latimes--2020-10-22--Column: This suburban 'mask cop' in the San Fernando Valley is 81 and loud

I presumed he was a crotchety old man with racist tendencies after he berated me publicly for not wearing a mask as I strolled along a quiet street in our suburban Northridge neighborhood .
Why else would he single out my daughter and me , the lone Black people among the walkers , runners and bicyclists enjoying the balmy evening .
It took months for me to realize that the man , whose name I now know is Charles Dirks , treats every unmasked person he spots to the same loud harangue : “ Where is your mask ?
You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The retired political science professor considers it his civic duty in the era of COVID-19 .
“ People have got to be saved , ” he insists .
“ Even if they don ’ t want to hear it.
” His wife , Xiaoping Liu Dirks , views his crusade a little less charitably .
“ He ’ s passionate about so many things , ” she said .
“ That ’ s something wonderful about him.
” But this particular passion sometimes seems to run amok .
He has frightened strangers and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I just have to hope they understand that he means well.
” I wound up in the aggravated group last spring .
We were a month into the coronavirus siege , and wearing masks in Los Angeles had just become a thing .
The rules were still fuzzy , and masks were hard to find .
So I was annoyed when the old man with a cane began yelling at me for walking without a mask on a deserted sidewalk a few blocks from my home .
“ Where ’ s your mask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ street , waving his cane and quickening his pace to catch up with my daughter and me .
I bristled immediately , irritated by his authoritarian tone .
“ We ’ re outside , and there ’ s no one anywhere near us , ” I shouted back , walking faster to put distance between us .
I could hear him yelling even after we turned the corner : “ You have to wear a mask !
It ’ s the law !
” I knew that wasn ’ t true , so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could have been inching toward the kind of street standoff that goes viral on social media .
Instead , my daughter took me by the arm and steered me back toward home .
The skirmish was a minor annoyance , but I stewed about it for months — replaying in my head his uncalled-for interference and my overheated response .
This was not about science versus civil rights .
And it wasn ’ t really masks we ’ d been arguing about .
His hectoring had threatened my fragile sense of autonomy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are off-limits because of COVID-19 .
Nobody likes to be yelled at by a stranger .
Still , my overreaction made clear that the virus and its co-conspirators — raging wildfires , record-breaking heat , dangerously contentious politicking and Black lives not mattering — were taking a toll on me .
I seldom venture out , I always social distance , and I strap on a mask wherever it ’ s required or needed .
A solitary walk in the open air — without a mask fogging my glasses or impeding my breathing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s the rare good choice I can make ; balancing freedom and safety , without imperiling anybody .
I wasn ’ t going to let an overzealous neighbor take that from me .
I know I ’ m lucky to live in a neighborhood where the sidewalks are wide , there ’ s very little traffic and everyone automatically adheres to our unwritten pandemic ethos : You step off the sidewalk or walk across the street to avoid sharing space with anyone else on your route .
So why don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighbors have taken to calling “ the mask police ” ?
My daily walks began to resemble surveillance missions , as I tried to figure out what motivated Dirks .
He wasn ’ t hard to spot on his morning and evening walks , with his wooden walking stick and unyielding intensity .
To mask-wearers , he shouted a hearty , “ Thank you !
” But he ’ d scold and shake his cane at cars if the drivers were not wearing masks .
And he ended every encounter with the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day !
” As I watched from a distance , the reactions to Dirks became familiar to me .
The guy in the blue SUV who gives Dirks the middle finger every time he drives by .
The teenage girls who never wear masks and giggle when Dirks calls the coronavirus “ the Trump disease.
” The runners without masks who glide by without a glance , no matter how insistent Dirks is .
And folks like my neighbor Diane Garlock , who ’ s lived on my block for almost 50 years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We ’ re more than six feet away , ” she reminded Dirks this week , as he yelled from across the street that she needed a mask .
She doesn ’ t try to argue anymore ; she changes the subject and asks about his family instead .
I finally got the nerve to introduce myself to Dirks when we crossed paths as I was walking my dog last week .
I was too embarrassed to mention our previous encounter , and hoped the mask I ’ d hastily strapped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He was surprisingly cordial and invited me to his home a few blocks away .
We sat at his dining room table and talked through our masks about his quixotic crusade .
The man I got to know was nothing like the man I had imagined .
Dirks , it turns out , was an icon of sorts on the campus of Los Angeles Mission College , the northeast San Fernando Valley institution he helped bring into being 45 years ago .
Dirks taught history and political science until he was well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ known as a fierce advocate for students .
In fact , he was once roughed up and arrested for challenging sheriff ’ s deputies he witnessed bullying a student .
Decades earlier , as an Occidental College student in 1960 , Dirks was part of the country ’ s first Peace Corps contingent ; he spent a year building schools in Ghana .
That , he said , sparked his interest in teaching and cemented a credo he ’ s tried to live by since he was a Boy Scout growing up in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every day .
Leave the world a better place than you found it .
Folks who consider Dirks the local curmudgeon might be surprised to spot him on the front lawn of Li Yuan and Henry Liu , reading to their two sons .
He ’ s “ Uncle Charley ” to these neighborhood kids .
Three afternoons every week , he visits to shore up the boys ’ love of books .
“ We love him , and he loves the kids , ” Henry Liu told me .
“ People give @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a very good person who just wants to keep everybody safe.
” And although I ’ m still not sold on Dirks ’ methods , I understand that his intentions are good .
We ’ re living in a time when the man in the White House is doing everything he can to downplay the seriousness of a health crisis that has gut-punched our country and killed more than a million people around the world .
Many of his followers and science-deniers mock people who are committed to masking up in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wages every day seem like a relatively wise and benevolent counterpoint , even if it ’ s loud and irritating at times .
Dirks honestly believes that badgering us about wearing masks is making our community a better place .
He feels great when someone with a mask dangling from their neck spots him and quickly pulls it on , because they don ’ t want to be the target of his verbal barrage .
“ I ’ m going to stay active and keep talking about the virus , because I don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he says .
He knows that some people consider him a pest , or worse , but he ’ s not bothered by that .
“ I hear it a lot : ‘ Don ’ t tell me what to do !
’ But I ’ m a teacher ... so it ’ s certainly not the first time I ’ ve heard that.
” He has found a cause that makes him feel like he ’ s contributing , in much the same way his years as an educator did .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ crusade has saved any lives .
But I do know that getting to know Dirks has punched a hole in the stereotype I ’ d reflexively ascribed to him .
And if I have to tuck a mask in my pocket before I head out for a walk , that ’ s a small price to pay to humor the crotchety but well-meaning mask cop .

Charles Dirks praises a driver for wearing a mask. He scolds those who don’t, but he ends every encounter with a jaunty “Have a wonderful day!”
I presumed he was a crotchety old man with racist tendencies after he berated me publicly for not wearing a mask as I strolled along a quiet street in our suburban Northridge neighborhood. Why else would he single out my daughter and me, the lone Black people among the walkers, runners and bicyclists enjoying the balmy evening.
It took months for me to realize that the man, whose name I now know is Charles Dirks, treats every unmasked person he spots to the same loud harangue: “Where is your mask? You need to wear a mask!” The retired political science professor considers it his civic duty in the era of COVID-19. “People have got to be saved,” he insists. “Even if they don’t want to hear it.”
His wife, Xiaoping Liu Dirks, views his crusade a little less charitably. “He’s passionate about so many things,” she said. “That’s something wonderful about him.” But this particular passion sometimes seems to run amok. He has frightened strangers and aggravated neighbors, she said. “I just have to hope they understand that he means well.”
Advertisement
I wound up in the aggravated group last spring. We were a month into the coronavirus siege, and wearing masks in Los Angeles had just become a thing. The rules were still fuzzy, and masks were hard to find. So I was annoyed when the old man with a cane began yelling at me for walking without a mask on a deserted sidewalk a few blocks from my home.
“Where’s your mask?” he shouted from across the street, waving his cane and quickening his pace to catch up with my daughter and me. I bristled immediately, irritated by his authoritarian tone.
“We’re outside, and there’s no one anywhere near us,” I shouted back, walking faster to put distance between us. I could hear him yelling even after we turned the corner: “You have to wear a mask! It’s the law!”
Charles Dirks gestures for a pedestrian to wear a facial covering. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
I knew that wasn’t true, so I yelled back at him. We could have been inching toward the kind of street standoff that goes viral on social media. Instead, my daughter took me by the arm and steered me back toward home.
The skirmish was a minor annoyance, but I stewed about it for months — replaying in my head his uncalled-for interference and my overheated response. This was not about science versus civil rights. And it wasn’t really masks we’d been arguing about. His hectoring had threatened my fragile sense of autonomy, at a time when so many options are off-limits because of COVID-19.
Advertisement
Nobody likes to be yelled at by a stranger. Still, my overreaction made clear that the virus and its co-conspirators — raging wildfires, record-breaking heat, dangerously contentious politicking and Black lives not mattering — were taking a toll on me. I seldom venture out, I always social distance, and I strap on a mask wherever it’s required or needed. A solitary walk in the open air — without a mask fogging my glasses or impeding my breathing — has become my primary pandemic luxury.
It’s the rare good choice I can make; balancing freedom and safety, without imperiling anybody. I wasn’t going to let an overzealous neighbor take that from me.
::
I know I’m lucky to live in a neighborhood where the sidewalks are wide, there’s very little traffic and everyone automatically adheres to our unwritten pandemic ethos: You step off the sidewalk or walk across the street to avoid sharing space with anyone else on your route. So why don’t our precautions satisfy the man neighbors have taken to calling “the mask police”?
My daily walks began to resemble surveillance missions, as I tried to figure out what motivated Dirks. He wasn’t hard to spot on his morning and evening walks, with his wooden walking stick and unyielding intensity. To mask-wearers, he shouted a hearty, “Thank you!” But he’d scold and shake his cane at cars if the drivers were not wearing masks. And he ended every encounter with the same jaunty refrain: “Have a wonderful day!”
Charles Dirks gives a thumbs up to Patti Willmore as she wears a facial covering to protect against the spread of the coronavirus, while riding her bicycle on Vanalden Ave., near her home in Porter Ranch. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times)
As I watched from a distance, the reactions to Dirks became familiar to me. The guy in the blue SUV who gives Dirks the middle finger every time he drives by. The teenage girls who never wear masks and giggle when Dirks calls the coronavirus “the Trump disease.” The runners without masks who glide by without a glance, no matter how insistent Dirks is. And folks like my neighbor Diane Garlock, who’s lived on my block for almost 50 years and just wants to walk in peace.
“We’re more than six feet away,” she reminded Dirks this week, as he yelled from across the street that she needed a mask. She doesn’t try to argue anymore; she changes the subject and asks about his family instead.
I finally got the nerve to introduce myself to Dirks when we crossed paths as I was walking my dog last week. I was too embarrassed to mention our previous encounter, and hoped the mask I’d hastily strapped on would keep him from remembering me. He was surprisingly cordial and invited me to his home a few blocks away. We sat at his dining room table and talked through our masks about his quixotic crusade. The man I got to know was nothing like the man I had imagined.
Dirks, it turns out, was an icon of sorts on the campus of Los Angeles Mission College, the northeast San Fernando Valley institution he helped bring into being 45 years ago. Dirks taught history and political science until he was well into his 70s, and was widely known as a fierce advocate for students. In fact, he was once roughed up and arrested for challenging sheriff’s deputies he witnessed bullying a student.
Decades earlier, as an Occidental College student in 1960, Dirks was part of the country’s first Peace Corps contingent; he spent a year building schools in Ghana. That, he said, sparked his interest in teaching and cemented a credo he’s tried to live by since he was a Boy Scout growing up in North Hollywood: Do a good turn every day. Leave the world a better place than you found it.
Charles Dirks reads to Luke Liu, 8, left, and his brother Eli, 6, from a Charles Dickens book, “The Man Who Had Great Expectations,” in front of the Liu’s home in Porter Ranch. Dirks reads to the children, 3 times a week, helping them learn English, their second language. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times)
Folks who consider Dirks the local curmudgeon might be surprised to spot him on the front lawn of Li Yuan and Henry Liu, reading to their two sons. He’s “Uncle Charley” to these neighborhood kids. Three afternoons every week, he visits to shore up the boys’ love of books.
“We love him, and he loves the kids,” Henry Liu told me. “People give him a hard time, but he’s a very good person who just wants to keep everybody safe.”
And although I’m still not sold on Dirks’ methods, I understand that his intentions are good.
We’re living in a time when the man in the White House is doing everything he can to downplay the seriousness of a health crisis that has gut-punched our country and killed more than a million people around the world. Many of his followers and science-deniers mock people who are committed to masking up in crowds. That makes the campaign Dirks wages every day seem like a relatively wise and benevolent counterpoint, even if it’s loud and irritating at times.
Dirks honestly believes that badgering us about wearing masks is making our community a better place. He feels great when someone with a mask dangling from their neck spots him and quickly pulls it on, because they don’t want to be the target of his verbal barrage. “I’m going to stay active and keep talking about the virus, because I don’t want people to die,” he says.
He knows that some people consider him a pest, or worse, but he’s not bothered by that.
“I hear it a lot: ‘Don’t tell me what to do!’ But I’m a teacher... so it’s certainly not the first time I’ve heard that.”
He has found a cause that makes him feel like he’s contributing, in much the same way his years as an educator did. I don’t know if his crusade has saved any lives. But I do know that getting to know Dirks has punched a hole in the stereotype I’d reflexively ascribed to him.
And if I have to tuck a mask in my pocket before I head out for a walk, that’s a small price to pay to humor the crotchety but well-meaning mask cop.


latimes--2020-10-22--Two Black men sentenced to life as teens to be freed. But should L.A. County D.A. have reviewed conv

Two Black men sentenced to life as teens to be freed. But should L.A. County D.A. have reviewed convictions earlier?

When the shots rang out , Dupree Glass said he did what came naturally and dropped to the ground .
A teen at the time , Glass admits he had gone to the house in Lancaster that night in 2004 for a fight .
But he said he was only there to trade punches , not gunfire .
Seconds later , Glass says he hopped up , checked to see if any of his friends were hurt , and fled .
Ten days later , Glass said he saw his picture on a wanted flier for attempted murder .
Ten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him he ’ d spend the rest of his life in prison .
Glass and his co-defendant , Juan Rayford , have long maintained their innocence .
There was no physical evidence tying them to the shooting , and their conviction relied heavily on the testimony of just two witnesses .
Their convictions were vacated by an appellate court earlier this year after a 2019 California Supreme Court decision severely narrowed the use of “ kill zone ” prosecutions , which allowed prosecutors to charge the teens with the attempted murder of everyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fact that only two people were hurt that night , Glass and Rayford were convicted of 11 counts of attempted murder .
While their release was secured due to the change in the law , the Los Angeles County district attorney ’ s office has been aware of witness statements raising doubt about Glass and Rayford ’ s guilt for at least five years , and their case has reinvigorated criticisms of the office ’ s dedication to reviewing the integrity of past convictions .
During a years-long investigation , Laguna Beach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Angeles Police Department Lt. Dan Mulrenin found multiple witnesses who said Glass and Rayford were not the shooters , court records show .
Two relatives of the key witnesses who testified against Glass and Rayford also contradicted their testimony , claiming neither teen opened fire .
Della Donna first made the district attorney ’ s office aware of the issues with their case in 2015 , but no action was taken , according to documents she shared with The Times .
The district attorney ’ s Conviction Review Unit also declined to look @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an office policy not to review the convictions of defendants who had active appeals pending , records show .
“ It ’ s horrible .
These two young men are in prison , rotting away .
It should be about justice , what ’ s fair , ” Mulrenin said .
“ If they ’ re innocent , I think it ’ s the D.A.
’ s office ’ s responsibility to take a look at this .
It ’ s incumbent .
And they didn ’ t. ” In a statement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutors had “ never lost confidence in this conviction , but will not retry the defendants on the remaining counts based on the amount of custody time the defendants have already served.
” A hearing to re-sentence the defendants to time served on a charge of shooting at an inhabited dwelling is scheduled for next month .
The district attorney ’ s office established its Conviction Review Unit in 2015 and has received nearly 2,000 wrongful conviction claims .
Officials say many of those petitions don ’ t meet the criteria for review @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brought to the unit have been vacated .
The number of convictions the office has reviewed and provided post-conviction relief for lags far behind other major jurisdictions , including Chicago , Houston and New York City , according to data collected by the National Registry of Exonerations .
Laurie Levenson , a former federal prosecutor and founder of the Project for the Innocent at Loyola Marymount University , said stories like those of Rayford and Glass are all too familiar .
In 2014 , the Project for the Innocent presented the district attorney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lone witness in a case where a teenager was convicted of attempted murder had recanted .
Yet , the defendant in that case , Emon Barnes , was not released until last month , and even then , he was re-sentenced to time served instead of having his conviction vacated .
“ There is such a cultural pushback against what the Conviction Review Unit is doing , ” Levenson said .
“ It was never really fully embraced by the higher-ups in the office , and they have certainly made it difficult to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Glass were 17 and 18 , respectively , when they last breathed free air .
The teens were both athletes : Glass ’ family says he was obsessed with basketball , Rayford said he was a wide receiver at Antelope Valley High School with a 4.3-second 40-yard dash that was attracting attention from scouts .
Glass ’ mother , Sheila , said neither boy had been in trouble with the law before , and each family was left confused and overwhelmed by the teens being linked to a raft of attempted murder charges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the type of kid to help her run their busy household , not get in fights or worse with classmates .
“ He used to make sure that my uniform was ironed .
He took on the role of being a man in the house while his father was away , ” she said .
“ He had a caring heart.
” On the night of the shooting , Rayford and Glass had been at a different house party in Lancaster when they got into an altercation with a teenager named Donisha Lair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court records show .
Glass said he and Lair had gotten into an argument in the months before as well , but generally he had a good relationship with the Lair family and had been allowed in their home before .
Glass said Thompson and Lair kept calling him to goad him into a fight .
In court filings , prosecutors allege Glass was the one seeking out Thompson for a confrontation .
By either account , Glass , Rayford , and at least 25 other people wound up outside the Lair family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A confrontation soon broke out , according to court records , with Glass demanding Thompson come outside to fight .
Thompson wasn ’ t there .
Donisha Lair woke her mother , Sheila , who came outside and ordered the “ kids ” to leave her property .
Glass , Rayford and the Lairs differ on what happened next , according to court records and interviews .
The men say they dove for cover after shots rang out from across the street from the Lair home and that they had no idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police she saw Glass fire “ directly at the house ” and claimed gunfire came from where Rayford was standing , though she didn ’ t actually see him shoot , records show .
Donisha Lair also said she saw both Rayford and Glass open fire , though she also said someone named “ Fat Man ” fired several rounds .
Rayford and Della Donna said “ Fat Man ” was an L.A.-area gang member who sometimes traveled to Lancaster for parties , but no one knew his real name .
He was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by gunfire , records show .
One of the victims ’ injuries was described as a “ graze wound ” in court filings .
At trial , a jury ultimately believed the Lairs ’ version of events .
Under the kill zone theory , Rayford and Glass were sentenced to 11 consecutive life sentences , one count for each person in the immediate area of the gunfire , records show .
They likely would have spent the rest of their lives in prison , if not for a chance meeting between Della Donna @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LAPD lieutenant-turned-P.I .
had been hired by Rayford ’ s family , and was teaching driver ’ s education in 2011 .
Della Donna ’ s daughter was one of his students .
They got to talking about the case , and soon after , Della Donna says , Mulrenin was carrying boxes and boxes of files into her home .
The pair spent years trying to track down and interview “ nearly everyone ” who was at the scene of the shooting .
By 2015 , they had found five witnesses who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Lair family ’ s testimony , claiming one or both of the defendants did not have a gun .
Donisha Lair ’ s older sister , Shadonna , said neither her sister nor mother had actually identified Rayford or Glass as the shooters on the night of the incident .
Donisha Lair had been running toward the house as soon as the gunfire erupted and could not have seen anything , Shadonna said .
“ None of my family , including Donisha , knew who the real shooters were , ” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she signed in 2015 .
Sheila Lair ’ s niece , Jasmin Thompson , was also at the scene that night and said neither Rayford or Glass had a gun , records show .
Calls to Sheila and Donisha Lair seeking comment were not returned .
In a statement , the district attorney ’ s office said edits made to a sworn statement given by one defendant ’ s brother after it was signed “ called into question the reliability of all declarations ” submitted for review .
A version provided to The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advising wording changes that might make the petition more favorable .
Prosecutors also maintained that while Della Donna and Mulrenin had uncovered contradictory witnesses , the Lairs never changed their story .
“ The defendants had a well-established motive and were identified multiple times by the victims who knew the defendants very well , and both defendants made admissions to the police and in their trial testimony that they were present when the crime was committed , ” the statement read .
Della Donna says she presented her findings to prosecutors in 2015 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ petition to the Conviction Review Unit was rejected because of an office policy not to review cases with a pending habeas corpus petition , records show .
Levenson said the office ’ s policy of refusing to review cases with parallel petitions for relief is problematic , adding another hurdle to defendants who already face an uphill battle in pleading their innocence .
She also said the office ’ s reluctance to believe witnesses who recant or accept testimony contradictory to that of key prosecution witnesses is a recurring issue in the office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where you have a lot of factors that make you question whether or not this is a righteous conviction , and it doesn ’ t meet whatever standard the CRU has been charged with , ” she said .
Shortly after learning prosecutors would not retry him , Rayford sat inside of a San Diego prison , still in disbelief about the whole situation .
Arrested because of a shooting that stemmed from a fight he said he hadn ’ t been involved in .
Convicted on the testimony of two people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the shooting , even though twice as many witnesses now said he didn ’ t .
Even at the end , his freedom wasn ’ t being granted because the courts agreed he was innocent , but rather because of a change in the law .
Almost like he was a passenger in the story that changed his entire life .
“ The truth is I still ain ’ t came all the way 100 % to grips with it .
I asked myself that same question a million times .
Why me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get into no argument with nobody that night , getting put in this situation , ” he said .
“ When I lay my head on this bed tonight , I ’ m gon na ask myself that same question I did the day I got arrested .
Why the hell they picking me ?
I still ain ’ t got an answer .
”

When the shots rang out, Dupree Glass said he did what came naturally and dropped to the ground.
A teen at the time, Glass admits he had gone to the house in Lancaster that night in 2004 for a fight. But he said he was only there to trade punches, not gunfire.
Seconds later, Glass says he hopped up, checked to see if any of his friends were hurt, and fled.
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Ten days later, Glass said he saw his picture on a wanted flier for attempted murder. Ten months after that, a judge told him he’d spend the rest of his life in prison.
Glass and his co-defendant, Juan Rayford, have long maintained their innocence. There was no physical evidence tying them to the shooting, and their conviction relied heavily on the testimony of just two witnesses.
Their convictions were vacated by an appellate court earlier this year after a 2019 California Supreme Court decision severely narrowed the use of “kill zone” prosecutions, which allowed prosecutors to charge the teens with the attempted murder of everyone in range of the gunfire. Despite the fact that only two people were hurt that night, Glass and Rayford were convicted of 11 counts of attempted murder.
While their release was secured due to the change in the law, the Los Angeles County district attorney’s office has been aware of witness statements raising doubt about Glass and Rayford’s guilt for at least five years, and their case has reinvigorated criticisms of the office’s dedication to reviewing the integrity of past convictions.
Juan Rayford, left, and Dupree Glass. Rayford and Glass had their convictions overturned in a 2004 Lancaster shooting. (Law office of Annee Della Donna)
During a years-long investigation, Laguna Beach attorney Annee Della Donna and retired Los Angeles Police Department Lt. Dan Mulrenin found multiple witnesses who said Glass and Rayford were not the shooters, court records show. Two relatives of the key witnesses who testified against Glass and Rayford also contradicted their testimony, claiming neither teen opened fire.
Della Donna first made the district attorney’s office aware of the issues with their case in 2015, but no action was taken, according to documents she shared with The Times. The district attorney’s Conviction Review Unit also declined to look at the case in 2018, citing an office policy not to review the convictions of defendants who had active appeals pending, records show.
“It’s horrible. These two young men are in prison, rotting away. It should be about justice, what’s fair,” Mulrenin said. “If they’re innocent, I think it’s the D.A.’s office’s responsibility to take a look at this. It’s incumbent. And they didn’t.”
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Sheila Glass, mother of Dupree Glass, speaks outside the Clara Shortridge Foltz courthouse during a press conference in Los Angeles. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
In a statement, the district attorney’s office said prosecutors had “never lost confidence in this conviction, but will not retry the defendants on the remaining counts based on the amount of custody time the defendants have already served.”
A hearing to re-sentence the defendants to time served on a charge of shooting at an inhabited dwelling is scheduled for next month.
The district attorney’s office established its Conviction Review Unit in 2015 and has received nearly 2,000 wrongful conviction claims. Officials say many of those petitions don’t meet the criteria for review, however, and only four cases brought to the unit have been vacated.
The number of convictions the office has reviewed and provided post-conviction relief for lags far behind other major jurisdictions, including Chicago, Houston and New York City, according to data collected by the National Registry of Exonerations.
Laurie Levenson, a former federal prosecutor and founder of the Project for the Innocent at Loyola Marymount University, said stories like those of Rayford and Glass are all too familiar.
In 2014, the Project for the Innocent presented the district attorney’s office with evidence that the lone witness in a case where a teenager was convicted of attempted murder had recanted. Yet, the defendant in that case, Emon Barnes, was not released until last month, and even then, he was re-sentenced to time served instead of having his conviction vacated.
“There is such a cultural pushback against what the Conviction Review Unit is doing,” Levenson said. “It was never really fully embraced by the higher-ups in the office, and they have certainly made it difficult to be a robust unit.”
Rayford and Glass were 17 and 18, respectively, when they last breathed free air. The teens were both athletes: Glass’ family says he was obsessed with basketball, Rayford said he was a wide receiver at Antelope Valley High School with a 4.3-second 40-yard dash that was attracting attention from scouts.
Glass’ mother, Sheila, said neither boy had been in trouble with the law before, and each family was left confused and overwhelmed by the teens being linked to a raft of attempted murder charges. Sheila Glass said her son was the type of kid to help her run their busy household, not get in fights or worse with classmates.
“He used to make sure that my uniform was ironed. He took on the role of being a man in the house while his father was away,” she said. “He had a caring heart.”
Sandra Smith, mother of Juan Rayford, embraces her son Tymonte Wiliams, outside the Clara Shortridge Foltz courthouse. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
On the night of the shooting, Rayford and Glass had been at a different house party in Lancaster when they got into an altercation with a teenager named Donisha Lair and her cousin, Perry Thompson, court records show. Glass said he and Lair had gotten into an argument in the months before as well, but generally he had a good relationship with the Lair family and had been allowed in their home before.
Glass said Thompson and Lair kept calling him to goad him into a fight. In court filings, prosecutors allege Glass was the one seeking out Thompson for a confrontation. By either account, Glass, Rayford, and at least 25 other people wound up outside the Lair family home around 1:30 a.m., records show.
A confrontation soon broke out, according to court records, with Glass demanding Thompson come outside to fight. Thompson wasn’t there. Donisha Lair woke her mother, Sheila, who came outside and ordered the “kids” to leave her property.
Glass, Rayford and the Lairs differ on what happened next, according to court records and interviews. The men say they dove for cover after shots rang out from across the street from the Lair home and that they had no idea who opened fire.
Sheila Lair told police she saw Glass fire “directly at the house” and claimed gunfire came from where Rayford was standing, though she didn’t actually see him shoot, records show. Donisha Lair also said she saw both Rayford and Glass open fire, though she also said someone named “Fat Man” fired several rounds.
Rayford and Della Donna said “Fat Man” was an L.A.-area gang member who sometimes traveled to Lancaster for parties, but no one knew his real name. He was never arrested.
Two people were struck by gunfire, records show. One of the victims’ injuries was described as a “graze wound” in court filings.
At trial, a jury ultimately believed the Lairs’ version of events. Under the kill zone theory, Rayford and Glass were sentenced to 11 consecutive life sentences, one count for each person in the immediate area of the gunfire, records show.
They likely would have spent the rest of their lives in prison, if not for a chance meeting between Della Donna and Mulrenin years later. The retired LAPD lieutenant-turned-P.I. had been hired by Rayford’s family, and was teaching driver’s education in 2011. Della Donna’s daughter was one of his students.
They got to talking about the case, and soon after, Della Donna says, Mulrenin was carrying boxes and boxes of files into her home. The pair spent years trying to track down and interview “nearly everyone” who was at the scene of the shooting.
By 2015, they had found five witnesses who were at the crime scene who disputed the Lair family’s testimony, claiming one or both of the defendants did not have a gun. Donisha Lair’s older sister, Shadonna, said neither her sister nor mother had actually identified Rayford or Glass as the shooters on the night of the incident. Donisha Lair had been running toward the house as soon as the gunfire erupted and could not have seen anything, Shadonna said.
“None of my family, including Donisha, knew who the real shooters were,” she said, according to a sworn statement she signed in 2015.
Sheila Lair’s niece, Jasmin Thompson, was also at the scene that night and said neither Rayford or Glass had a gun, records show.
Calls to Sheila and Donisha Lair seeking comment were not returned. In a statement, the district attorney’s office said edits made to a sworn statement given by one defendant’s brother after it was signed “called into question the reliability of all declarations” submitted for review. A version provided to The Times by Della Donna also contained notes advising wording changes that might make the petition more favorable.
Prosecutors also maintained that while Della Donna and Mulrenin had uncovered contradictory witnesses, the Lairs never changed their story.
“The defendants had a well-established motive and were identified multiple times by the victims who knew the defendants very well, and both defendants made admissions to the police and in their trial testimony that they were present when the crime was committed,” the statement read.
Della Donna says she presented her findings to prosecutors in 2015, but was ignored. A 2018 petition to the Conviction Review Unit was rejected because of an office policy not to review cases with a pending habeas corpus petition, records show.
Levenson said the office’s policy of refusing to review cases with parallel petitions for relief is problematic, adding another hurdle to defendants who already face an uphill battle in pleading their innocence. She also said the office’s reluctance to believe witnesses who recant or accept testimony contradictory to that of key prosecution witnesses is a recurring issue in the office.
“This is not that atypical, where you have a lot of factors that make you question whether or not this is a righteous conviction, and it doesn’t meet whatever standard the CRU has been charged with,” she said.
Shortly after learning prosecutors would not retry him, Rayford sat inside of a San Diego prison, still in disbelief about the whole situation. Arrested because of a shooting that stemmed from a fight he said he hadn’t been involved in. Convicted on the testimony of two people at the scene who said he did the shooting, even though twice as many witnesses now said he didn’t.
Even at the end, his freedom wasn’t being granted because the courts agreed he was innocent, but rather because of a change in the law. Almost like he was a passenger in the story that changed his entire life.
“The truth is I still ain’t came all the way 100% to grips with it. I asked myself that same question a million times. Why me? A person who didn’t get into no argument with nobody that night, getting put in this situation,” he said. “When I lay my head on this bed tonight, I’m gonna ask myself that same question I did the day I got arrested. Why the hell they picking me? I still ain’t got an answer.”


latimes--2020-10-23--Many Californians, particularly Black residents, would skip taking COVID-19 vaccine today, survey fi

Many Californians, particularly Black residents, would skip taking COVID-19 vaccine today, survey finds

As scientists race to develop COVID-19 vaccines , a new poll shows fewer than one-third of Black residents in California plan to get immunized .
Though eye-catching and troubling for health officials developing a plan for disseminating a vaccine throughout the state , the findings of the statewide survey didn ’ t come out of the blue .
The reluctance of Black people to get vaccinated against the virus that causes COVID-19 , which has had a disproportionate impact on minorities , is rooted in a broader suspicion toward vaccines in general , according to some experts .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just relevant in terms of COVID-19 , ” said Vickie Mays , a professor of health policy and management in the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health .
“ We ’ ve seen this even in terms of other types of immunizations.
” The poll results released Wednesday by the Public Policy Institute of California show that a majority of those surveyed , 57 % , said they would either definitely or probably get a COVID-19 vaccine if it were available today .
That opinion , however , was shared by only 29 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 70 % of Asian Americans , 62 % of white people and 54 % of Latinos who said they would definitely or probably get vaccinated .
Instead , 44 % of Black residents said they would definitely not get the vaccine were it available today .
The findings are based on a survey of 1,701 California adults who were interviewed from Oct. 9 to 18 .
The survey has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.5 % .
The skepticism is likely driven in part by the repeated abuses and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to throughout history under the guise of medical research , researchers said .
.
Among the most odious examples was the notorious Tuskegee experiment — in which doctors used black men in Macon County , Ala. , as unwitting test subjects , withholding treatment for syphilis , even long after a cure had been found .
“ Sometimes the research has utilized African Americans in order to get data points , but it has not at the end of that study benefited African Americans to any extent whatever , ” Mays said Thursday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a broader suspicion .
In another poll that the Public Policy Institute of California conducted in May last year , for example , participants were asked whether parents should have to vaccinate their children for diseases like measles , mumps and rubella .
Among all adults , the response was a resounding yes — 73 % to 26 % .
Black residents were far more split , however , with only 53 % in favor of such a requirement .
That historical distrust has deepened over time and persists today as Black people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health services and worse treatment outcomes — a lasting impact of “ systemic and structural racism and inequities in the healthcare system , ” according to Michelle Burton , chief strategy officer for the Los Angeles-based Community Health Councils .
“ So when people say , ‘ Why don ’ t you guys come and get a COVID vaccine ?
’ at a time when these sorts of issues around systemic racism are being countered by the current administration saying that they don ’ t even believe that systemic racism exists , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of trust that you need to allow people to let you inject them with a live , active disease , ” she said .
Several other factors are at play as well , experts said .
In a recent study , researchers at USC found that 31 % of Black Americans would be unwilling to pay anything for a hypothetical COVID-19 vaccine — a sentiment shared by 19 % of whites , 22 % of Hispanics and 6 % of Asian Americans .
“ While concerns over widespread adoption of a vaccine must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we have found that cost is a significant dimension as well , ” they wrote in their paper earlier this month .
“ Beyond this , though , we find that cost does not fully account for hesitancy toward a COVID-19 vaccine , especially among Blacks.
” Another source of suspicion — one that is felt across races — is the speed with which vaccine development is moving .
Its expediency is reflected in the moniker chosen by the Trump administration : Operation Warp Speed .
Overall , 68 % of respondents in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poll said they were more concerned with vaccine approval moving too fast , “ without fully establishing it is safe and effective.
” Only 26 % expressed greater worry with the process progressing too slowly and “ creating unnecessary delays in providing access.
” Just above three-quarters of Black respondents said they were more concerned with the vaccine approval process being too fast , compared with 73 % of Asian Americans , 69 % of whites and 63 % of Latinos .
“ When people talk about , ‘ It ’ s going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ people start thinking , ‘ Wait a minute , are you skipping some steps ?
’ ” Mays said .
John Romley , a senior fellow at the USC Schaeffer Center for Health Policy and Economics and one of the paper ’ s authors , said that COVID-19 “ is sort of becoming a perfect storm with some longstanding social problems that we have.
” Compounding the problem is that Black Americans historically have been less likely to participate in the clinical trials used to establish whether a vaccine is safe and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ absence that looms especially large given the rapid push to develop a vaccine for the coronavirus .
“ What ’ s really critical is , when you ’ re developing medication , you ’ re developing vaccines , if you don ’ t have a diversity of people , part of the problem is that there might be reactions that you wouldn ’ t expect , ” Mays said .
The poll ’ s findings show that health officials , politicians and community leaders will have to work hard to assure the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that a vaccine , when ready , is safe , according to Mark Baldassare , survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California .
A key takeaway , he said Thursday , is “ not to assume that , when a vaccine is available , everyone is going to be lining up for it and lining up for it equally.
” “ It ’ s going to be very important to provide consistent information that it ’ s safe and it ’ s ready for widespread consumption and it ’ s necessary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from sources that they believe in and that they trust , ” he said .
The recent USC study also showed how “ the pandemic ’ s disproportionate impact on communities of color further highlights the importance of prioritizing trust-building and transparency in the process of vaccine development and deployment.
” “ We do eventually , clearly , want to disseminate a safe vaccine to everyone and all communities , ” Burton said .
“ But there are going to be some real challenges , and this is one of them .
”

As scientists race to develop COVID-19 vaccines, a new poll shows fewer than one-third of Black residents in California plan to get immunized.
Though eye-catching and troubling for health officials developing a plan for disseminating a vaccine throughout the state, the findings of the statewide survey didn’t come out of the blue.
The reluctance of Black people to get vaccinated against the virus that causes COVID-19, which has had a disproportionate impact on minorities, is rooted in a broader suspicion toward vaccines in general, according to some experts.
“I have no surprise because this is not just relevant in terms of COVID-19,” said Vickie Mays, a professor of health policy and management in the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health. “We’ve seen this even in terms of other types of immunizations.”
The poll results released Wednesday by the Public Policy Institute of California show that a majority of those surveyed, 57%, said they would either definitely or probably get a COVID-19 vaccine if it were available today.
That opinion, however, was shared by only 29% of Black respondents — far below the 70% of Asian Americans, 62% of white people and 54% of Latinos who said they would definitely or probably get vaccinated.
Instead, 44% of Black residents said they would definitely not get the vaccine were it available today.
The findings are based on a survey of 1,701 California adults who were interviewed from Oct. 9 to 18. The survey has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.5%.
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Those surveyed in an October poll were asked about their willingness to take a COVID-19 vaccine. (Public Policy Institute of California)
The skepticism is likely driven in part by the repeated abuses and harmful practices Black Americans have been subjected to throughout history under the guise of medical research, researchers said. .
Among the most odious examples was the notorious Tuskegee experiment — in which doctors used black men in Macon County, Ala., as unwitting test subjects, withholding treatment for syphilis, even long after a cure had been found.
“Sometimes the research has utilized African Americans in order to get data points, but it has not at the end of that study benefited African Americans to any extent whatever,” Mays said Thursday.
The doubts among Black respondents mirror a broader suspicion. In another poll that the Public Policy Institute of California conducted in May last year, for example, participants were asked whether parents should have to vaccinate their children for diseases like measles, mumps and rubella.
Among all adults, the response was a resounding yes — 73% to 26%. Black residents were far more split, however, with only 53% in favor of such a requirement.
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That historical distrust has deepened over time and persists today as Black people have suffered wide disparities in access to health services and worse treatment outcomes — a lasting impact of “systemic and structural racism and inequities in the healthcare system,” according to Michelle Burton, chief strategy officer for the Los Angeles-based Community Health Councils.
“So when people say, ‘Why don’t you guys come and get a COVID vaccine?’ at a time when these sorts of issues around systemic racism are being countered by the current administration saying that they don’t even believe that systemic racism exists, it is very difficult to engender the level of trust that you need to allow people to let you inject them with a live, active disease,” she said.
Several other factors are at play as well, experts said.
In a recent study, researchers at USC found that 31% of Black Americans would be unwilling to pay anything for a hypothetical COVID-19 vaccine — a sentiment shared by 19% of whites, 22% of Hispanics and 6% of Asian Americans.
“While concerns over widespread adoption of a vaccine must address questions of safety and efficacy, we have found that cost is a significant dimension as well,” they wrote in their paper earlier this month. “Beyond this, though, we find that cost does not fully account for hesitancy toward a COVID-19 vaccine, especially among Blacks.”
Another source of suspicion — one that is felt across races — is the speed with which vaccine development is moving. Its expediency is reflected in the moniker chosen by the Trump administration: Operation Warp Speed.
Overall, 68% of respondents in the recent Public Policy Institute of California poll said they were more concerned with vaccine approval moving too fast, “without fully establishing it is safe and effective.” Only 26% expressed greater worry with the process progressing too slowly and “creating unnecessary delays in providing access.”
Just above three-quarters of Black respondents said they were more concerned with the vaccine approval process being too fast, compared with 73% of Asian Americans, 69% of whites and 63% of Latinos.
“When people talk about, ‘It’s going to be developed at warp speed,’ people start thinking, ‘Wait a minute, are you skipping some steps?’” Mays said.
John Romley, a senior fellow at the USC Schaeffer Center for Health Policy and Economics and one of the paper’s authors, said that COVID-19 “is sort of becoming a perfect storm with some longstanding social problems that we have.”
Compounding the problem is that Black Americans historically have been less likely to participate in the clinical trials used to establish whether a vaccine is safe and effective, researchers wrote — a potential absence that looms especially large given the rapid push to develop a vaccine for the coronavirus.
“What’s really critical is, when you’re developing medication, you’re developing vaccines, if you don’t have a diversity of people, part of the problem is that there might be reactions that you wouldn’t expect,” Mays said.
The poll’s findings show that health officials, politicians and community leaders will have to work hard to assure the state’s roughly 2.3 million Black residents that a vaccine, when ready, is safe, according to Mark Baldassare, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California.
A key takeaway, he said Thursday, is “not to assume that, when a vaccine is available, everyone is going to be lining up for it and lining up for it equally.”
“It’s going to be very important to provide consistent information that it’s safe and it’s ready for widespread consumption and it’s necessary — and for people to hear this from sources that they believe in and that they trust,” he said.
The recent USC study also showed how “the pandemic’s disproportionate impact on communities of color further highlights the importance of prioritizing trust-building and transparency in the process of vaccine development and deployment.”
“We do eventually, clearly, want to disseminate a safe vaccine to everyone and all communities,” Burton said. “But there are going to be some real challenges, and this is one of them.”


latimes--2020-10-23--Proposition 18 would allow some 17-year-old Californians to vote

Voting for the first time may soon join graduating and dancing the night away at the spring prom as a milestone event for thousands of 17-year-old high school seniors in California .
If approved by California voters , Proposition 18 would allow 17-year-olds to vote in primary and special elections if they turn 18 before the next general election .
Should the proposed amendment to the state Constitution be approved , California would join at least 18 other states — red and blue alike — that allow some 17-year-olds to cast ballots .
Under current California law , residents must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any election .
“ They ’ re sitting in a high-school classroom , so there ’ s an opportunity there for these kids to learn about the mechanics of voting , to learn about the importance of elections in general and the importance of democracy , ” said Assemblyman Kevin Mullin ( D-South San Francisco ) , one of the authors of the proposed constitutional amendment .
“ It ’ s a modest move to expand voting rights for young people.
” The Democrat-controlled Legislature voted in June to place Proposition 18 on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mullin ’ s father , former South San Francisco Assemblyman Gene Mullin , first introduced it .
Both men introduced the measure several times , only to fall short .
Proposition 18 lacks the political buzz and heaps of campaign cash enjoyed by several of the most hotly contested ballot measures this election , making it hard to gauge whether it will win over voters .
The proposition has been endorsed by the California Democratic Party and several of its top elected officials , including Gov .
Gavin Newsom , Lt. Gov .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Padilla .
Proposition 18 is opposed by the California Republican Party , which argues that 17-year-olds should not be able to vote on proposed tax increases .
Jon Coupal of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn .
said even more seasoned California voters have difficultly understanding the potential taxpayer costs of bonds and the complexities of ballot measures , something he said is likely to puzzle 17-year-olds even more .
“ I do think it is a maturity question , ” Coupal said .
Republican Sen. Andreas Borgeas of Modesto said California also has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ determining the age of maturity .
The state recently changed the law to require Californians to be 21 years old before they can buy tobacco products , the same age restriction as purchasing alcohol .
“ You don ’ t get to drink six months , or a few months before you hit 21 because you ’ re that close , ” Borgeas said when the measure was debated in the state Senate in June .
Ella Yitzhaki , 18 , dismisses that argument .
Yitzhaki , a graduate of Lowell High in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Cornell University in New York , said recent studies show that many young voters are registering as independents , or “ no party preference , ” in California .
“ If you just look at where this has passed already , the 18 states that have passed it , you will see that there is no partisan trend to it , ” said Yitzhaki , who testified before the Legislature in favor of the constitutional amendment.
`` If an idea like this could pass in Hawaii and Kentucky , then I don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any sort of partisan angle to this .
This is literally about giving people the full right to vote .
That ’ s it.
” Under current law , 16-year-old and 17-year-old citizens are already eligible for voter “ pre-registration ” in California , a designation that makes them automatically registered to vote when they turn 18 .
The intent of the law was to encourage more engagement and participation in the political process .
There are currently 125,548 teenagers pre-registered to vote in California .
In testimony before state lawmakers , Mindy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Inclusive Democracy said that voters who engage with the political process at a young age tend to stay involved and continue to vote later in life .
Allowing a 17-year-old to cast a ballot in a primary election will probably increase the odds that they will vote again in the general election when they are 18 years old , she said .
“ I think there ’ s a real possibility here not only in terms of increasing potential participation and voter turnout levels but also just making the voting process more salient @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not take a position on the proposed measure .
“ Voting is habit-forming .
We want to make that a solid relevant process for young people as early as possible .
”

If approved by California voters, Proposition 18 would allow 17-year-olds to vote in primary and special elections if they turn 18 by the general election.
Voting for the first time may soon join graduating and dancing the night away at the spring prom as a milestone event for thousands of 17-year-old high school seniors in California.
If approved by California voters, Proposition 18 would allow 17-year-olds to vote in primary and special elections if they turn 18 before the next general election.
Should the proposed amendment to the state Constitution be approved, California would join at least 18 other states — red and blue alike — that allow some 17-year-olds to cast ballots. Under current California law, residents must be 18 years old to vote in any election.
“They’re sitting in a high-school classroom, so there’s an opportunity there for these kids to learn about the mechanics of voting, to learn about the importance of elections in general and the importance of democracy,” said Assemblyman Kevin Mullin (D-South San Francisco), one of the authors of the proposed constitutional amendment. “It’s a modest move to expand voting rights for young people.”
The Democrat-controlled Legislature voted in June to place Proposition 18 on the ballot, roughly 16 years after Mullin’s father, former South San Francisco Assemblyman Gene Mullin, first introduced it. Both men introduced the measure several times, only to fall short.
Proposition 18 lacks the political buzz and heaps of campaign cash enjoyed by several of the most hotly contested ballot measures this election, making it hard to gauge whether it will win over voters.
The proposition has been endorsed by the California Democratic Party and several of its top elected officials, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and Secretary of State Alex Padilla.
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Proposition 18 is opposed by the California Republican Party, which argues that 17-year-olds should not be able to vote on proposed tax increases. Jon Coupal of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn. said even more seasoned California voters have difficultly understanding the potential taxpayer costs of bonds and the complexities of ballot measures, something he said is likely to puzzle 17-year-olds even more.
“I do think it is a maturity question,” Coupal said.
Republican Sen. Andreas Borgeas of Modesto said California also has become more cautious when it comes to determining the age of maturity. The state recently changed the law to require Californians to be 21 years old before they can buy tobacco products, the same age restriction as purchasing alcohol.
“You don’t get to drink six months, or a few months before you hit 21 because you’re that close,” Borgeas said when the measure was debated in the state Senate in June.
Ella Yitzhaki, 18, dismisses that argument. Yitzhaki, a graduate of Lowell High in San Francisco who is currently a freshman at Cornell University in New York, said recent studies show that many young voters are registering as independents, or “no party preference,” in California.
“If you just look at where this has passed already, the 18 states that have passed it, you will see that there is no partisan trend to it,” said Yitzhaki, who testified before the Legislature in favor of the constitutional amendment. “ If an idea like this could pass in Hawaii and Kentucky, then I don’t think that there’s any sort of partisan angle to this. This is literally about giving people the full right to vote. That’s it.”
Under current law, 16-year-old and 17-year-old citizens are already eligible for voter “pre-registration” in California, a designation that makes them automatically registered to vote when they turn 18. The intent of the law was to encourage more engagement and participation in the political process. There are currently 125,548 teenagers pre-registered to vote in California.
In testimony before state lawmakers, Mindy Romero of USC’s Center for Inclusive Democracy said that voters who engage with the political process at a young age tend to stay involved and continue to vote later in life. Allowing a 17-year-old to cast a ballot in a primary election will probably increase the odds that they will vote again in the general election when they are 18 years old, she said.
“I think there’s a real possibility here not only in terms of increasing potential participation and voter turnout levels but also just making the voting process more salient,” said Romero, who did not take a position on the proposed measure. “Voting is habit-forming. We want to make that a solid relevant process for young people as early as possible.”


latimes--2020-10-23--Griffith Park gondola proposal sparks opposition from area residents and environmentalists

Proponents have long argued that a gondola could provide much-needed relief to traffic in and around Griffith Park .
It ’ s an idea that ’ s come up again and again throughout the last century : Get people off crowded L.A. streets and up into the air .
But the most recent proposal is generating heated opposition .
More than 20 community groups and district City Councilman David Ryu no longer support the project , and have raised concerns over its effects on transportation , access and the environment .
Most recently , the idea resurfaced through the 2018 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come up with ideas for accessibility , safety , and mobility improvements around the park .
The report outlined 29 , including an electric shuttle , the aerial tram , and even the construction of another Hollywood sign to spread out those seeking a photo op .
The city is pursuing many of these ideas , but the flashiest — and most expensive — under consideration is the aerial tram .
The Department of Recreation and Parks is conducting a feasibility study for the project , with help from the engineering consulting firm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been committed to the completion of the study , which is set to conclude in January .
“ I think it ’ s predictable that it keeps coming back , but it ’ s also predictable that the public keeps pushing back at it so forcefully , ” said Gerry Hans , president of Friends of Griffith Park , one of the leading community organizations protesting the effort .
Hans and others argue that construction of a tram would destroy both open space and wildlife habitat in one of the nation ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the proposal is a pretense to develop the city ’ s unique urban wilderness .
A lengthy construction process would result in closures to hikers , horse riders and other park users , they say .
Darryl Ford , superintendent for planning and construction in the city , emphasizes that it ’ s too early to know the details of environmental impact and traffic relief because the study has yet to be completed .
However , many groups ’ opposition is not contingent on the study ’ s outcome .
They oppose the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were unveiled in August — because none connected to public transit lines .
Some have called it a “ tram to nowhere.
” Friends of Griffith Park has estimated it would cost $ 50 million to $ 70 million per mile to build a tram , but the parks department declined to give any specific cost estimates until the study was completed .
Ryu opposes spending additional funding on the project “ in this time of financial crisis , as the city faces potential cuts to services and staff , ” his office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s unlikely the project will be able to move forward .
Fran Reichenbach , president of Beachwood Canyon Neighborhood Assn.
, agrees : “ There are bigger and better and more really prescient issues to be addressed right now with our tax dollars than to hire study groups to go out and confuse people.
” Who does support the gondola ?
Mayor Eric Garcetti , who has previously shown public enthusiasm for the idea , remains open to the initiative and awaits the results of the study , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been the project ’ s primary aim , the Recreation and Parks Department could benefit financially from the installation of the ticketed tram , perhaps generating a small monetary salve after a time of budget upheaval in the city .
The four under consideration start at Travel Town , the L.A .
Zoo parking lot , the North Hollywood High School Zoo Magnet Center and Warner Bros. studios ( an idea initially proposed ) .
Each aims to connect to a viewing platform below the Hollywood sign .
Each route would run about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ towers to hold up the system and providing a six- to 13-minute trip to the sign .
The Zoo Magnet Center opposes the project , that the school was not contacted by any city officials about the plans before its public announcement despite the fact that one of the routes would start at the school .
Environmentalists have raised concern over anticipated effects on the park ’ s flora and fauna .
Species such as the Blainville ’ s horned lizard and the whiptail lizard live on high ridgelines on the western side @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the proposed routes would disrupt this habitat , threatening the species ’ chance of survival in the park , they say .
Opponents are also pushing back on the monetization of the park , because purchased tickets would be required to ride the tram .
Currently , entrance to the park is free .
“ Our public lands are a huge asset that private interests want , ” said Barbara Hensleigh , coordinator for the Sierra Club Angeles Chapter .
“ It will affect the ability for all Angelenos to enjoy the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an environmental justice issue for us.
” Los Angeles isn ’ t the only American city striving to embrace gondola travel .
has had an aerial tram in operation since 1963 .
Ore. , also has one , since 2007 .
And elsewhere in L.A. , another plan to get people in the sky faces less criticism .
would connect Union Station to Dodger Stadium .
The project is a few years further down the line from where the Griffith Park proposal stands , as the project team works on drafting an environmental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Metropolitan Transportation Authority .
The team has adapted to the limitations of the COVID-19 pandemic with a to make space for required public comment .
If all is approved , construction is slated to begin by 2025 , with completion to occur by the 2028 Olympics in Los Angeles .
The tram would cost an estimated $ 300 million , as of now to be paid for privately by L.A. Aerial Rapid Transit , an extension of the investment firm McCourt Global run by former Dodgers owner Frank McCourt and his son Drew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to 25 % of Dodgers fans would arrive on the gondola system , tickets for which are slated to cost less than or equal to stadium parking .
This would take about 3,000 cars off the roads on game days .
The gondola will run on non-game days as well , providing public transit access to Elysian Park and Los Angeles State Historic Park .
“ I think we ’ re having a rebirth of mobility options right now , ” said David Grannis , a transportation consultant to L.A. Aerial Rapid Transit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say an aerial tram is not the way to go .
“ We want solutions that do reduce cars coming to and into the park , ” Hans said .
“ And we want a solution that connects to the Red Line to mass transit .
And those are the things that should move forward to solve the problem.
” “ They might as well treat it like the national monument that it really truly is and support the neighbors that are host to that monument , ” she said .

Gerry Hans, president of the community organization Friends of Griffith Park, is leading an opposition effort to the proposed gondola at the park.
Proponents have long argued that a gondola could provide much-needed relief to traffic in and around Griffith Park.
It’s an idea that’s come up again and again throughout the last century: Get people off crowded L.A. streets and up into the air.
But the most recent proposal is generating heated opposition. More than 20 community groups and district City Councilman David Ryu no longer support the project, and have raised concerns over its effects on transportation, access and the environment.
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Most recently, the idea resurfaced through the 2018 Dixon report , which was commissioned by Ryu to come up with ideas for accessibility, safety, and mobility improvements around the park.
The report outlined 29 potential solutions , including an electric shuttle, the aerial tram, and even the construction of another Hollywood sign to spread out those seeking a photo op.
The city is pursuing many of these ideas, but the flashiest — and most expensive — under consideration is the aerial tram. The Department of Recreation and Parks is conducting a feasibility study for the project, with help from the engineering consulting firm Stantec. A sum of $750,000 has been committed to the completion of the study, which is set to conclude in January.
The city of Los Angeles is considering an aerial tram with towers and a viewing platform on the ridgeline below the Hollywood sign. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
“I think it’s predictable that it keeps coming back, but it’s also predictable that the public keeps pushing back at it so forcefully,” said Gerry Hans, president of Friends of Griffith Park, one of the leading community organizations protesting the effort.
Hans and others argue that construction of a tram would destroy both open space and wildlife habitat in one of the nation’s largest municipal parks. They say the proposal is a pretense to develop the city’s unique urban wilderness. A lengthy construction process would result in closures to hikers, horse riders and other park users, they say.
Darryl Ford, superintendent for planning and construction in the city, emphasizes that it’s too early to know the details of environmental impact and traffic relief because the study has yet to be completed.
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However, many groups’ opposition is not contingent on the study’s outcome. They oppose the outlined system of routes itself — which were unveiled in August — because none connected to public transit lines. Some have called it a “tram to nowhere.”
“It’s not transportation. It’s a ride,” Hans said.
Friends of Griffith Park has estimated it would cost $50 million to $70 million per mile to build a tram, but the parks department declined to give any specific cost estimates until the study was completed.
Ryu opposes spending additional funding on the project “in this time of financial crisis, as the city faces potential cuts to services and staff,” his office said. Without Ryu’s support, it’s unlikely the project will be able to move forward.
The four proposed routes under consideration by the Griffith Park Aerial Transit Study. (Griffith Park Aerial Transit Study)
Fran Reichenbach, president of Beachwood Canyon Neighborhood Assn., agrees: “There are bigger and better and more really prescient issues to be addressed right now with our tax dollars than to hire study groups to go out and confuse people.”
Who does support the gondola? Mayor Eric Garcetti, who has previously shown public enthusiasm for the idea, remains open to the initiative and awaits the results of the study, according to his office.
Although profit has never been the project’s primary aim, the Recreation and Parks Department could benefit financially from the installation of the ticketed tram, perhaps generating a small monetary salve after a time of budget upheaval in the city.
The four routes under consideration start at Travel Town, the L.A. Zoo parking lot, the North Hollywood High School Zoo Magnet Center and Warner Bros. studios (an idea initially proposed independently ). Each aims to connect to a viewing platform below the Hollywood sign. Each route would run about 2.5 miles, requiring 19 to 24 towers to hold up the system and providing a six- to 13-minute trip to the sign.
The Zoo Magnet Center opposes the project, saying that the school was not contacted by any city officials about the plans before its public announcement despite the fact that one of the routes would start at the school.
Environmentalists have raised concern over anticipated effects on the park’s flora and fauna. Species such as the Blainville’s horned lizard and the whiptail lizard live on high ridgelines on the western side of the park. Towers in three of the proposed routes would disrupt this habitat, threatening the species’ chance of survival in the park, they say.
1 / 4 The Blainville’s horned lizard is one of the endangered species in the park environmentalists fear will be further threatened by the construction of the proposed aerial tram. (Gerry Hans / Friends of Griffith Park) 2 / 4 The Whiptail lizard could be threatened by the construction of the aerial tram. (Gerry Hans / Friends of Griffith Park) 3 / 4 The pink lily (Calochortus plummerae) could be threatened by the construction of the aerial tram. (Gerry Hans / Friends of Griffith Park) 4 / 4 The mariposa lily (Calochortus clavatus) could be threatened by the construction of the aerial tram. (Gerry Hans / Friends of Griffith Park)
Opponents are also pushing back on the monetization of the park, because purchased tickets would be required to ride the tram. Currently, entrance to the park is free.
“Our public lands are a huge asset that private interests want,” said Barbara Hensleigh, coordinator for the Sierra Club Angeles Chapter.
“It will affect the ability for all Angelenos to enjoy the park. And so it’s an environmental justice issue for us.”
Los Angeles isn’t the only American city striving to embrace gondola travel. Palm Springs has had an aerial tram in operation since 1963. Portland, Ore., also has one, since 2007.
And elsewhere in L.A., another plan to get people in the sky faces less criticism.
That proposed aerial tram would connect Union Station to Dodger Stadium. The project is a few years further down the line from where the Griffith Park proposal stands, as the project team works on drafting an environmental impact report with the help of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority. The team has adapted to the limitations of the COVID-19 pandemic with a virtual open house to make space for required public comment.
If all is approved, construction is slated to begin by 2025, with completion to occur by the 2028 Olympics in Los Angeles. The tram would cost an estimated $300 million, as of now to be paid for privately by L.A. Aerial Rapid Transit, an extension of the investment firm McCourt Global run by former Dodgers owner Frank McCourt and his son Drew.
A renderings of the proposed aerial rapid transit system connecting Union Station to Dodger Stadium. (L.A. Aerial Rapid Transit)
Project managers estimate about 20% to 25% of Dodgers fans would arrive on the gondola system, tickets for which are slated to cost less than or equal to stadium parking. This would take about 3,000 cars off the roads on game days. The gondola will run on non-game days as well, providing public transit access to Elysian Park and Los Angeles State Historic Park.
“I think we’re having a rebirth of mobility options right now,” said David Grannis, a transportation consultant to L.A. Aerial Rapid Transit.
But at Griffith Park, opponents say an aerial tram is not the way to go.
“We want solutions that do reduce cars coming to and into the park,” Hans said. “And we want a solution that connects to the Red Line to mass transit. And those are the things that should move forward to solve the problem.”
Reichenbach agrees.
“They might as well treat it like the national monument that it really truly is and support the neighbors that are host to that monument,” she said.


latimes--2020-10-23--2 masked bandits broke into a Redwood City bank. The culprits? Raccoons

Under the cover of night , two dark-eyed bandits prowled around a Redwood City bank , rifling through trash and knocking over a computer screen in their hunt .
In the office ’ s break room , they pounced on treasured booty : a tin of almond cookies .
The two juvenile raccoons broke into the Redwood City Chase Bank when it was closed Monday night , ransacking the office before Peninsula Humane Society & SPCA workers chased off the furry vagabonds the next morning .
“ This is definitely the first time we ’ ve ever been called to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Martin-Tarbox , communications manager for the Peninsula Humane Society & SPCA .
She said sleuthing animal rescue workers found telltale clues to cobble together a case : muddy paw prints “ about the size of raccoons ’ ” tracked up a nearby tree leaning against the bank and three ceiling tiles shattered on the office floor .
The animal detectives determined that the raiding raccoons probably climbed the tree to the bank ’ s roof and entered through the air-conditioning duct , then dropped into the office from the ceiling , Martin-Tarbox said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very curious creatures , ” she said .
“ They find themselves in all kinds of circumstances — and these two were exceptional.
” Rohan Joshi , 34 , didn ’ t realize he was entering a crime scene when he approached the Chase Bank ATM to make a deposit about 7:30 a.m. Tuesday .
He glanced into the bank ’ s window and noticed , sitting atop an employee ’ s desk , a stuffed animal — one of the thieves in disguise .
“ I just didn ’ t think anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then I was like , ‘ Wait a minute , that ’ s something real , ’ ” Joshi said with a laugh .
“ I was wondering how he got in there without the alarms going off .
It was just the funniest sight to see.
” Joshi called the Peninsula Humane Society before heading off to work on his construction job .
“ I just didn ’ t want an employee to come to work and maybe get attacked and not know what ’ s going on , ” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t want to encounter a raccoon in the morning and not know what was going on.
” The Peninsula Humane Society & SPCA workers responding to the case tried to examine the raccoons for any injuries from their ceiling fall , but “ they did not want to leave the bank , ” Martin-Tarbox said .
After about 10 minutes , the two creatures finally retreated , hissing , outdoors .
“ They clearly were not injured , because they were giving our officer a chase as he was trying to run around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ No one knows exactly when the culprits launched their larceny , but they had ample time to scuffle through some office supplies before they discovered the break room table and the almond cookies .
“ All in all , ” Martin-Tarbox said , “ a pretty good day for a raccoon .
”

Two raccoons broke into a Redwood City Chase Bank this week, stealing almond cookies as their bounty.
Under the cover of night, two dark-eyed bandits prowled around a Redwood City bank, rifling through trash and knocking over a computer screen in their hunt.
In the office’s break room, they pounced on treasured booty: a tin of almond cookies.
The two juvenile raccoons broke into the Redwood City Chase Bank when it was closed Monday night, ransacking the office before Peninsula Humane Society & SPCA workers chased off the furry vagabonds the next morning.
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“This is definitely the first time we’ve ever been called to a bank heist,” said Buffy Martin-Tarbox, communications manager for the Peninsula Humane Society & SPCA.
She said sleuthing animal rescue workers found telltale clues to cobble together a case: muddy paw prints “about the size of raccoons’” tracked up a nearby tree leaning against the bank and three ceiling tiles shattered on the office floor. The animal detectives determined that the raiding raccoons probably climbed the tree to the bank’s roof and entered through the air-conditioning duct, then dropped into the office from the ceiling, Martin-Tarbox said.
“Raccoons are incredibly agile and very curious creatures,” she said. “They find themselves in all kinds of circumstances — and these two were exceptional.”
The two raccoons gave Peninsula Humane Society & SPCA workers a chase before being herded out of the bank Tuesday morning. (Peninsula Humane Society & SPCA)
Rohan Joshi, 34, didn’t realize he was entering a crime scene when he approached the Chase Bank ATM to make a deposit about 7:30 a.m. Tuesday. He glanced into the bank’s window and noticed, sitting atop an employee’s desk, a stuffed animal — one of the thieves in disguise.
“I just didn’t think anything of it until it moved, and then I was like, ‘Wait a minute, that’s something real,’” Joshi said with a laugh. “I was wondering how he got in there without the alarms going off. It was just the funniest sight to see.”
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Joshi called the Peninsula Humane Society before heading off to work on his construction job.
“I just didn’t want an employee to come to work and maybe get attacked and not know what’s going on,” he said. “I know I wouldn’t want to encounter a raccoon in the morning and not know what was going on.”
The Peninsula Humane Society & SPCA workers responding to the case tried to examine the raccoons for any injuries from their ceiling fall, but “they did not want to leave the bank,” Martin-Tarbox said. After about 10 minutes, the two creatures finally retreated, hissing, outdoors.
“They clearly were not injured, because they were giving our officer a chase as he was trying to run around the bank,” Martin-Tarbox said.
No one knows exactly when the culprits launched their larceny, but they had ample time to scuffle through some office supplies before they discovered the break room table and the almond cookies.
“All in all,” Martin-Tarbox said, “a pretty good day for a raccoon.”


latimes--2020-10-22--Riverside City Council passes anti-racism vision; mayor challenges residents to have 'courageous con

Riverside City Council passes anti-racism vision; mayor challenges residents to have 'courageous conversations'

A two-page anti-racist vision , referred to by Riverside Mayor William “ Rusty ” Bailey as a “ Declaration of Independence ” from racism , was approved by the Riverside City Council on a 6-1 vote at this week ’ s meeting .
The document is broken into several parts , with such headers as what being anti-racist looks like , how anti-racism begins , the forms it can take , courageous conversations and evidenced-based analysis .
It asks for a commitment from the city to “ contribute to greater racial equity.
” There was also an inclusion for an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progress .
A third page was added with the names of each of the seven City Council members on which they could sign along with the mayor , who had already added his signature .
“ The authors [ of the Declaration of Independence ] signed it and meant every word that they signed their life to , and so I hope the council will do the same , ” Bailey said at Tuesday ’ s meeting .
He challenged Riverside residents , businesses and organizations to take the statement “ off of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your place of work and place of meeting and through your family structure and have a conversation as it asks us to do about anti-racism.
” Some of the vision ’ s tenets include challenging policies that support racism and inequity , calling on educational institutions to create racially responsive curricula , inviting people to speak openly and listening to others about racism .
The purpose of the document is to provide a clear outline of the city ’ s anti-racist principles , Bailey said .
The vision was created in the aftermath @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Minneapolis police officer on Memorial Day and the protests that have followed around the country since .
Bailey said he asked Carlos Cortés , professor emeritus of history at UC Riverside and chair of the mayor ’ s multicultural forum , in June to draft a vision “ of what an anti-racist Riverside would look like.
” On June 30 , the City Council adopted a resolution calling racism a public health crisis , following other municipalities such as San Bernardino County .
Cortés said he went through four drafts and received @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Each [ draft ] was circulated for a week to get feedback , ” he said .
Cortés said the draft process allowed him to avoid certain pitfalls as he didn ’ t want the vision to be “ overly apologetic , ” “ accusatory , ” “ too academic ” or “ too nerdy.
” “ It ’ s not a huge policy statement with lists of things to do , ” he said .
“ It ’ s a very brief two-page people ’ s vision.
” He said the biggest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ anti-racism , ” which he said has tripped up academics across the country .
Rather , there is a list of ideas of what being anti-racism is , he said .
While some members of the council praised the vision , Councilman Chuck Conder stood opposed .
The retired Air Force officer asked the mayor and Cortés where discrimination based on race was taking place within the city government , what city policies “ did the mayor ’ s multicultural forum specifically find to be racist ” and why was the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really nothing found that was racist ?
” Bailey and Cortés responded that the vision was more proactive then reactionary , non-accusatory and that the multicultural forum was not set up to investigate instances of discrimination .
“ This is a vision , not a court , ” Bailey said .
Conder said he did not understand why reverse racism did not factor in the anti-racism vision and he worried about “ racial preferences and quotas.
” He said anti-racism “ is an intolerant form of discrimination made to sound nice but designed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our democratic institutions.
” Conder added that any council member who signed would be “ violating their oath of office.
” Despite his objections , the vision passed .
“ By having open discussions and honest discussions as they ’ re outlined here I think helps us grow as a community and as a city , ” Councilman Andy Melendrez said .

Riverside Mayor Rusty Bailey, shown in his office in 2018, was his city’s first public official to sign an anti-racism vision, which was passed by the City Council, 6 to 1, at this week’s meeting.
A two-page anti-racist vision, referred to by Riverside Mayor William “Rusty” Bailey as a “Declaration of Independence” from racism, was approved by the Riverside City Council on a 6-1 vote at this week’s meeting.
The document is broken into several parts, with such headers as what being anti-racist looks like, how anti-racism begins, the forms it can take, courageous conversations and evidenced-based analysis. It asks for a commitment from the city to “contribute to greater racial equity.” There was also an inclusion for an annual review of the city’s progress.
A third page was added with the names of each of the seven City Council members on which they could sign along with the mayor, who had already added his signature.
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“The authors [of the Declaration of Independence] signed it and meant every word that they signed their life to, and so I hope the council will do the same,” Bailey said at Tuesday’s meeting.
He challenged Riverside residents, businesses and organizations to take the statement “off of the internet now and circulate it among your place of work and place of meeting and through your family structure and have a conversation as it asks us to do about anti-racism.”
Some of the vision’s tenets include challenging policies that support racism and inequity, calling on educational institutions to create racially responsive curricula, inviting people to speak openly and listening to others about racism. The purpose of the document is to provide a clear outline of the city’s anti-racist principles, Bailey said.
The vision was created in the aftermath of George Floyd’s slaying by a Minneapolis police officer on Memorial Day and the protests that have followed around the country since.
Bailey said he asked Carlos Cortés, professor emeritus of history at UC Riverside and chair of the mayor’s multicultural forum, in June to draft a vision “of what an anti-racist Riverside would look like.”
On June 30, the City Council adopted a resolution calling racism a public health crisis, following other municipalities such as San Bernardino County.
Cortés said he went through four drafts and received comments from about 100 people.
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“Each [draft] was circulated for a week to get feedback,” he said.
Cortés said the draft process allowed him to avoid certain pitfalls as he didn’t want the vision to be “overly apologetic,” “accusatory,” “too academic” or “too nerdy.”
“It’s not a huge policy statement with lists of things to do,” he said. “It’s a very brief two-page people’s vision.”
He said the biggest trap to avoid was trying to define “anti-racism,” which he said has tripped up academics across the country. Rather, there is a list of ideas of what being anti-racism is, he said.
While some members of the council praised the vision, Councilman Chuck Conder stood opposed.
The retired Air Force officer asked the mayor and Cortés where discrimination based on race was taking place within the city government, what city policies “did the mayor’s multicultural forum specifically find to be racist” and why was the city changing policies when “there’s really nothing found that was racist?”
Bailey and Cortés responded that the vision was more proactive then reactionary, non-accusatory and that the multicultural forum was not set up to investigate instances of discrimination.
“This is a vision, not a court,” Bailey said.
Conder said he did not understand why reverse racism did not factor in the anti-racism vision and he worried about “racial preferences and quotas.”
He said anti-racism “is an intolerant form of discrimination made to sound nice but designed by radicals to slowly and subtly overturn our democratic institutions.” Conder added that any council member who signed would be “violating their oath of office.”
Despite his objections, the vision passed.
“By having open discussions and honest discussions as they’re outlined here I think helps us grow as a community and as a city,” Councilman Andy Melendrez said.