latimes--2020-10-21--L.A.'s Ryu-Raman council race reflects wider battle over policing among Democrats and the left

The day U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris was tapped to be the Democratic Party ’ s vice presidential nominee , L.A. 's chapter of Democratic Socialists for America had a blunt message for its followers .
“ Kamala is a cop , ” the group wrote on Twitter .
“ And our stance will always be : abolish the police.
” DSA-LA has shown far more enthusiasm for a candidate in a more local contest , raising money , phone-banking and sending postcards for Nithya Raman , the urban planner looking to unseat one-term Councilman David Ryu .
With the campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now attempting to make Raman supporters like DSA-LA a potent election issue .
In campaign mailers , he has told voters that her campaign is powered by “ divisive radicals ” whose publicly stated agenda is to eliminate the LAPD entirely , leaving Angelenos vulnerable to violent crime .
“ It ’ s dangerous , ” said Ryu , who represents a Silver Lake-to-Sherman Oaks district .
“ And it will have negative consequences for Council District 4 and the city of L.A. ” Raman , in an interview , said DSA-LA is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only one of several groups supporting her .
She accused Ryu of “ fear mongering ” on the issue of police reform , saying she has no intention of getting rid of the LAPD .
“ In the aftermath of a national reckoning around race and police violence , Councilmember Ryu is choosing to lie and stoke fear around police reform in order to get votes , and use my support of Black Lives Matter against me , ” she said .
“ It ’ s disgraceful conduct in this moment , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race comes at a turning point for public safety in L.A. , with activists , advocacy groups and the two candidates themselves arguing that police officers are being assigned to do too much , responding not just to violent crime but also complaint calls about barking dogs , noisy parties and homeless encampments .
Ryu , who previously worked for a community mental health center in South L.A. , voted with his colleagues last week to begin creating a pilot program assigning specialists to respond to certain nonviolent calls , such as those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He and the council also cut the LAPD budget by $ 150 million in July , using part of the proceeds to delay furloughs for civilian city workers .
Raman , for her part , has posted a 14,000-word public safety platform saying the city should transform the LAPD into a “ much smaller , specialized armed force , ” moving police out of such duties as traffic enforcement , vehicle collisions and non-violent mental health crises .
That change , she said , would reduce the potential for deadly encounters between police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better rested and more attentive ” to violent crime .
In an interview , Raman declined to say how much smaller the department should be , or how long it would take for the city to scale back its operations , saying she first needs to determine how the LAPD spends its money .
“ I ’ m hoping to have more of that information once I ’ m in office , ” she told The Times .
“ I just don ’ t have a lot of data right now.
” Raman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hero to voters on the left end of the political spectrum , not just in L.A. but across the country .
She has scored the backing of U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders and luminaries like Jane Fonda .
Ryu , in turn , racked up endorsements from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton , as well as the county ’ s Democratic Party .
Those endorsements offered the latest signs that the race has evolved into a proxy fight between establishment Democrats , many of whom favor Ryu , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Ground Game L.A. and Sunrise Movement Los Angeles — all of whom have mobilized for Raman and called for abolition or total defunding of the LAPD .
At times , DSA-LA has gone further , calling officers “ pigs ” and using the acronym ACAB — “ All Cops are Bastards.
” Ryu has seized on those types of messages , noting in one recent campaign mailer that the group posted the message “ cops and klan go hand in hand.
” “ This is what Nithya Raman ’ s supporters believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says .
Meghan Choi , Raman ’ s co-campaign manager , did not directly address those tweets , saying instead that Ryu ’ s focus on them are “ cheap ” and “ distasteful , ” and an attempt to distract voters from Raman ’ s “ unprecedented ” grassroots engagement .
Raman ’ s campaign previously hit Ryu over his support from the Police Protective League , the LAPD union that spent nearly $ 45,000 supporting his reelection earlier this year .
Erin O ’ Neal-Robinson , who co-chairs DSA-LA ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spend less time checking her group ’ s Twitter feed and more time protecting his constituents , especially those who are homeless .
She said she believes DSA-LA is arguing not for the literal end of the LAPD , but rather an end to the department ’ s current model of armed response .
“ There ’ s no accountability .
Their budgets are too high .
And those funds should be put into public health and safety programs , ” she said .
“ That doesn ’ t sound radical to me.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ over her decision to sign a petition saying she supports the People ’ s Budget , a policy document billed as an alternative to Mayor Eric Garcetti ’ s spending plan for the current fiscal year , which allocated more than half the city ’ s unrestricted revenue to the LAPD .
The petition , signed by current and former city employees , called on the council to reallocate law enforcement funding as spelled out in the People ’ s Budget , which surveyed the spending priorities of nearly 25,000 Angelenos .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the People ’ s Budget proposes to allocate 1.64 % of the city ’ s general fund toward law enforcement , with the savings redirected to rent assistance , food relief , public health programs and other social needs .
People ’ s Budget L.A. , a coalition convened by Black Lives Matter-L.A. , also says its ultimate goal is the abolition of police and prisons .
Ryu criticized Raman for signing the petition , saying she had effectively endorsed an “ irresponsible ” 98 % reduction at the LAPD .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in L.A. 's disadvantaged communities , who want quality community policing and officers who respond in an emergency , Ryu said .
“ What they don ’ t want is to be racially profiled .
They want to be treated with respect and dignity , ” Ryu added .
Raman accused Ryu of misrepresenting her position , saying she signed the petition because she supported the extensive effort to gauge the public ’ s views on city spending .
“ I ’ ve never provided a set figure for how much of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said .
Melina Abdullah , co-founder of Black Lives Matter-LA , said Raman signed on to the priorities of the People ’ s Budget — and the idea that police would be the lowest priority — but not any specific percentage .
The People ’ s Budget is simply a survey , she said , not a budget with dollar figures attached .
“ All she ’ s doing is saying she ’ s in alignment with the will of the people who ’ ve completed this survey , ” Abdullah said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found overwhelming public support for deep cuts at the LAPD , other surveys have been less clear .
The Police Protective League , the union representing most LAPD officers , commissioned a poll in August that found that only 13 % of L.A. residents favor a reduction of 90 % or more in police spending .
Political consultant Eric Hacopian said he has seen polling that shows much greater support for significant police cuts .
But a majority of Angelenos still oppose the idea — which might explain Ryu ’ s strategy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to consolidate everyone but hardcore progressives , ” said Hacopian , who did consulting work earlier this year for a committee that backed Ryu .
Cindy Chvatal , a longtime Ryu supporter who lives in Hancock Park , is one of those worried about the stances taken by groups supporting Raman .
The department needs more oversight , she said , and must embrace reforms that address systemic racism .
“ But I don ’ t believe in blowing it all up , ” she said .
“ I believe in fixing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ final weeks , Councilman Mike Bonin has waded in , saying that Ryu is engaging in “ red-baiting ” by targeting the Democratic Socialists .
Bonin , a Ryu supporter , also defended Ground Game L.A. , saying that organization had distributed food and done other good work in his Westside district .
Bill Przylucki , Ground Game L.A. 's executive director , confirmed that his group supports the People ’ s Budget and the push to take police spending below 2 % .
But he cautioned that such an effort would take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election of many more like-minded people to the council .
“ Whether or not Nithya wins , ” he said , “ we want to take this citywide .
”

Los Angeles City Councilman David Ryu, shown last month in Larchmont Village, has taken aim at groups supporting his opponent, urban planner Nithya Raman.
The day U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris was tapped to be the Democratic Party’s vice presidential nominee, L.A.’s chapter of Democratic Socialists for America had a blunt message for its followers.
“Kamala is a cop,” the group wrote on Twitter. “And our stance will always be: abolish the police.”
DSA-LA has shown far more enthusiasm for a candidate in a more local contest, raising money, phone-banking and sending postcards for Nithya Raman, the urban planner looking to unseat one-term Councilman David Ryu.
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With the campaign in its final weeks, Ryu is now attempting to make Raman supporters like DSA-LA a potent election issue. In campaign mailers, he has told voters that her campaign is powered by “divisive radicals” whose publicly stated agenda is to eliminate the LAPD entirely, leaving Angelenos vulnerable to violent crime.
“It’s dangerous,” said Ryu, who represents a Silver Lake-to-Sherman Oaks district. “And it will have negative consequences for Council District 4 and the city of L.A.”
Raman, in an interview, said DSA-LA is neither radical nor divisive, and is only one of several groups supporting her. She accused Ryu of “fear mongering” on the issue of police reform, saying she has no intention of getting rid of the LAPD.
“In the aftermath of a national reckoning around race and police violence, Councilmember Ryu is choosing to lie and stoke fear around police reform in order to get votes, and use my support of Black Lives Matter against me,” she said. “It’s disgraceful conduct in this moment, and we deserve better leadership.”
The Ryu-Raman race comes at a turning point for public safety in L.A., with activists, advocacy groups and the two candidates themselves arguing that police officers are being assigned to do too much, responding not just to violent crime but also complaint calls about barking dogs, noisy parties and homeless encampments.
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Ryu, who previously worked for a community mental health center in South L.A., voted with his colleagues last week to begin creating a pilot program assigning specialists to respond to certain nonviolent calls, such as those involving suicide threats or substance abuse. He and the council also cut the LAPD budget by $150 million in July, using part of the proceeds to delay furloughs for civilian city workers.
Raman, for her part, has posted a 14,000-word public safety platform saying the city should transform the LAPD into a “much smaller, specialized armed force,” moving police out of such duties as traffic enforcement, vehicle collisions and non-violent mental health crises. That change, she said, would reduce the potential for deadly encounters between police and civilians, while leaving officers “better rested and more attentive” to violent crime.
In an interview, Raman declined to say how much smaller the department should be, or how long it would take for the city to scale back its operations, saying she first needs to determine how the LAPD spends its money.
“I’m hoping to have more of that information once I’m in office,” she told The Times. “I just don’t have a lot of data right now.”
Los Angeles City Council candidate Nithya Raman, who is seeking to unseat incumbent David Ryu, says L.A. needs to rethink how it provides public safety. (Los Angeles Times)
Raman, 39, has emerged as a hero to voters on the left end of the political spectrum, not just in L.A. but across the country. She has scored the backing of U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders and luminaries like Jane Fonda. Ryu, in turn, racked up endorsements from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, as well as the county’s Democratic Party.
Those endorsements offered the latest signs that the race has evolved into a proxy fight between establishment Democrats, many of whom favor Ryu, and more leftist groups such as DSA-LA, Ground Game L.A. and Sunrise Movement Los Angeles — all of whom have mobilized for Raman and called for abolition or total defunding of the LAPD.
At times, DSA-LA has gone further, calling officers “pigs” and using the acronym ACAB — “All Cops are Bastards.” Ryu has seized on those types of messages, noting in one recent campaign mailer that the group posted the message “cops and klan go hand in hand.”
“This is what Nithya Raman’s supporters believe. Does she?” the mailer says.
Nope. Defund and abolish the police. — DSA-LA 🌹 (@DSA_LosAngeles) June 7, 2020
Meghan Choi, Raman’s co-campaign manager, did not directly address those tweets, saying instead that Ryu’s focus on them are “cheap” and “distasteful,” and an attempt to distract voters from Raman’s “unprecedented” grassroots engagement. Raman’s campaign previously hit Ryu over his support from the Police Protective League, the LAPD union that spent nearly $45,000 supporting his reelection earlier this year.
Erin O’Neal-Robinson, who co-chairs DSA-LA’s electoral politics committee, said Ryu should spend less time checking her group’s Twitter feed and more time protecting his constituents, especially those who are homeless. She said she believes DSA-LA is arguing not for the literal end of the LAPD, but rather an end to the department’s current model of armed response.
“There’s no accountability. Their budgets are too high. And those funds should be put into public health and safety programs,” she said. “That doesn’t sound radical to me.”
Ryu has also taken on Raman over her decision to sign a petition saying she supports the People’s Budget, a policy document billed as an alternative to Mayor Eric Garcetti’s spending plan for the current fiscal year, which allocated more than half the city’s unrestricted revenue to the LAPD.
I once worked at LA City Hall. I know the culture there can make it very difficult to speak up for what you believe.
Thank you to the hundreds of current and former city employees who have taken this courageous stand advocating for a People's Budget. I signed too! https://t.co/nIuiMSyxdG — Nithya Raman (@nithyavraman) July 3, 2020
The petition, signed by current and former city employees, called on the council to reallocate law enforcement funding as spelled out in the People’s Budget, which surveyed the spending priorities of nearly 25,000 Angelenos.
On the People’s Budget L.A. website, the People’s Budget proposes to allocate 1.64% of the city’s general fund toward law enforcement, with the savings redirected to rent assistance, food relief, public health programs and other social needs. People’s Budget L.A., a coalition convened by Black Lives Matter-L.A., also says its ultimate goal is the abolition of police and prisons.
Ryu criticized Raman for signing the petition, saying she had effectively endorsed an “irresponsible” 98% reduction at the LAPD. That runs counter to the wishes of residents in L.A.’s disadvantaged communities, who want quality community policing and officers who respond in an emergency, Ryu said.
“What they don’t want is to be racially profiled. They want to be treated with respect and dignity,” Ryu added.
Raman accused Ryu of misrepresenting her position, saying she signed the petition because she supported the extensive effort to gauge the public’s views on city spending. “I’ve never provided a set figure for how much of the budget should go to police,” she said.
Melina Abdullah, co-founder of Black Lives Matter-LA, said Raman signed on to the priorities of the People’s Budget — and the idea that police would be the lowest priority — but not any specific percentage. The People’s Budget is simply a survey, she said, not a budget with dollar figures attached.
“All she’s doing is saying she’s in alignment with the will of the people who’ve completed this survey,” Abdullah said.
While the People’s Budget found overwhelming public support for deep cuts at the LAPD, other surveys have been less clear. The Police Protective League, the union representing most LAPD officers, commissioned a poll in August that found that only 13% of L.A. residents favor a reduction of 90% or more in police spending.
Political consultant Eric Hacopian said he has seen polling that shows much greater support for significant police cuts. But a majority of Angelenos still oppose the idea — which might explain Ryu’s strategy, he said.
“He’s trying to consolidate everyone but hardcore progressives,” said Hacopian, who did consulting work earlier this year for a committee that backed Ryu.
Cindy Chvatal, a longtime Ryu supporter who lives in Hancock Park, is one of those worried about the stances taken by groups supporting Raman. The department needs more oversight, she said, and must embrace reforms that address systemic racism.
“But I don’t believe in blowing it all up,” she said. “I believe in fixing it.”
In the campaign’s final weeks, Councilman Mike Bonin has waded in, saying that Ryu is engaging in “red-baiting” by targeting the Democratic Socialists. Bonin, a Ryu supporter, also defended Ground Game L.A., saying that organization had distributed food and done other good work in his Westside district.
Bill Przylucki, Ground Game L.A.’s executive director, confirmed that his group supports the People’s Budget and the push to take police spending below 2%. But he cautioned that such an effort would take several years in L.A. and require the election of many more like-minded people to the council.
“Whether or not Nithya wins,” he said, “we want to take this citywide.”


latimes--2020-10-21--Two more men accuse Garcetti advisor Rick Jacobs of sexual misconduct

Facing two new accusations of sexual misconduct , Rick Jacobs , a top political advisor to Mayor Eric Garcetti , said Tuesday night he will “ take a leave ” from his work amid increasing questions about the allegations .
Jacobs had previously served as Garcetti ’ s deputy chief of staff .
He is currently on the board of the nonprofit Mayor ’ s Fund for Los Angeles and serves as its treasurer , and is chief executive of a nonprofit he founded with Garcetti focused on spurring economic development .
Jacobs said in an emailed statement that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service for 17 years .
He didn ’ t address the allegations against him , saying , “ I don ’ t want this to be a distraction .
Therefore , I will take a leave from my non-profit work and my volunteer political work with the mayor.
” Jacobs in the past has denied any wrongdoing , and Garcetti has publicly stood by his longtime advisor .
On Tuesday , the mayor released a statement saying he takes “ seriously all allegations of harassment.
” The accusations could become a political issue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ co-chair of Joe Biden ’ s campaign and has been mentioned as a possible Cabinet appointee if Biden wins the presidency .
The first sexual harassment allegation against Jacobs came this summer in a lawsuit filed by a Los Angeles police officer who worked as a bodyguard for Garcetti .
The officer alleged that Garcetti witnessed inappropriate behavior by Jacobs toward him , but did not stop it .
Garcetti has denied seeing any inappropriate behavior .
On Monday , in a first-person article posted online , journalist Yashar Ali accused Jacobs of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ filed , The Times has interviewed people who know Jacobs .
Some said they were surprised by the lawsuit and said they never witnessed misconduct by Jacobs .
But two individuals have told The Times they have been the targets of unwanted touching or harassing by Jacobs .
Neither man would agree to allow his name to be published , citing fears of retaliation .
Others who were interviewed said they feared that talking about Jacobs would hurt Garcetti ’ s political career .
Neither Garcetti ’ s office nor Jacobs responded to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the two men ’ s allegations .
One man said Jacobs groped him when he was leaving a party at Jacobs ’ house in 2012 .
The man , who was 30 years old at the time , said he hadn ’ t met Jacobs before that day , and went to the party with his boyfriend .
As he was leaving , he stopped to say goodbye to Jacobs .
“ If you and your boyfriend go south , give me a call , ” Jacobs told the man , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his buttock with a full palm and squeezed , and then lifted it .
The man said he had only recently come out as gay , and said he felt stunned and objectified .
Jacobs “ was this prominent figure , and it caught me off guard , ” the man said .
“ It was so out of the ordinary.
” Another guest at the party confirmed the man ’ s account .
The guest told The Times that the man told him , “ That guy just grabbed my ass.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — told The Times he was talking to friends at an event in Los Angeles last year when Jacobs strode over .
“ He tried to hug and kiss me forcibly , ” the man recounted in an interview .
The strategist used both hands to push Jacobs away , but Jacobs persisted , trying to force an embrace , the man said .
One of the strategist ’ s friends stepped in and asked the man if he needed help .
Another man who was at the event confirmed Jacobs ’ behavior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grossly uncomfortable , ” the man said .
The strategist showed The Times communications showing him complaining about Jacobs ’ behavior following the event .
Jacobs is both a political consultant to the mayor and longtime friends with Garcetti and his wife , Amy Wakeland .
He headed the California operation of Howard Dean ’ s 2004 presidential bid , a campaign that Wakeland also worked on .
A native of Tennessee , Jacobs worked as an Occidental Petroleum Corp. vice president and founded the liberal advocacy group Courage Campaign .
He earned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deputy chief of staff — after raising money to support Garcetti ’ s 2013 mayoral run before stepping down in 2016 .
Weingart Foundation Chief Executive Fred Ali , who serves on the board of the Mayor ’ s Fund with Jacobs , said he didn ’ t witness any behavior that made him uncomfortable or that he deemed inappropriate .
“ With allegations like these , ” Ali said , “ I think they need to be investigated to the fullest possible extent , and then have the outcomes fall where they @ @ @

Rick Jacobs, center, shown in 2016 when he served as deputy chief of staff to Mayor Eric Garcetti. Jacobs said Tuesday amid sexual misconduct allegations that he was taking a leave as a volunteer advisor to Garcetti.
Facing two new accusations of sexual misconduct, Rick Jacobs, a top political advisor to Mayor Eric Garcetti, said Tuesday night he will “take a leave” from his work amid increasing questions about the allegations.
Jacobs had previously served as Garcetti’s deputy chief of staff. He is currently on the board of the nonprofit Mayor’s Fund for Los Angeles and serves as its treasurer, and is chief executive of a nonprofit he founded with Garcetti focused on spurring economic development.
Jacobs said in an emailed statement that he had dedicated himself to advocacy and public service for 17 years. He didn’t address the allegations against him, saying, “I don’t want this to be a distraction. Therefore, I will take a leave from my non-profit work and my volunteer political work with the mayor.”
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Jacobs in the past has denied any wrongdoing, and Garcetti has publicly stood by his longtime advisor. On Tuesday, the mayor released a statement saying he takes “seriously all allegations of harassment.”
The accusations could become a political issue for the mayor, who is national co-chair of Joe Biden’s campaign and has been mentioned as a possible Cabinet appointee if Biden wins the presidency.
The first sexual harassment allegation against Jacobs came this summer in a lawsuit filed by a Los Angeles police officer who worked as a bodyguard for Garcetti. The officer alleged that Garcetti witnessed inappropriate behavior by Jacobs toward him, but did not stop it. Garcetti has denied seeing any inappropriate behavior.
On Monday, in a first-person article posted online, journalist Yashar Ali accused Jacobs of sexual misconduct.
Since the lawsuit was filed, The Times has interviewed people who know Jacobs. Some said they were surprised by the lawsuit and said they never witnessed misconduct by Jacobs.
But two individuals have told The Times they have been the targets of unwanted touching or harassing by Jacobs.
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Neither man would agree to allow his name to be published, citing fears of retaliation. Others who were interviewed said they feared that talking about Jacobs would hurt Garcetti’s political career.
Neither Garcetti’s office nor Jacobs responded to written questions sent by The Times about the two men’s allegations.
One man said Jacobs groped him when he was leaving a party at Jacobs’ house in 2012.
The man, who was 30 years old at the time, said he hadn’t met Jacobs before that day, and went to the party with his boyfriend. As he was leaving, he stopped to say goodbye to Jacobs.
“If you and your boyfriend go south, give me a call,” Jacobs told the man, according to his account.
He said Jacobs grabbed his buttock with a full palm and squeezed, and then lifted it.
The man said he had only recently come out as gay, and said he felt stunned and objectified. Jacobs “was this prominent figure, and it caught me off guard,” the man said. “It was so out of the ordinary.”
Another guest at the party confirmed the man’s account. The guest told The Times that the man told him, “That guy just grabbed my ass.”
Another man — a longtime Democratic strategist — told The Times he was talking to friends at an event in Los Angeles last year when Jacobs strode over. “He tried to hug and kiss me forcibly,” the man recounted in an interview.
The strategist used both hands to push Jacobs away, but Jacobs persisted, trying to force an embrace, the man said. One of the strategist’s friends stepped in and asked the man if he needed help.
Another man who was at the event confirmed Jacobs’ behavior towards the man. “It was grossly uncomfortable,” the man said.
The strategist showed The Times communications showing him complaining about Jacobs’ behavior following the event.
Jacobs is both a political consultant to the mayor and longtime friends with Garcetti and his wife, Amy Wakeland.
He headed the California operation of Howard Dean’s 2004 presidential bid, a campaign that Wakeland also worked on.
A native of Tennessee, Jacobs worked as an Occidental Petroleum Corp. vice president and founded the liberal advocacy group Courage Campaign.
He earned a top spot in City Hall — deputy chief of staff — after raising money to support Garcetti’s 2013 mayoral run before stepping down in 2016.
Weingart Foundation Chief Executive Fred Ali, who serves on the board of the Mayor’s Fund with Jacobs, said he didn’t witness any behavior that made him uncomfortable or that he deemed inappropriate.
“With allegations like these,” Ali said, “I think they need to be investigated to the fullest possible extent, and then have the outcomes fall where they fall.”
Times staff writer David Zahniser contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-10-22--Gil Cisneros and Young Kim spar in rematch to represent 39th Congressional district

In 2018 , Gil Cisneros launched his first-ever political campaign , targeting the tri-county 39th Congressional district and stumping on hot-button topics : healthcare , jobs , diverse representation .
Legislative veteran Young Kim , his opponent , remembers that the newcomer didn ’ t have a voting record to attack .
So the former state assemblywoman ran a campaign focusing on her decades working as a top aide to Congressman Ed Royce ( R-Fullerton ) , who had announced his retirement , opening up the seat at a time when the economy was flourishing .
On election night , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days later , after a count of mail-in ballots , Cisneros claimed victory by 3.2 percentage points , just over 7,600 votes .
Now both of the candidates are headed for a rematch in one of the hottest races in California .
And what a difference two years can make .
Cisneros , as incumbent , has an advantage .
The former Navy supply officer , who won a $ 266 million-dollar jackpot that allowed him to take up philanthropy and politics , points to his advocacy for bills benefiting veterans and bipartisan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic by supporting paycheck protection programs .
Since mid-March , he and his staff have made accessibility a priority , he said , hosting 23 coronavirus-themed town halls “ to make sure we ’ re out there daily , helping to solve citizens ’ problems.
” Kim criticized his achievements , attacking him for constantly voting with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi .
“ He went to Washington telling people he wanted to be a moderate conservative , ” she said , “ but he quickly became a part of the insiders .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kim said she ’ s known as a “ longtime leader in the community , working across the aisle , no matter what position I ’ m in , ” with the skills to shepherd the region through COVID-sparked hardships .
The 39th district spans southern Los Angeles County , including cities like Diamond Bar and Hacienda Heights , to San Bernardino County ’ s Chino Hills , to northern Orange County cities from Anaheim Hills to Buena Park .
Voter registration is 28.7 % independent , 32.9 % Republican and 37 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ March primary , Kim surpassed Cisneros by more than 2,000 votes , gaining 48.4 % to his 46.8 % .
But she said she ’ s taking “ nothing for granted — we are trying our best to show how we can offer real leadership , commonsense leadership.
” Although historically , Republicans have outnumbered Democrats , the district went for Hillary Clinton in 2016 , and Democrats flipped the congressional seat in 2018 .
Matthew Jarvis , an associate professor of political science at Cal State Fullerton who lives in the district @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kim signs and his Democratic neighbors have Cisneros signs .
“ But there hasn ’ t been a lot of polling ” about the rematch “ because honestly , I think everybody ’ s focused on the presidential election , ” he continued .
“ It ’ s hard to break through when there ’ s the cacophony of lights and sounds of the bigger race.
” Jarvis said that winning a congressional race in California in 2020 “ likely takes a ‘ D ’ after your name.
” “ California has very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump , and the bread and butter of every Democratic campaign — if they have a Republican opponent — is to tie that candidate to Trump.
” Cisneros has attempted to do that by noting that Kim backs Trump for a second term .
Yet Kim has publicly criticized the president ’ s repeated use of the term “ kung flu , ” saying such words incite hate against Asian Americans .
Cisneros , 49 , is married and the father of six-year-old twin boys .
He lives in Yorba Linda and is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from college .
After winning the lottery , he launched endowments to award scholarships to Latino students at George Washington University , his alma mater , and at USC .
Making college affordable is central to his campaign , along with such issues as universal healthcare , support for abortion rights , LGBTQ rights and fighting gun violence .
One supporter , Cindy Calisher , 63 , a Fullerton resident who worries about the future of healthcare as a breast cancer survivor , said she appreciates Cisneros ’ transparency , sincerity and hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impressed her by helping to speed up delivery of personal protective equipment during the pandemic .
Calisher volunteered for the Cisneros team in 2018 and continues to promote the congressman .
“ When you win the lottery , he could just have bought a private island , took care of his family and had his fun and not decided to be a public servant , ” she said .
“ But this is what he chose , and it ’ s not to turn things back to the dark ages where women couldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and make the choices they choose.
” Kim , 58 , and her husband live in La Habra and are parents to four grown children .
An immigrant from South Korea , she started a small business in the women ’ s apparel industry and cemented her visibility while working for Royce , leading his community outreach projects and juggling stints as a host on Korean-language radio .
In 2014 , she made history as the first Korean American Republican woman to serve in the California Assembly , representing the 65th district and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If elected , she would be the first Korean American woman in Congress .
Kim promises to find solutions to homelessness among veterans and youth and plans to focus on immigration reform , healthcare , and simplifying business regulations .
She said that her online fundraising campaign has more than 50,000 small donors .
Her staff is supervising over 300 high school and college interns who stay in touch with potential voters via text messages and postcards .
Janice Lim , a campaign volunteer , described Kim as a candidate “ who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she and fellow parents in the Placentia-Yorba Linda Unified School District were upset about the Common Core curriculum introduced in their schools , not being familiar with how math instruction was changing or how sex education included elements of transgender identities which she thought “ was too permissive.
” “ I worried about not having a chance to talk to my kids about these issues before the schools did , ” Lim recalled .
She contacted then-Assemblywoman Kim , who advised her to share her concerns with school board members and try to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ listens and offers a plan of action , ” Lim , 51 , said .
Jarvis said that the Cisneros-Kim rematch , “ by all indications , will be a closer contest ” compared to some other Congressional races involving parts of Orange County .
Cisneros is “ largely running a positive name recognition campaign — it ’ s like an infomercial with the amber fields of grain and all-Americana graphics , ” Jarvis continued .
“ Will two years under his belt be enough to win ?
We ’ ll find out @ @ @

In 2018, Gil Cisneros launched his first-ever political campaign, targeting the tri-county 39th Congressional District and stumping on hot-button topics: healthcare, jobs, diverse representation.
Legislative veteran Young Kim, his opponent, remembers that the newcomer didn’t have a voting record to attack. So the former state assemblywoman ran a campaign focusing on her decades working as a top aide to Rep. Ed Royce (R-Fullerton), who had announced his retirement, opening up the seat at a time when the economy was flourishing.
On election night, Kim thought she had won. But days later, after a count of mail-in ballots, Cisneros claimed victory by 3.2 percentage points, just over 7,600 votes. Now both of the candidates are headed for a rematch in one of the hottest races in California.
And what a difference two years can make.
Cisneros, as incumbent, has an advantage. The former Navy supply officer, who won a $266 million-dollar jackpot that allowed him to take up philanthropy and politics, points to his advocacy for bills benefiting veterans and bipartisan recognition for helping business owners survive the pandemic by supporting paycheck protection programs.
Since mid-March, he and his staff have made accessibility a priority, he said, hosting 23 coronavirus-themed town halls “to make sure we’re out there daily, helping to solve citizens’ problems.”
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Kim criticized his achievements, attacking him for constantly voting with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.
“He went to Washington telling people he wanted to be a moderate conservative,” she said, “but he quickly became a part of the insiders. He’s not to be trusted.”
Kim said she’s known as a “longtime leader in the community, working across the aisle, no matter what position I’m in,” with the skills to shepherd the region through COVID-sparked hardships.
The 39th district spans southern Los Angeles County, including cities like Diamond Bar and Hacienda Heights, to San Bernardino County’s Chino Hills, to northern Orange County cities from Anaheim Hills to Buena Park. Voter registration is 28.7% independent, 32.9% Republican and 37% Democrat.
In this year’s March primary, Kim surpassed Cisneros by more than 2,000 votes, gaining 48.4% to his 46.8%. But she said she’s taking “nothing for granted — we are trying our best to show how we can offer real leadership, commonsense leadership.”
Although historically, Republicans have outnumbered Democrats, the district went for Hillary Clinton in 2016, and Democrats flipped the congressional seat in 2018.
Matthew Jarvis, an associate professor of political science at Cal State Fullerton who lives in the district, said that his Republican neighbors have Kim signs and his Democratic neighbors have Cisneros signs.
“But there hasn’t been a lot of polling” about the rematch “because honestly, I think everybody’s focused on the presidential election,” he continued. “It’s hard to break through when there’s the cacophony of lights and sounds of the bigger race.”
Jarvis said that winning a congressional race in California in 2020 “likely takes a ‘D’ after your name.”
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“California has very, very low approval numbers for Donald Trump, and the bread and butter of every Democratic campaign — if they have a Republican opponent — is to tie that candidate to Trump.”
Cisneros has attempted to do that by noting that Kim backs Trump for a second term. Yet Kim has publicly criticized the president’s repeated use of the term “kung flu,” saying such words incite hate against Asian Americans.
Cisneros, 49, is married and the father of six-year-old twin boys. He lives in Yorba Linda and is the first in his family to graduate from college. After winning the lottery, he launched endowments to award scholarships to Latino students at George Washington University, his alma mater, and at USC. Making college affordable is central to his campaign, along with such issues as universal healthcare, support for abortion rights, LGBTQ rights and fighting gun violence.
One supporter, Cindy Calisher, 63, a Fullerton resident who worries about the future of healthcare as a breast cancer survivor, said she appreciates Cisneros’ transparency, sincerity and hard work on behalf of constituents. He impressed her by helping to speed up delivery of personal protective equipment during the pandemic.
Calisher volunteered for the Cisneros team in 2018 and continues to promote the congressman.
“When you win the lottery, he could just have bought a private island, took care of his family and had his fun and not decided to be a public servant,” she said. “But this is what he chose, and it’s not to turn things back to the dark ages where women couldn’t have the care they needed and make the choices they choose.”
Kim, 58, and her husband live in La Habra and are parents to four grown children. An immigrant from South Korea, she started a small business in the women’s apparel industry and cemented her visibility while working for Royce, leading his community outreach projects and juggling stints as a host on Korean-language radio.
In 2014, she made history as the first Korean American Republican woman to serve in the California Assembly, representing the 65th district and lobbying to protect victims of domestic violence. If elected, she would be the first Korean American woman in Congress.
Kim promises to find solutions to homelessness among veterans and youth and plans to focus on immigration reform, healthcare, and simplifying business regulations.
She said that her online fundraising campaign has more than 50,000 small donors. Her staff is supervising over 300 high school and college interns who stay in touch with potential voters via text messages and postcards.
Janice Lim, a campaign volunteer, described Kim as a candidate “who really cares.” Six years ago, she and fellow parents in the Placentia-Yorba Linda Unified School District were upset about the Common Core curriculum introduced in their schools, not being familiar with how math instruction was changing or how sex education included elements of transgender identities which she thought “was too permissive.”
“I worried about not having a chance to talk to my kids about these issues before the schools did,” Lim recalled.
She contacted then-Assemblywoman Kim, who advised her to share her concerns with school board members and try to find common ground.
“She genuinely listens and offers a plan of action,” Lim, 51, said.
Jarvis said that the Cisneros-Kim rematch, “by all indications, will be a closer contest” compared to some other Congressional races involving parts of Orange County. Cisneros is “largely running a positive name recognition campaign — it’s like an infomercial with the amber fields of grain and all-Americana graphics,” Jarvis continued.
“Will two years under his belt be enough to win? We’ll find out soon.”


latimes--2020-10-22--Thousands file sexual abuse claims against Boy Scouts as deadline in bankruptcy looms

Faced with a looming deadline next month , thousands of accusers have submitted sexual abuse claims against the Boy Scouts of America in a bankruptcy that could cost the youth organization and its insurers hundreds of millions of dollars — or more .
The Scouts , which filed for Chapter 11 protection in February amid declining membership and an onslaught of new abuse lawsuits , will not say how many claims have been submitted to the U.S. Bankruptcy Court in Delaware .
But some plaintiffs ’ lawyers say claims continue to pour in , predicting that tens of thousands will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ massive response , they say , suggests a far broader abuse problem in Scouting than has been previously recognized and could drastically reshape the 110-year-old youth group .
“ When this bankruptcy is finally resolved , the Boy Scouts will not be the same Boy Scouts of America , ” said Paul Mones , a Los Angeles attorney who sits on a committee in the bankruptcy proceedings that represents victims .
The Chapter 11 action is intended to allow the Boy Scouts of America to reorganize and restructure its finances while continuing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assets against legal claims has been used by more than two dozen Catholic dioceses caught up in the church ’ s sex abuse scandal .
The Scouts ’ bankruptcy promises “ to dwarf anything we ’ ve seen in the Catholic Church , ” said Timothy Kosnoff , an attorney with Abused in Scouting , a coalition of law firms that has aggressively marketed itself to abuse survivors through internet and television advertising .
His group has signed up more than 10,000 clients , including 1,000 in a single recent week , Kosnoff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be surprised to see the total claims in the bankruptcy reach 50,000 .
That number would eclipse previous official estimates .
Last year , a researcher hired by the Scouts to analyze internal records from 1944 to 2016 said she had identified 12,254 victims .
“ There are more claims in this bankruptcy than in all of the Catholic Church bankruptcies combined , ” Kosnoff said .
The bankruptcy put an automatic hold on hundreds of pending lawsuits while a potential global settlement is negotiated .
It also required new abuse claims to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in state courts , where the Scouts faced a wave of new sex abuse lawsuits after several states , including California and New York , expanded legal options for childhood victims to sue .
Only those claims submitted by the Bankruptcy Court ’ s “ bar date ” of Nov. 16 will be eligible for funds from an anticipated victims compensation trust .
The Boy Scouts of America , which has apologized “ to anyone who was harmed during their time in Scouting , ” conducted its own public outreach campaign this fall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The process includes filling out a 12-page questionnaire , which does not require an attorney to submit .
“ The BSA is committed to fulfilling our social and moral responsibility to equitably compensate victims who suffered abuse during their time in Scouting while also ensuring that we carry out our mission to serve youth , families and local communities for years to come , ” the Boy Scouts said in a statement .
“ The bar date marks an important milestone toward meeting those objectives and sets a clear timeline for victims to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the BSA ’ s proposed compensation trust , ” it said .
After Nov. 16 , the claims are likely to be vetted and prioritized , but the process for doing that has yet to be defined , plaintiffs ’ lawyers said .
The size of the compensation pool also has yet to be determined , along with how much of it will be funded by the Scouts or their insurers .
Some of the Scouts ’ insurers have refused to cover payouts in sex abuse cases , contending that the organization could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the claims , court records show .
Plaintiffs ’ lawyers note that with tens of thousands of claims , even a modest payout for each could reach into the billions of dollars .
If 30,000 claims are paid at $ 10,000 each , for example , the total would be $ 300 million .
But at $ 100,000 or more each , the total would soar to $ 3 billion or beyond .
In addition to its liability from abuse claims , the organization has been hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ season and the revenue it would have generated , and by the departure of Scouts in troops sponsored by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints , which has cut ties to the program .
At the time of the bankruptcy filing , the Scouts ’ national organization had assets of more than $ 1 billion .
Among contentious issues in the bankruptcy are billions more in real estate and other assets held separately by local Scouting councils .
Plaintiffs ’ attorneys say lawsuits against the Scouts numbered well into the hundreds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the organization has not disclosed how many times it has been sued or how much it has paid out in settlements and judgments .
Many of the lawsuits came in the wake of the Los Angeles Times ’ publication in 2012 of internal Scout records involving about 5,000 men on a blacklist known as the “ perversion files , ” a closely guarded trove of documents that detail sexual abuse allegations against troop leaders and others dating back a century .
The Times ’ yearlong examination of the files documented hundreds of cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ report accusations to authorities , concealed the allegations from parents and the public or urged admitted abusers to quietly resign — and then helped cover their tracks with bogus explanations for their departures .
Accusers cited the files — formally known for decades as the “ ineligible volunteer files ” and now called the Volunteer Screening Database — as evidence the organization knew of pedophiles in its ranks but failed to protect children .
Mones , the L.A.-based lawyer , used about 1,200 of the files in a Portland , Ore. , trial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against the Scouts in 2010 on behalf of a man who was sexually abused as a boy in the 1980s .
Mones and others have long insisted that the files reflect only a fraction of the abuse that has occurred in Scouting .
They note that most offenders were accused of multiple incidents of abuse and that many were never reported .
The Boy Scouts of America also has acknowledged destroying an unknown number of files over the years .
The flood of new claims prompted by the looming deadline provides further evidence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understated , Mones said .
“ I think it shows that even for me , who has been doing this for all of these years , the problem of abuse in the organization is so much bigger than even those of us who thought we knew what we were talking about thought it was , ” he said .
Many of the new claims are based on allegations of abuse by troop leaders and others who are not named in the files .
Those making the new claims range in age from 8 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , lawyers said .
Gilion Dumas , a Portland , Ore. , attorney who represents abuse victims in California and several other states , said she has been contacted recently by more than 100 former Scouts , most of them men in their 50s and 60s who have never told anyone about their ordeals .
“ So many are calling to say that these things happened in Scouts and they realize this is the only chance they have to have their say and tell their story and get justice for what happened to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said .
“ They know that if they don ’ t speak now , they won ’ t be heard .
”

Thousands of accusers have filed sexual abuse complaints against the Boy Scouts of America in a bankruptcy case that could cost the organization billions, plaintiffs’ lawyers said.
Faced with a looming deadline next month, thousands of accusers have submitted sexual abuse claims against the Boy Scouts of America in a bankruptcy that could cost the youth organization and its insurers hundreds of millions of dollars — or more.
The Scouts, which filed for Chapter 11 protection in February amid declining membership and an onslaught of new abuse lawsuits, will not say how many claims have been submitted to the U.S. Bankruptcy Court in Delaware.
But some plaintiffs’ lawyers say claims continue to pour in, predicting that tens of thousands will meet the Nov. 16 deadline. The massive response, they say, suggests a far broader abuse problem in Scouting than has been previously recognized and could drastically reshape the 110-year-old youth group.
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“When this bankruptcy is finally resolved, the Boy Scouts will not be the same Boy Scouts of America,” said Paul Mones, a Los Angeles attorney who sits on a committee in the bankruptcy proceedings that represents victims.
The Chapter 11 action is intended to allow the Boy Scouts of America to reorganize and restructure its finances while continuing to operate. The same strategy for protecting assets against legal claims has been used by more than two dozen Catholic dioceses caught up in the church’s sex abuse scandal.
The Scouts’ bankruptcy promises “to dwarf anything we’ve seen in the Catholic Church,” said Timothy Kosnoff, an attorney with Abused in Scouting, a coalition of law firms that has aggressively marketed itself to abuse survivors through internet and television advertising.
His group has signed up more than 10,000 clients, including 1,000 in a single recent week, Kosnoff said, adding that he would not be surprised to see the total claims in the bankruptcy reach 50,000.
That number would eclipse previous official estimates. Last year, a researcher hired by the Scouts to analyze internal records from 1944 to 2016 said she had identified 12,254 victims.
“There are more claims in this bankruptcy than in all of the Catholic Church bankruptcies combined,” Kosnoff said.
The bankruptcy put an automatic hold on hundreds of pending lawsuits while a potential global settlement is negotiated. It also required new abuse claims to be handled in that venue rather than in state courts, where the Scouts faced a wave of new sex abuse lawsuits after several states, including California and New York, expanded legal options for childhood victims to sue.
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Only those claims submitted by the Bankruptcy Court’s “bar date” of Nov. 16 will be eligible for funds from an anticipated victims compensation trust.
The Boy Scouts of America, which has apologized “to anyone who was harmed during their time in Scouting,” conducted its own public outreach campaign this fall, urging victims to file claims. The process includes filling out a 12-page questionnaire, which does not require an attorney to submit.
“The BSA is committed to fulfilling our social and moral responsibility to equitably compensate victims who suffered abuse during their time in Scouting while also ensuring that we carry out our mission to serve youth, families and local communities for years to come,” the Boy Scouts said in a statement.
“The bar date marks an important milestone toward meeting those objectives and sets a clear timeline for victims to come forward and later seek compensation from the BSA’s proposed compensation trust,” it said.
After Nov. 16, the claims are likely to be vetted and prioritized, but the process for doing that has yet to be defined, plaintiffs’ lawyers said. The size of the compensation pool also has yet to be determined, along with how much of it will be funded by the Scouts or their insurers.
Some of the Scouts’ insurers have refused to cover payouts in sex abuse cases, contending that the organization could have prevented the abuse that led to the claims, court records show.
Plaintiffs’ lawyers note that with tens of thousands of claims, even a modest payout for each could reach into the billions of dollars. If 30,000 claims are paid at $10,000 each, for example, the total would be $300 million. But at $100,000 or more each, the total would soar to $3 billion or beyond.
In addition to its liability from abuse claims, the organization has been hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic, which ruined this year’s camping season and the revenue it would have generated, and by the departure of Scouts in troops sponsored by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which has cut ties to the program.
At the time of the bankruptcy filing, the Scouts’ national organization had assets of more than $1 billion. Among contentious issues in the bankruptcy are billions more in real estate and other assets held separately by local Scouting councils.
Plaintiffs’ attorneys say lawsuits against the Scouts numbered well into the hundreds when the bankruptcy was filed, but the organization has not disclosed how many times it has been sued or how much it has paid out in settlements and judgments.
Many of the lawsuits came in the wake of the Los Angeles Times’ publication in 2012 of internal Scout records involving about 5,000 men on a blacklist known as the “perversion files,” a closely guarded trove of documents that detail sexual abuse allegations against troop leaders and others dating back a century.
The Times’ yearlong examination of the files documented hundreds of cases in which the Boy Scouts failed to report accusations to authorities, concealed the allegations from parents and the public or urged admitted abusers to quietly resign — and then helped cover their tracks with bogus explanations for their departures.
California Boy Scout files reveal repeat child abuse by sexual predators Los Angeles Times review of Boy Scout documents shows that a blacklist meant to protect boys from sexual predators too often failed in its mission.
Accusers cited the files — formally known for decades as the “ineligible volunteer files” and now called the Volunteer Screening Database — as evidence the organization knew of pedophiles in its ranks but failed to protect children.
Mones, the L.A.-based lawyer, used about 1,200 of the files in a Portland, Ore., trial to win a landmark $19.9-million verdict against the Scouts in 2010 on behalf of a man who was sexually abused as a boy in the 1980s.
Mones and others have long insisted that the files reflect only a fraction of the abuse that has occurred in Scouting. They note that most offenders were accused of multiple incidents of abuse and that many were never reported. The Boy Scouts of America also has acknowledged destroying an unknown number of files over the years.
The flood of new claims prompted by the looming deadline provides further evidence that the extent of the abuse was understated, Mones said.
“I think it shows that even for me, who has been doing this for all of these years, the problem of abuse in the organization is so much bigger than even those of us who thought we knew what we were talking about thought it was,” he said.
Many of the new claims are based on allegations of abuse by troop leaders and others who are not named in the files. Those making the new claims range in age from 8 to men in their 80s and 90s, lawyers said.
Gilion Dumas, a Portland, Ore., attorney who represents abuse victims in California and several other states, said she has been contacted recently by more than 100 former Scouts, most of them men in their 50s and 60s who have never told anyone about their ordeals.
“So many are calling to say that these things happened in Scouts and they realize this is the only chance they have to have their say and tell their story and get justice for what happened to them when they were kids,” she said. “They know that if they don’t speak now, they won’t be heard.”


latimes--2020-10-22--Two Black men sentenced to life as teens to be freed. But should L.A. D.A. have reviewed convictions

Two Black men sentenced to life as teens to be freed. But should L.A. D.A. have reviewed convictions earlier?

When the shots rang out , Dupree Glass said he did what came naturally and dropped to the ground .
A teen at the time , Glass admits he had gone to the house in Lancaster that night in 2004 for a fight .
But he said he was only there to trade punches , not gunfire .
Seconds later , Glass says he hopped up , checked to see if any of his friends were hurt , and fled .
Ten days later , Glass said he saw his picture on a wanted flier for attempted murder .
Ten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him he ’ d spend the rest of his life in prison .
Glass and his co-defendant , Juan Rayford , have long maintained their innocence .
There was no physical evidence tying them to the shooting , and their conviction relied heavily on the testimony of just two witnesses .
Their convictions were vacated by an appellate court earlier this year after a 2019 California Supreme Court decision severely narrowed the use of “ kill zone ” prosecutions , which allowed prosecutors to charge the teens with the attempted murder of everyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fact that only two people were hurt that night , Glass and Rayford were convicted of 11 counts of attempted murder .
While their release was secured due to the change in the law , the Los Angeles County district attorney ’ s office has been aware of witness statements raising doubt about Glass and Rayford ’ s guilt for at least five years , and their case has reinvigorated criticisms of the office ’ s dedication to reviewing the integrity of past convictions .
During a years-long investigation , Laguna Beach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Angeles Police Department Lt. Dan Mulrenin found multiple witnesses who said Glass and Rayford were not the shooters , court records show .
Two relatives of the key witnesses who testified against Glass and Rayford also contradicted their testimony , claiming neither teen opened fire .
Della Donna first made the district attorney ’ s office aware of the issues with their case in 2015 , but no action was taken , according to documents she shared with The Times .
The district attorney ’ s Conviction Review Unit also declined to look @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an office policy not to review the convictions of defendants who had active appeals pending , records show .
“ It ’ s horrible .
These two young men are in prison , rotting away .
It should be about justice , what ’ s fair , ” Mulrenin said .
“ If they ’ re innocent , I think it ’ s the D.A.
’ s office ’ s responsibility to take a look at this .
It ’ s incumbent .
And they didn ’ t. ” In a statement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutors had “ never lost confidence in this conviction , but will not retry the defendants on the remaining counts based on the amount of custody time the defendants have already served.
” A hearing to re-sentence the defendants to time served on a charge of shooting at an inhabited dwelling is scheduled for next month .
The district attorney ’ s office established its Conviction Review Unit in 2015 and has received nearly 2,000 wrongful conviction claims .
Officials say many of those petitions don ’ t meet the criteria for review @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brought to the unit have been vacated .
The number of convictions the office has reviewed and provided post-conviction relief for lags far behind other major jurisdictions , including Chicago , Houston and New York City , according to data collected by the National Registry of Exonerations .
Laurie Levenson , a former federal prosecutor and founder of the Project for the Innocent at Loyola Marymount University , said stories like those of Rayford and Glass are all too familiar .
In 2014 , the Project for the Innocent presented the district attorney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lone witness in a case where a teenager was convicted of attempted murder had recanted .
Yet , the defendant in that case , Eamon Barnes , was not released until last month , and even then , he was re-sentenced to time served instead of having his conviction vacated .
“ There is such a cultural pushback against what the Conviction Review Unit is doing , ” Levenson said .
“ It was never really fully embraced by the higher-ups in the office , and they have certainly made it difficult to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Glass were 17 and 18 , respectively , when they last breathed free air .
The teens were both athletes : Glass ’ family says he was obsessed with basketball , Rayford said he was a wide receiver at Antelope Valley High School with a 4.3-second 40-yard dash that was attracting attention from scouts .
Glass ’ mother , Sheila , said neither boy had been in trouble with the law before , and each family was left confused and overwhelmed by the teens being linked to a raft of attempted murder charges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the type of kid to help her run their busy household , not get in fights or worse with classmates .
“ He used to make sure that my uniform was ironed .
He took on the role of being a man in the house while his father was away , ” she said .
“ He had a caring heart.
” On the night of the shooting , Rayford and Glass had been at a different house party in Lancaster when they got into an altercation with a teenager named Donisha Lair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court records show .
Glass said he and Lair had gotten into an argument in the months before as well , but generally he had a good relationship with the Lair family and had been allowed in their home before .
Glass said Thompson and Lair kept calling him to goad him into a fight .
In court filings , prosecutors allege Glass was the one seeking out Thompson for a confrontation .
By either account , Glass , Rayford , and at least 25 other people wound up outside the Lair family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A confrontation soon broke out , according to court records , with Glass demanding Thompson come outside to fight .
Thompson wasn ’ t there .
Donisha Lair woke her mother , Sheila , who came outside and ordered the “ kids ” to leave her property .
Glass , Rayford and the Lairs differ on what happened next , according to court records and interviews .
The men say they dove for cover after shots rang out from across the street from the Lair home and that they had no idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police she saw Glass fire “ directly at the house ” and claimed gunfire came from where Rayford was standing , though she didn ’ t actually see him shoot , records show .
Donisha Lair also said she saw both Rayford and Glass open fire , though she also said someone named “ Fat Man ” fired several rounds .
Rayford and Della Donna said “ Fat Man ” was an L.A.-area gang member who sometimes traveled to Lancaster for parties , but no one knew his real name .
He was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by gunfire , records show .
One of the victims ’ injuries was described as a “ graze wound ” in court filings .
At trial , a jury ultimately believed the Lairs ’ version of events .
Under the kill zone theory , Rayford and Glass were sentenced to 11 consecutive life sentences , one count for each person in the immediate area of the gunfire , records show .
They likely would have spent the rest of their lives in prison , if not for a chance meeting between Della Donna @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LAPD lieutenant-turned-P.I .
had been hired by Rayford ’ s family , and was teaching driver ’ s education in 2011 .
Della Donna ’ s daughter was one of his students .
They got to talking about the case , and soon after , Della Donna says , Mulrenin was carrying boxes and boxes of files into her home .
The pair spent years trying to track down and interview “ nearly everyone ” who was at the scene of the shooting .
By 2015 , they had found five witnesses who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Lair family ’ s testimony , claiming one or both of the defendants did not have a gun .
Donisha Lair ’ s older sister , Shadonna , said neither her sister nor mother had actually identified Rayford or Glass as the shooters on the night of the incident .
Donisha Lair had been running toward the house as soon as the gunfire erupted and could not have seen anything , Shadonna said .
“ None of my family , including Donisha , knew who the real shooters were , ” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she signed in 2015 .
Sheila Lair ’ s niece , Jasmin Thompson , was also at the scene that night and said neither Rayford or Glass had a gun , records show .
Calls to Sheila and Donisha Lair seeking comment were not returned .
In a statement , the district attorney ’ s office said edits made to a sworn statement given by one defendant ’ s brother after it was signed “ called into question the reliability of all declarations ” submitted for review .
A version provided to The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advising wording changes that might make the petition more favorable .
Prosecutors also maintained that while Della Donna and Mulrenin had uncovered contradictory witnesses , the Lairs never changed their story .
“ The defendants had a well-established motive and were identified multiple times by the victims who knew the defendants very well , and both defendants made admissions to the police and in their trial testimony that they were present when the crime was committed , ” the statement read .
Della Donna says she presented her findings to prosecutors in 2015 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ petition to the Conviction Review Unit was rejected because of an office policy not to review cases with a pending habeas corpus petition , records show .
Levenson said the office ’ s policy of refusing to review cases with parallel petitions for relief is problematic , adding another hurdle to defendants who already face an uphill battle in pleading their innocence .
She also said the office ’ s reluctance to believe witnesses who recant or accept testimony contradictory to that of key prosecution witnesses is a recurring issue in the office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where you have a lot of factors that make you question whether or not this is a righteous conviction , and it doesn ’ t meet whatever standard the CRU has been charged with , ” she said .
Shortly after learning prosecutors would not retry him , Rayford sat inside of a San Diego prison , still in disbelief about the whole situation .
Arrested because of a shooting that stemmed from a fight he said he hadn ’ t been involved in .
Convicted on the testimony of two people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the shooting , even though twice as many witnesses now said he didn ’ t .
Even at the end , his freedom wasn ’ t being granted because the courts agreed he was innocent , but rather because of a change in the law .
Almost like he was a passenger in the story that changed his entire life .
“ The truth is I still ain ’ t came all the way 100 % to grips with it .
I asked myself that same question a million times .
Why me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get into no argument with nobody that night , getting put in this situation , ” he said .
“ When I lay my head on this bed tonight , I ’ m gon na ask myself that same question I did the day I got arrested .
Why the hell they picking me ?
I still ain ’ t got an answer .
”

When the shots rang out, Dupree Glass said he did what came naturally and dropped to the ground.
A teen at the time, Glass admits he had gone to the house in Lancaster that night in 2004 for a fight. But he said he was only there to trade punches, not gunfire.
Seconds later, Glass says he hopped up, checked to see if any of his friends were hurt, and fled.
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Ten days later, Glass said he saw his picture on a wanted flier for attempted murder. Ten months after that, a judge told him he’d spend the rest of his life in prison.
Glass and his co-defendant, Juan Rayford, have long maintained their innocence. There was no physical evidence tying them to the shooting, and their conviction relied heavily on the testimony of just two witnesses.
Their convictions were vacated by an appellate court earlier this year after a 2019 California Supreme Court decision severely narrowed the use of “kill zone” prosecutions, which allowed prosecutors to charge the teens with the attempted murder of everyone in range of the gunfire. Despite the fact that only two people were hurt that night, Glass and Rayford were convicted of 11 counts of attempted murder.
While their release was secured due to the change in the law, the Los Angeles County district attorney’s office has been aware of witness statements raising doubt about Glass and Rayford’s guilt for at least five years, and their case has reinvigorated criticisms of the office’s dedication to reviewing the integrity of past convictions.
Juan Rayford, left, and Dupree Glass. Rayford and Glass had their convictions overturned in a 2004 Lancaster shooting. (Law office of Annee Della Donna)
During a years-long investigation, Laguna Beach attorney Annee Della Donna and retired Los Angeles Police Department Lt. Dan Mulrenin found multiple witnesses who said Glass and Rayford were not the shooters, court records show. Two relatives of the key witnesses who testified against Glass and Rayford also contradicted their testimony, claiming neither teen opened fire.
Della Donna first made the district attorney’s office aware of the issues with their case in 2015, but no action was taken, according to documents she shared with The Times. The district attorney’s Conviction Review Unit also declined to look at the case in 2018, citing an office policy not to review the convictions of defendants who had active appeals pending, records show.
“It’s horrible. These two young men are in prison, rotting away. It should be about justice, what’s fair,” Mulrenin said. “If they’re innocent, I think it’s the D.A.’s office’s responsibility to take a look at this. It’s incumbent. And they didn’t.”
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Sheila Glass, mother of Dupree Glass, speaks outside the Clara Shortridge Foltz courthouse during a press conference in Los Angeles. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
In a statement, the district attorney’s office said prosecutors had “never lost confidence in this conviction, but will not retry the defendants on the remaining counts based on the amount of custody time the defendants have already served.”
A hearing to re-sentence the defendants to time served on a charge of shooting at an inhabited dwelling is scheduled for next month.
The district attorney’s office established its Conviction Review Unit in 2015 and has received nearly 2,000 wrongful conviction claims. Officials say many of those petitions don’t meet the criteria for review, however, and only four cases brought to the unit have been vacated.
The number of convictions the office has reviewed and provided post-conviction relief for lags far behind other major jurisdictions, including Chicago, Houston and New York City, according to data collected by the National Registry of Exonerations.
Laurie Levenson, a former federal prosecutor and founder of the Project for the Innocent at Loyola Marymount University, said stories like those of Rayford and Glass are all too familiar.
In 2014, the Project for the Innocent presented the district attorney’s office with evidence that the lone witness in a case where a teenager was convicted of attempted murder had recanted. Yet, the defendant in that case, Emon Barnes, was not released until last month, and even then, he was re-sentenced to time served instead of having his conviction vacated.
“There is such a cultural pushback against what the Conviction Review Unit is doing,” Levenson said. “It was never really fully embraced by the higher-ups in the office, and they have certainly made it difficult to be a robust unit.”
Rayford and Glass were 17 and 18, respectively, when they last breathed free air. The teens were both athletes: Glass’ family says he was obsessed with basketball, Rayford said he was a wide receiver at Antelope Valley High School with a 4.3-second 40-yard dash that was attracting attention from scouts.
Glass’ mother, Sheila, said neither boy had been in trouble with the law before, and each family was left confused and overwhelmed by the teens being linked to a raft of attempted murder charges. Sheila Glass said her son was the type of kid to help her run their busy household, not get in fights or worse with classmates.
“He used to make sure that my uniform was ironed. He took on the role of being a man in the house while his father was away,” she said. “He had a caring heart.”
Sandra Smith, mother of Juan Rayford, embraces her son Tymonte Wiliams, outside the Clara Shortridge Foltz courthouse. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
On the night of the shooting, Rayford and Glass had been at a different house party in Lancaster when they got into an altercation with a teenager named Donisha Lair and her cousin, Perry Thompson, court records show. Glass said he and Lair had gotten into an argument in the months before as well, but generally he had a good relationship with the Lair family and had been allowed in their home before.
Glass said Thompson and Lair kept calling him to goad him into a fight. In court filings, prosecutors allege Glass was the one seeking out Thompson for a confrontation. By either account, Glass, Rayford, and at least 25 other people wound up outside the Lair family home around 1:30 a.m., records show.
A confrontation soon broke out, according to court records, with Glass demanding Thompson come outside to fight. Thompson wasn’t there. Donisha Lair woke her mother, Sheila, who came outside and ordered the “kids” to leave her property.
Glass, Rayford and the Lairs differ on what happened next, according to court records and interviews. The men say they dove for cover after shots rang out from across the street from the Lair home and that they had no idea who opened fire.
Sheila Lair told police she saw Glass fire “directly at the house” and claimed gunfire came from where Rayford was standing, though she didn’t actually see him shoot, records show. Donisha Lair also said she saw both Rayford and Glass open fire, though she also said someone named “Fat Man” fired several rounds.
Rayford and Della Donna said “Fat Man” was an L.A.-area gang member who sometimes traveled to Lancaster for parties, but no one knew his real name. He was never arrested.
Two people were struck by gunfire, records show. One of the victims’ injuries was described as a “graze wound” in court filings.
At trial, a jury ultimately believed the Lairs’ version of events. Under the kill zone theory, Rayford and Glass were sentenced to 11 consecutive life sentences, one count for each person in the immediate area of the gunfire, records show.
They likely would have spent the rest of their lives in prison, if not for a chance meeting between Della Donna and Mulrenin years later. The retired LAPD lieutenant-turned-P.I. had been hired by Rayford’s family, and was teaching driver’s education in 2011. Della Donna’s daughter was one of his students.
They got to talking about the case, and soon after, Della Donna says, Mulrenin was carrying boxes and boxes of files into her home. The pair spent years trying to track down and interview “nearly everyone” who was at the scene of the shooting.
By 2015, they had found five witnesses who were at the crime scene who disputed the Lair family’s testimony, claiming one or both of the defendants did not have a gun. Donisha Lair’s older sister, Shadonna, said neither her sister nor mother had actually identified Rayford or Glass as the shooters on the night of the incident. Donisha Lair had been running toward the house as soon as the gunfire erupted and could not have seen anything, Shadonna said.
“None of my family, including Donisha, knew who the real shooters were,” she said, according to a sworn statement she signed in 2015.
Sheila Lair’s niece, Jasmin Thompson, was also at the scene that night and said neither Rayford or Glass had a gun, records show.
Calls to Sheila and Donisha Lair seeking comment were not returned. In a statement, the district attorney’s office said edits made to a sworn statement given by one defendant’s brother after it was signed “called into question the reliability of all declarations” submitted for review. A version provided to The Times by Della Donna also contained notes advising wording changes that might make the petition more favorable.
Prosecutors also maintained that while Della Donna and Mulrenin had uncovered contradictory witnesses, the Lairs never changed their story.
“The defendants had a well-established motive and were identified multiple times by the victims who knew the defendants very well, and both defendants made admissions to the police and in their trial testimony that they were present when the crime was committed,” the statement read.
Della Donna says she presented her findings to prosecutors in 2015, but was ignored. A 2018 petition to the Conviction Review Unit was rejected because of an office policy not to review cases with a pending habeas corpus petition, records show.
Levenson said the office’s policy of refusing to review cases with parallel petitions for relief is problematic, adding another hurdle to defendants who already face an uphill battle in pleading their innocence. She also said the office’s reluctance to believe witnesses who recant or accept testimony contradictory to that of key prosecution witnesses is a recurring issue in the office.
“This is not that atypical, where you have a lot of factors that make you question whether or not this is a righteous conviction, and it doesn’t meet whatever standard the CRU has been charged with,” she said.
Shortly after learning prosecutors would not retry him, Rayford sat inside of a San Diego prison, still in disbelief about the whole situation. Arrested because of a shooting that stemmed from a fight he said he hadn’t been involved in. Convicted on the testimony of two people at the scene who said he did the shooting, even though twice as many witnesses now said he didn’t.
Even at the end, his freedom wasn’t being granted because the courts agreed he was innocent, but rather because of a change in the law. Almost like he was a passenger in the story that changed his entire life.
“The truth is I still ain’t came all the way 100% to grips with it. I asked myself that same question a million times. Why me? A person who didn’t get into no argument with nobody that night, getting put in this situation,” he said. “When I lay my head on this bed tonight, I’m gonna ask myself that same question I did the day I got arrested. Why the hell they picking me? I still ain’t got an answer.”


latimes--2020-10-22--Restaurant workers face smaller tips, mask resistance as Huntington Beach struggles with COVID-19 sl

Restaurant workers face smaller tips, mask resistance as Huntington Beach struggles with COVID-19 slump

Aileen Delaportilla shook the tip jar after half a day ’ s work at Zack ’ s Beach Concessions in Huntington Beach .
The clatter of loose change echoed from the nearly empty jar labeled “ Tips For College.
” There was nothing more than a spare dollar and some change to split between the 21-year-old from Westminster and the cook .
Before the pandemic , Delaportilla could make at least $ 15 in tips after splitting with four other employees , but recently she was scraping by with $ 6 split between herself and one other worker .
Shifts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at a time , but the business had cut down to two employees per shift .
The stream of tourists that used to fill this Orange County beach city slowed down , and what was often left were locals who didn ’ t always want to follow California ’ s guidelines on protecting against COVID-19 — by wearing masks , for example .
“ We missed out on our peak business season because of the pandemic , ” Delaportilla said .
“ There are a lot of locals still , but usually they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t want to wear masks or believe in the pandemic.
” Across downtown Huntington Beach , business owners and workers have reported substantial declines in tips amid a decline in tourism during the summer and early fall months .
With much of their customer base gone , businesses have had to rely more on local residents .
As out-of-state tourism declined , a growing number of restless Southern California residents from Los Angeles and the Inland Empire visited as local officials pushed to and businesses while other Still , business owners say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overall decline .
The pandemic unleashed a new slew of problems for these service workers who rely on work to pay their bills .
Working , and working harder , to make up for fewer employees and fewer tips was the only option Delaportilla had .
She did not want to come back to work , and neither did her parents , who are 56 and 64 years old .
They feared for the family ’ s safety but were left no choice , as both of her parents were laid off in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worker and a car salesman .
Delaportilla took on a 40-hour workweek to provide for her family in addition to her coursework at Golden West College , where she is a business major .
“ I was scared to go to work over the summer , but I had to , ” she said , readjusting her mask .
“ We see a lot of locals still , but usually they ’ re the crowd that doesn ’ t want to wear masks or respect social distancing.
” Her concerns about her own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always wore a mask and tried to stay behind plexiglass when talking to customers .
UCLA Labor Center research manager Tia Koonse said the recession has discouraged people from patronizing local businesses and from leaving a tip .
In California , about were lost at the beginning of the stay-at-home orders in March .
“ We know that most restaurants are open only exclusively for delivery or takeout , so the entire tipped workforce is not receiving , ” Koonse said .
It ’ s commonly believed that 50 % of restaurant workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added , though it is slightly less for fast-casual workers such as Delaportilla .
On a recent day , Long Beach resident Sarah Kaler paid Delaportilla for her order of nachos and a soda but didn ’ t take a second look at the tip jar .
The 30-year-old came down to relax at the beach with her pit bull , Rex .
“ I just didn ’ t think about it , ” Kaler said .
“ I ’ m unemployed , but also I don ’ t normally tip when I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kaler previously worked at a Fujifilm warehouse but was laid off because of COVID-19 .
She didn ’ t have much to spare .
“ If the circumstances were different , I would consider it , ” she said .
In Huntington Beach , which became a symbol of the workers also had their fair share of dealing with customers refusing to abide by safety policies .
Up the street , 36-year-old Nick Lambertini , owner of Mangiamo Gelato , had his fair share of these incidents .
People kept tearing down his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an employee of his had gotten into a heated argument with a customer , Lambertini said .
“ As a business owner , if you push it they won ’ t come back , ” he said .
“ I spoke with the customer when that happened and tried to clear it up.
” The immigrant from Italy walked a fine line between ensuring his safety and trying to keep his business afloat .
“ It ’ s not easy .
I want to feel protected , but I also don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is just too political now , ” Lambertini said .
Business was not going well .
Lambertini had laid off most of his employees , taking it upon himself to work 12-hour shifts every day , so his main priority was to keep his customers happy .
Across the street at Michele ’ s Sugar Shack Cafe , a family-owned business since 1967 , general manager Jessica Turner served lunch to two parties sparsely populating the outdoor patio on a recent Tuesday .
Her tips have been decimated since the start of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to save money and stay safe .
It makes sense , but my employees are more [ worried about ] getting a paycheck than catching COVID , ” the mother of six said .
“ I was getting paid more off of unemployment checks .
… We rely on our tips , so right now we ’ re worried about surviving.
” While tourists used to make up most of the cafe ’ s business and tips , Turner said she appreciated the generosity of the locals , including 94-year-old Robert Spellmire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day for the last 30 years for the lunch special .
Spellmire , whose family was well-known in the surfing community , had photos of himself and his children hanging around the restaurant .
His tab hung from behind the wooden counter .
He said the cafe is a local treasure he did not want to see fall by the wayside due to the pandemic .
“ These people are like my family .
Of course I ’ m going to tip them , ” Spellmire said .
“ The pandemic didn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m retired.
” And so at the conclusion of his meatloaf dish , he left two bucks and a quarter in tips as he always did before making his way back home .
Like Spellmire , some locals said they now tip 20 % for any service since the start of the pandemic .
Jessie Humphries , 42 , moved to a beach house in Huntington Beach for the year as her work as an attorney went remote .
She often frequented the restaurants along the pier and spent a recent day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three children , Jordan , 2 ; Shelbie , 10 ; and Jackson , 12 .
“ We come from Vegas , which is a tipping city ; we know what it ’ s like for service workers , so we like to tip 20 % at minimum , ” Humphries said .
“ We ’ ve been tipping more than that since the pandemic.
” She previously worked as a waitress and her husband as a valet .
“ We get to work remotely , but these workers can ’ t , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only imagine the hardships they ’ re going through .
”

Aileen Delaportilla, left, a business major at Golden West College, receives a tip from customer Ron Mancillas of Fresno at Zack’s Beach Concessions near the pier in Huntington Beach.
Aileen Delaportilla shook the tip jar after half a day’s work at Zack’s Beach Concessions in Huntington Beach. The clatter of loose change echoed from the nearly empty jar labeled “Tips For College.”
There was nothing more than a spare dollar and some change to split between the 21-year-old from Westminster and the cook.
Before the pandemic, Delaportilla could make at least $15 in tips after splitting with four other employees, but recently she was scraping by with $6 split between herself and one other worker. Shifts used to be staffed by four workers at a time, but the business had cut down to two employees per shift.
The stream of tourists that used to fill this Orange County beach city slowed down, and what was often left were locals who didn’t always want to follow California’s guidelines on protecting against COVID-19 — by wearing masks, for example.
“We missed out on our peak business season because of the pandemic,” Delaportilla said. “There are a lot of locals still, but usually they’re the crowd that doesn’t want to wear masks or believe in the pandemic.”
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Across downtown Huntington Beach, business owners and workers have reported substantial declines in tips amid a decline in tourism during the summer and early fall months.
With much of their customer base gone, businesses have had to rely more on local residents. As out-of-state tourism declined, a growing number of restless Southern California residents from Los Angeles and the Inland Empire visited as local officials pushed to reopen Orange County beaches and businesses while other counties remained closed. Still, business owners say that didn’t make up for the overall decline.
The pandemic unleashed a new slew of problems for these service workers who rely on work to pay their bills. Working, and working harder, to make up for fewer employees and fewer tips was the only option Delaportilla had.
Aileen Delaportilla poses outside Zack’s Beach Concessions near the pier in Huntington Beach. Delaportilla says she continued working through the pandemic only to support her family, even as tips fell. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
She did not want to come back to work, and neither did her parents, who are 56 and 64 years old. They feared for the family’s safety but were left no choice, as both of her parents were laid off in March from their jobs as a warehouse worker and a car salesman.
Delaportilla took on a 40-hour workweek to provide for her family in addition to her coursework at Golden West College, where she is a business major.
“I was scared to go to work over the summer, but I had to,” she said, readjusting her mask. “We see a lot of locals still, but usually they’re the crowd that doesn’t want to wear masks or respect social distancing.”
Her concerns about her own safety had to go ignored. She always wore a mask and tried to stay behind plexiglass when talking to customers.
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UCLA Labor Center research manager Tia Koonse said the recession has discouraged people from patronizing local businesses and from leaving a tip. In California, about 2.6 million jobs were lost at the beginning of the stay-at-home orders in March.
“We know that most restaurants are open only exclusively for delivery or takeout, so the entire tipped workforce is not receiving,” Koonse said.
It’s commonly believed that 50% of restaurant workers’ income is from tips, she added, though it is slightly less for fast-casual workers such as Delaportilla.
On a recent day, Long Beach resident Sarah Kaler paid Delaportilla for her order of nachos and a soda but didn’t take a second look at the tip jar. The 30-year-old came down to relax at the beach with her pit bull, Rex.
“I just didn’t think about it,” Kaler said. “I’m unemployed, but also I don’t normally tip when I’m not getting sit-down service.”
Kaler previously worked at a Fujifilm warehouse but was laid off because of COVID-19. She didn’t have much to spare.
“If the circumstances were different, I would consider it,” she said.
In Huntington Beach, which became a symbol of the anti-mask rebellion, workers also had their fair share of dealing with customers refusing to abide by safety policies.
Nick Lambertini, right, serves customers Nancy Truong, left, Frances Alejo and Brooklyn Alejo, 6, at Mangiamo Gelato in Huntington Beach. Lambertini has had to cut his staff and work all of their shifts to keep his gelato store afloat during the pandemic. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Up the street, 36-year-old Nick Lambertini, owner of Mangiamo Gelato, had his fair share of these incidents. People kept tearing down his signs informing customers to wear masks and an employee of his had gotten into a heated argument with a customer, Lambertini said.
“As a business owner, if you push it they won’t come back,” he said. “I spoke with the customer when that happened and tried to clear it up.”
The immigrant from Italy walked a fine line between ensuring his safety and trying to keep his business afloat.
“It’s not easy. I want to feel protected, but I also don’t want to offend my customers. Everything is just too political now,” Lambertini said.
Business was not going well. Lambertini had laid off most of his employees, taking it upon himself to work 12-hour shifts every day, so his main priority was to keep his customers happy.
General manager Jessica Turner brings meals to customers at Michele’s Sugar Shack Cafe in Huntington Beach. Turner says this is the worst summer season she has seen. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Across the street at Michele’s Sugar Shack Cafe, a family-owned business since 1967, general manager Jessica Turner served lunch to two parties sparsely populating the outdoor patio on a recent Tuesday.
Her tips have been decimated since the start of the pandemic, she said.
“People want to save money and stay safe. It makes sense, but my employees are more [worried about] getting a paycheck than catching COVID,” the mother of six said. “I was getting paid more off of unemployment checks. … We rely on our tips, so right now we’re worried about surviving.”
While tourists used to make up most of the cafe’s business and tips, Turner said she appreciated the generosity of the locals, including 94-year-old Robert Spellmire of Huntington Beach — who visited every day for the last 30 years for the lunch special.
Spellmire, whose family was well-known in the surfing community, had photos of himself and his children hanging around the restaurant. His tab hung from behind the wooden counter. He said the cafe is a local treasure he did not want to see fall by the wayside due to the pandemic.
“These people are like my family. Of course I’m going to tip them,” Spellmire said. “The pandemic didn’t impact me as much since I’m retired.”
And so at the conclusion of his meatloaf dish, he left two bucks and a quarter in tips as he always did before making his way back home.
Like Spellmire, some locals said they now tip 20% for any service since the start of the pandemic.
Shelbie Humphries, 10, left, Jackson Humphries, 12, and mom Jessie Humphries (holding Jordan Humphries, 2) take their food to go outside Sessions West Coast Deli near the pier in Huntington Beach. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Jessie Humphries, 42, moved to a beach house in Huntington Beach for the year as her work as an attorney went remote. She often frequented the restaurants along the pier and spent a recent day at Sessions West Coast Deli with her three children, Jordan, 2; Shelbie, 10; and Jackson, 12.
“We come from Vegas, which is a tipping city; we know what it’s like for service workers, so we like to tip 20% at minimum,” Humphries said. “We’ve been tipping more than that since the pandemic.”
She previously worked as a waitress and her husband as a valet.
“We get to work remotely, but these workers can’t,” Humphries said. “I can only imagine the hardships they’re going through.”


latimes--2020-10-22--Earthquake: Magnitude 3.2 quake hits near Barstow

A magnitude 3.2 earthquake was reported at 2:19 a.m. Thursday , 32 miles from Barstow , according to the U.S. Geological Survey .
The earthquake occurred 44 miles from Twentynine Palms , 46 miles from Big Bear City , 46 miles from Yucca Valley and 49 miles from Apple Valley .
In the past 10 days , there have been three earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby .
An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in California and Nevada , according to a recent three-year data sample .
The earthquake occurred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Did you feel this earthquake ?
Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS .
Even if you didn ’ t feel this small earthquake , you never know when the Big One is going to strike .
Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit .
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot , a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS .
A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published .
If you ’ re interested in learning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ list of frequently asked questions .

A magnitude 3.2 earthquake was reported at 2:19 a.m. Thursday, 32 miles from Barstow, according to the U.S. Geological Survey.
A magnitude 3.2 earthquake was reported at 2:19 a.m. Thursday, 32 miles from Barstow, according to the U.S. Geological Survey.
The earthquake occurred 44 miles from Twentynine Palms, 46 miles from Big Bear City, 46 miles from Yucca Valley and 49 miles from Apple Valley.
In the past 10 days, there have been three earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby.
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An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in California and Nevada, according to a recent three-year data sample.
The earthquake occurred at a depth of 2.8 miles. Did you feel this earthquake? Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS.
Even if you didn’t feel this small earthquake, you never know when the Big One is going to strike. Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit.
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot, a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS. A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published. If you’re interested in learning more about the system, visit our list of frequently asked questions.


latimes--2020-10-22--Earthquake: Magnitude 3.2 quake near Bakersfield

A magnitude 3.2 earthquake was reported Wednesday at 11:10 p.m. , 21 miles from Bakersfield , according to the U.S. Geological Survey .
The earthquake occurred 23 miles from Tehachapi , 28 miles from California City , 30 miles from Arvin and 31 miles from Lamont .
In the last 10 days , there have been no earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby .
An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in California and Nevada , according to a recent three-year data sample .
The earthquake occurred at a depth of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earthquake ?
Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS .
Even if you didn ’ t feel this small earthquake , you never know when the Big One is going to strike .
Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit .
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot , a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS .
A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published .
If you ’ re interested in learning more about the system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions .

A magnitude 3.2 earthquake was reported Wednesday at 11:10 p.m., 21 miles from Bakersfield, according to the U.S. Geological Survey.
A magnitude 3.2 earthquake was reported Wednesday at 11:10 p.m., 21 miles from Bakersfield, according to the U.S. Geological Survey.
The earthquake occurred 23 miles from Tehachapi, 28 miles from California City, 30 miles from Arvin and 31 miles from Lamont.
In the last 10 days, there have been no earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby.
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An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in California and Nevada, according to a recent three-year data sample.
The earthquake occurred at a depth of 1.3 miles. Did you feel this earthquake? Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS.
Even if you didn’t feel this small earthquake, you never know when the Big One is going to strike. Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit.
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot, a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS. A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published. If you’re interested in learning more about the system, visit our list of frequently asked questions.