latimes--2020-09-22--Column: She tried to rent motel rooms for homeless people. A NIMBY hospital stopped her

There is no shortage of excuses in California about why we continue to let tens of thousands of people live — and often die — in filthy encampments on street corners , in alleys and under freeways year after year .
Anna Laven expected to hear them when she agreed to become the first executive director of the Bakersfield-Kern Regional Homeless Collaborative .
What she didn ’ t expect was to hear them from a doctor in charge of a hospital .
Much less during a pandemic and a wildfire season so destructive that it has raised serious concerns about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breathing in smoke .
“ I ’ m not gon na lie , ” Laven told me , her voice growing incredulous .
“ That threw us for a loop.
” Indeed , what has gone down in Kern County this year , culminating in a particularly dispiriting Bakersfield City Council meeting this month , is so ridiculous on its face that it ’ s almost laughable .
But it ’ s serious business that , to a lesser degree , has been replicated all over the state .
Some cities and counties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homeless people into hotels and motels as they had promised when the panic over COVID-19 was new .
And questions remain about solving the larger homelessness crisis , even as the state has started awarding hundreds of millions of dollars to purchase and convert hotels , motels and empty apartment buildings into permanent homeless housing .
In Los Angeles , for example , the goal was to get 15,000 people off the streets , but so far , the number is closer to 4,000 .
In San Francisco , homeless people and their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only now they are sleeping amid diners sitting at tables plopped on sidewalks and in the streets .
In Sacramento , people sleep in parked cars even in middle-class neighborhoods , and encampments now choke overpasses where there were once only a few tents .
What happened in Bakersfield sets the bar even lower than that — which is saying something , because the bar there was already pretty low .
A year ago , the going solution for getting people off the streets was to lock more of them up for trespassing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the conservative Central Valley , Sheriff Donny Youngblood and Dist .
Atty .
Cynthia Zimmer were the architects of this cockamamie and legally dubious plan .
“ The transient population , it ’ s just so sad and it ’ s so pitiful , and you sound like you ’ re so mean , ” Zimmer told my colleague Julia Wick , presumably with a straight face .
“ To be safe , we ’ ve got to put some of these people in jail.
” Fast-forward a few weeks .
Still reeling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet another one in 2020 , officials with Kern County and Bakersfield , where the vast majority of the county ’ s nearly 1,600 homeless people live , agreed to turn the Homeless Collaborative into an official nonprofit in charge of developing an actual strategy .
Laven started as executive director in early February , shortly before the economy shut down because of COVID-19 .
Within weeks , Gov .
Gavin Newsom was pushing Project Roomkey , the government-funded initiative that counties have used to get the most medically vulnerable homeless people into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t contract the novel coronavirus , get sick and overwhelm hospitals .
Kern County , in many ways , was starting from scratch , unlike L.A. County , for example , with its robust homeless-industrial complex of service providers and shelters .
Rather than looking for rooms to rent right away , Laven ’ s team started with 15 state-owned RVs to use for homeless people who had tested positive or were waiting on test results .
Then the focus shifted toward prevention and finding hotels for 226 people who were 65 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conditions , such as diabetes — the criteria for Project Roomkey .
The first few attempts to rent hotels and motels never got off the ground , largely because neighbors complained before anyone was even placed .
Then the nonprofit found the Rosedale Inn .
Just off Highway 99 , the aging , two-story motel is across from an IHOP , a gas station , a couple of fast-food joints and the Kern River .
There are no houses or apartment complexes nearby .
In other words , it was perfect — or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Board of Zoning Adjustment approved the Homeless Collaborative ’ s request to rent 20 rooms with a unanimous vote , leaving only approval from the full City Council as the next step .
But then came the appeal from Bakersfield Heart Hospital , which has an employee parking lot just up the road from the Rosedale Inn .
In a letter to council members , Sparks Law Firm , hired by the hospital , insisted that renting rooms to homeless people would increase vandalism and theft in the area , and could lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 .
At a council meeting , Dr. Brijesh Bhambi , who is the chairman of the hospital ’ s board , explained that he had no problem with Project Roomkey , in general , but he just didn ’ t want it operating at the Rosedale Inn .
“ Vandalism will worsen and patient care will suffer , ” he said , adding , “ It ’ s a simple matter of workplace safety.
” Jerry Sparks , a managing partner at Sparks Law Firm , reiterated that the problem is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s not going to help , it ’ s going to hurt , ” he said .
“ It is even more dangerous to the participants of this program to be placed in an environment where there are drug users .
One can go out there and you can see them .
I ’ ve seen them myself .
There are parolees and criminals who are dropped off at that location .
It is not an appropriate environment.
” For sure , the Rosedale Inn is definitely a motel of last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ went to check it out .
Some guests had hung wet laundry over the turquoise railings to dry in the Central Valley heat .
A kid was swinging from a swing made out of a blanket and rope tied around the branch of a tree .
The street is lined with trash and battered cars , many with shattered windows and some with people sleeping inside .
The parking lots of the surrounding businesses weren ’ t much better .
No one was interested in talking .
Laven and her Homeless Collaborative offered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide overnight security in addition to attendants during the day .
Still no luck .
The Bakersfield City Council rejected the project .
It ’ s unclear what will come next .
Perhaps sending the most vulnerable homeless people back to state-owned RVs , which is a challenge for those with physical disabilities .
Some on the council suggested moving them to a still under construction homeless navigation center .
Laven has all but given up on finding a motel to rent .
A few have already died of COVID-19 while waiting for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and death could arrive by fall .
If you can ’ t put the most vulnerable homeless people in a motel alongside a freeway in a not-so-great neighborhood , where can you put them ?
Probably , not in a fancy hotel in a wealthy neighborhood either .
All I know is , the answer can ’ t keep being nowhere .

The Rosedale Inn in Bakersfield was chosen — and then rejected — to house the homeless.
There is no shortage of excuses in California about why we continue to let tens of thousands of people live — and often die — in filthy encampments on street corners, in alleys and under freeways year after year.
Anna Laven expected to hear them when she agreed to become the first executive director of the Bakersfield-Kern Regional Homeless Collaborative.
What she didn’t expect was to hear them from a doctor in charge of a hospital. Much less during a pandemic and a wildfire season so destructive that it has raised serious concerns about homeless people spending too much time outside breathing in smoke.
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“I’m not gonna lie,” Laven told me, her voice growing incredulous. “That threw us for a loop.”
Bakersfield police officers who are part of a care team that offers water and information to homeless people. (Alex Horvath / The Californian)
Indeed, what has gone down in Kern County this year, culminating in a particularly dispiriting Bakersfield City Council meeting this month, is so ridiculous on its face that it’s almost laughable. But it’s serious business that, to a lesser degree, has been replicated all over the state.
Some cities and counties have failed to get quite as many homeless people into hotels and motels as they had promised when the panic over COVID-19 was new. And questions remain about solving the larger homelessness crisis, even as the state has started awarding hundreds of millions of dollars to purchase and convert hotels, motels and empty apartment buildings into permanent homeless housing.
In Los Angeles, for example, the goal was to get 15,000 people off the streets, but so far, the number is closer to 4,000.
In San Francisco, homeless people and their tents continue to dot the streets, only now they are sleeping amid diners sitting at tables plopped on sidewalks and in the streets. In Sacramento, people sleep in parked cars even in middle-class neighborhoods, and encampments now choke overpasses where there were once only a few tents.
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What happened in Bakersfield sets the bar even lower than that — which is saying something, because the bar there was already pretty low.
A year ago, the going solution for getting people off the streets was to lock more of them up for trespassing and misdemeanor drug charges. Unsurprisingly for the conservative Central Valley, Sheriff Donny Youngblood and Dist. Atty. Cynthia Zimmer were the architects of this cockamamie and legally dubious plan.
“The transient population, it’s just so sad and it’s so pitiful, and you sound like you’re so mean,” Zimmer told my colleague Julia Wick, presumably with a straight face. “To be safe, we’ve got to put some of these people in jail.”
Yeah, no.
Fast-forward a few weeks. Still reeling from the spike in homelessness and anticipating yet another one in 2020, officials with Kern County and Bakersfield, where the vast majority of the county’s nearly 1,600 homeless people live, agreed to turn the Homeless Collaborative into an official nonprofit in charge of developing an actual strategy.
Laven started as executive director in early February, shortly before the economy shut down because of COVID-19.
Within weeks, Gov. Gavin Newsom was pushing Project Roomkey, the government-funded initiative that counties have used to get the most medically vulnerable homeless people into hotel or motel rooms so they won’t contract the novel coronavirus, get sick and overwhelm hospitals.
Kern County, in many ways, was starting from scratch, unlike L.A. County, for example, with its robust homeless-industrial complex of service providers and shelters.
Rather than looking for rooms to rent right away, Laven’s team started with 15 state-owned RVs to use for homeless people who had tested positive or were waiting on test results. Then the focus shifted toward prevention and finding hotels for 226 people who were 65 or older and who had chronic health conditions, such as diabetes — the criteria for Project Roomkey.
The first few attempts to rent hotels and motels never got off the ground, largely because neighbors complained before anyone was even placed.
Then the nonprofit found the Rosedale Inn. Just off Highway 99, the aging, two-story motel is across from an IHOP, a gas station, a couple of fast-food joints and the Kern River. There are no houses or apartment complexes nearby. In other words, it was perfect — or so Laven thought.
Bakersfield’s Board of Zoning Adjustment approved the Homeless Collaborative’s request to rent 20 rooms with a unanimous vote, leaving only approval from the full City Council as the next step. But then came the appeal from Bakersfield Heart Hospital, which has an employee parking lot just up the road from the Rosedale Inn.
In a letter to council members, Sparks Law Firm, hired by the hospital, insisted that renting rooms to homeless people would increase vandalism and theft in the area, and could lead to patients and employees being exposed to COVID-19.
At a council meeting, Dr. Brijesh Bhambi, who is the chairman of the hospital’s board, explained that he had no problem with Project Roomkey, in general, but he just didn’t want it operating at the Rosedale Inn. “Vandalism will worsen and patient care will suffer,” he said, adding, “It’s a simple matter of workplace safety.”
Jerry Sparks, a managing partner at Sparks Law Firm, reiterated that the problem is the Rosedale Inn is “inappropriate.”
“It’s not going to help, it’s going to hurt,” he said. “It is even more dangerous to the participants of this program to be placed in an environment where there are drug users. One can go out there and you can see them. I’ve seen them myself. There are parolees and criminals who are dropped off at that location. It is not an appropriate environment.”
For sure, the Rosedale Inn is definitely a motel of last resort.
Over the weekend, I went to check it out. Some guests had hung wet laundry over the turquoise railings to dry in the Central Valley heat. A kid was swinging from a swing made out of a blanket and rope tied around the branch of a tree. The street is lined with trash and battered cars, many with shattered windows and some with people sleeping inside.
The parking lots of the surrounding businesses weren’t much better. No one was interested in talking.
Laven and her Homeless Collaborative offered to clean up the Rosedale Inn and provide overnight security in addition to attendants during the day. Still no luck. The Bakersfield City Council rejected the project.
It’s unclear what will come next. Perhaps sending the most vulnerable homeless people back to state-owned RVs, which is a challenge for those with physical disabilities. Some on the council suggested moving them to a still under construction homeless navigation center. Laven has all but given up on finding a motel to rent. A few have already died of COVID-19 while waiting for rooms, and another wave of illness and death could arrive by fall.
If you can’t put the most vulnerable homeless people in a motel alongside a freeway in a not-so-great neighborhood, where can you put them? Probably, not in a fancy hotel in a wealthy neighborhood either.
All I know is, the answer can’t keep being nowhere.


latimes--2020-09-22--Family called 911 for son's mental health crisis. They say deputies beat and Tased him to death

Blanca Briceno said she wakes up many nights with the images in her head : Several Los Angeles County sheriff ’ s deputies pinning down and striking her son Eric in his bedroom , his face full of blood .
She had called the police one day in March to help her son , who was in the midst of a mental health crisis .
But by the end , he ’ d been beaten and Tasered to death .
At one point , she said , deputies grabbed her phone when she tried to film what was happening .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ help us , to get some help , ” Briceno said , choking up during an interview at her Maywood home .
“ And instead , they came and killed him , brutally killed him.
” Eric Briceno ’ s death has not made headlines or triggered protests during this moment of unrest across the nation over police brutality .
The incident occurred inside the family ’ s home , and the autopsy wasn ’ t released to their attorney until last week .
In their report , obtained by The Times , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 39 , died of cardiopulmonary arrest , resulting from neck compression and restraint with a Taser .
The death was ruled a homicide , although the designation doesn ’ t mean it was intentional or a crime .
The Briceno family last month filed a wrongful death claim , precursor to a lawsuit , against the Sheriff ’ s Department and is calling for prosecutors to charge the deputies involved .
“ He didn ’ t die a natural death , ” said Briceno ’ s father , Juan .
“ He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sheriff ’ s Department declined to comment , citing an ongoing investigation into the incident .
Sheriff ’ s investigators have not yet presented a case to prosecutors , who will review the materials and decide whether deputies committed a crime , the district attorney ’ s office said .
According to the autopsy report , investigators told coroner ’ s officials that when deputies responded to a call that Eric Briceno had assaulted his father , he “ attacked the deputies ” and resisted arrest .
Eric began showing symptoms of mental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with mild schizophrenia , the family ’ s claim says .
He self-medicated with street drugs and spent time in jail .
Most recently , he was on probation and receiving treatment through the L.A. County Department of Mental Health .
On March 16 , the claim said , Eric had an altercation with his father and left the home as his parents called 911 .
Deputies arrived and told the parents to call them back when their son returned , which they did .
Eric Briceno — 6 feet tall and weighing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was in his room sleeping when deputies arrived , his mother said .
She said she told deputies she would call him out of his bedroom , because she didn ’ t want the deputies to go in .
They went in anyway , she said , startling her son .
Blanca Briceno said the deputies began beating Eric without provocation , kneeling on his back and hitting him with a baton .
“ They went , ‘ Eric , Eric !
’ So he got scared , ” his mother said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; he wasn ’ t aggressive , nothing.
” One deputy fired a Taser , striking him , and another discharged pepper spray in the room .
Meanwhile , Eric cried out that he could not breathe , his mother and the claim says .
Blanca Briceno said she pleaded for the deputies to stop .
When she took out her phone to record , she said , a deputy took it away , telling her she couldn ’ t speak to anyone because they might convince her to change her story .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and into a cabinet , the claim said .
Eric Briceno was punched , pepper-sprayed and shot with a Taser seven or eight times , the autopsy report said .
Deputies reported that before being transported to the hospital , Briceno had turned blue , according to the autopsy report .
Medical examiners found methamphetamine in his system , which contributed to but was not the immediate cause of his death .
Samuel Paz , an attorney representing the Briceno family , said he reviewed hospital records and those of emergency responders , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members of the sheriff ’ s Mental Evaluation Team responded to the incident .
Members of the team usually roll out in pairs : a deputy and a licensed mental health clinician trained to de-escalate and avoid the use of force .
In 2019 , the agency ’ s 33 teams responded to more than half the 10,425 patrol calls involving mentally ill or cognitively impaired people in crises , a Sheriff ’ s Department report said .
The report found that during 431 mental health incidents in 2019 , the supervisor at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” that deputies would have used force to subdue patients if not for team members arriving to diffuse the situation .
Spurred by the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis , many are calling for some of these responsibilities to be removed from law enforcement and for other public community and support services to be expanded .
In Los Angeles , for example , the City Council is exploring a new emergency response that uses trained specialists , rather than Los Angeles police officers , to render aid to homeless people and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abuse issues .
As Eric Briceno was taken to the hospital , deputies took his parents to the East L.A. station , where they were questioned by investigators ; neither knew whether their son was still alive .
After the interview , the Bricenos said , investigators returned and told them : We have some bad news — he didn ’ t make it .
Paz said Eric Briceno was declared dead within eight minutes of arriving at the hospital .
In a letter dated a month after the incident , the district @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Bricenos for their loss .
The letter used language that the Bricenos felt added insult to injury , referencing prosecutors ’ review of “ the shooting.
” “ There was no shooting , ” Blanca Briceno said .
“ There ’ s a lot of people like this … screaming for help .
And they deserve to live and get the help they need .
My son didn ’ t deserve this .
”

Juan and Blanca Briceno created a shrine for their son Eric Briceno, who was killed by deputies in March during what they said was a mental health call.
Blanca Briceno said she wakes up many nights with the images in her head: Several Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputies pinning down and striking her son Eric in his bedroom, his face full of blood.
She had called the police one day in March to help her son, who was in the midst of a mental health crisis. But by the end, he’d been beaten and Tasered to death. At one point, she said, deputies grabbed her phone when she tried to film what was happening.
“We called them to come and help us, to get some help,” Briceno said, choking up during an interview at her Maywood home. “And instead, they came and killed him, brutally killed him.”
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Eric Briceno’s death has not made headlines or triggered protests during this moment of unrest across the nation over police brutality. The incident occurred inside the family’s home, and the autopsy wasn’t released to their attorney until last week.
In their report, obtained by The Times, coroner’s officials concluded that Briceno, 39, died of cardiopulmonary arrest, resulting from neck compression and restraint with a Taser. The death was ruled a homicide, although the designation doesn’t mean it was intentional or a crime.
The Briceno family last month filed a wrongful-death claim, a precursor to a lawsuit, against the Sheriff’s Department and is calling for prosecutors to charge the deputies involved.
“He didn’t die a natural death,” said Briceno’s father, Juan. “He died because of police brutality.”
The Sheriff’s Department declined to comment, citing an ongoing investigation into the incident. Sheriff’s investigators have not yet presented a case to prosecutors, who will review the materials and decide whether deputies committed a crime, the district attorney’s office said.
According to the autopsy report, investigators told coroner’s officials that when deputies responded to a call that Eric Briceno had assaulted his father, he “attacked the deputies” and resisted arrest.
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Eric began showing symptoms of mental illness in high school and was diagnosed with mild schizophrenia, the family’s claim says. He self-medicated with street drugs and spent time in jail. Most recently, he was on probation and receiving treatment through the L.A. County Department of Mental Health.
On March 16, the claim said, Eric had an altercation with his father and left the home as his parents called 911. Deputies arrived and told the parents to call them back when their son returned, which they did.
Eric Briceno — 6 feet tall and weighing nearly 300 pounds, records show — was in his room sleeping when deputies arrived, his mother said. She said she told deputies she would call him out of his bedroom because she didn’t want the deputies to go in. They went in anyway, she said, startling her son.
Blanca Briceno said the deputies began beating Eric without provocation, kneeling on his back and hitting him with a baton.
“They went, ‘Eric, Eric!’ So he got scared,” his mother said. “He wasn’t doing anything; he wasn’t aggressive, nothing.”
One deputy fired a Taser, striking him, and another discharged pepper spray in the room. Meanwhile, Eric cried out that he could not breathe, his mother and the claim said.
Blanca Briceno said she pleaded for the deputies to stop. When she took out her phone to record, she said, a deputy took it away, telling her she couldn’t speak to anyone because they might convince her to change her story. She was pushed out of the room and into a cabinet, the claim said.
Eric Briceno was punched, pepper-sprayed and shot with a Taser seven or eight times, the autopsy report said.
Deputies reported that before being transported to the hospital, Briceno had turned blue, according to the autopsy report. Medical examiners found methamphetamine in his system, which contributed to but was not the immediate cause of his death.
Samuel Paz, an attorney representing the Briceno family, said he reviewed hospital records and those of emergency responders, and it doesn’t appear that members of the sheriff’s Mental Evaluation Team responded to the incident.
Members of the team usually roll out in pairs: a deputy and a licensed mental health clinician trained to de-escalate and avoid the use of force. In 2019, the agency’s 33 teams responded to more than half the 10,425 patrol calls involving mentally ill or cognitively impaired people in crises, a Sheriff’s Department report said.
The report found that during 431 mental health incidents in 2019, the supervisor at the scene believed it “very likely” that deputies would have used force to subdue patients if not for team members arriving to defuse the situation.
Spurred by the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis, many are calling for some of these responsibilities to be removed from law enforcement and for other public community and support services to be expanded. In Los Angeles, for example, the City Council is exploring a new emergency response that uses trained specialists, rather than Los Angeles police officers, to render aid to homeless people and those suffering from mental health and substance abuse issues.
As Eric Briceno was taken to the hospital, deputies took his parents to the East L.A. station, where they were questioned by investigators; neither knew whether their son was still alive. After the interview, the Bricenos said, investigators returned and told them: We have some bad news — he didn’t make it.
Paz said Eric Briceno was declared dead within eight minutes of arriving at the hospital.
In a letter dated a month after the incident, the district attorney’s office expressed condolences to the Bricenos for their loss. The letter used language that the Bricenos felt added insult to injury, referencing prosecutors’ review of “the shooting.”
“There was no shooting,” Blanca Briceno said. “There’s a lot of people like this … screaming for help. And they deserve to live and get the help they need. My son didn’t deserve this.”


latimes--2020-09-22--'No safety, no learning': Many Orange County teachers protest reopening schools

Teachers in two Orange County school districts have banded together with bold public protests and petitions , saying they are unwilling to go back to campus in the days and weeks ahead and signaling an undercurrent of broad concern among educators over the safety of returning to in-person instruction .
In the Newport-Mesa Unified School District — scheduled to open for students in second grade and younger next week— 75 % of teachers said in a recent survey they were not satisfied with their district ’ s safety plan and felt the district was rushing its reopening .
They showed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and rally .
Teachers at Irvine Unified are circulating a petition that has gained more than 2,000 signatures from teachers , parents , staff and students , urging the district to remain online at the secondary school level .
The petition stance goes against the teachers union position .
All Irvine campuses are scheduled to open Thursday in some fashion .
“ We will be jeopardizing the safety of students , staff , and families by resuming in-person instruction , ” the petition states .
And “ the quality of hybrid , in-person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inferior to the distance learning model.
” Orange County , whose COVID-19 rates have fallen , is among the first cluster of large counties in California that has state and county clearance to reopen campuses closed by the pandemic since March .
The concerns among Orange County educators reflect fears expressed in a national online survey of 816 teachers conducted from Aug. 26 to Sept. 1 by the American Federation of Teachers .
At that point , the school year already had started for most of them , although not necessarily with in-person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said they are worried that they ’ ll get infected by the novel coronavirus at school , and nearly two-thirds worry that their school district will move too quickly to fully reopen schools .
A third of teachers said they are more likely to leave teaching or retire early because of their job-related concerns .
“ There is anxiety about their health , the students ’ health , their community , ” said Jeff Freitas , president of the California Federation of Teachers .
“ It ’ s just at a high level @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the story of school reopenings has centered on rural areas , away from urban communities where infection rates have spiraled out of control , and on the smaller , more closed communities offered by private schools , many of which have reopened through waivers or as “ day camps.
” But public school districts in more populous areas , such as Orange , Marin , San Francisco and San Diego counties , are beginning to open their doors .
“ There ’ s a lot of concern in those counties , ” Freitas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the red , ” he said referring to the state ’ s color code to represent the virus threat level .
Under the state system , purple is the worst tier .
Red is next , and campuses can reopen with appropriate , detailed safety precautions including social distancing in classrooms and on the playground , smaller class sizes with learning cohorts who stay together , the wearing of masks and hand-washing centers .
Carrying out these plans is based largely on the honor system , with county health departments not equipped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not feeling quite safe and they feel they ’ re getting pushed back too early , ” Freitas said .
In Orange County , 10 of 29 school districts have announced plans to open before the end of the month , according to an unofficial tally from the county education office .
One district , Los Alamitos Unified , opened early this month under a county-approved waiver .
Newport-Mesa teachers union President Tamara Fairbanks said the concerns run from large to small : The union wants students prescreened for symptoms before school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supervise the isolation room with a sick student .
Fairbanks noted that nurses sometimes rotate between two or three campuses .
“ We want to go back to school , ” Fairbanks said .
“ We just want to go back safely.
” Not every district neighborhood has the same low infection rates , she added , and district staff come from across the county , including from places such as Santa Ana , where the infection rate has been high .
“ We ’ ve always followed the guidance and continually update @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transition to in-person instruction , ” spokeswoman Annette Franco said .
“ We have a diverse community , many who highly welcome the reopening of our schools , ” Franco said .
“ You might recall a few weeks ago we had parents demanding in-person instruction .
And others who are hesitant.
” The debate over safely opening schools has raged downward from President Trump , who flatly called for all schools to reopen full time .
According to the World Health Organization , “ the role of children in transmission is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the nation ’ s largest district , welcomed its youngest students back to campus Monday — after twice postponing a full reopening .
Los Angeles Unified , the nation ’ s second-largest district , has not set a date for reopening .
County officials said they will not approve a full return to campus until at least November because of the region ’ s high rate of coronavirus infections .
As children get older , they become more likely to catch the virus , experts say .
And while children appear far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they can carry the illness to others .
L.A. schools Supt .
Austin Beutner has cited recent findings that small children passed on the virus to adults at Salt Lake City child-care centers .
People with underlying health problems — whether students or adults — should carefully consider whether it ’ s safe to return to campus , and should take into consideration community infection levels and safety preparedness , the WHO advises .
Under state law , children must have the option of remaining online only .
It ’ s not clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ California .
Union leaders tend to think so , but district officials may not have enough online teaching positions available .
And what about teachers without personal risk factors who live with someone with underlying health conditions ?
Every Irvine teacher with a pre-existing condition was allowed to work from home , said Irvine Teachers Assn .
President Teri Sorey , but it ’ s “ a real possibility ” that some instructors who live with a partner , child or family member in a vulnerable category may have to return to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bargaining team and others have been working with the district “ without a break since March ” to develop sound safety protocols .
It ’ s not enough for some 200 teachers union members who signed the petition , about 12 % of the members .
Petition organizer James Garcia accused the district of “ rolling out this haphazard plan very quickly.
” More than 2,000 nonteachers had signed on by Monday afternoon .
“ I think the response is pretty telling.
” Irvine officials have defended their preparation as thoughtful and thorough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million for coronavirus tests .
The district of 35,000 students is offering elementary students the option of in-person instruction five days a week .
All students have the option of attending staggered , part-time , on-campus classes in small groups .
English and journalism instructor Alex Goodman worries about bringing COVID-19 home to his wife , who suffers from asthma .
That ’ s one reason why the Newport Harbor High School teacher joined the car caravan .
He put signs on his gray 2012 Volkswagen Jetta : “ No safety , no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We should wait.
” Regardless of how individual teachers feel , open protests have been relatively rare .
Union and district officials in Tustin Unified echoed those elsewhere in stressing that they are trying to collaborate .
Tustin schools also are scheduled to open this week .
Teachers were given an option to stay home , but only a small number are choosing to stay online only , said public information officer Mark Eliot .

Howard Blume, Andrew J. Campa, Stephanie Lai

Members of the Newport-Mesa Federation of Teachers joined California School Employee Assn. members Sunday in a demonstration over school reopenings amid the ongoing pandemic at Costa Mesa High School.
Teachers in two Orange County school districts have banded together with bold public protests and petitions, saying they are unwilling to go back to campus in the days and weeks ahead and signaling an undercurrent of broad concern among educators over the safety of returning to in-person instruction.
In the Newport-Mesa Unified School District — scheduled to open for students up through second grade next week— 75% of teachers said in a recent survey they were not satisfied with their district’s safety plan and felt the district was rushing its reopening. They showed their discontent during a noisy caravan protest and rally.
Teachers at Irvine Unified are circulating a petition that has gained more than 2,000 signatures from teachers, parents, staff and students, urging the district to remain online at the secondary school level. The petition stance goes against the teachers union position. All Irvine campuses are scheduled to open Thursday in some fashion.
“We will be jeopardizing the safety of students, staff, and families by resuming in-person instruction,” the petition states. And “the quality of hybrid, in-person instruction at the secondary level will be inferior to the distance learning model.”
Orange County, whose COVID-19 rates have fallen, is among the first cluster of large counties in California that has state and county clearance to reopen campuses closed by the pandemic since March.
The concerns among Orange County educators reflect fears expressed in a national online survey of 816 teachers conducted from Aug. 26 to Sept. 1 by the American Federation of Teachers. At that point, the school year already had started for most of them, although not necessarily with in-person classes.
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More than three-quarters of teachers said they were worried that they would get infected by the novel coronavirus at school, and nearly two-thirds worry that their school district will move too quickly to fully reopen schools. A third of teachers said they were more likely to leave teaching or retire early because of their job-related concerns.
“There is anxiety about their health, the students’ health, their community,” said Jeff Freitas, president of the California Federation of Teachers. “It’s just at a high level throughout the state.”
Until now, the story of school reopenings has centered on rural areas, away from urban communities where infection rates have spiraled out of control, and on the smaller, more closed communities offered by private schools, many of which have reopened through waivers or as “day camps.”
But public school districts in more populous areas, such as Orange, Marin, San Francisco and San Diego counties, are beginning to open their doors.
“There’s a lot of concern in those counties,” Freitas said. “They’re still in the red,” he said referring to the state’s color code to represent the virus threat level.
Under the state system, purple is the worst tier. Red is next, and campuses can reopen with appropriate, detailed safety precautions including social distancing in classrooms and on the playground, smaller class sizes with learning cohorts who stay together, the wearing of masks, and hand-washing centers. Carrying out these plans is based largely on the honor system, with county health departments not equipped for comprehensive safety checks.
“Teachers are not feeling quite safe and they feel they’re getting pushed back too early,” Freitas said.
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In Orange County, 10 of 29 school districts have announced plans to open before the end of the month, according to an unofficial tally from the county education office. One district, Los Alamitos Unified, opened early this month under a county-approved waiver.
Newport-Mesa teachers union President Tamara Fairbanks said the concerns ran from large to small: The union wants students prescreened for symptoms before school, and they want to know who will supervise the isolation room with a sick student. Fairbanks noted that nurses sometimes rotated among two or three campuses.
“We want to go back to school,” Fairbanks said. “We just want to go back safely.”
Not every district neighborhood has the same low infection rates, she added, and district staff come from across the county, including from places such as Santa Ana, where the infection rate has been high.
The district defended its planning.
“We’ve always followed the guidance and continually update our reopening plans to promote a safe transition to in-person instruction,” spokeswoman Annette Franco said.
“We have a diverse community, many who highly welcome the reopening of our schools,” Franco said. “You might recall a few weeks ago we had parents demanding in-person instruction. And others who are hesitant.”
Union-district negotiations continue.
The debate over safely opening schools has raged downward from President Trump, who flatly called for all schools to reopen full time. According to the World Health Organization, “the role of children in transmission is not yet fully understood.”
New York City, the nation’s largest district, welcomed its youngest students back to campus Monday — after twice postponing a full reopening. Los Angeles Unified, the nation’s second-largest district, has not set a date for reopening. County officials said they would not approve a full return to campus until at least November because of the region’s high rate of coronavirus infections.
As children get older, they become more likely to catch the virus, experts say. And although children appear far less at risk of serious illness, they can carry the illness to others. L.A. schools Supt. Austin Beutner has cited recent findings that small children passed on the virus to adults at Salt Lake City childcare centers.
People with underlying health problems — whether students or adults — should carefully consider whether it’s safe to return to campus, and should take into consideration community infection levels and safety preparedness, the WHO advises.
Under state law, children must have the option of remaining online only. It’s not clear whether teachers have that same right in California. Union leaders tend to think so, but district officials may not have enough online teaching positions available. And what about teachers without personal risk factors who live with someone with underlying health conditions?
Every Irvine teacher with a preexisting condition was allowed to work from home, said Irvine Teachers Assn. President Teri Sorey, but it’s “a real possibility” that some instructors who live with a partner, child or family member in a vulnerable category may have to return to the classroom.
Sorey said she, her bargaining team and others had been working with the district “without a break since March” to develop sound safety protocols.
It’s not enough for some 200 teachers union members who signed the petition, about 12% of the members. Petition organizer James Garcia accused the district of “rolling out this haphazard plan very quickly.” More than 2,000 nonteachers had signed on by Monday afternoon. “I think the response is pretty telling.”
Irvine officials have defended their preparation as thoughtful and thorough. This includes setting aside $4 million for COVID-19 tests. The district of 35,000 students is offering elementary students the option of in-person instruction five days a week. All students have the option of attending staggered, part-time, on-campus classes in small groups.
English and journalism instructor Alex Goodman worries about bringing COVID-19 home to his wife, who suffers from asthma. That’s one reason why the Newport Harbor High School teacher joined the car caravan.
He put signs on his gray 2012 Volkswagen Jetta: “No safety, no learning” and “Not prepared. We should wait.”
Regardless of how individual teachers feel, open protests have been relatively rare. Union and district officials in Tustin Unified echoed those elsewhere in stressing that they were trying to collaborate. Tustin schools also are scheduled to open this week.
Teachers were given an option to stay home, but only a small number are choosing to stay online only, said public information officer Mark Eliot.


latimes--2020-09-22--Petition for restraining order alleges unlawful use of force by Sheriff's Department at protests

Plaintiffs in a class-action lawsuit are seeking a temporary restraining order and injunction to limit the Los Angeles County Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s use of nonlethal force at protests , claiming it has employed rubber bullets , tear gas and other chemical agents indiscriminately against peaceful protestors , journalists and legal observers in violation of the Constitution .
The petition , filed Monday in U.S. District Court , focuses on protests in recent weeks against police brutality and the shooting of Dijon Kizzee , who was killed by sheriff ’ s deputies Aug. 31 in Westmont after being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ riding his bike .
The incident has spurred daily protests in front of the South L.A. sheriff ’ s station .
In court documents , a group of 13 plaintiffs — including protestors injured at marches against police violence over the summer — claim that the department has been improperly using force to disperse crowds without giving those present sufficient warning and time to obey orders .
“ Instead of deploying these weapons in a defensive manner to protect themselves and others , the LASD has been deliberately using less-lethal munitions and chemical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against people engaged in lawful activities , including journalists and legal observers , ” a memorandum filed with the petition states .
The Sheriff ’ s Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment .
A spokesman previously said that deputies used less-lethal force in response to protestors who threw rocks and bottles at officials .
“ Deputies have not used less-lethal options simply because protesters refused to leave , ” said Lt. John Satterfield in response to allegations of unprovoked use of force earlier this month .
The application is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 27 that claims the department engaged in “ dangerous , retaliatory abuses , ” including unlawful arrests and excessive use of force , at protests in May and June against the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis and 18-year-old Andres Guardado in Gardena .
On Sunday , community organizers and family members of those killed by deputies stood outside the South L.A. sheriff ’ s station to announce another protest in the area next weekend .
“ We ’ ll be quiet , we ’ ll shut up , as soon as we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sequarier McCoy , an aunt of Kizzee , as she called for Sheriff Alex Villanueva to resign .
The petition for a restraining order seeks to stop the department from indiscriminately using nonlethal projectiles such as rubber bullets and pepper balls to disperse and control crowds unless there is a specific and immediate safety threat .
It states that before such force is used the department should declare an unlawful assembly and provide clear notice of dispersal orders .
The filing also seeks to stop indiscriminate use of chemical agents such as tear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without adequate warning .
It says that the weapons should only be used after other efforts to contain crowds have failed .
A memorandum submitted with the petition states that on Aug. 25 , deputies fired rubber bullets , pepper balls and tear gas into a crowd after about 100 demonstrators marched peacefully in downtown L.A. to protest the police killing of Anthony McClain in Pasadena .
It alleges that officials used force without warning or dispersal orders and that two legal observers from the National Lawyers Guild were targeted with a tear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to move across the street .
In another incident on Sept. 5 , 250 to 300 people went to the South L.A. sheriff ’ s station to protest the killing of Kizzee , 29 .
The filing describes people “ milling around ” listening to speeches when deputies began firing into the crowd with rubber bullets , pepper balls , flash bangs and tear gas grenades .
“ Again , no warning or dispersal order had been given , and even as people retreated and ran away from the location , LASD deputies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rubber bullets , ” the memorandum states .
On Sept. 7 , 75 to 100 people gathered near the same station .
The plaintiffs claim that at about 10 p.m. , deputies began shooting projectiles , tear gas , and other munitions at protestors without warning .
During the incident , a 19-year-old woman was shot in the right ankle with a black stinger grenade and struck at least three times in the back and once in her right calf with a rubber bullet , making standing difficult , the filing states .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ they ’ re using less-lethal projectiles — rubber bullets , pepper balls , stinger grenades — to disperse people , ” said Jorge Gonzalez , one of the attorneys representing the plaintiffs in the lawsuit .
“ Those are supposed to be used only when there ’ s an assault on the officers.
” Plaintiffs also claim that deputies have targeted demonstrators .
In the memorandum , they describe how on Sept. 9 , a man returning from picking up a first aid kit and other supplies for protestors found the tires on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deputies slash the tires , the filing states .
As he was about to seek help for his vehicle , four Sheriff ’ s Department vehicles arrived and detained him as they searched his truck without permission , the plaintiffs allege .
They said officials admitted to detaining him because he was bringing supplies to demonstrators .
The request for a restraining order comes after several county supervisors and members of the Sheriff Civilian Oversight Commission called for Villanueva to resign last week .
Some have expressed concern about the sheriff ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held that he has refused to share information with Inspector General Max Huntsman , who has accused the department of not cooperating with his investigations of the department for possible violations of freedom of the press .
Villanueva has told The Times that he is not concerned by some officials ’ lack of confidence in him and plans to continue serving .

Brenda Baraquil stands in front of L.A. County sheriff’s deputies wearing riot gear during a Sept. 12 protest in South L.A. calling for justice in the aftermath of the killing of Dijon Kizzee.
Plaintiffs in a class-action lawsuit are seeking a temporary restraining order and injunction to limit the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department’s use of nonlethal force at protests, claiming it has employed rubber bullets, tear gas and other chemical agents indiscriminately against peaceful protestors, journalists and legal observers in violation of the Constitution.
The petition, filed Monday in U.S. District Court, focuses on protests in recent weeks against police brutality and the shooting of Dijon Kizzee, who was killed by sheriff’s deputies Aug. 31 in Westmont after being flagged for a vehicle code violation while riding his bike. The incident has spurred daily protests in front of the South L.A. sheriff’s station.
In court documents, a group of 13 plaintiffs — including protestors injured at marches against police violence over the summer — claim that the department has been improperly using force to disperse crowds without giving those present sufficient warning and time to obey orders.
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“Instead of deploying these weapons in a defensive manner to protect themselves and others, the LASD has been deliberately using less-lethal munitions and chemical agents in an indiscriminate and retaliatory fashion against people engaged in lawful activities, including journalists and legal observers,” a memorandum filed with the petition states.
The Sheriff’s Department has previously said that deputies used less-lethal force in response to protestors who threw rocks and bottles at officials, and not to cause them to disperse.
“The Department does not deploy less lethal weapons against peaceful protestors,” Lt. John Satterfield, a spokesman for the department, said in a statement Tuesday. “The deployment and use of less lethal munitions is guided by strict policy and procedure, in addition to current state and federal law. Every application and use of force is thoroughly documented, investigated, and reviewed at multiple levels throughout the chain of command. The Department is unable to offer further comment, due to pending litigation.”
The application is part of a class-action lawsuit filed Aug. 27 that claims the department engaged in “dangerous, retaliatory abuses,” including unlawful arrests and excessive use of force, at protests in May and June against the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis and 18-year-old Andres Guardado in Gardena.
On Sunday, community organizers and family members of those killed by deputies stood outside the South L.A. sheriff’s station to announce another protest in the area next weekend.
“We’ll be quiet, we’ll shut up, as soon as we start seeing some accountability,” said Sequarier McCoy, an aunt of Kizzee, as she called for Sheriff Alex Villanueva to resign.
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The petition for a restraining order seeks to stop the department from indiscriminately using nonlethal projectiles such as rubber bullets and pepper balls to disperse and control crowds unless there is a specific and immediate safety threat. It states that before such force is used the department should declare an unlawful assembly and provide clear notice of dispersal orders.
The filing also seeks to stop indiscriminate use of chemical agents such as tear gas and flash grenades to disperse crowds without adequate warning. It says that the weapons should only be used after other efforts to contain crowds have failed.
A memorandum submitted with the petition states that on Aug. 25, deputies fired rubber bullets, pepper balls and tear gas into a crowd after about 100 demonstrators marched peacefully in downtown L.A. to protest the police killing of Anthony McClain in Pasadena. It alleges that officials used force without warning or dispersal orders and that two legal observers from the National Lawyers Guild were targeted with a tear gas grenade despite following directions from deputies to move across the street.
In another incident on Sept. 5, 250 to 300 people went to the South L.A. sheriff’s station to protest the killing of Kizzee, 29. The filing describes people “milling around” listening to speeches when deputies began firing into the crowd with rubber bullets, pepper balls, flash bangs and tear gas grenades.
“Again, no warning or dispersal order had been given, and even as people retreated and ran away from the location, LASD deputies chased them and shot at them with rubber bullets,” the memorandum states.
On Sept. 7, 75 to 100 people gathered near the same station. The plaintiffs claim that at about 10 p.m., deputies began shooting projectiles, tear gas, and other munitions at protestors without warning. During the incident, a 19-year-old woman was shot in the right ankle with a black stinger grenade and struck at least three times in the back and once in her right calf with a rubber bullet, making standing difficult, the filing states.
“At the crux of this is they’re using less-lethal projectiles — rubber bullets, pepper balls, stinger grenades — to disperse people,” said Jorge Gonzalez, one of the attorneys representing the plaintiffs in the lawsuit. “Those are supposed to be used only when there’s an assault on the officers.”
Plaintiffs also claim that deputies have targeted demonstrators. In the memorandum, they describe how on Sept. 9, a man returning from picking up a first aid kit and other supplies for protestors found the tires on his truck slashed. A witness saw deputies slash the tires, the filing states.
As he was about to seek help for his vehicle, four Sheriff’s Department vehicles arrived and detained him as they searched his truck without permission, the plaintiffs allege. They said officials admitted to detaining him because he was bringing supplies to demonstrators.
The request for a restraining order comes after several county supervisors and members of the Sheriff Civilian Oversight Commission called for Villanueva to resign last week.
Some have expressed concern about the sheriff’s lack of compliance with subpoenas and have held that he has refused to share information with Inspector General Max Huntsman, who has accused the department of not cooperating with his investigations of the department for possible violations of freedom of the press. Villanueva has told The Times that he is not concerned by some officials’ lack of confidence in him and plans to continue serving.


latimes--2020-09-22--Firefighter killed in El Dorado blaze identified as a 14-year veteran

The firefighter killed while battling the El Dorado fire in San Bernardino County was identified Monday as Charles Morton , a 14-year veteran with the U.S. Forest Service who led the Big Bear Interagency Hotshot Squad .
Morton served for 14 years with the U.S. Forest Service , beginning with the Truckee Interagency Hotshots in the Tahoe National Forest , then the Mill Creek Interagency Hotshots , Engine 31 , Engine 19 and the Big Bear Interagency Hotshots in the San Bernardino National Forest .
“ Charlie was a well-respected leader who was always there for his squad and his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vicki Christiansen , U.S. Forest Service chief , said in a statement .
“ Our hearts go out to Charlie ’ s loved ones , co-workers , friends and the Big Bear Hotshots .
We will keep them in our thoughts and prayers.
” Morton is survived by his wife , daughter , parents and two brothers .
The El Dorado fire erupted 12 days before Morton ’ s death , when a family threw a gender-reveal party in a park near Yucaipa , igniting a pyrotechnic device that emitted colored smoke .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a record-setting heat wave that weekend , and the flames raced across dry , grass-covered hillsides and into the San Bernardino National Forest .
The El Dorado fire has burned 22,500 acres in San Bernardino and Riverside counties and was 60 % contained as of Monday evening .
Ten structures have been destroyed and another six damaged .

Charles Morton, a Big Bear Interagency Hotshot Squad Boss, died while engaged in fire suppression operations on the El Dorado fire on Sept. 17.
The firefighter killed while battling the El Dorado fire in San Bernardino County was identified Monday as Charles Morton, a 14-year veteran with the U.S. Forest Service who led the Big Bear Interagency Hotshot Squad.
Morton died Sept. 17. He was 39.
Morton served for 14 years with the U.S. Forest Service, beginning with the Truckee Interagency Hotshots in the Tahoe National Forest, then the Mill Creek Interagency Hotshots, Engine 31, Engine 19 and the Big Bear Interagency Hotshots in the San Bernardino National Forest.
“Charlie was a well-respected leader who was always there for his squad and his crew at the toughest times,” Vicki Christiansen, U.S. Forest Service chief, said in a statement. “Our hearts go out to Charlie’s loved ones, co-workers, friends and the Big Bear Hotshots. We will keep them in our thoughts and prayers.”
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Morton is survived by his wife, daughter, parents and two brothers.
The El Dorado fire erupted 12 days before Morton’s death, when a family threw a gender-reveal party in a park near Yucaipa, igniting a pyrotechnic device that emitted colored smoke. Southern California was in the throes of a record-setting heat wave that weekend, and the flames raced across dry, grass-covered hillsides and into the San Bernardino National Forest.
The El Dorado fire has burned 22,500 acres in San Bernardino and Riverside counties and was 60% contained as of Monday evening. Ten structures have been destroyed and another six damaged.


latimes--2020-09-21--City challenges LAPD officer's lawsuit alleging harassment by Garcetti aide

Los Angeles city attorneys took aim Monday at allegations by a former bodyguard for Mayor Eric Garcetti who claimed in a lawsuit that he had been sexually harassed by a longtime advisor to the mayor .
In a nine-page court filing , city attorneys said LAPD Officer Matthew Garza ’ s complaint failed to “ state facts ” sufficient to bring the lawsuit , which alleged that the city subjected him to a hostile work environment in violation of the California Fair Employment and Housing Act .
Garza , who worked on the mayor ’ s security detail , sued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Garcetti consultant Rick Jacobs made crude sexual comments and touched him inappropriately over several years .
City attorneys also argued that Garza waited too long to sue under the statute of limitations .
Garza also never reported the alleged harassment , city attorneys wrote .
“ Plaintiff alleges that these incidents occurred since 2014 yet plaintiff never reported such alleged conduct to the city , ” the filing states .
“ To the extent that such events even occurred ( which defendant denies ) , plaintiff should have taken advantage of the procedures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sexual harassment in the workplace.
” A longtime player in California politics , Jacobs serves on the board of directors of the Mayor ’ s Fund for Los Angeles , a nonprofit that raises money for Garcetti-backed causes .
He also runs a separate Garcetti-supported nonprofit focused on economic development .
Garza ’ s lawsuit against the city alleges Jacobs harassed him beginning around 2014 and continued until October 2019 .
Jacobs massaged Garza ’ s shoulders , hugged him and repeatedly made inappropriate comments , including talking about sex , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on trips Garcetti took to Arizona , New Hampshire and elsewhere , the suit alleges .
The mayor witnessed some of the inappropriate behavior but did not stop it , according to Garza ’ s lawsuit .
The lawsuit also alleges that “ Garcetti was present on approximately half of the occasions when Jacobs behaved in this way , and witnessed Jacobs ’ conduct , but he took no action to correct Jacobs ’ obviously harassing behavior.
” Garza ’ s attorney , Greg Smith , told The Times on Monday that there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jacobs ’ alleged behavior .
“ It ’ s pretty incredible the city is taking the position this didn ’ t happen , ” Smith said .
Jacobs , along with the mayor ’ s wife , Amy Wakeland , are widely seen as Garcetti ’ s closest advisors .
Garcetti has denied witnessing the alleged harassing behavior .
Jacobs has also denied Garza ’ s allegations and told The Times Monday that the lawsuit is “ pure fiction.
” Garcetti has publicly stood by Jacobs since the lawsuit was filed .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be able to continue to work for the Mayor ’ s Fund and the other nonprofit while the case is being litigated .
“ This is something that should take a process forward , but shouldn ’ t keep somebody who has been a committed public servant from being able to continue to serve our community and our world , ” Garcetti said .

Rick Jacobs, center, shown in 2016, was named in a sexual harassment lawsuit filed by a Los Angeles police officer against the city of L.A.
Los Angeles city attorneys took aim Monday at allegations by a former bodyguard for Mayor Eric Garcetti who claimed in a lawsuit that he had been sexually harassed by a longtime advisor to the mayor.
In a nine-page court filing, city attorneys said LAPD Officer Matthew Garza’s complaint failed to “state facts” sufficient to bring the lawsuit, which alleged that the city subjected him to a hostile work environment in violation of the California Fair Employment and Housing Act.
For the record: This story states that Mayor Eric Garcetti made remarks about Rick Jacobs’ work for the Mayor’s Fund in August. Garcetti made the remarks in July.
Garza, who worked on the mayor’s security detail, sued the city in July, alleging that Garcetti consultant Rick Jacobs made crude sexual comments and touched him inappropriately over several years.
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City attorneys also argued that Garza waited too long to sue under the statute of limitations. Garza also never reported the alleged harassment, city attorneys wrote.
“Plaintiff alleges that these incidents occurred since 2014 yet plaintiff never reported such alleged conduct to the city,” the filing states. “To the extent that such events even occurred (which defendant denies), plaintiff should have taken advantage of the procedures that defendant has in place to address sexual harassment in the workplace.”
A longtime player in California politics, Jacobs serves on the board of directors of the Mayor’s Fund for Los Angeles, a nonprofit that raises money for Garcetti-backed causes. He also runs a separate Garcetti-supported nonprofit focused on economic development.
Garza’s lawsuit against the city alleges Jacobs harassed him beginning around 2014 and continued until October 2019.
Jacobs massaged Garza’s shoulders, hugged him and repeatedly made inappropriate comments, including talking about sex, according to the suit. The harassment took place on trips Garcetti took to Arizona, New Hampshire and elsewhere, the suit alleges. The mayor witnessed some of the inappropriate behavior but did not stop it, according to Garza’s lawsuit.
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The lawsuit also alleges that “Garcetti was present on approximately half of the occasions when Jacobs behaved in this way, and witnessed Jacobs’ conduct, but he took no action to correct Jacobs’ obviously harassing behavior.”
Garza’s attorney, Greg Smith, told The Times on Monday that there are “dozens of witnesses” to Jacobs’ alleged behavior. “It’s pretty incredible the city is taking the position this didn’t happen,” Smith said.
Jacobs, along with the mayor’s wife, Amy Wakeland, are widely seen as Garcetti’s closest advisors.
Garcetti has denied witnessing the alleged harassing behavior. Jacobs has also denied Garza’s allegations and told The Times Monday that the lawsuit is “pure fiction.”
Garcetti has publicly stood by Jacobs since the lawsuit was filed. The mayor said last month that Jacobs should be able to continue to work for the Mayor’s Fund and the other nonprofit while the case is being litigated.
“This is something that should take a process forward, but shouldn’t keep somebody who has been a committed public servant from being able to continue to serve our community and our world,” Garcetti said.
Times staff writer Richard Winton contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-09-22--Attorneys say independent autopsy shows Dijon Kizzee was shot 15 times

Attorneys representing the family of Dijon Kizzee said the 29-year-old man sustained 15 gunshot wounds and disputed the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s assertion that he pointed a gun at deputies before he was shot in South L.A. last month .
At a news conference Tuesday , attorney Carl Douglas said deputies fired some of the shots when Kizzee was already on the ground , and that the gunfire didn ’ t immediately kill him .
He said those findings came from an independent autopsy commissioned by the family and displayed a body diagram showing the entry point of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is he was alive and breathing and writhing in pain when the officers continued to stay away , ” Douglas said , suggesting that deputies did not render aid during those critical moments as Kizzee bled to death on Aug. 31 .
Kizzee ’ s family members stood by , wearing black face masks that said , “ Justice for Dijon Kizzee.
” The shooting occurred in the 1200 block of West 109th Place in the Westmont neighborhood after the deputies alleged that Kizzee was riding his bicycle in violation of vehicle codes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deputies as a trainee and his supervisor .
Douglas said witnesses reported that Kizzee did not have anything in his hands when he was shot .
The witnesses also said that deputies did not try to deescalate the encounter or give warnings before shooting , Douglas said .
He did not identify the witnesses .
The news conference followed a briefing last week at which Sheriff Alex Villanueva and other sheriff ’ s officials offered new details of what led up to the shooting , which has generated national attention and .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wrong side of the street when he was stopped by two deputies from the South L.A. station .
Capt .
Kent Wegener said Kizzee made a U-turn in front of deputies , dropped his bike on the sidewalk and ran .
As one deputy caught up to Kizzee , Wegener said , Kizzee lifted his arms , clothes in each hand , struck a deputy in the face , and a pistol dropped to the ground .
“ He bends over , reaches , picks up the gun and is shot as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Wegener said .
“ You will see that the deputy struggling with Kizzee does not arm himself until Kizzee bends down to pick up the gun he dropped.
” That narrative conflicts in some ways with prior versions of events .
Sheriff ’ s officials had previously said that the shooting occurred after the gun fell to the ground .
A day later , the Sheriff ’ s Department said it happened when Kizzee “ made a motion ” toward the gun .

Attorneys representing the family of Dijon Kizzee said the 29-year-old man sustained 15 gunshot wounds and disputed the Sheriff’s Department’s assertion that he pointed a gun at deputies before he was shot in South L.A. last month.
At a news conference Tuesday, attorney Carl Douglas said deputies fired some of the shots when Kizzee was already on the ground, and that the gunfire didn’t immediately kill him. He said those findings came from an independent autopsy commissioned by the family and displayed a body diagram showing the entry point of each wound.
“What this shows is he was alive and breathing and writhing in pain when the officers continued to stay away,” Douglas said, suggesting that deputies did not render aid during those critical moments as Kizzee bled to death on Aug. 31. Kizzee’s family members stood by, wearing black face masks that said, “Justice for Dijon Kizzee.”
The shooting occurred in the 1200 block of West 109th Place in the Westmont neighborhood after, deputies alleged, Kizzee was riding his bicycle in violation of vehicle codes. The Times has identified the two deputies as a trainee and his supervisor.
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Shaneika Hall, a cousin of Dijon Kizzee, whose image is on her mask, cries during a news conference Tuesday. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
Douglas said witnesses reported that Kizzee did not have anything in his hands when he was shot. The witnesses also said deputies did not try to deescalate the encounter or give warnings before shooting, Douglas said. He did not identify the witnesses.
The news conference followed a briefing last week at which Sheriff Alex Villanueva and other sheriff’s officials offered new details of what led up to the shooting, which has generated national attention and triggered days of protests .
They said Kizzee was riding his bike on the wrong side of the street when he was stopped by two deputies from the South L.A. station. Capt. Kent Wegener said Kizzee made a U-turn in front of deputies, dropped his bike on the sidewalk and ran.
As one deputy caught up to Kizzee, Wegener said, Kizzee lifted his arms, clothes in each hand, struck a deputy in the face, and a pistol dropped to the ground.
“He bends over, reaches, picks up the gun and is shot as he stands with the gun in hand,” Wegener said. “You will see that the deputy struggling with Kizzee does not arm himself until Kizzee bends down to pick up the gun he dropped.”
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That narrative conflicts in some ways with prior versions of events. Sheriff’s officials had previously said that the shooting occurred after the gun fell to the ground. A day later, the Sheriff’s Department said it happened when Kizzee “made a motion” toward the gun.


latimes--2020-09-22--A Labor Day-fueled coronavirus surge? 'Troubling trend,' but no clear evidence

When Los Angeles County officials explain the massive coronavirus outbreak that hit this summer , they often point to Memorial Day and the Fourth of July , two long weekends when gatherings with friends and family fueled the spread of the virus .
Now , two weeks after the Labor Day holiday , officials worry the same pattern is emerging .
On multiple days last week , L.A. County reported more than 1,000 new cases of the coronavirus , an uptick from the week prior .
There isn ’ t yet enough data to draw clear conclusions , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earlier this year , said L.A. County public health director Barbara Ferrer .
“ We do have four days of data from last week that showed a significant increase in the number of cases , ” she said at a news briefing Monday .
“ We ’ re going to have to pay attention to the data this week.
” The picture could become clearer as soon as Wednesday , when a new daily case count will be issued and Ferrer will hold another news conference .
Since it can take up to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infected , these cases could be ones that were contracted during the Labor Day holiday , she said .
But other than the timing , there is no indication that gatherings over the long weekend are the cause .
Even the surges that came after Memorial Day and the Fourth of July were linked to other factors as well , including protests and a rapid reopening of businesses that ultimately had to be rolled back .
In early to mid-September , daily coronavirus case counts were lower than usual , in part because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ combination of extreme heat , fires and hazardous air quality , Ferrer said .
So it ’ s possible that people who delayed testing then , when capacity was limited , may be getting tested now , temporarily inflating the case counts .
Ferrer said she was “ cautiously optimistic ” that case counts would begin to fall again , but could not be certain the increases are just a blip until later in the week .
Other indicators of coronavirus transmission in L.A. County remain flat or are dropping .
The county @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of tests administered that are coming back positive — has steadily declined over the past six weeks and sits at a record low , according to county data .
The number of people in the hospital with COVID-19 is also lower than it has been since at least April , according to Times data .
On July 18 , a few weeks after the July 4 holiday , there were 2,232 people in the hospital with COVID-19 .
On Sunday , there were 745 .
Regardless , the recent increase in coronavirus transmission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toward reopening .
To move into the next tier of reopening , the county needs to see only seven new coronavirus cases each day per 100,000 residents , maintained consistently for two weeks .
Once it reaches that goal , restaurants , gyms , churches and more would be allowed to open indoors at limited capacity .
The county met that standard in the week of Sept. 6-12 , but the latest surge in cases will likely put it out of its grasp again .

When Los Angeles County officials explain the massive coronavirus outbreak that hit this summer, they often point to Memorial Day and the Fourth of July, two long weekends when gatherings with friends and family fueled the spread of the virus.
Now, two weeks after the Labor Day holiday, officials worry the same pattern is emerging.
On multiple days last week, L.A. County reported more than 1,000 new cases of the coronavirus, an uptick from the week prior. There isn’t yet enough data to draw clear conclusions, but the “troubling trend” echoes what happened earlier this year, said L.A. County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer.
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“We do have four days of data from last week that showed a significant increase in the number of cases,” she said at a news briefing Monday. “We’re going to have to pay attention to the data this week.”
The picture could become clearer as soon as Wednesday, when a new daily case count will be issued and Ferrer will hold another news conference.
Since it can take up to two weeks to show symptoms after becoming infected, these cases could be ones that were contracted during the Labor Day holiday, she said.
But other than the timing, there is no indication that gatherings over the long weekend are the cause. Even the surges that came after Memorial Day and the Fourth of July were linked to other factors as well, including protests and a rapid reopening of businesses that ultimately had to be rolled back.
In early to mid-September, daily coronavirus case counts were lower than usual, in part because testing sites were closed due to a combination of extreme heat, fires and hazardous air quality, Ferrer said. So it’s possible that people who delayed testing then, when capacity was limited, may be getting tested now, temporarily inflating the case counts.
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Ferrer said she was “cautiously optimistic” that case counts would begin to fall again, but could not be certain the increases are just a blip until later in the week.
Other indicators of coronavirus transmission in L.A. County remain flat or are dropping. The county’s positivity rate — the percentage of tests administered that are coming back positive — has steadily declined over the past six weeks and sits at a record low, according to county data. The number of people in the hospital with COVID-19 is also lower than it has been since at least April, according to Times data.
On July 18, a few weeks after the July 4 holiday, there were 2,232 people in the hospital with COVID-19. On Sunday, there were 745.
Regardless, the recent increase in coronavirus transmission sets L.A. County back on its progress toward reopening.
To move into the next tier of reopening, the county needs to see only seven new coronavirus cases each day per 100,000 residents, maintained consistently for two weeks. Once it reaches that goal, restaurants, gyms, churches and more would be allowed to open indoors at limited capacity.
The county met that standard in the week of Sept. 6-12, but the latest surge in cases will likely put it out of its grasp again.


latimes--2020-09-22--Program to house homeless people in hotels is ending after falling short of goal

One hotel emptied its rooms in late August .
Another did so last week .
A third is winding down this week .
It ’ s the beginning of the end for L.A. County ’ s Project Roomkey , the $ 100 million-plus program to repurpose hotels and motels emptied by the coronavirus as safe havens for homeless people .
After peaking at just over 4,300 guests — about 30 % of its ambitious goal — the project will shed several hundred beds monthly until it closes down early next year , said Heidi Marston , executive director of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program is being squeezed by uncertain funding from the Federal Emergency Management Agency , which pays about 75 % of its cost , raising the possibility of a sudden cutoff that would force the county to abruptly shut down hotels , Marston said in an interview .
Marston said LAHSA intends to transition the 4,000 people still living in hotels into other housing so they will not be forced to return to the street .
“ Our first priority is those who are in the hotels , ” Marston said .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the street.
” The program , part of a statewide effort launched by Gov .
Gavin Newsom , began in March with a goal of providing temporary housing for all of the 15,000 people in LAHSA ’ s records who were 65 or older or had chronic health conditions such as heart or respiratory illness — the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ’ s benchmarks for those most vulnerable to hospitalization or death from COVID-19 .
Its legacy will be mixed .
By moving thousands of people off the street in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstration of what can be done , officials say .
In some ways the county ’ s program outshone the state , quickly filling more than 90 % of available rooms while statewide occupancy was slow reaching 50 % .
But it also highlighted limitations of both funding and human capital to solve the county ’ s homeless crisis .
As an initial surge of leases with hotel owners tapered off , it quickly became clear the program would fall well short of its goal and make no more than a small dent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be living on the county ’ s streets .
It still faces a high bar in providing shelter or housing for all those considered highly vulnerable .
“ There were aspects that I think were a huge success , ” said Sarah Dusseault , who chaired LASHA ’ s governing commission through its early stages .
“ Housing that many people in a short period of time , I think that is extremely successful .
Nothing on that scale has ever been attempted before.
” “ There ’ s no example like it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We have to be smart about the use of our resources , and so I say to you that this shows progress , and we need to replicate it .
We need to build on it.
” Phil Ansell , head of the county ’ s Homeless Initiative , said the limiting factor was the number of hotel and motel owners willing to participate .
Although the owners of more than 20,000 properties expressed interest , differences over price , qualms by insurance carriers and lenders , and concerns about branding turned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Roomkey was an unprecedented undertaking in an unprecedented situation , ” Ansell said .
“ We didn ’ t know how it would play out and that included not knowing how hotel and motel owners would respond to the opportunity.
” LAHSA and the county added their own impediment early in the program when they decided for efficiency to target only hotels of 100 or more rooms , eliminating some of the most eager participants .
Early concerns that providers of nursing , security and case management services would be unable to keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Though Project Roomkey imposed major demands on service providers , “ we never turned away from a willing owner who had an acceptable price based on any concerns about capacity ” to staff the hotels , Ansell said .
But the inherent difficulty of working with unsheltered homeless individuals — who make up 73 % of Los Angeles ’ homeless population — was also evident .
The rest live in different forms of interim housing , such as shelters .
Data on Project Roomkey provided to The Times show that just over a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ checked into the 38 hotels and motels have moved out .
Of those , 10 % went to permanent housing and 3 % went to another shelter .
At least 20 % went back to the street .
Just over half of those who left were unaccounted for .
Marston characterized those numbers as similar to what occurs in interim housing generally , partly because of rules and schedules .
“ For me , it was about the curfew , ” Marston said .
“ You have to be in by 7 p.m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Despite the difficulties , LAHSA has never abandoned its goal of getting 15,000 people indoors , a goal Marston said was based on the need , not an assessment of what was possible .
It still faces a sobering financing hurdle .
In June , the agency asked Los Angeles County for an additional $ 800 million it said would be needed to provide permanent placements for the most vulnerable people over three years .
The last point-in-time count , which was conducted in January , found that Los Angeles County had about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now winding down , it will focus on ensuring that those living in hotels don ’ t get forced back on the street .
Marston said the agency has commitments of $ 50 million from the city and county , which will be enough to house about 4,900 people .
The money , which comes from the federal CARES Act , must be spent by Dec. 31 .
Marston said her agency is going to make an aggressive effort to recruit landlords to take homeless individuals on as tenants .
In addition , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is expected across Los Angeles County through Newsom ’ s Project Homekey , which provides funds to purchase or master-lease hotels and motels .
Los Angeles County has been awarded nearly $ 54 million to buy five motels , and funds for three more motels are expected to be approved by the state .
If they are , it would add a little over 600 new units to the county ’ s housing stock .
As part of the requirements to use this money , the state said homeless people must be living @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some of these motels are participating in Project Roomkey .
Over the next year , several will be renovated and converted into permanent housing .
The city of Los Angeles and its Housing Authority have commitments for 11 properties and are negotiating for five more that would provide 842 units in total , the city administrative officer reported .
Still , Marston doesn ’ t anticipate there will be enough housing available to move everyone directly into permanent placements .
Already , some of the guests in the two Roomkey sites that closed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The long-term housing plan depends on the completion of several thousand units of new permanent supportive housing that is either under construction or moving forward with funding from Proposition HHH , the city ’ s $ 1.2-billion homeless housing bond program .
Dusseault , the LASHA commissioner , said she has been encouraged by a new openness to innovative housing models , including shared housing and “ pallet home ” villages featuring tiny prefab houses .
“ Our goal is to tap into the private sector and into the capacity we know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That ’ s going to require new and creative partnerships to access a much greater range of landlords than we have in the past .
I ’ m talking to private sector innovators all the time .
I think there is only going to be more innovation to cut cost and time of construction.
” The schedule of Project Roomkey closings is still tentative , Marston said .
The city and county , which have both negotiated leases , are working with LAHSA to make the withdrawal orderly .
The goal , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clients six to eight weeks before the close date and start intensive casework to have 50 % of the guests out a month in advance .
Anyone still in the hotel by the close date will be moved to interim housing .
“ It does not shock me at all to learn that very few people are moving from Project Roomkey into permanent housing , ” said Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles attorney Shayla Myers .
“ All that does is illustrate the fact that we do not have nearly enough permanent @ @ @ @ @ @

Genia Hope, 52, moves into her new room at a hotel on July 7 as part of Project Roomkey, an L.A. County program that repurposed hotels and motels emptied by the coronavirus as safe havens for homeless people.
One hotel emptied its rooms in late August. Another did so last week. A third is winding down this week.
It’s the beginning of the end for L.A. County’s Project Roomkey, the $100 million-plus program to repurpose hotels and motels emptied by the coronavirus as safe havens for homeless people.
After peaking at just over 4,300 guests — about 30% of its ambitious goal — the project will shed several hundred beds monthly until it closes down early next year, said Heidi Marston, executive director of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority.
The program is being squeezed by uncertain funding from the Federal Emergency Management Agency, which pays about 75% of its cost, raising the possibility of a sudden cutoff that would force the county to abruptly shut down hotels, Marston said in an interview.
Marston said LAHSA intends to transition the 4,000 people still living in hotels into other housing so they will not be forced to return to the street.
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“Our first priority is those who are in the hotels,” Marston said. “We don’t want them exiting back to the street.”
The program, part of a statewide effort launched by Gov. Gavin Newsom, began in March with a goal of providing temporary housing for all of the 15,000 people in LAHSA’s records who were 65 or older or had chronic health conditions such as heart or respiratory illness — the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s benchmarks for those most vulnerable to hospitalization or death from COVID-19.
Its legacy will be mixed. By moving thousands of people off the street in record time, it was a stunning demonstration of what can be done, officials say. In some ways the county’s program outshone the state, quickly filling more than 90% of available rooms while statewide occupancy was slow reaching 50%.
But it also highlighted limitations of both funding and human capital to solve the county’s homeless crisis. As an initial surge of leases with hotel owners tapered off, it quickly became clear the program would fall well short of its goal and make no more than a small dent in the roughly 48,000 people estimated to be living on the county’s streets. It still faces a high bar in providing shelter or housing for all those considered highly vulnerable.
“There were aspects that I think were a huge success,” said Sarah Dusseault, who chaired LASHA’s governing commission through its early stages. “Housing that many people in a short period of time, I think that is extremely successful. Nothing on that scale has ever been attempted before.”
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“There’s no example like it,” Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas said. “We have to be smart about the use of our resources, and so I say to you that this shows progress, and we need to replicate it. We need to build on it.”
Phil Ansell, head of the county’s Homeless Initiative, said the limiting factor was the number of hotel and motel owners willing to participate. Although the owners of more than 20,000 properties expressed interest, differences over price, qualms by insurance carriers and lenders, and concerns about branding turned out to be obstacles.
“Project Roomkey was an unprecedented undertaking in an unprecedented situation,” Ansell said. “We didn’t know how it would play out and that included not knowing how hotel and motel owners would respond to the opportunity.”
LAHSA and the county added their own impediment early in the program when they decided for efficiency to target only hotels of 100 or more rooms, eliminating some of the most eager participants.
Early concerns that providers of nursing, security and case management services would be unable to keep pace proved unfounded, Ansell said.
Though Project Roomkey imposed major demands on service providers, “we never turned away from a willing owner who had an acceptable price based on any concerns about capacity” to staff the hotels, Ansell said.
But the inherent difficulty of working with unsheltered homeless individuals — who make up 73% of Los Angeles’ homeless population — was also evident. The rest live in different forms of interim housing, such as shelters.
Data on Project Roomkey provided to The Times show that just over a third of the roughly 6,600 people who checked into the 38 hotels and motels have moved out. Of those, 10% went to permanent housing and 3% went to another shelter. At least 20% went back to the street. Just over half of those who left were unaccounted for.
Marston characterized those numbers as similar to what occurs in interim housing generally, partly because of rules and schedules.
“For me, it was about the curfew,” Marston said. “You have to be in by 7 p.m. They get bored and lonely.”
Despite the difficulties, LAHSA has never abandoned its goal of getting 15,000 people indoors, a goal Marston said was based on the need, not an assessment of what was possible. It still faces a sobering financing hurdle. In June, the agency asked Los Angeles County for an additional $800 million it said would be needed to provide permanent placements for the most vulnerable people over three years.
The last point-in-time count, which was conducted in January, found that Los Angeles County had about 66,000 homeless people. With the leases now winding down, it will focus on ensuring that those living in hotels don’t get forced back on the street.
Marston said the agency has commitments of $50 million from the city and county, which will be enough to house about 4,900 people. The money, which comes from the federal CARES Act, must be spent by Dec. 31.
Guest services associate Mia Rogers, 23, left, delivers lunches to guests with licensed vocational nurse Ricard F. and case manager Thomas Young, right, at a Los Angeles hotel participating in Project Roomkey on July 22. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
Marston said her agency is going to make an aggressive effort to recruit landlords to take homeless individuals on as tenants.
In addition, several hundred units of new homeless housing is expected across Los Angeles County through Newsom’s Project Homekey, which provides funds to purchase or master-lease hotels and motels. Los Angeles County has been awarded nearly $54 million to buy five motels, and funds for three more motels are expected to be approved by the state.
If they are, it would add a little over 600 new units to the county’s housing stock. As part of the requirements to use this money, the state said homeless people must be living in the motels within 90 days. Some of these motels are participating in Project Roomkey. Over the next year, several will be renovated and converted into permanent housing.
The city of Los Angeles and its Housing Authority have commitments for 11 properties and are negotiating for five more that would provide 842 units in total, the city administrative officer reported.
Still, Marston doesn’t anticipate there will be enough housing available to move everyone directly into permanent placements.
Already, some of the guests in the two Roomkey sites that closed had to be shifted to other locations.
The long-term housing plan depends on the completion of several thousand units of new permanent supportive housing that is either under construction or moving forward with funding from Proposition HHH, the city’s $1.2-billion homeless housing bond program.
Dusseault, the LASHA commissioner, said she has been encouraged by a new openness to innovative housing models, including shared housing and “pallet home” villages featuring tiny prefab houses.
“Our goal is to tap into the private sector and into the capacity we know exists,” Dusseault said. “That’s going to require new and creative partnerships to access a much greater range of landlords than we have in the past. I’m talking to private sector innovators all the time. I think there is only going to be more innovation to cut cost and time of construction.”
The schedule of Project Roomkey closings is still tentative, Marston said. The city and county, which have both negotiated leases, are working with LAHSA to make the withdrawal orderly.
The goal, she said, is to stop accepting new clients six to eight weeks before the close date and start intensive casework to have 50% of the guests out a month in advance. Anyone still in the hotel by the close date will be moved to interim housing.
“It does not shock me at all to learn that very few people are moving from Project Roomkey into permanent housing,” said
Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles attorney Shayla Myers.
“All that does is illustrate the fact that we do not have nearly enough permanent housing available for people.”