latimes--2020-11-04--California's COVID-19 efforts fare better than national average, but hospitalizations are rising

As states throughout the country experience severe spikes in coronavirus infections , California ’ s case count remains mild by comparison .
But as transmission and hospitalizations again increase , officials are returning to a cautionary refrain .
“ The future is indeed uncertain , ” Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly said Wednesday .
“ There ’ s still learning to be done , and we know this requires us to remain vigilant.
” The statewide number of hospitalizations increased by 13.5 % over the past 14 days , and the number of patients in intensive care has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are a lagging indicator for the spread of the virus .
The rise follows an increase in the statewide positivity rate for infections , which grew from 2.6 % to 3.3 % over the past 14 days .
The metric is low when compared to the national average of 6.7 % , but even a slight uptick can reverse progress .
Two counties moved backward in the state ’ s tiered system Wednesday as Ghaly announced 5,338 new coronavirus cases .
Shasta regressed to Tier 1 as case counts have continued to rise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tier 3 following a similar spike .
Colusa County was the only one to move forward from Tier 2 to Tier 3 for moderate risk of spread .
San Diego appears headed back to Tier 1 as well .
In Los Angeles County , officials on Wednesday reported the highest single daily case count unrelated to a backlog since late August .
The county , which has a lower positivity rate of 4.1 % but has remained mired in Tier 1 because of a high case count , confirmed 1,843 new cases and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate has again surpassed 1.0 in L.A. County .
That means the number of people who could contract the virus from one infected person is likely rising .
It ’ s estimated that one in 670 residents are currently infected with the virus , the county ’ s Health Services Department reported Wednesday .
Last week , that estimate was one in 1,000 .
On Monday , officials reported that the county ’ s seven-day average increased from about 940 new cases a day in early October to more than 1,275 as of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , at best , stabilizing at a high number , ” Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said .
“ At worst , they ’ re going to go up.
” Officials have said that private gatherings contributed greatly to the state ’ s increase in cases .
But Ghaly warned Wednesday against trying to pinpoint the origin of spread to one specific instance , be it gathering of friends and families or public demonstrations .
“ There ’ s always concern when we have random large-scale mixing , ” Ghaly said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choices , and the way that we do things — not just what we do , but how we do it — we can reduce some of that transmission risk and , ultimately , transmission overall .
”

As states throughout the country experience severe spikes in coronavirus infections, California’s case count remains mild by comparison. But as transmission and hospitalizations again increase, officials are returning to a cautionary refrain.
“The future is indeed uncertain,” Health and Human Services Secretary Mark Ghaly said Wednesday. “There’s still learning to be done, and we know this requires us to remain vigilant.”
The statewide number of hospitalizations increased by 13.5% over the past 14 days, and the number of patients in intensive care has grown by nearly 20%.
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Hospitalizations are a lagging indicator for the spread of the virus. The rise follows an increase in the statewide positivity rate for infections, which grew from 2.6% to 3.3% over the past 14 days. The metric is low when compared to the national average of 6.7%, but even a slight uptick can reverse progress.
Two counties moved backward in the state’s tiered system Wednesday as Ghaly announced 5,338 new coronavirus cases. Shasta regressed to Tier 1 as case counts have continued to rise, and Plumas has moved back to Tier 3 following a similar spike. Colusa County was the only one to move forward from Tier 2 to Tier 3 for moderate risk of spread. San Diego appears headed back to Tier 1 as well.
In Los Angeles County, officials on Wednesday reported the highest single daily case count unrelated to a backlog since late August. The county, which has a lower positivity rate of 4.1% but has remained mired in Tier 1 because of a high case count, confirmed 1,843 new cases and 22 additional deaths.
The projected transmission rate has again surpassed 1.0 in L.A. County. That means the number of people who could contract the virus from one infected person is likely rising.
It’s estimated that one in 670 residents are currently infected with the virus, the county’s Health Services Department reported Wednesday. Last week, that estimate was one in 1,000.
On Monday, officials reported that the county’s seven-day average increased from about 940 new cases a day in early October to more than 1,275 as of last week.
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“Our cases are, at best, stabilizing at a high number,” Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said. “At worst, they’re going to go up.”
Officials have said that private gatherings contributed greatly to the state’s increase in cases. But Ghaly warned Wednesday against trying to pinpoint the origin of spread to one specific instance, be it gathering of friends and families or public demonstrations.
“There’s always concern when we have random large-scale mixing,” Ghaly said. “But we always hope that through our choices, and the way that we do things — not just what we do, but how we do it — we can reduce some of that transmission risk and, ultimately, transmission overall.”


latimes--2020-11-04--Angry voters, higher turnout, Hollywood money: How Nithya Raman gained an edge in L.A.

When urban planner Nithya Raman launched her bid for Los Angeles City Council last year , she was best known in her neighborhood for helping homeless residents get meals , showers and other aid .
By the time voters cast their ballots , the 39-year-old Silver Lake resident had become a powerful symbol for progressive activists , not just across the city but in other parts of the country , securing the endorsement of Bernie Sanders and favorable profiles from Vogue and the Daily Beast .
While votes are still being counted , Raman is in a strong position to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first L.A. council member to be ousted in 17 years .
Her first-place showing — she had 52.4 % as of Wednesday — represents “ a political earthquake ” for City Hall , said Zev Yaroslavsky , a former councilman and county supervisor who heads the Los Angeles Initiative at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs .
Yaroslavsky predicted a Raman victory would embolden the movement that rallied for her — younger , grassroots activists who favored Bernie Sanders and are frustrated with City Hall — to get even more involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ council seats and three citywide seats will be up for grabs .
“ Anybody at City Hall who doesn ’ t recognize the significance of this election , ” he added , “ is making a mistake.
” On Wednesday afternoon , Raman had not declared victory , and Ryu had not conceded .
But it was clear that Raman was one of several local candidates pushing L.A. 's political culture leftward .
State Sen. Holly Mitchell — who also ran with the endorsement of Bernie Sanders — easily defeated Councilman Herb Wesson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ While in Sacramento , Mitchell fought for racial justice measures , bills aimed at ensuring greater transparency on police misconduct and new restrictions on use of force by officers .
In another contest , former San Francisco Dist .
Atty .
George Gascón , seen as a longtime reformer on public safety , held a commanding lead over the incumbent , Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey .
Gascón was a coauthor of Proposition 47 , the bill that reduced a number of felonies to misdemeanors , and led the charge for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race against Ryu , Raman offered a detailed progressive policy platform , calling for the creation of a network of homeless access centers , arguing for the LAPD to become a much smaller armed force and promoting a rent forgiveness plan that would deliver cash reimbursements to small landlords and tax credits to larger ones .
On Wednesday , activists pointed to all three races and said L.A. 's political leaders can no longer dismiss those fighting the status quo on homelessness , public safety and other issues .
“ I hope you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened in our city last night , ” said Raman supporter Sophie Strauss , speaking during the council ’ s regular meeting .
“ Regardless of national politics , we are seeing resounding victories for our progressive people-powered movement here in LA.
” A compelling presence on social media , Raman posted easy-to-understand video explainers on city government and worked closely with activist groups such as Democratic Socialists of America-Los Angeles , where she is a member , and Ground Game L.A .
While she agreed that many voters were angry and frustrated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a positive message in her race against Ryu .
“ I think people felt really hopeful that , with the right policies , with people in power who felt the same sense of urgency , that we could see something different , ” she said .
Over the course of her campaign , Raman mobilized an army of 2,000 volunteers and turned to many in Hollywood for financial support .
Roughly a third of her $ 953,000 campaign haul came from writers , actors , directors and others in the entertainment industry , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crucially , she launched her campaign just as the city had switched its municipal elections to even-numbered years , coinciding with this year ’ s presidential campaign .
That change produced much higher turnout among younger , poorer and nonwhite voters across L.A. , said political science professor Fernando Guerra , who led the commission that pushed for the switch to the city ’ s election schedule .
Raman also ran in a year when progressive Democrats were pitted against liberal Democrats in local contests — with progressives gaining the upper hand , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stake herself out to the left of Ryu in a city and county that ’ s becoming even more left , ” Guerra said .
“ She captured the growth in that vote.
” Had the city election dates not changed , Ryu likely would have won reelection , Guerra said .
Compared to odd-year elections , turnout was indeed through the roof .
Five years ago , when Ryu won his seat , the district race drew around 24,000 voters , with turnout registering at around 16 % .
By Wednesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than four times the number of ballots , with more to be counted .
Raman said months ago that she chose to run this year in part because of the change in the election dates .
Her campaign put a special focus on reaching renters and younger voters in such locations as Koreatown , Los Feliz , Hollywood and the northern end of Sherman Oaks , according to Meghan Choi , one of her campaign managers .
One of those younger supporters was Miranda Hart , a 26-year-old commercial actress who watched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and volunteered on her campaign .
Standing outside a polling place in Los Feliz on Tuesday , Hart said she paid much more attention to local races this year than she had previously .
Hart said she liked Raman ’ s focus on homelessness and saw messages flood her Instagram from friends talking up Raman .
“ She ’ s like a celebrity , ” she said .
“ There ’ s so much energy around her .
I think she ’ s an outsider and anti-establishment.
” Raman ’ s strong showing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activists , who tried without success to unseat Councilman Mitch O ’ Farrell in 2017 and fell short twice in two years in their bid to elect educator Loraine Lundquist to a council seat in the northwest San Fernando Valley .
Bill Przylucki , executive director of the group Ground Game LA , which campaigned for Raman , said he believes L.A. 's elected leaders have long been to the right of the voters they represent .
A Raman victory , he said , could prompt other council members to tack further to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety , rent forgiveness and the environment .
“ We ’ re moving into a new era , where a lot more of the city ’ s residents are going to be engaged and aware of City Hall , ” said Przylucki , whose group phone banked for Raman .
Ryu described himself as both a reformer and a progressive , having run against an establishment candidate in 2015 .
The councilman touted his work pushing for new limits on donations from real estate developers , building affordable housing and providing help to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support from some city labor unions , some tenant advocates and the county ’ s Democratic Party .
Mark Gonzalez , the chairman of the county Democrats , said he believes too many voters were frustrated by their inability to find work , pay rent or get unemployment benefits in a timely way .
“ It ’ s not necessarily this progressive-versus-establishment thing , ” he said .
“ It ’ s that people are frustrated with the climate that we ’ re in.
” Yaroslavsky , the former county supervisor , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powerful movement behind her .
But she also rode a wave of discontent , he said .
“ This wasn ’ t about David Ryu .
This was about what ’ s happening in the city : the equity issues , the racial reckoning issues , homelessness , what ’ s happened to City Hall with ethics ” and the ongoing FBI corruption probe , he said .
“ She became the vessel in the campaign for all of those .
”

David Zahniser, Dakota Smith, Benjamin Oreskes

When urban planner Nithya Raman launched her bid for Los Angeles City Council last year, she was best known in her neighborhood for helping homeless residents get meals, showers and other aid.
By the time voters cast their ballots, the 39-year-old Silver Lake resident had become a powerful symbol for progressive activists, not just across the city but in other parts of the country, securing the endorsement of Bernie Sanders and favorable profiles from Vogue and the Daily Beast.
While votes are still being counted, Raman is in a strong position to unseat Councilman David Ryu, making him the first L.A. council member to be ousted in 17 years. Her first-place showing — she had 52.4% as of Wednesday — represents “a political earthquake” for City Hall, said Zev Yaroslavsky, a former councilman and county supervisor who heads the Los Angeles Initiative at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.
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Yaroslavsky, who endorsed Ryu, predicted a Raman victory would embolden the movement that rallied for her — younger, grassroots activists who favored Bernie Sanders and are frustrated with City Hall — to get even more involved in the 2022 election, when eight council seats and three citywide seats will be up for grabs.
“Anybody at City Hall who doesn’t recognize the significance of this election,” he added, “is making a mistake.”
On Wednesday afternoon, Raman had not declared victory, and Ryu had not conceded. But it was clear that Raman was one of several local candidates pushing L.A.’s political culture leftward.
State Sen. Holly Mitchell — who also ran with the endorsement of Bernie Sanders — easily defeated Councilman Herb Wesson in their race for county supervisor. While in Sacramento, Mitchell fought for racial justice measures, bills aimed at ensuring greater transparency on police misconduct and new restrictions on use of force by officers.
In another contest, former San Francisco Dist. Atty. George Gascón, seen as a longtime reformer on public safety, held a commanding lead over the incumbent, Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey. Gascón was a coauthor of Proposition 47, the bill that reduced a number of felonies to misdemeanors, and led the charge for the expungement of marijuana convictions.
In her race against Ryu, Raman offered a detailed progressive policy platform, calling for the creation of a network of homeless access centers, arguing for the LAPD to become a much smaller armed force and promoting a rent forgiveness plan that would deliver cash reimbursements to small landlords and tax credits to larger ones.
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On Wednesday, activists pointed to all three races and said L.A.’s political leaders can no longer dismiss those fighting the status quo on homelessness, public safety and other issues.
“I hope you all paid very close attention to what happened in our city last night,” said Raman supporter Sophie Strauss, speaking during the council’s regular meeting. “Regardless of national politics, we are seeing resounding victories for our progressive people-powered movement here in LA.”
A compelling presence on social media, Raman posted easy-to-understand video explainers on city government and worked closely with activist groups such as Democratic Socialists of America-Los Angeles, where she is a member, and Ground Game L.A. While she agreed that many voters were angry and frustrated, she said they were ultimately sending a positive message in her race against Ryu.
“I think people felt really hopeful that, with the right policies, with people in power who felt the same sense of urgency, that we could see something different,” she said.
Over the course of her campaign, Raman mobilized an army of 2,000 volunteers and turned to many in Hollywood for financial support.
Roughly a third of her $953,000 campaign haul came from writers, actors, directors and others in the entertainment industry, according to Ethics Commission filings. More crucially, she launched her campaign just as the city had switched its municipal elections to even-numbered years, coinciding with this year’s presidential campaign.
That change produced much higher turnout among younger, poorer and nonwhite voters across L.A., said political science professor Fernando Guerra, who led the commission that pushed for the switch to the city’s election schedule. Raman also ran in a year when progressive Democrats were pitted against liberal Democrats in local contests — with progressives gaining the upper hand, he said.
“She was able to stake herself out to the left of Ryu in a city and county that’s becoming even more left,” Guerra said. “She captured the growth in that vote.”
Had the city election dates not changed, Ryu likely would have won reelection, Guerra said.
Councilman David Ryu speaks during the L.A. County Democratic Party election night watch party at the L.A. Zoo. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
Compared to odd-year elections, turnout was indeed through the roof. Five years ago, when Ryu won his seat, the district race drew around 24,000 voters, with turnout registering at around 16%. By Wednesday morning, county election officials had tabulated more than four times the number of ballots, with more to be counted.
Raman said months ago that she chose to run this year in part because of the change in the election dates. Her campaign put a special focus on reaching renters and younger voters in such locations as Koreatown, Los Feliz, Hollywood and the northern end of Sherman Oaks, according to Meghan Choi, one of her campaign managers.
One of those younger supporters was Miranda Hart, a 26-year-old commercial actress who watched as her friends phone banked for Raman and volunteered on her campaign. Standing outside a polling place in Los Feliz on Tuesday, Hart said she paid much more attention to local races this year than she had previously.
Hart said she liked Raman’s focus on homelessness and saw messages flood her Instagram from friends talking up Raman.
“She’s like a celebrity,” she said. “There’s so much energy around her. I think she’s an outsider and anti-establishment.”
Raman’s strong showing represented a breakthrough for L.A.’s leftist activists, who tried without success to unseat Councilman Mitch O’Farrell in 2017 and fell short twice in two years in their bid to elect educator Loraine Lundquist to a council seat in the northwest San Fernando Valley.
Bill Przylucki, executive director of the group Ground Game LA, which campaigned for Raman, said he believes L.A.’s elected leaders have long been to the right of the voters they represent. A Raman victory, he said, could prompt other council members to tack further to the left on such issues as public safety, rent forgiveness and the environment.
“We’re moving into a new era, where a lot more of the city’s residents are going to be engaged and aware of City Hall,” said Przylucki, whose group phone banked for Raman.
Ryu described himself as both a reformer and a progressive, having run against an establishment candidate in 2015. The councilman touted his work pushing for new limits on donations from real estate developers, building affordable housing and providing help to renters in need.
Ryu picked up support from some city labor unions, some tenant advocates and the county’s Democratic Party.
Mark Gonzalez, the chairman of the county Democrats, said he believes too many voters were frustrated by their inability to find work, pay rent or get unemployment benefits in a timely way. “It’s not necessarily this progressive-versus-establishment thing,” he said. “It’s that people are frustrated with the climate that we’re in.”
Yaroslavsky, the former county supervisor, said Raman was a strong candidate with a powerful movement behind her. But she also rode a wave of discontent, he said.
“This wasn’t about David Ryu. This was about what’s happening in the city: the equity issues, the racial reckoning issues, homelessness, what’s happened to City Hall with ethics” and the ongoing FBI corruption probe, he said. “She became the vessel in the campaign for all of those.”


latimes--2020-11-04--Missing LAFD firefighter found dead in Mexico

Francisco Aguilar , the 20-year veteran of the Los Angeles Fire Department who went missing in Mexico in August , was killed in Rosarito by kidnappers , Mexican authorities said Wednesday afternoon .
Authorities in Baja California said two people have been arrested in connection with his death , a couple they identified only as Fanny and Santos .
According to the Fiscalia General del Estado de Baja California , Aguilar met with the woman , Fanny , on Aug. 20 for a sexual encounter in Rosarito .
Instead , she and Santos attempted to kidnap him , officials said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out like they thought they would , ” Hiram Sanchez Zamora , an official with the Fiscalia General del Estado de Baja California , said during a Wednesday media briefing in Mexico .
The couple are accused of killing Aguilar and taking his body to Boulevard 2000 in Tijuana , a highway that connects Tijuana and Rosarito , where they burned the body , he said .
Officials found the burned body on Oct. 23 and Aguilar ’ s family was notified of his death on Wednesday .
“ This is a tragic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would end differently , ” said Los Angeles Fire Department Chief Ralph Terrazas in an emailed statement .
“ On behalf of the men and women of the LAFD , we send our deepest condolences to Firefighter Aguilar ’ s family and we stand ready to assist them in the days to come.
” The LAFD and the FBI , which had been assisting Mexican authorities in the search for Aguilar , both referred questions to Mexican authorities .
According to family members , Aguilar visited the area frequently and had been in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But he suddenly stopped communicating with them , the family told KCAL-TV , Channel 9 .
When relatives went to his condo , they found his vehicle gone and his home ransacked .
“ We were on FaceTime the other day , and he was on the beach and just talking ... about how it was so much fun and this was a little taste of what retirement would be like for him , ” his daughter Amaris told the station in August .
“ I just pray with every fiber in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us .
”

Francisco Aguilar, the 20-year veteran of the Los Angeles Fire Department who went missing in Mexico in August, was killed in Rosarito by kidnappers, Mexican authorities said Wednesday afternoon.
Authorities in Baja California said two people have been arrested in connection with his death, a couple they identified only as Fanny and Santos.
According to the Fiscalia General del Estado de Baja California, Aguilar met with the woman, Fanny, on Aug. 20 for a sexual encounter in Rosarito. Instead, she and Santos attempted to kidnap him, officials said.
“Things didn’t turn out like they thought they would,” Hiram Sanchez Zamora, an official with the Fiscalia General del Estado de Baja California, said during a Wednesday media briefing in Mexico.
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The couple are accused of killing Aguilar and taking his body to Boulevard 2000 in Tijuana, a highway that connects Tijuana and Rosarito, where they burned the body, he said. Officials found the burned body on Oct. 23 and Aguilar’s family was notified of his death on Wednesday.
“This is a tragic outcome to a case we were hoping would end differently,” said Los Angeles Fire Department Chief Ralph Terrazas in an emailed statement. “On behalf of the men and women of the LAFD, we send our deepest condolences to Firefighter Aguilar’s family and we stand ready to assist them in the days to come.”
The LAFD and the FBI, which had been assisting Mexican authorities in the search for Aguilar, both referred questions to Mexican authorities.
According to family members, Aguilar visited the area frequently and had been in contact with them through WhatsApp and FaceTime. But he suddenly stopped communicating with them, the family told KCAL-TV, Channel 9. When relatives went to his condo, they found his vehicle gone and his home ransacked.
“We were on FaceTime the other day, and he was on the beach and just talking ... about how it was so much fun and this was a little taste of what retirement would be like for him,” his daughter Amaris told the station in August. “I just pray with every fiber in my being that my father returns to us.”


latimes--2020-11-04--Why affirmative action measure failed in California

In a year in which the nation was confronted with racial injustice and a divisive presidential contest inflamed its partisan divide , advocates fighting to reinstate affirmative action programs in the deep-blue state of California saw the November election as their best opportunity in decades .
But that hope evaporated Wednesday when election returns showed that voters soundly rejected Proposition 16 .
The measure faced an uphill challenge from the outset , hobbled by a truncated campaign that began after the California Legislature added Proposition 16 to the ballot in June and the deadly COVID-19 pandemic , which made door-to-door @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ward Connerly , who helped lead the campaign against the measure , said California voters saw Proposition 16 as an affront to the principle of fairness .
Opponents also said the outcome showed that the Democratic-led Legislature has drifted too far left of the electorate .
“ [ Proponents ] still have not persuaded the people that it is OK to discriminate against one group of people in the interest of trying to benefit another , ” Connerly said Tuesday night .
“ This was a classic case of the political establishment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the people kick their butts.
” Connerly , a former UC regent , championed the end of affirmative action in California in 1996 with Proposition 209 , a landmark policy enacted in an era of deep division in California , stoked in part by Republican-led efforts to bar bilingual education and outlaw public benefits for immigrants who entered the country illegally .
Proposition 16 would have rescinded Proposition 209 .
Even after raising more than $ 20 million and far outspending their opponents , Proposition 16 ’ s supporters were never able to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election overwhelmed by the presidential race and the onslaught of campaign ads for high-stakes ballot measures to transform the gig economy and California ’ s property tax collection .
Thomas Saenz , president of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund and a co-chair for the campaign supporting Proposition 16 , said the greatest challenge was educating voters about how affirmative actions programs would make California more just and equal .
“ Our challenge to inform was particularly heightened for those who were too young to remember Proposition 209 , ” he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what affirmative action is because they have no personal experience of what it is in their lifetime or political consciousness because we haven ’ t had it for a quarter-century.
” That was especially true among Latino voters in California , who tend to be younger on average , Saenz said .
Independent polls by UC Berkeley ’ s Institute of Governmental Studies and the Public Policy Institute of California showed weak support for Proposition 16 as late as mid-October .
Even more telling , the surveys also showed that Latino voters in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quarter of the electorate — were evenly split .
White voters were firmly against the measure , while Black voters were strongly in favor .
“ This issue is not something that ’ s been litigated much within the Latino community at all until this year and it ’ s kind of late to be starting to educate voters on it , ” said Karthick Ramakrishnan , a UC Riverside professor of public policy and political science who founded AAPIData.com , which publishes demographic data and policy research on Asian Americans and Pacific @ @ @ @ @ @ @ old adage ?
If you have to explain it , you ’ re already behind.
” University of California officials expressed disappointment Wednesday that voters rejected Proposition 16 but vowed to continue expanding the student body ’ s cultural , racial , geographic and socioeconomic diversity .
“ UC remains steadfast in its commitment to attract and support a student body that reflects California ’ s dynamism and diversity , despite this setback , ” UC President Michael V. Drake said in statement .
“ We will continue our unwavering efforts to expand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ education.
” The measure had been broadly endorsed by the UC Board of Regents , all 10 campus chancellors and major student organizations , who blamed the 24-year statewide ban on affirmative action for particularly hurting Black and Latino student enrollment .
Latinos are the system ’ s most underrepresented demographic , making up 31.5 % of in-state freshmen last fall compared with their 44.7 % share among California high school graduates eligible for UC admission .
By comparison , Asian Americans made up 40.3 % of freshmen and 19.9 % of that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at UC and 27 % of eligible students and Black freshmen were 4.5 % at UC and 4.2 % of those who met systemwide admission standards .

Proposition 16, which failed, would have reinstated affirmation action programs at UC Berkeley, where this picture was taken, as well as other California public universities and government agencies.
In a year in which the nation was confronted with racial injustice and a divisive presidential contest inflamed its partisan divide, advocates fighting to reinstate affirmative action programs in the deep-blue state of California saw the November election as their best opportunity in decades.
But that hope evaporated Wednesday when election returns showed that voters soundly rejected Proposition 16.
The measure faced an uphill challenge from the outset, hobbled by a truncated campaign that began after the California Legislature added Proposition 16 to the ballot in June and the deadly COVID-19 pandemic, which made door-to-door campaigning and other grass-roots voter outreach difficult.
Ward Connerly, who helped lead the campaign against the measure, said California voters saw Proposition 16 as an affront to the principle of fairness. Opponents also said the outcome showed that the Democratic-led Legislature has drifted too far left of the electorate.
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“[Proponents] still have not persuaded the people that it is OK to discriminate against one group of people in the interest of trying to benefit another,” Connerly said Tuesday night. “This was a classic case of the political establishment going up against the people. And the people kick their butts.”
Connerly, a former UC regent, championed the end of affirmative action in California in 1996 with Proposition 209, a landmark policy enacted in an era of deep division in California, stoked in part by Republican-led efforts to bar bilingual education and outlaw public benefits for immigrants who entered the country illegally. Proposition 16 would have rescinded Proposition 209.
Even after raising more than $20 million and far outspending their opponents, Proposition 16’s supporters were never able to break through the din of a 2020 election overwhelmed by the presidential race and the onslaught of campaign ads for high-stakes ballot measures to transform the gig economy and California’s property tax collection.
Thomas Saenz, president of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund and a co-chair for the campaign supporting Proposition 16, said the greatest challenge was educating voters about how affirmative actions programs would make California more just and equal.
“Our challenge to inform was particularly heightened for those who were too young to remember Proposition 209,” he said. “We had to explain what affirmative action is because they have no personal experience of what it is in their lifetime or political consciousness because we haven’t had it for a quarter-century.”
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That was especially true among Latino voters in California, who tend to be younger on average, Saenz said.
Independent polls by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies and the Public Policy Institute of California showed weak support for Proposition 16 as late as mid-October. Even more telling, the surveys also showed that Latino voters in California — who account for roughly a quarter of the electorate — were evenly split. White voters were firmly against the measure, while Black voters were strongly in favor.
“This issue is not something that’s been litigated much within the Latino community at all until this year and it’s kind of late to be starting to educate voters on it,” said Karthick Ramakrishnan, a UC Riverside professor of public policy and political science who founded AAPIData.com, which publishes demographic data and policy research on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. “What’s the old adage? If you have to explain it, you’re already behind.”
University of California officials expressed disappointment Wednesday that voters rejected Proposition 16 but vowed to continue expanding the student body’s cultural, racial, geographic and socioeconomic diversity.
“UC remains steadfast in its commitment to attract and support a student body that reflects California’s dynamism and diversity, despite this setback,” UC President Michael V. Drake said in statement. “We will continue our unwavering efforts to expand underrepresented groups’ access to a UC education.”
The measure had been broadly endorsed by the UC Board of Regents, all 10 campus chancellors and major student organizations, who blamed the 24-year statewide ban on affirmative action for particularly hurting Black and Latino student enrollment. Latinos are the system’s most underrepresented demographic, making up 31.5% of in-state freshmen last fall compared with their 44.7% share among California high school graduates eligible for UC admission.
By comparison, Asian Americans made up 40.3% of freshmen and 19.9% of that qualified pool; whites were 20.6% at UC and 27% of eligible students and Black freshmen were 4.5% at UC and 4.2% of those who met systemwide admission standards.


latimes--2020-11-04--Republicans may take back two congressional seats in key Orange County races

In a rare bright spot for California ’ s beleaguered GOP , two Republican challengers are within striking distance of unseating two Orange County Democrats who were elected to Congress during the 2018 blue wave .
In both races , the Republicans are slightly ahead , but the margins are thin enough that it could take a while before final numbers are available .
If they go on to win , it would mark a major political reversal in Orange County , a onetime Republican stronghold that has become increasingly purple in recent years .
The county picked Joe Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years ago , Democrats flipped four seats blue , bringing Gil Cisneros ( District 39 ) , Katie Porter ( 45 ) , Harley Rouda ( 48 ) and Mike Levin ( 49 ) into office .
Democrats held all seven of the county ’ s seats during the 116th Congress .
As of Wednesday morning , county Supervisor Michelle Steel was clinging to a slender lead over Rouda , and former state Assemblywoman Young Kim was leading Cisneros .
Overall , Democratic congressional candidates in several districts took an early lead Tuesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some competitive reelection races across the county .
The GOP has been struggling across California in the last two decades , with Democrats dominating in Sacramento and currently holding 45 of 53 congressional seats .
District 39 spans Anaheim Hills to Buena Park and parts of Los Angeles and San Bernardino county ; 48 includes Laguna Beach , Costa Mesa and Huntington Beach ; and 49 includes Dana Point and San Clemente in Orange County and parts of San Diego County .
The Associated Press declared Porter the winner over Republican challenger and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AP also declared Levin the winner over Republican businessman Brian Maryott .
“ I want to thank Katie Porter for running a clean and fair campaign , ” Raths said in an interview .
As of Wednesday morning , Steel was up by fewer than 2,000 votes , barely half a percent , and Kim had widened her margin by over 8,000 votes , or almost 5 percentage points , in Orange County .
After losing to Cisneros in 2018 by 7,611 votes , Kim beat Cisneros in the by more than 2,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Democratic candidate for California ’ s 25th District , Christy Smith , is narrowly leading Republican incumbent Mike Garcia in a sprawling district that stretches east to the Antelope Valley .
California GOP field and political director Bryan Watkins said winning the two Orange County congressional seats would be crucial for the party .
“ The goal was to win back these seats we lost previously to Sacramento or D.C. , ” Watkins said .
“ Young and Steel are the embodiment of the American dream and they have a solid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ afternoon , Rouda posted on Facebook thanking the volunteers who helped his “ grassroots ” campaign .
“ We are confident that the voters of California ’ s 48th district put country over party at the ballot box and voted for integrity and decency , ” he wrote in the post .
Steel ’ s campaign communications director , Lance Trover , said they are optimistic but will continue to monitor incoming results .
Cisneros released a statement Tuesday night emphasizing all ballots had yet to be counted .
“ We must count @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 39th District matters , ” Cisneros wrote .
Meanwhile , Kim ’ s deputy campaign manager , Linette Choi , said in a statement : “ There are still plenty of votes to be counted , but we are confident that our message to be an independent voice for this community resonated with voters.
” Chapman University political science professor Fred Smoller , who conducts annual surveys on Orange County voters , said the tight races in the county were expected .
“ The big picture is that O.C .
has moved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Democrats did incredibly well in 2018 , and now there could be a slight reversal , ” Smoller said .
Rouda ’ s and Levin ’ s districts maintain a slight Republican voter registration advantage .
Cisneros ’ district leads in registered Democrats by less than a percentage point .
Four years ago , became the first Democratic presidential candidate to win the county since the Great Depression , beating out Trump by 5 percentage points .
Smoller said he predicted that Steel ’ s ties to Trump could be a hindrance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election results show that voters are splitting their ballots .
“ We ’ re seeing that the coronavirus and the economy are mutually compelling imperatives .
Steel took one position and I think it helped her in her conservative district , ” Smoller said .
Asian American voters , whom Smoller says often support members of their own ethnic group , may have helped Kim take an early lead .
Other Asian American candidates are faring well in early election counts as well , including Democratic Dave Min , who is running for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Steven Choi , who is running for state Assembly .
Min ’ s campaign manager , Ash Alvandi , said the team is cautiously optimistic that the lead will hold .
Democratic Party of Orange County Chair Ada Briceño remained confident that Democrats will hold on to their congressional seats .

Michelle Steel, an Orange County supervisor, and incumbent Harley Rouda are in a close battle for the 48th Congressional District, which covers the county’s coast.
In a rare bright spot for California’s beleaguered GOP, two Republican challengers are within striking distance of unseating two Orange County Democrats who were elected to Congress during the 2018 blue wave.
In both races, the Republicans are slightly ahead, but the margins are thin enough that it could take a while before final numbers are available.
If they go on to win, it would mark a major political reversal in Orange County, a onetime Republican stronghold that has become increasingly purple in recent years. The county picked Joe Biden over Donald Trump on Tuesday.
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Two years ago, Democrats flipped four seats blue, bringing Gil Cisneros (District 39), Katie Porter (45), Harley Rouda (48) and Mike Levin (49) into office. Democrats held all seven of the county’s seats during the 116th Congress.
As of Wednesday morning, county Supervisor Michelle Steel was clinging to a slender lead over Rouda, and former state Assemblywoman Young Kim was leading Cisneros.
Overall, Democratic congressional candidates in several districts took an early lead Tuesday night, with over 5-percentage-point leads in some competitive reelection races across the county.
The GOP has been struggling across California in the last two decades, with Democrats dominating in Sacramento and currently holding 45 of 53 congressional seats.
District 39 spans Anaheim Hills to Buena Park and parts of Los Angeles and San Bernardino county; 48 includes Laguna Beach, Costa Mesa and Huntington Beach; and 49 includes Dana Point and San Clemente in Orange County and parts of San Diego County.
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The Associated Press declared Porter the winner over Republican challenger and Mission Viejo Mayor Greg Raths. The AP also declared Levin the winner over Republican businessman Brian Maryott.
“I want to thank Katie Porter for running a clean and fair campaign,” Raths said in an interview.
As of Wednesday morning, Steel was up by fewer than 2,000 votes, barely half a percent, and Kim had widened her margin by over 8,000 votes, or almost 5 percentage points, in Orange County.
Incumbent Gil Cisneros and challenger Young Kim are in a close battle for the 39th Congressional District, which covers northern Orange County. (Cisneros and Kim campaigns)
After losing to Cisneros in 2018 by 7,611 votes, Kim beat Cisneros in the March primaries by more than 2,000 votes.
In north Los Angeles County, the Democratic candidate for California’s 25th District, Christy Smith, is narrowly leading Republican incumbent Mike Garcia in a sprawling district that stretches east to the Antelope Valley.
California GOP field and political director Bryan Watkins said winning the two Orange County congressional seats would be crucial for the party.
“The goal was to win back these seats we lost previously to Sacramento or D.C.,” Watkins said. “Young and Steel are the embodiment of the American dream and they have a solid pulse on their communities.”
Early Wednesday afternoon, Rouda posted on Facebook thanking the volunteers who helped his “grassroots” campaign.
“We are confident that the voters of California’s 48th district put country over party at the ballot box and voted for integrity and decency,” he wrote in the post.
Steel’s campaign communications director, Lance Trover, said they are optimistic but will continue to monitor incoming results.
Cisneros released a statement Tuesday night emphasizing all ballots had yet to be counted.
“We must count every vote, because every voice in the 39th District matters,” Cisneros wrote.
Meanwhile, Kim’s deputy campaign manager, Linette Choi, said in a statement: “There are still plenty of votes to be counted, but we are confident that our message to be an independent voice for this community resonated with voters.”
Chapman University political science professor Fred Smoller, who conducts annual surveys on Orange County voters, said the tight races in the county were expected.
“The big picture is that O.C. has moved from red county to purple county. The Democrats did incredibly well in 2018, and now there could be a slight reversal,” Smoller said.
Rouda’s and Levin’s districts maintain a slight Republican voter registration advantage. Cisneros’ district leads in registered Democrats by less than a percentage point.
Four years ago, Hillary Clinton became the first Democratic presidential candidate to win the county since the Great Depression, beating out Trump by 5 percentage points.
Smoller said he predicted that Steel’s ties to Trump could be a hindrance to her campaign. But he believes election results show that voters are splitting their ballots.
“We’re seeing that the coronavirus and the economy are mutually compelling imperatives. Steel took one position and I think it helped her in her conservative district,” Smoller said.
Asian American voters, whom Smoller says often support members of their own ethnic group, may have helped Kim take an early lead.
Other Asian American candidates are faring well in early election counts as well, including Democratic Dave Min, who is running for a state Senate seat, and Republican Steven Choi, who is running for state Assembly.
Min’s campaign manager, Ash Alvandi, said the team is cautiously optimistic that the lead will hold.
Democratic Party of Orange County Chair Ada Briceño remained confident that Democrats will hold on to their congressional seats.


latimes--2020-11-04--LAUSD Measure RR ends dry spell in raising taxes for schools

Los Angeles school officials on Tuesday revived an irresistible formula from the past in winning passage of Measure RR , a $ 7-billion bond to modernize campuses in California ’ s largest school system .
The formula is : Find a presidential election in which motivated Democrats turn out in large numbers .
It worked in 2008 when Angelenos amassed to put Barack Obama in the White House .
And it worked in 2020 , when Angelenos cast votes en masse , most hoping to remove President Trump .
In 2008 , the $ 7-billion Measure Q won 69 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 7-billion Measure RR won nearly 71 % in “ semiofficial ” results posted Wednesday by the county registrar ’ s office .
The bond measures needed 55 % of the vote to pass .
But between 2008 and Tuesday things hadn ’ t gone so well .
Two local tax measures for L.A. schools had failed .
And in March , a statewide school bond also went down to defeat .
L.A. schools Supt .
Austin Beutner was at the helm of the district for the last two setbacks .
On Wednesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elated .
“ The students are the real winners today — this victory is theirs , ” Beutner said in a statement .
“ Because of voter support , and the support of labor , business and community leaders , more students will get access to safe and updated schools and learning technology.
” “ We acted boldly during these uncertain times by placing Measure RR on the ballot , knowing we needed to continue to address needs in school facilities , ” he added .
“ We are grateful voters overwhelmingly supported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Measure RR had reason for optimism — there was no significant opposition campaign and the November electorate was expected to be more tax friendly .
A long list of projects includes ceilings , bus purchases , new air conditioners and seismic retrofits .
Also on the list are mobile computers and other technology .
Money also could be used to pay for a portion of the district ’ s response to the COVID-19 pandemic — although officials hope that funding for this purpose will come from elsewhere .
To make the bond tax @ @ @ @ @ @ @ L.A. Unified officials structured the overall tax rate for schools to remain about where it is now , through 2034 , before the tax rate begins to taper off over the following 20 years .
The annual property tax payment for schools during that peak period would be about $ 140 per $ 100,000 of assessed property value .
This figure would include Measure RR and other previously passed bonds that taxpayers are still paying off .
The share of that tax bill resulting from Measure RR by itself would work out , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year per $ 100,000 of assessed property value .
The Measure RR tax rates are linked to the assessed value of residential and commercial properties .
Measure RR proceeds , instead of going to the district ’ s general fund — where they could be used , for example , to pay for teachers and nurses — would pay for construction and facilities-related purchases .
This kind of bond typically fuels the construction industry , and .
“ The district did its homework , conducted outreach and took the time to answer questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community , ” said Matthew N. Klink , who helped lead the campaign that defeated Measure EE , the previous L.A. Unified effort in 2019 .
Measure EE was a parcel tax that would have especially affected large commercial property owners , who funded a strong campaign against it .
Parcel taxes are typically used to pay for educational services , so , unlike construction bonds , they don ’ t pump money directly into local companies .
Campaign consultant Yusef Robb , who had worked to pass Measure EE , agreed that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the pandemic — which forced campuses to close in March — may have contributed .
“ Measure RR is top of mind because people ’ s kids are on top of them all day , every day , ” Robb said .
The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn .
as an unfair additional burden , asserting that past bond funds have not been spent efficiently .
What about all that money from the earlier Measure Q ?
District officials insist that every dollar is either spent or committed — a big chunk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the still-ongoing shutdown of campuses .
L.A. Unified says it has about $ 50 billion in modernization needs — more than enough to consume the entire $ 7-billion infusion .

A new bond will make projects such as this modernization of Cleveland Charter High School in Reseda possible at more schools.
Los Angeles school officials on Tuesday revived an irresistible formula from the past in winning passage of Measure RR, a $7-billion bond to modernize campuses in California’s largest school system.
The formula is: Find a presidential election in which motivated Democrats turn out in large numbers.
It worked in 2008 when Angelenos amassed to put Barack Obama in the White House. And it worked in 2020, when Angelenos cast votes en masse, most hoping to remove President Trump.
In 2008, the $7-billion Measure Q won 69% of the vote; in 2020, $7-billion Measure RR won nearly 71% in “semiofficial” results posted Wednesday by the county registrar’s office. The bond measures needed 55% of the vote to pass.
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But between 2008 and Tuesday things hadn’t gone so well. Two local tax measures for L.A. schools had failed. And in March, a statewide school bond also went down to defeat.
L.A. schools Supt. Austin Beutner was at the helm of the district for the last two setbacks. On Wednesday, it was his turn to be elated.
“The students are the real winners today — this victory is theirs,” Beutner said in a statement. “Because of voter support, and the support of labor, business and community leaders, more students will get access to safe and updated schools and learning technology.”
“We acted boldly during these uncertain times by placing Measure RR on the ballot, knowing we needed to continue to address needs in school facilities,” he added. “We are grateful voters overwhelmingly supported this effort.”
All along supporters of Measure RR had reason for optimism — there was no significant opposition campaign and the November electorate was expected to be more tax friendly.
A long list of projects includes ceilings, bus purchases, new air conditioners and seismic retrofits. Also on the list are mobile computers and other technology. Money also could be used to pay for a portion of the district’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic — although officials hope that funding for this purpose will come from elsewhere.
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To make the bond tax more appealing — and less noticeable — L.A. Unified officials structured the overall tax rate for schools to remain about where it is now, through 2034, before the tax rate begins to taper off over the following 20 years. The annual property tax payment for schools during that peak period would be about $140 per $100,000 of assessed property value. This figure would include Measure RR and other previously passed bonds that taxpayers are still paying off.
The share of that tax bill resulting from Measure RR by itself would work out, on average, to $22 a year per $100,000 of assessed property value.
The Measure RR tax rates are linked to the assessed value of residential and commercial properties. Measure RR proceeds, instead of going to the district’s general fund — where they could be used, for example, to pay for teachers and nurses — would pay for construction and facilities-related purchases. This kind of bond typically fuels the construction industry, and business and labor groups united in support .
“The district did its homework, conducted outreach and took the time to answer questions from key stakeholders, including the business community,” said Matthew N. Klink, who helped lead the campaign that defeated Measure EE, the previous L.A. Unified effort in 2019.
Measure EE was a parcel tax that would have especially affected large commercial property owners, who funded a strong campaign against it. Parcel taxes are typically used to pay for educational services, so, unlike construction bonds, they don’t pump money directly into local companies.
Campaign consultant Yusef Robb, who had worked to pass Measure EE, agreed that Measure RR was a better political bet, and the pandemic — which forced campuses to close in March — may have contributed.
“Measure RR is top of mind because people’s kids are on top of them all day, every day,” Robb said.
The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn. opposed Measure RR as an unfair additional burden, asserting that past bond funds have not been spent efficiently.
What about all that money from the earlier Measure Q?
District officials insist that every dollar is either spent or committed — a big chunk went to buy computers for students after the still-ongoing shutdown of campuses. L.A. Unified says it has about $50 billion in modernization needs — more than enough to consume the entire $7-billion infusion.


latimes--2020-11-04--California's highest court could still curtail cash bail, upheld by the state's voters

Amid divisions among criminal justice reformers , voters have rejected a ballot measure to end cash bail in California , but the state ’ s highest court will probably have the final word .
A case pending before the California Supreme Court would require judges to consider a defendant ’ s ability to pay bail before requiring it .
The court ’ s decision likely would be based on the California Constitution , making it harder to overturn at the ballot box .
The bail industry spearheaded Proposition 25 , a referendum on a law enacted by then-Gov .
Jerry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assessment system .
The industry hoped voters would reject the law , which passed over its objections .
A liberal coalition supporting the end of cash bail fractured at the last minute when the bill was amended to allow judges more flexibility in deciding who must remain behind bars .
Some criminal defense lawyers worried that algorithms to be used to assess a defendant ’ s risk of flight or re-offending might themselves be biased and lead to defendants unnecessarily being kept in jail .
The split produced an unlikely but informal alliance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , members of law enforcement and the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California and Human Rights Watch .
“ The bottom line is I think there was enormous confusion among people , ” UC Berkeley law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky said .
The bail debate is not going away , though .
Legislators may introduce a new bill , and the California Supreme Court is ready to weigh in .
“ Cash bail is on life support , ” said Robert Weisberg , co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or the other .
It may just go out with a whimper and not a bang.
” California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye , who heads the state high court , supported the bail law that voters opposed in Proposition 25 .
A study by a group of judges she appointed also concluded he bail system unfairly hurt the poor .
The bail case before the court , In re Humphrey , stems from a 2018 San Francisco-based Court of Appeal decision that required judges to consider whether a defendant could afford bail and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court determines that petitioner is unable to afford the amount of money bail it finds necessary to ensure petitioner ’ s future court appearances , ” wrote 1st District Court of Appeal Justice J. Anthony Kline , author of the decision , “ it may set bail at that amount only upon a determination by clear and convincing evidence that no less restrictive alternative will satisfy that purpose.
” The California Supreme Court , which already has allowed the decision be cited as precedent statewide , is expected to uphold the ruling .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ court analyst , said he did not believe the court would be swayed by voters ’ decision on Proposition 25 .
“ If they think the precedents require the constitutional ruling , ” Jenkins said , “ I don ’ t think they ’ ll hesitate to affirm the Court of Appeal and essentially negate the proposition.
” The Court of Appeal ’ s decision stemmed from a bail hearing for Kenneth Humphrey , a retired shipyard laborer , who was charged with robbery in San Francisco in 2017 after being accused of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cologne from a neighbor .
Humphrey was 63 at the time , the neighbor , 79 .
Humphrey had a criminal record , and a trial judge initially set bail at $ 600,000 .
The judge eventually reduced it to $ 350,000 , which Humphrey still could not afford .
Bail bonds companies require defendants to pay up to 10 % of the bail amount even when the defendants show up to court .
Humphrey did not have the $ 35,000 to obtain bail .
Following the ruling , Humphrey was released with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bail law voters rejected indicated Wednesday that they were considering whether to introduce new bail legislation next year , but have not decided yet to do so .
“ The arc of the moral universe is long , but it bends toward ending cash bail , ” said state Sen. Bob Hertzberg ( D-Van Nuys ) , the primary author of the measure , Senate Bill 10 .
“ Millions of dollars from the predatory bail industry may buy them some time , but it can ’ t overpower our movement toward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Francisco ) , a coauthor of SB 10 , called its repeal by the failure of Proposition 25 “ absolutely devastating.
” “ Money bail is classist and racist — no one should ever be held in jail or released based on how much money they have , ” Wiener said Wednesday .
“ We can not give up this fight , and we won ’ t give up.
” A new bill might take into account the objections of liberals who opposed SB 10 .
“ Prop .
25 would have eliminated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by enacting a discriminatory risk assessment system in its place , ” said Summer Lacey , director of criminal justice at the ACLU of Southern California , on Wednesday .
“ Risk assessment tools have proven to be racially and socioeconomically biased.
” The American Bail Coalition , which sponsored the No on Proposition 25 campaign , praised the election result .
“ Voters have declared that they will not tolerate any effort to deny them the fundamental constitutional right to bail , ” said Jeffrey J. Clayton , executive director of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sponsored the referendum effort .
“ We hope the state respects the will of the voters and instead looks to other reasonable pathways to bail reform .
”

The Quick Bail Bonds building on Vignes Street across from Men’s Central Jail in Los Angeles in 2005.
Amid divisions among criminal justice reformers, voters have rejected a ballot measure to end cash bail in California, but the state’s highest court will probably have the final word.
A case pending before the California Supreme Court would require judges to consider a defendant’s ability to pay bail before requiring it. The court’s decision likely would be based on the California Constitution, making it harder to overturn at the ballot box.
The bail industry spearheaded Proposition 25, a referendum on a law enacted by then-Gov. Jerry Brown to replace bail with a risk assessment system. The industry hoped voters would reject the law, which passed over its objections.
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A liberal coalition supporting the end of cash bail fractured at the last minute when the bill was amended to allow judges more flexibility in deciding who must remain behind bars. Some criminal defense lawyers worried that algorithms to be used to assess a defendant’s risk of flight or re-offending might themselves be biased and lead to defendants unnecessarily being kept in jail.
The split produced an unlikely but informal alliance against the measure: the bail industry, members of law enforcement and the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California and Human Rights Watch.
“The bottom line is I think there was enormous confusion among people,” UC Berkeley law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky said.
The bail debate is not going away, though. Legislators may introduce a new bill, and the California Supreme Court is ready to weigh in.
“Cash bail is on life support,” said Robert Weisberg, co-director of the Stanford Criminal Justice Center. “It is going to disappear one way or the other. It may just go out with a whimper and not a bang.”
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California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye, who heads the state high court, supported the bail law that voters opposed in Proposition 25. A study by a group of judges she appointed also concluded he bail system unfairly hurt the poor.
The bail case before the court, In re Humphrey, stems from a 2018 San Francisco-based Court of Appeal decision that required judges to consider whether a defendant could afford bail and weigh nonmonetary alternatives.
“If the court determines that petitioner is unable to afford the amount of money bail it finds necessary to ensure petitioner’s future court appearances,” wrote 1st District Court of Appeal Justice J. Anthony Kline, author of the decision, “it may set bail at that amount only upon a determination by clear and convincing evidence that no less restrictive alternative will satisfy that purpose.”
The California Supreme Court, which already has allowed the decision be cited as precedent statewide, is expected to uphold the ruling.
Kirk Jenkins, an appellate lawyer and court analyst, said he did not believe the court would be swayed by voters’ decision on Proposition 25.
“If they think the precedents require the constitutional ruling,” Jenkins said, “I don’t think they’ll hesitate to affirm the Court of Appeal and essentially negate the proposition.”
The Court of Appeal’s decision stemmed from a bail hearing for Kenneth Humphrey, a retired shipyard laborer, who was charged with robbery in San Francisco in 2017 after being accused of stealing $5 and a bottle of cologne from a neighbor. Humphrey was 63 at the time, the neighbor, 79.
Humphrey had a criminal record, and a trial judge initially set bail at $600,000. The judge eventually reduced it to $350,000, which Humphrey still could not afford. Bail bonds companies require defendants to pay up to 10% of the bail amount even when the defendants show up to court. Humphrey did not have the $35,000 to obtain bail.
Following the ruling, Humphrey was released with an ankle monitor.
Legislators who coauthored the bail law voters rejected indicated Wednesday that they were considering whether to introduce new bail legislation next year, but have not decided yet to do so.
“The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward ending cash bail,” said state Sen. Bob Hertzberg (D-Van Nuys), the primary author of the measure, Senate Bill 10. “Millions of dollars from the predatory bail industry may buy them some time, but it can’t overpower our movement toward justice.”
Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), a coauthor of SB 10, called its repeal by the failure of Proposition 25 “absolutely devastating.”
“Money bail is classist and racist — no one should ever be held in jail or released based on how much money they have,” Wiener said Wednesday. “We cannot give up this fight, and we won’t give up.”
A new bill might take into account the objections of liberals who opposed SB 10.
“Prop. 25 would have eliminated money bail across the state of California by enacting a discriminatory risk assessment system in its place,” said Summer Lacey, director of criminal justice at the ACLU of Southern California, on Wednesday. “Risk assessment tools have proven to be racially and socioeconomically biased.”
The American Bail Coalition, which sponsored the No on Proposition 25 campaign, praised the election result.
“Voters have declared that they will not tolerate any effort to deny them the fundamental constitutional right to bail,” said Jeffrey J. Clayton, executive director of the American Bail Coalition, the organization that sponsored the referendum effort.
“We hope the state respects the will of the voters and instead looks to other reasonable pathways to bail reform.”
Staff writer Anita Chabria contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-11-04--Column: In case of a Trump win, I'm weighing my options. Canada? Mexico? Secession?

Like everyone else , I ’ m on the edge of my seat , waiting on Arizona , Nevada and Pennsylvania .
But regardless of the outcome of the presidential election , we need to stop referring to our country as the United States of America .
Given the political and cultural polarization , nothing could be further from the truth .
And I don ’ t think that ’ s going to change regardless of whether President Trump is reelected or ousted by Joe Biden .
So I ’ m weighing the options .
Do we just learn to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ War , break up the country into more logical pieces , or move to another country ?
I haven ’ t decided which option I like best , but on Tuesday , I registered on the Canadian government ’ s immigration website just in case .
I wanted to be ahead of the rush , but I ’ m still figuring out whether it would be best to apply for citizenship , a work permit , or a visa that offers the possibility of extensions .
I ’ ve been to Canada .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ people and a much better record of handling the pandemic than we ’ ve had down here in the states .
Something tells me Canadians would be aghast if Prime Minister Justin Trudeau refused to wear a mask , turned the seat of government into a COVID-19 hotspot , got helicoptered to the hospital with a case of the virus , received treatment available to no one else , then hosted rallies without face coverings and said the public health experts encouraging the use of masks were idiots .
This is not normal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shake the faith of Trump loyalists .
That ’ s unsurprising , because after four years of watching his bullying and belittling , lying , and coming up short on key campaign commitments , I ’ m starting to believe Trump ’ s claim that he could shoot somebody in New York and get away with it .
And even if Biden wins , any attempt he makes to unite the country is likely to fall flat .
He ’ s not the perfect leader , but he seems to be a decent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of which will work against him .
He ’ ll be crushed by the pitchfork crowd , and who wants to hang around to watch that ?
Canada isn ’ t the only option , of course .
I ’ m half Spanish and half Italian and I ’ ve looked into dual citizenship in both those places .
I like Mexico , too , so that ’ s a possibility .
But the boiling planet is only going to get hotter with four more years of Trump ’ s climate change denials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move north .
Pete Shpak , a realtor , told me this is a good time to buy in Vancouver , which , by the way , is a great city .
“ The downtown is a heavy buyer ’ s market , ” said Shpak .
That ’ s because during the pandemic , business closures have made the downtown area temporarily less attractive .
A nice house will cost well over $ 1 million , Shpak said , but he told me I could find a decent two-bed , two-bath for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s good news and bad news with that .
If you buy a home as a noncitizen , a 20 % tax gets tacked on , Shpak said .
That would probably make me more inclined to rent than buy , and Shpak said I ’ d be looking at $ 2,000 to $ 3,000 a month for a two-bedroom , two-bath rental .
Shpak is speaking in Canadian dollars .
But one U.S. dollar gets you $ 1.31 in Canadian money at the current exchange rate .
“ The majority of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said of his fellow Canadians .
I asked if he could imagine Prime Minister Trudeau wearing no mask and calling public health experts idiots .
I like hockey .
I like beer .
And after waiting four years for President Trump to deliver on his promise of cheaper and better healthcare for all , I ’ d like to get a close look at out how Canada figured it out .
As I mentioned , breaking up the United States is another option , and no offense to Canada , but I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in coastal states from the Canadian border to the Mexican border , Biden won handily .
Washington , Oregon and California are reliably blue , so why not break away and form the Left Coast Republic ?
Sure , we ’ ve got conservative voters , but can you imagine Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell representing California ?
Of course not .
It ’ s as impossible a notion as Nancy Pelosi moving to Kentucky and getting elected governor .
Californians and Kentuckians don ’ t live in two different states , we live @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we have anything in common ?
Making it happen , of course , is another matter .
A Calexit initiative petered out a few years ago , with opponents pointing out that in addition to legal hurdles and dozens of other challenges , if California seceded it would take 55 blue electoral college votes with it , leaving the rest of the country an even brighter shade of red .
But in April , when I wrote a tongue-in-cheek column about breaking the U.S. into the Commonwealth of God and Guns , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I got a lot of mail from readers ready to join the movement .
“ The current state of the union stagnates us in animosity , gridlock and exhaustion for which there is no resolution , ” wrote a Pasadena reader named Kathleen .
Neil , a retired attorney , wrote that we could probably get support for secession from a lot of other states “ because we are not that well-liked anyway.
” Biden wins , and the red states try to secede .

Seeing America’s polarization, columnist Steve Lopez figures he might move to Canada. Above, people at the Pan Am Games in Toronto in 2015.
Like everyone else, I’m on the edge of my seat, waiting on Arizona, Nevada and Pennsylvania.
But regardless of the outcome of the presidential election, we need to stop referring to our country as the United States of America.
Given the political and cultural polarization, nothing could be further from the truth. And I don’t think that’s going to change regardless of whether President Trump is reelected or ousted by Joe Biden.
So I’m weighing the options. Do we just learn to live with it, begin another Civil War, break up the country into more logical pieces, or move to another country?
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I haven’t decided which option I like best, but on Tuesday, I registered on the Canadian government’s immigration website just in case. I wanted to be ahead of the rush, but I’m still figuring out whether it would be best to apply for citizenship, a work permit, or a visa that offers the possibility of extensions.
I’ve been to Canada. Nice place, iffy weather, sane people and a much better record of handling the pandemic than we’ve had down here in the states.
Something tells me Canadians would be aghast if Prime Minister Justin Trudeau refused to wear a mask, turned the seat of government into a COVID-19 hotspot, got helicoptered to the hospital with a case of the virus, received treatment available to no one else, then hosted rallies without face coverings and said the public health experts encouraging the use of masks were idiots.
This is not normal stuff, but it did nothing to shake the faith of Trump loyalists. That’s unsurprising, because after four years of watching his bullying and belittling, lying, and coming up short on key campaign commitments, I’m starting to believe Trump’s claim that he could shoot somebody in New York and get away with it.
And even if Biden wins, any attempt he makes to unite the country is likely to fall flat. He’s not the perfect leader, but he seems to be a decent, respectful, civil person, all of which will work against him. He’ll be crushed by the pitchfork crowd, and who wants to hang around to watch that?
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Canada isn’t the only option, of course. I’m half Spanish and half Italian and I’ve looked into dual citizenship in both those places. I like Mexico, too, so that’s a possibility. But the boiling planet is only going to get hotter with four more years of Trump’s climate change denials, so it might make sense to move north.
Pete Shpak, a realtor, told me this is a good time to buy in Vancouver, which, by the way, is a great city.
“The downtown is a heavy buyer’s market,” said Shpak. That’s because during the pandemic, business closures have made the downtown area temporarily less attractive. A nice house will cost well over $1 million, Shpak said, but he told me I could find a decent two-bed, two-bath for $500,000 and up.
There’s good news and bad news with that. If you buy a home as a noncitizen, a 20% tax gets tacked on, Shpak said. That would probably make me more inclined to rent than buy, and Shpak said I’d be looking at $2,000 to $3,000 a month for a two-bedroom, two-bath rental.
So what’s the good news?
Shpak is speaking in Canadian dollars. But one U.S. dollar gets you $1.31 in Canadian money at the current exchange rate.
And there’s more good news.
“The majority of people are compliant with masks,” Shpak said of his fellow Canadians.
I asked if he could imagine Prime Minister Trudeau wearing no mask and calling public health experts idiots.
“That’s hard to fathom,” Shpak said.
I like hockey. I like beer. And after waiting four years for President Trump to deliver on his promise of cheaper and better healthcare for all, I’d like to get a close look at out how Canada figured it out.
As I mentioned, breaking up the United States is another option, and no offense to Canada, but I’d prefer not to move.
And in coastal states from the Canadian border to the Mexican border, Biden won handily. Washington, Oregon and California are reliably blue, so why not break away and form the Left Coast Republic? Sure, we’ve got conservative voters, but can you imagine Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell representing California? Of course not. It’s as impossible a notion as Nancy Pelosi moving to Kentucky and getting elected governor.
Californians and Kentuckians don’t live in two different states, we live in two different worlds. Why pretend we have anything in common?
Making it happen, of course, is another matter. A Calexit initiative petered out a few years ago, with opponents pointing out that in addition to legal hurdles and dozens of other challenges, if California seceded it would take 55 blue electoral college votes with it, leaving the rest of the country an even brighter shade of red.
But in April, when I wrote a tongue-in-cheek column about breaking the U.S. into the Commonwealth of God and Guns, the Kingdom of Mar-a-Lago and other new nations, I got a lot of mail from readers ready to join the movement.
“The current state of the union stagnates us in animosity, gridlock and exhaustion for which there is no resolution,” wrote a Pasadena reader named Kathleen.
Neil, a retired attorney, wrote that we could probably get support for secession from a lot of other states “because we are not that well-liked anyway.”
Good point.
One more possibility.
Biden wins, and the red states try to secede.
I’d vote for that.
Steve.lopez@latimes.com


latimes--2020-11-04--Union-backed candidates lead in L.A. Community College District races

Three incumbents and one newcomer appear headed to win a majority of seats on the governing body of the Los Angeles Community College District , reflecting the deep influence of the system ’ s faculty union that poured money and support into the campaigns of the expected winners .
Current board President Andra Hoffman and incumbents David Vela and Mike Fong held strong leads Wednesday evening , according to tallies from the L.A. County registrar ’ s office .
Newcomer Nichelle Henderson held a substantial lead over incumbent Scott Svonkin .
Though the results are not final , the outcomes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the leads .
The three other seats on the board were not up for election this year .
Hoffman , the only woman currently on the board , said the election of Henderson , a Black woman and teacher at Cal State L.A. , was “ long overdue ” to ensure that the board represents and understands the students it serves .
“ Our faculty and our students and our staff … feel very underrepresented and misunderstood and not heard , and they ’ ve been crying out and really demanding that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at all levels in our system … and it starts with the board , ” Hoffman said .
“ I also think having another woman on the board will … shift some of the priorities.
” The Los Angeles College Faculty Guild , the union that represents teachers in the district , spent heavily on political mailers and phone banking for the four expected winners .
Although the guild and the district just signed a new three-year contract , salary and benefits issues are likely to be renegotiated next year , and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conditions could also come up .
“ The power of the guild is phenomenal in these elections , ” said Mona Field , who served as a trustee from 1999 to 2015 .
“ Each of the seats had over a million people who voted total , ” Field said .
“ You don ’ t reach a million people without a lot of money.
” This year was the first when the trustees ’ election coincided with a general presidential election ; under previous rules , board seats were decided in March @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president of the guild , was not available for comment but said at the board ’ s regularly scheduled meeting Wednesday that the election was “ decisive ” and that she looked forward to a return of “ stability and civility ” to the board .
Waddell and others have said that Svonkin fostered a hostile and combative atmosphere .
In an interview Wednesday , Svonkin called those allegations “ baseless ” and “ purely political.
” “ I ’ m very proud that I ’ ve fought for students for nine years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and misuse of public funds , ” he said .
“ I delivered free college for thousands of students in Los Angeles … and I led the effort for the last bond that passed that was $ 3.3 billion to give Los Angeles the best facilities.
” Hoffman , an administrator at Glendale Community College who in 2015 narrowly defeated the union-backed candidate for her seat with a fraction of the funds , said she believed she had proved herself to voters , both in her five years on the board and in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But , she said , campaigning with the support of the union this time around was “ definitely easier.
” The new board will quickly be faced with the immediate challenges related to COVID-19 and distance learning , which have hit low-income , Black and Latino students — who make up the majority of the district ’ s roughly 230,000 students — particularly hard .
In addition , the LACCD has had to contend with slipping enrollment , low rates of degree completion and transfer , and the fact that most of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as help with food , housing and child care , in order to remain enrolled and complete their academic goals .
“ There ’ s a lot at stake — equity , equality and the future economic recovery of the county , ” Hoffman said .
“ The community colleges train firefighters , we train early childhood educators , and we can really be engines and partners in the economic recovery of this region.
” Henderson ’ s arrival could also shift or consolidate the balance on the board in terms of support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was appointed in 2014 , has mixed support among the current board members and was granted a one-year contract extension at the end of last year .

Los Angeles Trade-Technical College and the eight other community campuses in the district enroll about 230,000 students, most of them Black or Latino and from low-income households.
Three incumbents and one newcomer appear headed to win a majority of seats on the governing body of the Los Angeles Community College District, reflecting the deep influence of the system’s faculty union that poured money and support into the campaigns of the expected winners.
Current board President Andra Hoffman and incumbents David Vela and Mike Fong held strong leads Wednesday evening, according to tallies from the L.A. County registrar’s office. Newcomer Nichelle Henderson held a substantial lead over incumbent Scott Svonkin. Though the results are not final, the outcomes are unlikely to change given the size of the leads.
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The three other seats on the board were not up for election this year.
Hoffman, the only woman currently on the board, said the election of Henderson, a Black woman and teacher at Cal State L.A., was “long overdue” to ensure that the board represents and understands the students it serves.
“Our faculty and our students and our staff … feel very underrepresented and misunderstood and not heard, and they’ve been crying out and really demanding that there may be more African American representation at all levels in our system … and it starts with the board,” Hoffman said. “I also think having another woman on the board will … shift some of the priorities.”
The Los Angeles College Faculty Guild, the union that represents teachers in the district, spent heavily on political mailers and phone banking for the four expected winners.
Although the guild and the district just signed a new three-year contract, salary and benefits issues are likely to be renegotiated next year, and other issues related to faculty’s working conditions could also come up.
“The power of the guild is phenomenal in these elections,” said Mona Field, who served as a trustee from 1999 to 2015.
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“Each of the seats had over a million people who voted total,” Field said. “You don’t reach a million people without a lot of money.”
This year was the first when the trustees’ election coincided with a general presidential election; under previous rules, board seats were decided in March of odd-numbered years.
Joanne Waddell, president of the guild, was not available for comment but said at the board’s regularly scheduled meeting Wednesday that the election was “decisive” and that she looked forward to a return of “stability and civility” to the board. Waddell and others have said that Svonkin fostered a hostile and combative atmosphere.
In an interview Wednesday, Svonkin called those allegations “baseless” and “purely political.”
“I’m very proud that I’ve fought for students for nine years, and I’ve fought waste and misuse of public funds,” he said. “I delivered free college for thousands of students in Los Angeles … and I led the effort for the last bond that passed that was $3.3 billion to give Los Angeles the best facilities.”
Hoffman, an administrator at Glendale Community College who in 2015 narrowly defeated the union-backed candidate for her seat with a fraction of the funds, said she believed she had proved herself to voters, both in her five years on the board and in her 23-year career in community colleges. But, she said, campaigning with the support of the union this time around was “definitely easier.”
The new board will quickly be faced with the immediate challenges related to COVID-19 and distance learning, which have hit low-income, Black and Latino students — who make up the majority of the district’s roughly 230,000 students — particularly hard. In addition, the LACCD has had to contend with slipping enrollment, low rates of degree completion and transfer, and the fact that most of its students need many nonacademic supports, such as help with food, housing and child care, in order to remain enrolled and complete their academic goals.
“There’s a lot at stake — equity, equality and the future economic recovery of the county,” Hoffman said. “The community colleges train firefighters, we train early childhood educators, and we can really be engines and partners in the economic recovery of this region.”
Henderson’s arrival could also shift or consolidate the balance on the board in terms of support for LACCD Chancellor Francisco Rodriguez, who was appointed in 2014, has mixed support among the current board members and was granted a one-year contract extension at the end of last year.


latimes--2020-11-04--L.A. City Council allows businesses to turn away patrons without masks

The Los Angeles City Council voted Wednesday to authorize businesses to refuse to admit or serve patrons not wearing a face covering .
The proposal was first introduced by Councilman Herb Wesson in July .
“ Small business owners and their employees are risking their lives to stay afloat in the midst of this economic and public health crisis , ” Wesson said at the time .
“ Wearing a mask saves lives , and this simple , common-sense law will save lives and allow us to beat this virus sooner rather than later.
” The council adopted the ordinance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who is trailing in his bid for a seat on the L.A. County Board of Supervisors , was not present .
The ordinance will automatically expire when the city ’ s coronavirus declaration of emergency is lifted .
Masks have been mandatory in the city since May , when Mayor Eric Garcetti issued an order requiring Angelenos to wear face coverings when outside the home or near other people .
In deeply Democratic Los Angeles , residents have generally taken to the mask mandate , especially inside stores .
But businesses had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weren ’ t compliant .
One woman ’ s anti-mask tirade went viral after she refused to mask up in a North Hollywood Trader Joe ’ s , while a taco restaurant temporarily closed its two locations after employees were harassed by customers over its “ no mask , no service ” policy .
“ Any business owner or operator in the City of Los Angeles is authorized to refuse admittance or service to any person who refuses or fails to wear a Face Covering when on the premises of the business or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ordinance states .
Los Angeles County is in the “ purple ” tier of the state ’ s color-coded reopening system , meaning the highest risk of local infection .
As of Wednesday , the county has reported more than 307,000 cases of coronavirus and 7,076 deaths .
The county ’ s positivity rate , or percentage of people testing positive for the virus , is also climbing , increasing to 2.7 % from 1.8 % two weeks ago , according to the state ’ s coronavirus dashboard .
Wesson ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ request for comment .

A pedestrian, wearing a mask, is reflected in the storefront of L.A. Suits along Maple Street in the Garment District.
The Los Angeles City Council voted Wednesday to authorize businesses to refuse to admit or serve patrons not wearing a face covering.
The proposal was first introduced by Councilman Herb Wesson in July.
“Small business owners and their employees are risking their lives to stay afloat in the midst of this economic and public health crisis,” Wesson said at the time. “Wearing a mask saves lives, and this simple, common-sense law will save lives and allow us to beat this virus sooner rather than later.”
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Shoppers make their way along Santee Alley in downtown Los Angeles on Wednesday. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
The council adopted the ordinance unanimously, with no discussion. Wesson, who is trailing in his bid for a seat on the L.A. County Board of Supervisors, was not present.
The ordinance will automatically expire when the city’s coronavirus declaration of emergency is lifted.
Masks have been mandatory in the city since May, when Mayor Eric Garcetti issued an order requiring Angelenos to wear face coverings when outside the home or near other people.
In deeply Democratic Los Angeles, residents have generally taken to the mask mandate, especially inside stores.
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But businesses had been left with little recourse when customers weren’t compliant. One woman’s anti-mask tirade went viral after she refused to mask up in a North Hollywood Trader Joe’s, while a taco restaurant temporarily closed its two locations after employees were harassed by customers over its “no mask, no service” policy.
The crowd of shoppers is thick on Santee Alley in downtown Los Angeles. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
“Any business owner or operator in the City of Los Angeles is authorized to refuse admittance or service to any person who refuses or fails to wear a Face Covering when on the premises of the business or when seeking or receiving service,” the ordinance states.
Los Angeles County is in the “purple” tier of the state’s color-coded reopening system, meaning the highest risk of local infection. As of Wednesday, the county has reported more than 307,000 cases of coronavirus and 7,076 deaths.
The county’s positivity rate, or percentage of people testing positive for the virus, is also climbing, increasing to 2.7% from 1.8% two weeks ago, according to the state’s coronavirus dashboard.
Wesson’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
City News Service contributed to this report.