosecution.
A federal jury in 2018 convicted Felix Cisneros, a Homeland Security Investigations agent, of unlawfully helping Dermen’s business partner travel between the United States and Mexico, where he was negotiating a deal on Dermen’s behalf with Pemex, the state oil company. Cisneros told investigators he intervened as “a solid” for Dermen and Balian, who he said was also involved in the incident, according to a transcript of the interview. Cisneros spent a year in prison for the offense.
Balian was Dermen’s frequent companion. The two were pulled aside at LAX before boarding a flight to Istanbul in 2011. Balian told customs he was carrying $18,000 in cash that belonged to Dermen, according to a law enforcement document reviewed by The Times. Nothing in the document suggests that carrying the cash was unlawful.
In 2014, according to an affidavit for his arrest, Balian took on a sensitive task. Dermen’s cousin — a squat émigré of the Soviet Union known as “Gordo” — was serving a life sentence at Pelican Bay State Prison for a kidnapping conspiracy. Central to his conviction was the testimony of a man named James Anthony Patlan, according to an appeals court’s decision that summarized the case.
Patlan had tried in 2002 to abduct a wealthy Armenian baker at gunpoint in Glendale. Arrested that night at Glendale Memorial Hospital, he told a detective he was joined in the botched kidnapping by a short, overweight Armenian man he knew only as “Gordo.”
Shown a lineup of possible “Gordos,’ Patlan picked out Dermen’s cousin, Arutyun Khrayan, who stood 5’1 and weighed 225 pounds, according to the appeals court’s decision. Khrayan was convicted of kidnapping for ransom in 2008.
Six years later, with Dermen’s cousin appealing the verdict, Balian offered an associate with ties to the Mexican Mafia $80,000 to find Patlan and persuade him to recant, according to the associate, whose statements are detailed in Balian’s arrest affidavit. Patlan was out of prison, having served a 10-year sentence. Furnished with addresses and license plate numbers, two gang members — Pete Cordero and Jorge “Bouncer” Grey — set out to find him, Grey testified in August.
“They were trying to pay him,” Grey explained to a jury in federal court. “Gordo, you know, his family wanted him freed, and they were willing to pay this guy to retract his statement.”
“If you had found this witness,” a defense attorney asked, “and he said, ‘No, thanks very much, I’m not interested,’ you were just going to walk away?”
“No,” Grey said.
They never found Patlan, Grey testified, and Khrayan remains in prison. Missakian, Balian’s attorney, acknowledged in court the detective tried to track down the witness. But “the effort,” he said, “was to try to get Mr. Patlan to tell the truth” about a “very tainted and disturbing” process the Glendale police used to implicate Dermen’s cousin in the kidnapping.
The pursuit may not have turned up Patlan or sprung Dermen’s cousin from prison, but it did bring Balian into contact with the Mexican Mafia, the criminal syndicate born six decades ago in the California prison system, according to the affidavit for his arrest.
Associates of the gang, trading testimony for leniency, have implicated the detective in various extortion plots. He has been charged in none of them. One was allegedly hatched after Cordero, who Balian had enlisted to find Patlan in 2014, was shot to death in Highland Park.
Jose Sanchez, a Mexican Mafia associate, testified in a Van Nuys courtroom in December that he and the detective attended Cordero’s funeral at Rose Hills, then shook down an Armenian bail bondsman said to be on a hit list drawn up after Cordero’s killing.
Balian relayed an order from Cordero’s best friend, a jailed Mexican Mafia member tasked with exacting revenge, Sanchez testified: The bondsman, Mihran Papazian, could buy back his life for $100,000.
“I can’t pay that, I can’t pay that, I don’t have that type of money,” Sanchez recalled the bondsman pleading. “Balian kept saying, ‘They’re bullshitting you that they don’t have money.’ To keep slapping him, to keep pressuring him, and they’ll pay.”
With Papazian proving uncooperative, the detective told Sanchez to hire someone to shoot up his car in front of his house, Sanchez testified. He said he demurred: “I wasn’t going to get someone’s house shot up just over bullshit, especially coming from a cop.”
Through his attorney, Balian said he has “no idea what Sanchez was talking about and denied any truth in his claims.”
Papazian tried to placate Sanchez with firearms and six pounds of marijuana, Sanchez testified. He said he kept the guns, sold the marijuana and gave Balian $1,000 of the proceeds. Sanchez was then arrested on an extortion charge.
But the bondsman’s woes did not end there. On a Sunday morning in October 2017, his 73-year-old father returned from walking the family dog and was shot to death outside Papazian’s home in Valley Glen. Five months later, Papazian’s friend and cousin were gunned down on his front porch.
Assassins dispatched by the Mexican Mafia had mistaken Papazian’s cousin, friend and father for the bondsman, authorities said at a preliminary hearing. No testimony or evidence was introduced at the hearing that implicated Balian in the killings.
By 2016, two views of Balian had developed within Glendale police headquarters. To his supervisors, he seemed as hardworking and good-spirited as ever. He took the lead on nine investigations that year, including one that netted 13 pounds of heroin and a mention in the Glendale News-Press, his performance review noted.
A sergeant described him as “trustworthy and reliable,” “always upbeat,” and bringing to the narcotics squad “a sense of high morale, good teamwork and cohesiveness.”
An FBI-led task force, focused on Russian and Armenian organized crime and stationed in the same building, had by then formed a much different impression of the detective. In December 2015, a car thief told a roomful of agents, who were investigating a suspected narcotics trafficker, that their target had an associate who wore a badge and a gun. Shown a series of photographs, the thief identified Balian “without hesitation,” the affidavit for his arrest said.
The agents weighed whether to recruit a Glendale officer to approach Balian and propose they commit crimes together, according to law enforcement documents reviewed by The Times. They decided against it, reasoning such a strategy was more likely to raise his suspicions than succeed. As a precaution, the Glendale officers assigned to the task force were walled off. LAPD detectives began tailing Balian’s unmarked grey Honda sedan through the streets of Los Angeles.
As investigators closed in, his relationship with Dermen was collapsing. In a lawsuit playing out in Los Angeles Superior Court, Dermen said businesses he’d helped Balian finance — a beverage company in Nevada and a fuel dock in Newport Beach — had failed and the detective owed him money. Through his attorney, Balian denied taking money from Dermen and said the Nevada business was funded with a loan from the U.S. Small Business Administration.
Dermen alleged in a declaration that Balian conspired with an estranged business partner, Edgar Sargsyan, who he says embezzled $23 million, “to take me down to ensure they would not be responsible for the tens of millions of dollars they owe.” Sargsyan, who didn’t respond to requests for comment, said in court papers he cut ties with Dermen after learning he was under investigation. He denied stealing money from Dermen or conspiring with Balian.
The evening of July 14, 2016, Dermen’s son was in a black Escalade, headed home from his father’s office in Commerce. The son’s bodyguard, who asked that his name be withheld out of safety concerns, told The Times they had pulled up to a stop sign when he felt a burning in his lower back.
He spun around and saw stuffing from the SUV’s seats filled the air. He realized someone was shooting at them, that the seats were being punctured by bullets, and he slammed on the gas. Once he reached a safe distance, he pulled over and told Dermen’s son to call 911. He looked down at his hands, which had been clutching his stomach. They were covered in blood.
The task force investigating Balian took an interest in the shooting: The agents, who knew Dermen well, at one point theorized his son may have been targeted by an Armenian organized crime figure whose own son was murdered two months later, according to court testimony. It was a dead end, an FBI agent testified in 2018.
They had few leads until about a year later, when Sanchez — facing a long stretch in prison for extortion and narcotics trafficking — decided to “drop out,” as he put it in court.
In an interview with LAPD detectives at the Los Angeles County jail, Sanchez implicated Balian in a series of crimes, including the Commerce shooting, according to the affidavit for Balian’s arrest.
The detective, he said, had offered him and another gang member, Jonathan “Trigger” Montano, $100,000 to scare somebody — an Armenian man he didn’t know, according to the affidavit. Sanchez said he didn’t take part but lent his Honda Pilot to Montano, who returned the car that night, handed Sanchez a gun and said, “I think I hit him.”
That night, Sanchez told the detectives, Balian came to his apartment in downtown Los Angeles and took the gun. Balian’s phone pinged off a cell tower two blocks from Sanchez’s apartment at 10:37 p.m., according to the arrest affidavit.
Reached by phone, Montano denied meeting Balian or having any role in the attack on Dermen’s son. “All I can say is those are false allegations,” he said. “The cops came and asked me about it when I was in jail, and I told them I don’t know anything about that. I’ve never met the guy. I have nothing to do with him.”
Balian’s attorney denied, both in court and in a statement to The Times, that the detective had any role in the shooting. He called into question Sanchez’s credibility and motives, saying he and other witnesses were “obviously trying to help themselves, and if they can help themselves by pointing a finger at a high-profile cop, so be it.” Sanchez has pleaded guilty to extortion and narcotics trafficking charges. Jeff Mitchell, the assistant U.S. attorney who prosecuted Balian, said in a sentencing memo there wasn’t enough evidence to tie him to the attack conclusively.
Balian was arrested in May 2018, charged with lying about his dealings with the Mexican Mafia and Armenian organized crime figures. The detective, held in solitary confinement for his own safety, soon agreed to cooperate and pleaded guilty to three felonies. He admitted taking a $2,000 bribe, tipping Grey, the former Mexican Mafia associate, to his impending arrest, and lying to federal agents about his “criminal business relationship” with Sanchez, among other falsehoods.
A grand jury in Salt Lake City, meanwhile, was hearing testimony alleging that Dermen had conspired with Jacob and Isaiah Kingston, leaders of a fundamentalist Mormon sect in Utah, to plunder a half-billion dollars in biofuel subsidies and stash the proceeds in Turkey. He was arrested three months after Balian.
Since then, prosecutors have hinted at why he befriended Balian: Dermen, they say, charged the Kingstons tens of millions of dollars to come under the auspices of “the umbrella,” as he called his coterie of lawmen. Geragos, Dermen’s attorney, dismissed this account as a “fairy tale” concocted by government witnesses facing decades in prison.
It is unclear, in the prosecution’s telling, whether Balian or other law enforcement officers supplied Dermen with actual protection from the law or merely the impression of it. The umbrella “sounds like a fairy tale,” a prosecutor, Leslie Goemaat, acknowledged in court, but Jacob Kingston “believed in this — he believed in this umbrella.” In one instance, Kingston sent Dermen $70 million to pay off “the umbrella,” prosecutors allege.
Kingston — who has pleaded guilty to several dozen counts of fraud, money laundering and witness tampering — will testify he saw Dermen and his associates hand cash to law enforcement officials in Southern California, a judge in Turkey and government ministers in Belize, prosecutors wrote in a court filing.
John Saldivar, prime minister-elect of Belize, has already resigned; prosecutors revealed text messages between the minister and Kingston, in which Saldivar wrote he “really [needed] the February tranche,” and that the “usual is 25k but perhaps it’s best to deal with March at the same time.”
Dermen’s trial began last month; if convicted on all counts, prosecutors say he could spend the rest of his life in prison.
Balian was sentenced last March. He offered little explanation for what he called “serious errors in judgment” in a letter to the court, although he said he wished he could tell his younger self “to ignore the lure of money.” He was ordered incarcerated for 21 months, 10 of which he had already served, and walked out of prison in November.
His former colleague from Montebello, remembering the young, ambitious officer who had impressed so many, said he was stunned to hear Balian was working with the Mexican Mafia and Armenian organized crimes figures, as he has since admitted doing.
“When we were there,” he said, “that’s who he wanted to save the world from.”


latimes--2020-02-19--Legal marijuana use still costs people jobs. A new California bill takes on the issue

California voters legalized pot in 2016 .
But for many seeking jobs in state government , cannabis use has become an obstacle to getting hired .
Now , a spike in the number of job applicants disqualified by state agencies after failing tests for marijuana use has spawned calls for new legislation and debate over whether employment rules should be relaxed given more widespread acceptance of the drug .
The number of applicants for state correctional officer jobs who were disqualified after testing positive for cannabis more than doubled from 503 in 2015 , the year before legalization , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 813 prison guard applicants were disqualified for testing positive .
With more California job applicants in the private sector also failing marijuana drug tests and being disqualified , legalization advocates , including a legislator , are calling on the state to change employment laws .
“ I do not think [ a ban on cannabis use ] is fair , or necessary to have a safe workplace , ” said Ellen Komp of California NORML , which supported Proposition 64 , the 2016 legalization initiative .
“ Our position is that people can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job , as long as they don ’ t show up to work impaired or use it on the job.
” Assemblyman Rob Bonta ( D-Alameda ) is taking a first step at addressing the issue .
He introduced legislation Friday that would require employers in both the public and private sectors to accommodate workers and job applicants who use marijuana for medical purposes , which was legalized in California in 1996 .
“ To be discriminated against by your employer because of the type of medicine you use is both inhumane and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Medical cannabis , as recommended by a doctor , should be given a similar reasonable accommodation as all prescription drugs.
” Bonta ’ s bill would not apply to “ safety-sensitive ” workers required by federal law to be drug free , including airline pilots , police officers and truck drivers , nor would it cover employers with federal contractors who are required to maintain drug-free workplaces .
He noted that 16 other states , including Arizona , New York and Illinois , have already adopted worker protections similar to the ones he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 64 say the law shouldn ’ t be eased , given that an increase in positive drug tests in the workplace was predicted after legalization .
“ Widespread , regular marijuana use has been essentially promoted by our state government , ” said Kevin Sabet , president of the national group Smart Approaches to Marijuana .
“ We are moving so fast towards complete acceptance of being high without understanding the public safety implications.
” Proposition 64 allows public and private employers to continue to mandate their employees to work under drug-free workplace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who do not follow these policies .
“ Prop .
64 did not provide any protections for the use of marijuana in the context of employment , ” said Tamar Todd , a lecturer on marijuana law at UC Berkeley School of Law and vice chair of the California Cannabis Advisory Committee .
“ People can still be drug tested and disciplined based on a positive result even if they are using in compliance with state law , not at work , and not impaired at work.
” The tests are needed in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be injured on the job , said Scott Chipman , a California resident who is vice president of Americans Against Legalizing Marijuana .
Employees who tested positive for marijuana had 55 % more industrial accidents , 85 % more injuries and 75 % greater absenteeism compared to those who tested negative , according to a study published by the National Institute on Drug Abuse .
“ There are plenty of workplace and public safety reasons to disqualify applicants who test positive , ” Chipman said .
“ There are no reasons to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rate of positive drug tests in the private and public sector workforces hit a fourteen-year high in 2018 , the last year for which statistics are available , reaching 4.4 % for all drugs , according to an analysis by Quest Diagnostics , based on 10 million tests it processed .
The percentage of employees and job applicants not in safety-sensitive jobs who tested positive for marijuana in California rose from 2.3 % in the year before Proposition 64 to 3.1 % in 2018 , which is higher than the national rate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ analysis .
Positive marijuana tests are also trending upward in other states that have legalized recreational use of marijuana , said Barry Sample , senior director for science and technology at Quest Diagnostics .
“ Marijuana is not only present in our workforce , but use continues to increase , ” Sample said .
“ As marijuana policy changes , and employers consider strategies to protect their employees , customers and general public , employers should weigh the risks that drug use , including marijuana , poses to their business.
” The California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restricting the ability of companies to conduct pre-employment drug tests .
“ Allowing drug use in the workplace — including requiring an employer to accommodate an employee ’ s marijuana use — could jeopardize the safety of other workers as well as the public , ” the Chamber said in a statement this month .
Businesses with federal contracts face mandates to keep workplaces drug-free , said Robert Moutrie , a policy advocate for the Chamber .
Richard Miller is among the medical marijuana users who want to see more protections for workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ printing industry before he began using medical marijuana to deal with injuries suffered in a traffic accident , he testified at a recent state Senate committee hearing .
Even after he recovered sufficiently to go back to work , he was told he could not return to his job , and was forced to seek employment in the cannabis industry , where he made $ 35,000 — a large pay cut from his former six-figure salary , he said .
“ My directors would not allow me to come back to work because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we had federal contracts , ” Miller told lawmakers .
“ This has simply destroyed my life.
” Many state workers are not subject to drug testing when they apply for a job , but such tests are mandated for some workers at 25 agencies including Caltrans , where federal highway safety rules apply to truck drivers and heavy equipment operators .
Caltrans has seen a slight uptick in the number of job applicants disqualified for marijuana use in the last two years compared to the two years before Proposition 64 .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coordination that could result in serious injury to others are key factors taken into consideration , ” said Alisa Becerra , a Caltrans spokeswoman , regarding the agency ’ s drug testing policy .
The California Department of Correction and Rehabilitation also has no plans to relax the drug testing requirements for those applying to become correctional officers , according to spokeswoman Dana Simas .
“ CDCR seeks out only the most qualified correctional officer candidates that exemplify our professional standards and code of conduct , ” she said .
“ A positive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a public law enforcement agency we maintain a drug-free work environment.
” Applicants at the agency have to undergo a urine test and are also asked during a candidate interview when they last used marijuana .
If an applicant is disqualified , he or she can reapply for the job after six months , Simas said .
THC , the active ingredient in cannabis , can remain in the body and register in tests 30 days after use .
Because marijuana remains an illegal drug under federal law , Washington ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are unlikely to change soon , state officials say .
“ The public needs to be properly educated that this drug is dangerous , and use can negatively impact you physically , mentally and your potential employment , ” Chipman said .
” The state is derelict in their responsibility here.
” Komp , of NORML , wants the Legislature to go further than Bonta ’ s bill , asking lawmakers to also ban urine testing for cannabis in random or pre-employment drug screens in the public and private sector , except as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law is untenable , she said .
“ The result is to unfairly discriminate against qualified workers , deny them medical treatment with cannabis , and oftentimes compel them to depend on opiates and other more hazardous drugs , ” Komp said .

California voters legalized pot in 2016. But for many seeking jobs in state government, cannabis use has become an obstacle to getting hired.
Now, a spike in the number of job applicants disqualified by state agencies after failing tests for marijuana use has spawned calls for new legislation and debate over whether employment rules should be relaxed given more widespread acceptance of the drug.
The number of applicants for state correctional officer jobs who were disqualified after testing positive for cannabis more than doubled from 503 in 2015, the year before legalization, to 1,053 in 2018. Last year, 813 prison guard applicants were disqualified for testing positive.
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With more California job applicants in the private sector also failing marijuana drug tests and being disqualified, legalization advocates, including a legislator, are calling on the state to change employment laws.
“I do not think [a ban on cannabis use] is fair, or necessary to have a safe workplace,” said Ellen Komp of California NORML, which supported Proposition 64, the 2016 legalization initiative. “Our position is that people can legally and responsibly use marijuana off the job, as long as they don’t show up to work impaired or use it on the job.”
Assemblyman Rob Bonta (D-Alameda) is taking a first step at addressing the issue. He introduced legislation Friday that would require employers in both the public and private sectors to accommodate workers and job applicants who use marijuana for medical purposes, which was legalized in California in 1996.
“To be discriminated against by your employer because of the type of medicine you use is both inhumane and wrong,” Bonta said. “Medical cannabis, as recommended by a doctor, should be given a similar reasonable accommodation as all prescription drugs.”
Bonta’s bill would not apply to “safety-sensitive” workers required by federal law to be drug free, including airline pilots, police officers and truck drivers, nor would it cover employers with federal contractors who are required to maintain drug-free workplaces.
He noted that 16 other states, including Arizona, New York and Illinois, have already adopted worker protections similar to the ones he is proposing.
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But opponents of Proposition 64 say the law shouldn’t be eased, given that an increase in positive drug tests in the workplace was predicted after legalization.
“Widespread, regular marijuana use has been essentially promoted by our state government,” said Kevin Sabet, president of the national group Smart Approaches to Marijuana. “We are moving so fast towards complete acceptance of being high without understanding the public safety implications.”
Proposition 64 allows public and private employers to continue to mandate their employees to work under drug-free workplace requirements and allows them to terminate employees who do not follow these policies.
“Prop. 64 did not provide any protections for the use of marijuana in the context of employment,” said Tamar Todd, a lecturer on marijuana law at UC Berkeley School of Law and vice chair of the California Cannabis Advisory Committee. “People can still be drug tested and disciplined based on a positive result even if they are using in compliance with state law, not at work, and not impaired at work.”
The tests are needed in part because marijuana users are more likely to be injured on the job, said Scott Chipman, a California resident who is vice president of Americans Against Legalizing Marijuana.
Employees who tested positive for marijuana had 55% more industrial accidents, 85% more injuries and 75% greater absenteeism compared to those who tested negative, according to a study published by the National Institute on Drug Abuse.
“There are plenty of workplace and public safety reasons to disqualify applicants who test positive,” Chipman said. “There are no reasons to relax the current rules.”
Nationwide, the rate of positive drug tests in the private and public sector workforces hit a fourteen-year high in 2018, the last year for which statistics are available, reaching 4.4% for all drugs, according to an analysis by Quest Diagnostics, based on 10 million tests it processed.
The percentage of employees and job applicants not in safety-sensitive jobs who tested positive for marijuana in California rose from 2.3% in the year before Proposition 64 to 3.1% in 2018, which is higher than the national rate of 2.8%, according to the analysis.
Positive marijuana tests are also trending upward in other states that have legalized recreational use of marijuana, said Barry Sample, senior director for science and technology at Quest Diagnostics.
“Marijuana is not only present in our workforce, but use continues to increase,” Sample said. “As marijuana policy changes, and employers consider strategies to protect their employees, customers and general public, employers should weigh the risks that drug use, including marijuana, poses to their business.”
The California Chamber of Commerce is generally opposed to restricting the ability of companies to conduct pre-employment drug tests.
“Allowing drug use in the workplace — including requiring an employer to accommodate an employee’s marijuana use — could jeopardize the safety of other workers as well as the public,” the Chamber said in a statement this month.
Businesses with federal contracts face mandates to keep workplaces drug-free, said Robert Moutrie, a policy advocate for the Chamber.
Richard Miller is among the medical marijuana users who want to see more protections for workers. Miller was an executive in the printing industry before he began using medical marijuana to deal with injuries suffered in a traffic accident, he testified at a recent state Senate committee hearing. Even after he recovered sufficiently to go back to work, he was told he could not return to his job, and was forced to seek employment in the cannabis industry, where he made $35,000 — a large pay cut from his former six-figure salary, he said.
“My directors would not allow me to come back to work because I was using medical cannabis, because we had federal contracts,” Miller told lawmakers. “This has simply destroyed my life.”
Many state workers are not subject to drug testing when they apply for a job, but such tests are mandated for some workers at 25 agencies including Caltrans, where federal highway safety rules apply to truck drivers and heavy equipment operators. Caltrans has seen a slight uptick in the number of job applicants disqualified for marijuana use in the last two years compared to the two years before Proposition 64.
“Errors in judgment, inattentiveness or diminished coordination that could result in serious injury to others are key factors taken into consideration,” said Alisa Becerra, a Caltrans spokeswoman, regarding the agency’s drug testing policy.
The California Department of Correction and Rehabilitation also has no plans to relax the drug testing requirements for those applying to become correctional officers, according to spokeswoman Dana Simas.
“CDCR seeks out only the most qualified correctional officer candidates that exemplify our professional standards and code of conduct,” she said. “A positive test for cannabis indicates recent usage and as a public law enforcement agency we maintain a drug-free work environment.”
Applicants at the agency have to undergo a urine test and are also asked during a candidate interview when they last used marijuana.
If an applicant is disqualified, he or she can reapply for the job after six months, Simas said.
THC, the active ingredient in cannabis, can remain in the body and register in tests 30 days after use.
Because marijuana remains an illegal drug under federal law, Washington’s restrictions on its use in the workplace are unlikely to change soon, state officials say.
“The public needs to be properly educated that this drug is dangerous, and use can negatively impact you physically, mentally and your potential employment,” Chipman said. ”The state is derelict in their responsibility here.”
Komp, of NORML, wants the Legislature to go further than Bonta’s bill, asking lawmakers to also ban urine testing for cannabis in random or pre-employment drug screens in the public and private sector, except as required by federal law.
The current law is untenable, she said.
“The result is to unfairly discriminate against qualified workers, deny them medical treatment with cannabis, and oftentimes compel them to depend on opiates and other more hazardous drugs,” Komp said.


latimes--2020-02-19--Lopez: So Trump wants to solve California's homeless crisis? Here are five things he can do

They want to help .
That ’ s what we keep hearing from President Trump ’ s minions about California ’ s massive homelessness crisis .
Trump ’ s homeless czar , Robert Marbut , was in town last week , and I got a chance to sit down with him .
U.S. Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson was also in Los Angeles last week , though not talking to me .
He was reportedly working on a deal — the details of which remain a mystery — with local officials .
Although they both talked a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hard to get a clear sense of what , if anything , Trump and his team intend to do .
It ’ s not as if there ’ s no room for criticism of local efforts , and I ’ ve leveled some myself .
But this is an election year , and Trump is guaranteed to pound away at his theme that Democrats are clueless , horrible , evil people , and California is Exhibit A of the horrors visited on places that elect them .
But for the sake of argument @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really does want to help .
I ’ m here to facilitate , and in that spirit , I have five recommendations .
It ’ s hard for us to take any of this seriously when , after months of so-called negotiations with local officials , Carson on Friday announced the formation of a joint working group .
Carson and L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti have both alluded to federal land that might or not be made available for housing or some such , and there have been references to more federal resources and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet unspecified .
“ We ’ re examining pieces of property , ” said Garcetti , who hasn ’ t been much more forthcoming than the Trumpies .
“ We can ’ t discuss it yet , but we ’ re talking about which resources we would both bring to the table to help build things.
” Well , let ’ s move it along .
Although Carson had little to say about how the city , county and federal governments might better work together to address homelessness , he did offer up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Times that according to him would solve everything .
Namely , he plans to roll out a plan that will ask religious institutions across the United States to adopt homeless people .
“ Can you imagine what the impact of that will be ?
” Carson asked .
“ Pretty much wipe out homelessness.
” You think so ?
This is essentially a rehash of what former President George H.W .
Bush suggested in his 1988 call for more volunteerism .
He referred to it as a “ thousand points of light.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and should so more .
For one thing , we need more churches and synagogues to join the Safe Parking movement and make their parking lots available overnight to people living in their vehicles .
But as Carson dusts off the idea to have faith organizations take over the government ’ s role of human services , does anyone recall what Trump said about Bush ’ s initiative a few months before Bush ’ s death ?
Here you go : “ ’ Thousand points of light.
’ I never understood that one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Has anyone ever figured that one out ?
” The same week Carson and company visited California to solve homelessness , does anyone know what Trump was up to ?
He was releasing his 2020 budget proposal , which called for an $ 8.6-billion cut for the housing department headed by Carson .
This would include the slashing of affordable housing grants to help states and cities build or purchase rental units .
By one estimate , more than 150,000 families could lose their homes .
“ I ’ m a little cynical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ D-Los Angeles ) told me .
“ If they want to help California , they ’ re doing the complete opposite of that with budget decreases in areas that will depress and deepen the divide in income inequality.
” Carson told The Times that Trump ’ s proposed cuts were intended as negotiating points , and he predicted that no one would lose their home .
That said , some of his ideas were difficult to follow .
Carson said at one point during his visit that we need to reconsider zoning that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At another point , as my colleague Benjamin Oreskes reported , Carson “ questioned the value of putting apartments in single-family neighborhoods.
” Let me make this clear , since he didn ’ t : Local zoning isn ’ t a federal matter .
But we do need a stable source of federal funding for affordable housing , we ’ re doomed if the Trump plan is for more cuts , and we need whatever federal land can be freed up .
So get to work .
Marbut , the Trump homeless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much of a hard-liner when he was hired late last year , with some homeless advocates saying he seemed inclined to blame homeless people for their predicament .
As a consultant to various cities , he has recommended banning people from sleeping on the street , as well as outlawing panhandling and charitable food distribution .
When Marbut met with me and my colleagues , he offered up a chart suggesting that beginning in 2014 , homelessness surged nationally because of a greater emphasis on housing than on services .
But his interpretation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opioid and drug epidemic or growing income inequality , which drove the higher numbers .
And in L.A. County , our services have increased dramatically in recent years .
One of Marbut ’ s main points was that simply housing people doesn ’ t work long term unless they get proper services , and that taking advantage of those services has to be part of the deal .
I agree that some people need the kind of structure Marbut is talking about .
But for many others , especially those with mental illness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Forcing people to accept services as a condition of housing could drive the homeless numbers up , not down .
Marbut also argued that we could build more and reduce the cost of new affordable housing by one-third if local officials rolled back regulatory red tape and building fees .
That process has already begun , to a degree .
But still , how do you finance the massive amount of housing that ’ s needed when Trump is slashing HUD ’ s budget ?
Waive federal regulatory restrictions at the West L.A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vast acreage to new affordable housing , and get to work .
As Marbut said to me and my colleagues , it ’ s time to ask : “ What can you do today , tomorrow and in the next week , not three years from now ?
” 5 .
Get moving on that campaign promise of better , cheaper healthcare for all Millions have lost health insurance since Trump took office , and that doesn ’ t help the homeless problem .
You can become homeless because you got sick and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You can get sick because you become homeless .
About 1,000 homeless people are dying each year in L.A. County , many with long-term untreated disease .
They die about 30 years younger than the greater population .
Severe , untreated mental illness is common in homeless populations .
So is untreated addiction .
Trump ’ s proposed budget would cut $ 85 billion out of Medicare , slash Medicaid by $ 920 billion , Social Security by $ 30 billion and food stamp spending by $ 181 billion over the next decade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So there you have it .
Five simple ideas for an administration that says it wants to help .
Call me if I can be of further assistance .

Crystalee Horlacher, 35, sitting in her tent in Los Angeles on Feb. 18, says she has been homeless since 2015. Federal officials visited last week for talks on the homelessness crisis, but few details emerged.
They want to help.
That’s what we keep hearing from President Trump’s minions about California’s massive homelessness crisis.
Trump’s homeless czar, Robert Marbut, was in town last week, and I got a chance to sit down with him. U.S. Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson was also in Los Angeles last week, though not talking to me. He was reportedly working on a deal — the details of which remain a mystery — with local officials.
Although they both talked a lot while they were here, it was hard to get a clear sense of what, if anything, Trump and his team intend to do.
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So call me a skeptic.
It’s not as if there’s no room for criticism of local efforts, and I’ve leveled some myself.
But this is an election year, and Trump is guaranteed to pound away at his theme that Democrats are clueless, horrible, evil people, and California is Exhibit A of the horrors visited on places that elect them.
But for the sake of argument, let’s say the president really does want to help. I’m here to facilitate, and in that spirit, I have five recommendations.
1. Quit playing games
It’s hard for us to take any of this seriously when, after months of so-called negotiations with local officials, Carson on Friday announced the formation of a joint working group.
Holy Jehoshaphat, what a breakthrough!
Carson and L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti have both alluded to federal land that might or not be made available for housing or some such, and there have been references to more federal resources and fewer regulatory barriers to progress, as yet unspecified.
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“We’re examining pieces of property,” said Garcetti, who hasn’t been much more forthcoming than the Trumpies. “We can’t discuss it yet, but we’re talking about which resources we would both bring to the table to help build things.”
Well, let’s move it along.
2. Quit playing games, part 2
Although Carson had little to say about how the city, county and federal governments might better work together to address homelessness, he did offer up an idea to my colleagues at The Times that according to him would solve everything.
Namely, he plans to roll out a plan that will ask religious institutions across the United States to adopt homeless people.
“Can you imagine what the impact of that will be?” Carson asked. “Pretty much wipe out homelessness.”
You think so?
This is essentially a rehash of what former President George H.W. Bush suggested in his 1988 call for more volunteerism. He referred to it as a “thousand points of light.”
I do agree that faith organizations can and should so more. For one thing, we need more churches and synagogues to join the Safe Parking movement and make their parking lots available overnight to people living in their vehicles.
But as Carson dusts off the idea to have faith organizations take over the government’s role of human services, does anyone recall what Trump said about Bush’s initiative a few months before Bush’s death?
Here you go:
“’Thousand points of light.’ I never understood that one. What the hell is that? Has anyone ever figured that one out?”
3. Housing, housing, housing
The same week Carson and company visited California to solve homelessness, does anyone know what Trump was up to?
He was releasing his 2020 budget proposal, which called for an $8.6-billion cut for the housing department headed by Carson. This would include the slashing of affordable housing grants to help states and cities build or purchase rental units. By one estimate, more than 150,000 families could lose their homes.
“I’m a little cynical,” California Assemblyman Miguel Santiago (D-Los Angeles) told me. “If they want to help California, they’re doing the complete opposite of that with budget decreases in areas that will depress and deepen the divide in income inequality.”
Carson told The Times that Trump’s proposed cuts were intended as negotiating points, and he predicted that no one would lose their home.
That said, some of his ideas were difficult to follow. Carson said at one point during his visit that we need to reconsider zoning that allows only single-family homes in some neighborhoods. At another point, as my colleague Benjamin Oreskes reported, Carson “questioned the value of putting apartments in single-family neighborhoods.”
Let me make this clear, since he didn’t:
Local zoning isn’t a federal matter. But we do need a stable source of federal funding for affordable housing, we’re doomed if the Trump plan is for more cuts, and we need whatever federal land can be freed up.
So get to work.
4. Spare us the colored charts
Marbut, the Trump homeless czar, was roundly criticized as too much of a hard-liner when he was hired late last year, with some homeless advocates saying he seemed inclined to blame homeless people for their predicament. As a consultant to various cities, he has recommended banning people from sleeping on the street, as well as outlawing panhandling and charitable food distribution.
When Marbut met with me and my colleagues, he offered up a chart suggesting that beginning in 2014, homelessness surged nationally because of a greater emphasis on housing than on services. But his interpretation failed to take into consideration the exploding opioid and drug epidemic or growing income inequality, which drove the higher numbers. And in L.A. County, our services have increased dramatically in recent years.
One of Marbut’s main points was that simply housing people doesn’t work long term unless they get proper services, and that taking advantage of those services has to be part of the deal.
I agree that some people need the kind of structure Marbut is talking about. But for many others, especially those with mental illness and/or addiction, it gets complicated. Forcing people to accept services as a condition of housing could drive the homeless numbers up, not down.
Marbut also argued that we could build more and reduce the cost of new affordable housing by one-third if local officials rolled back regulatory red tape and building fees. That process has already begun, to a degree. But still, how do you finance the massive amount of housing that’s needed when Trump is slashing HUD’s budget?
Here’s a practice-what-you-preach thought for Team Trump:
Waive federal regulatory restrictions at the West L.A. Veteran Affairs campus, open that vast acreage to new affordable housing, and get to work.
As Marbut said to me and my colleagues, it’s time to ask:
“What can you do today, tomorrow and in the next week, not three years from now?”
5. Get moving on that campaign promise of better, cheaper healthcare for all
Millions have lost health insurance since Trump took office, and that doesn’t help the homeless problem.
You can become homeless because you got sick and couldn’t pay the bills.
You can get sick because you become homeless.
About 1,000 homeless people are dying each year in L.A. County, many with long-term untreated disease. They die about 30 years younger than the greater population.
Severe, untreated mental illness is common in homeless populations. So is untreated addiction.
Trump’s proposed budget would cut $85 billion out of Medicare, slash Medicaid by $920 billion, Social Security by $30 billion and food stamp spending by $181 billion over the next decade.
That will decrease homelessness how?
So there you have it. Five simple ideas for an administration that says it wants to help.
Call me if I can be of further assistance.


latimes--2020-02-20--Did the 'liberal lion' of the 9th Circuit bully and mistreat his clerks?

More than 70 former clerks of the late federal appeals court Judge Stephen Reinhardt signed a statement Thursday expressing support for a woman who said Reinhardt sexually harassed her .
Olivia Warren , who clerked for the judge dubbed the “ liberal lion ” of the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in 2017 and 2018 , told a congressional panel last week that Reinhardt often made disparaging comments about her appearance and kept a shelf in his office of photographs of female law clerks he found attractive .
Thursday ’ s statement of support for Warren was released by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and former Reinhardt clerk who remained close to him until he died in 2018 at the age of 87 .
Dauber led a successful recall campaign in 2018 against former Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Aaron Persky .
Voters ousted Persky for giving a light sentence to a Stanford student who sexually assaulted an unconscious , intoxicated woman .
The statement distributed by Dauber was signed by 72 of 135 men and women who clerked for Reinhardt over his 38 years on the 9th Circuit .
“ Some of us experienced or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ call sexist , workplace bullying or mistreatment , ” the statement said .
“ Others did not .
Most of us were as shocked as the rest of the world to learn of the clerk ’ s experience in Judge Reinhardt ’ s final year.
” The clerks said they believed Warren and expressed gratitude “ for her courage in speaking out.
” Dauber , in a telephone interview , said Reinhardt did not sexually harass her but that she experienced “ belittling , bullying and sexist ” behavior from him when she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago .
“ What I personally experienced centered around the fact that I was the only woman with children he ever hired , and I had a lot of trouble keeping up with the notoriously high workload in his chamber because of family responsibilities , ” Dauber said .
She said the judge told her that her children were taking too much time away from her work and regularly reminded her that she had not graduated from a top tier law school .
“ I internalized his relentless commentary about how my children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ failure , I was stupid , and I was not up to the job , ” she said .
“ And I was really scarred because he was a hero to me , and I thought I was letting him down.
” The clerks ’ statement said it was “ particularly unfortunate ” that the alleged behavior “ occurred in the chambers of a preeminent judge who made pursuing justice his lifelong goal and who wrote countless opinions advancing the cause of gender equality , civil rights , and labor rights.
” Reinhardt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close to former 9th Circuit Judge Alex Kozinski , a Reagan appointee who resigned after being accused of sexual harassment .
Warren told Congress that Reinhardt was enraged by the allegations against Kozinski and told her he would no longer hire female clerks .
Following the charges against Kozinski , the federal judiciary adopted new rules for handling misconduct claims , including sexual harassment , against judges .
Warren testified that they were not strong enough .
A spokesperson for the 9th Circuit was not immediately available for comment .

The late Judge Stephen Reinhardt, who served on the U.S. 9th Circuit of Appeals for 38 years, is pictured in 2014.
More than 70 former clerks of the late federal appeals court Judge Stephen Reinhardt signed a statement Thursday expressing support for a woman who said Reinhardt sexually harassed her.
Olivia Warren, who clerked for the judge dubbed the “liberal lion” of the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in 2017 and 2018, told a congressional panel last week that Reinhardt often made disparaging comments about her appearance and kept a shelf in his office of photographs of female law clerks he found attractive.
Thursday’s statement of support for Warren was released by Michelle Dauber, a Stanford law professor and former Reinhardt clerk who remained close to him until he died in 2018 at the age of 87.
Dauber led a successful recall campaign in 2018 against former Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Aaron Persky. Voters ousted Persky for giving a light sentence to a Stanford student who sexually assaulted an unconscious, intoxicated woman.
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The statement distributed by Dauber was signed by 72 of 135 men and women who clerked for Reinhardt over his 38 years on the 9th Circuit.
“Some of us experienced or witnessed conduct in chambers that we would call sexist, workplace bullying or mistreatment,” the statement said. “Others did not. Most of us were as shocked as the rest of the world to learn of the clerk’s experience in Judge Reinhardt’s final year.”
The clerks said they believed Warren and expressed gratitude “for her courage in speaking out.”
Dauber, in a telephone interview, said Reinhardt did not sexually harass her but that she experienced “belittling, bullying and sexist” behavior from him when she clerked for him more than two decades ago.
“What I personally experienced centered around the fact that I was the only woman with children he ever hired, and I had a lot of trouble keeping up with the notoriously high workload in his chamber because of family responsibilities,” Dauber said.
She said the judge told her that her children were taking too much time away from her work and regularly reminded her that she had not graduated from a top tier law school.
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“I internalized his relentless commentary about how my children were the problem as I was a failure, I was stupid, and I was not up to the job,” she said. “And I was really scarred because he was a hero to me, and I thought I was letting him down.”
The clerks’ statement said it was “particularly unfortunate” that the alleged behavior “occurred in the chambers of a preeminent judge who made pursuing justice his lifelong goal and who wrote countless opinions advancing the cause of gender equality, civil rights, and labor rights.”
Reinhardt, a Carter appointee, was particularly close to former 9th Circuit Judge Alex Kozinski, a Reagan appointee who resigned after being accused of sexual harassment.
Warren told Congress that Reinhardt was enraged by the allegations against Kozinski and told her he would no longer hire female clerks.
Following the charges against Kozinski, the federal judiciary adopted new rules for handling misconduct claims, including sexual harassment, against judges. Warren testified that they were not strong enough.
A spokesperson for the 9th Circuit was not immediately available for comment.


latimes--2020-02-20--Slain therapist Amie Harwick was strangled before fall from balcony, coroner says

Amie Harwick , the prominent family and marriage therapist slain at her Hollywood Hills residence , was strangled before falling to her death from a balcony , the Los Angeles County coroner ’ s office said Thursday .
Prosecutors have charged a former boyfriend , Gareth Pursehouse , with murder in the 38-year-old ’ s death last Saturday .
An autopsy determined that the primary cause of death was blunt force injuries to Harwick ’ s head and torso from the fall off the third-floor balcony , but that a secondary cause was “ manual strangulation , ” according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigators have been tight-lipped about what they believe occurred inside Harwick ’ s home before her death , but a criminal complaint filed by prosecutors this week suggested detectives suspect Pursehouse broke in and then spent more than an hour at Harwick ’ s residence before killing her .
Police were summoned to the home at 1:16 a.m. Saturday by a report of a woman screaming .
When they arrived , they found Harwick unconscious and mortally wounded outside .
In the complaint filed in Superior Court on Wednesday , LAPD Detective Luis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the residence occupied by Harwick and her roommate on Friday — Valentine ’ s Day — and murdered her , “ by means of lying in wait , ” on Saturday .
“ Those dates give an estimate of when those crimes occurred , ” Deputy Dist .
Atty .
Victor Avila said following an initial court hearing for Pursehouse .
The prosecutor added that the crimes were “ close in time.
” Pursehouse faces a possible death sentence if convicted , and he is being held without bail .
His attorney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defender ’ s office , did not return a message seeking comment .
Pursehouse , a 41-year-old photographer from Playa del Rey , and Harwick had lived together in Sherman Oaks in the early 2010s , but broke up amid allegations by her of violence , according to records from restraining orders she sought in 2011 and 2012 .
A court barred him from contact with her until 2015 and Harwick ’ s friends have said the pair were out of touch for years until crossing paths by chance in January at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was photographing .
He became angry and threatening , they said , and Harwick told people she was scared of him .

Amie Harwick, shown in 2016, was strangled before falling to her death from a balcony, the L.A. County coroner’s office said.
Amie Harwick, the prominent family and marriage therapist slain at her Hollywood Hills residence, was strangled before falling to her death from a balcony, the Los Angeles County coroner’s office said Thursday.
Prosecutors have charged a former boyfriend, Gareth Pursehouse, with murder in the 38-year-old’s death last Saturday.
An autopsy determined that the primary cause of death was blunt force injuries to Harwick’s head and torso from the fall off the third-floor balcony, but that a secondary cause was “manual strangulation,” according to a coroner’s spokeswoman.
LAPD investigators have been tight-lipped about what they believe occurred inside Harwick’s home before her death, but a criminal complaint filed by prosecutors this week suggested detectives suspect Pursehouse broke in and then spent more than an hour at Harwick’s residence before killing her.
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Police were summoned to the home at 1:16 a.m. Saturday by a report of a woman screaming. When they arrived, they found Harwick unconscious and fatally injured outside.
In the complaint filed in Superior Court on Wednesday, LAPD Detective Luis Carranza alleged that Pursehouse committed first-degree burglary of the residence occupied by Harwick and her roommate on Friday — Valentine’s Day — and murdered her, “by means of lying in wait,” on Saturday.
“Those dates give an estimate of when those crimes occurred,” Deputy Dist. Atty. Victor Avila said following an initial court hearing for Pursehouse. The prosecutor added that the crimes were “close in time.”
Pursehouse faces a possible death sentence if convicted, and he is being held without bail. His attorney, Patrick Hare, of the public defender’s office, did not return a message seeking comment.
Pursehouse, a 41-year-old photographer from Playa del Rey, and Harwick had lived together in Sherman Oaks in the early 2010s, but broke up amid allegations by her of violence, according to records from restraining orders she sought in 2011 and 2012.
A court barred him from contact with her until 2015 and Harwick’s friends have said the pair were out of touch for years until crossing paths by chance in January at a professional event that she was attending and he was photographing. He became angry and threatening, they said, and Harwick told people she was scared of him.
Pursehouse’s arraignment is set for March 4.