latimes--2020-10-17--San Franciscans question George Gascón's legacy as 'godfather of progressive prosecutors'

Adriana Camarena abhors the idea that George Gascón is being touted as a reformer in the nationally watched contest for control of the Los Angeles County district attorney ’ s office .
The Bay Area organizer spent years leading rallies against Gascón in San Francisco , and her voice rises with annoyance as she rattles off the names of men killed in controversial police shootings during Gascón ’ s time as district attorney : Mario Woods , Luis Gongora Pat , Amilcar Perez-Lopez , Alex Nieto .
Although each of the men Camarena named was armed , their cases sparked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s commitment to holding police accountable after he failed to prosecute the officers involved .
Camarena said Los Angeles activists , who quickly embraced Gascón , should be more skeptical of the so-called “ godfather of progressive prosecutors.
” “ I understand why they want a change , but I would say they are not going to get a change , ” Camarena said .
“ They are going to get somebody who is a career officer who has nothing to show as a progressive prosecutor.
” A champion of alternative sentencing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Gascón had a tenure in San Francisco that earned him praise and endorsements from criminal justice reformers and national progressive leaders , including Sens .
Kamala Harris , Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren .
But as Gascón tries to oust Los Angeles County Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey in a race that many see as a flashpoint in a national debate about criminal justice , the impact of his policies in San Francisco are under a microscope .
In San Francisco , a number of activists , law enforcement officials and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Mayor London Breed has endorsed Lacey , and the city ’ s police union is one of many in the state spending millions to derail Gascón ’ s campaign .
Some of Gascón ’ s former constituents argue that his diversion programs for low-level offenders removed the threat of punishment , driving a historic surge in property crime and car break-ins .
Others , like Camarena , said his progressive reputation is more myth than reality .
Gascón insists that frustrations with him in San Francisco largely stem from resistance to his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , were poisoned against him by police unfairly blaming Proposition 47 — the landmark ballot initiative he co-authored that reduced several felony crimes to misdemeanors in California — for the city ’ s struggles with auto burglaries , homelessness and drug use .
“ It ’ s very , very hard when a community is being bombarded every day by Officer Friendly telling them the reason we have a homeless person on the corner … is because of Prop .
47 , ” he said .
“ It ’ s a very powerful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Francisco ’ s property crime rate jumped 37 % during Gascón ’ s tenure , driven largely by record numbers of car break-ins .
In 2017 , the city reported more than 31,000 auto burglaries , the worst year on record , according to the San Francisco Chronicle .
A 2018 Public Policy Institute of California report found a link between the passage of Proposition 47 and increases in property crime and larceny .
But one of the authors of that report , Magnus Lofstrom , cautioned against blaming all of San Francisco @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signature policy initiative .
The city ’ s population rose significantly during Gascón ’ s tenure , and increased tourism and wealth could have created more opportunity for auto burglars , Lofstrom said .
Additionally , San Francisco police rarely , if ever , arrested suspects in car break-ins as they surged , the Chronicle reported .
Randy Shaw , head of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic in San Francisco , said he supported Proposition 47 but believes Gascón ’ s policies were disastrous for the low-income neighborhood where he has tried to give @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ He made no effort to deal with the drug and crime problems in the Tenderloin — none , zero .
That might be generous .
He might have been worse than zero , ” Shaw said .
“ He discouraged the police , because at some point they decided , what ’ s the point in making these arrests , because he isn ’ t going to prosecute them.
” Gascón ’ s prosecutors filed criminal charges in about half the felonies and 40 % of misdemeanors presented to his office from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But Gascon and his allies argue that the filing numbers show only a partial portrait of his record .
The filing rates do not capture instances in which prosecutors went after defendants for a probation violation rather than pursuing a new charge , according to Alex Bastian , a spokesman for the San Francisco district attorney ’ s office .
Taken together with filings , prosecutors “ took action ” in 59 % of felonies and 54 % of misdemeanors , records show .
Such tactics infuriated police officers , who said they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people multiple times because of Gascón ’ s reluctance to open new cases .
“ They would dismiss the new case and file on the motion to revoke [ probation ] , ” said Tony Montoya , president of the San Francisco Police Officers Assn .
“ When you ’ re on probation , there ’ s supposed to be some deterrent to continue down the path that got you on probation .
Now , there wasn ’ t. ” Roughly 10 % of all misdemeanors brought to Gascón ’ s office during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program called Neighborhood Courts .
Launched in 2012 , the program aimed to hold low-level offenders accountable without saddling them with a criminal conviction .
Defendants in such cases would meet with community volunteers and be offered “ directives ” to make amends for their offense ; these could include entering a drug treatment program or completing a community service regimen .
As a result , the defendants would avoid a conviction , which Gascón hoped would reduce the likelihood they would reoffend later in life .
He was also a leader in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , using a risk evaluation based upon several factors — including a defendant ’ s criminal record , employment status and the severity of the offense with which they had been charged — to determine the likelihood they would appear in court , instead of making their pretrial release dependent on their financial situation .
Taken together , the efforts seem to have accomplished Gascón ’ s goal of cutting back on the use of prisons and jails .
Records show that San Francisco ’ s average daily jail population fell by about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1,746 in January 2011 to 1,271 in October 2019 , when he resigned to challenge Lacey .
Brian Pearlman , who oversaw misdemeanor cases for the San Francisco public defender ’ s office during Gascón ’ s tenure , said he believes the programs were a lifeline for a number of first-time offenders and drug-addicted defendants who needed to see the inside of a treatment center rather than a jail cell .
“ I saw so many people who went through that process finally seeing that system caring for them .
… I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way out of the criminal justice system into housing and help , ” he said .
But Lorraine French says her life , too , was forever changed by Gascón ’ s progressive policies .
The 80-year-old holds him partially responsible for the 2017 murder of her younger brother during a robbery involving a man who had been granted pretrial release under the risk assessment tool Gascón championed .
Lamonte Mims , who was already on probation when he was charged with gun possession that year , was released after an evaluation found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk .
Lorraine ’ s brother Edward was taking pictures in the city ’ s idyllic Twin Peaks area when he was shot and killed while Mims and a companion allegedly robbed him of his camera .
Mims was charged in the killing , though he did not pull the trigger .
Officials later said a data error led Mims to receive a lower “ public-safety assessment ” score than warranted , but the slaying raised questions about the tool used to evaluate him .
French demanded a meeting with Gascón , during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but then began “ screaming ” at her as she challenged him about the evaluation ’ s role in her brother ’ s death , she said .
“ When he started yelling at us , I said , George … if you can ’ t do your job , then quit , ” French said .
“ You chose to be the DA .
We have the right to question you.
” Gascón denied that he yelled at French .
Although he remains horrified by what happened in the Mims case , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not invalidate the broad successes of the program .
The same assessment tool , based on algorithm scores , is used in dozens of jurisdictions across the U.S. , including L.A. County , where the courts last year received a grant to launch a pilot program with the tool .
“ Just like there are times when people go out on bail and commit horrendous things … a real tragic event occurred when a young man was released without bail , and he went on to murder someone , and that weighed very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gascón said .
For some , frustration stems from Gascón ’ s rhetoric not lining up with results .
Although his office filed misconduct charges against dozens of police officers , his refusal to prosecute police in fatal force cases has been criticized in the wake of nationwide protests over the police killings of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor .
The decision not to file charges against officers in the 2015 shooting of Woods , a 26-year-old stabbing suspect who was under the influence of methamphetamine , has hung heaviest over Gascón throughout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ show Woods , who was holding a knife , walking away from officers when he was shot .
Police say Woods ignored orders to drop his weapon before officers opened fire .
At the time , Gascón said the officers “ would have been derelict in their duty to protect the public had they let Woods escape.
” His decision was heavily criticized by then-Public Defender Jeff Adachi and John Burris , the civil rights attorney who represented Woods ’ family .
About five months later , officers in the city ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a homeless man who advocates said was suffering a mental health crisis .
Police responded to reports of Gongora Pat waving a knife but found him seated when they arrived at the scene .
When he refused to comply with orders to drop the weapon , an officer shot him with a beanbag round .
Police allege that Gongora Pat then got up and marched toward an officer with the blade in his hand , and two of them fired a volley of fatal gunshots .
The encounter lasted less than a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers for failing to de-escalate the situation , claiming the decision to shoot a less-lethal round at Gongora Pat while he was on the ground provoked the deadly incident .
Gascón decided he could not prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the officers were criminally liable .
Gascón , who did not prosecute any officers in on-duty killings during his eight years in office , has argued that he was hamstrung in many shooting cases in San Francisco by state law that severely limits when police can be charged in deadly force cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that raised the threshold requiring that police use fatal force only when “ necessary ” instead of when “ reasonable.
” Under the new law , Gascón says , he would have charged the officers who shot Woods .
“ It ’ s a very comfortable position for Gascón .
This is what he always does , ” said Camarena , who was a spokeswoman for the Gongora Pat family .
“ It always seems like the ball is never in his court.
” Gascón maintains he is more qualified than Lacey to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arguing that Lacey has declined to bring charges in far more egregious cases involving unarmed people .
A review of San Francisco police records shows that the majority of shootings in which Gascón declined to prosecute involved suspects armed with guns , knives or blunt objects .
Despite the outcome of the Woods case , Burris said he believes Gascón is genuinely dedicated to police reform in a way most other prosecutors are not .
“ I think he wants to do it .
I think his philosophy certainly is there ; his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice certainly seems to be there .
I never doubted it , ” he said .
Hillary Ronen , a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors , had been critical of Gascón ’ s record on police shootings but ultimately endorsed him .
Making enemies of activists and police unions shouldn ’ t be considered a flaw on Gascón ’ s record , she said , but rather should be seen as proof of his independent streak .
“ I worked very closely with him and believe him to be a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said .
“ But I will tell you , he didn ’ t have a ton of good friends in San Francisco by the time he left .
”

As he seeks to become L.A. County’s top prosecutor, George Gascón, the former San Francisco district attorney, has seen his record there come under increasing scrutiny from activists, former colleagues and police officials.
Adriana Camarena abhors the idea that George Gascón is being touted as a reformer in the nationally watched contest for control of the Los Angeles County district attorney’s office.
The Bay Area organizer spent years leading rallies against Gascón in San Francisco, and her voice rises with annoyance as she rattles off the names of men killed in controversial police shootings during Gascón’s time as district attorney: Mario Woods, Luis Gongora Pat, Amilcar Perez-Lopez, Alex Nieto.
Although each of the men Camarena named was armed, their cases sparked public outcry and raised questions about Gascón’s commitment to holding police accountable after he failed to prosecute the officers involved. Camarena said Los Angeles activists, who quickly embraced Gascón, should be more skeptical of the so-called “godfather of progressive prosecutors.”
“I understand why they want a change, but I would say they are not going to get a change,” Camarena said. “They are going to get somebody who is a career officer who has nothing to show as a progressive prosecutor.”
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A champion of alternative sentencing, diversion programs and reducing prison populations, Gascón had a tenure in San Francisco that earned him praise and endorsements from criminal justice reformers and national progressive leaders, including Sens. Kamala Harris, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren. But as Gascón tries to oust Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey in a race that many see as a flashpoint in a national debate about criminal justice, the impact of his policies in San Francisco are under a microscope.
In San Francisco, a number of activists, law enforcement officials and local leaders offer less-glowing reviews of Gascón. Mayor London Breed has endorsed Lacey, and the city’s police union is one of many in the state spending millions to derail Gascón’s campaign. Some of Gascón’s former constituents argue that his diversion programs for low-level offenders removed the threat of punishment, driving a historic surge in property crime and car break-ins. Others, like Camarena, said his progressive reputation is more myth than reality.
Gascón insists that frustrations with him in San Francisco largely stem from resistance to his reform initiatives. Residents, he said, were poisoned against him by police unfairly blaming Proposition 47 — the landmark ballot initiative he co-authored that reduced several felony crimes to misdemeanors in California — for the city’s struggles with auto burglaries, homelessness and drug use.
“It’s very, very hard when a community is being bombarded every day by Officer Friendly telling them the reason we have a homeless person on the corner … is because of Prop. 47,” he said. “It’s a very powerful PR machine that is relentless.”
San Francisco’s property crime rate jumped 37% during Gascón’s tenure, driven largely by record numbers of car break-ins. In 2017, the city reported more than 31,000 auto burglaries, the worst year on record, according to the San Francisco Chronicle.
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A 2018 Public Policy Institute of California report found a link between the passage of Proposition 47 and increases in property crime and larceny. But one of the authors of that report, Magnus Lofstrom, cautioned against blaming all of San Francisco’s ills on Gascón’s signature policy initiative. The city’s population rose significantly during Gascón’s tenure, and increased tourism and wealth could have created more opportunity for auto burglars, Lofstrom said. Additionally, San Francisco police rarely, if ever, arrested suspects in car break-ins as they surged, the Chronicle reported.
Randy Shaw, head of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic in San Francisco, said he supported Proposition 47 but believes Gascón’s policies were disastrous for the low-income neighborhood where he has tried to give aid to the homeless for decades.
“He made no effort to deal with the drug and crime problems in the Tenderloin — none, zero. That might be generous. He might have been worse than zero,” Shaw said. “He discouraged the police, because at some point they decided, what’s the point in making these arrests, because he isn’t going to prosecute them.”
Gascón’s prosecutors filed criminal charges in about half the felonies and 40% of misdemeanors presented to his office from 2011 to 2019, records show. But Gascon and his allies argue that the filing numbers show only a partial portrait of his record.
The filing rates do not capture instances in which prosecutors went after defendants for a probation violation rather than pursuing a new charge, according to Alex Bastian, a spokesman for the San Francisco district attorney’s office. Taken together with filings, prosecutors “took action” in 59% of felonies and 54% of misdemeanors, records show.
Such tactics infuriated police officers, who said they felt like they were arresting the same people multiple times because of Gascón’s reluctance to open new cases.
“They would dismiss the new case and file on the motion to revoke [probation],” said Tony Montoya, president of the San Francisco Police Officers Assn. “When you’re on probation, there’s supposed to be some deterrent to continue down the path that got you on probation. Now, there wasn’t.”
Roughly 10% of all misdemeanors brought to Gascón’s office during his tenure were handled through a diversionary program called Neighborhood Courts. Launched in 2012, the program aimed to hold low-level offenders accountable without saddling them with a criminal conviction.
Defendants in such cases would meet with community volunteers and be offered “directives” to make amends for their offense; these could include entering a drug treatment program or completing a community service regimen. As a result, the defendants would avoid a conviction, which Gascón hoped would reduce the likelihood they would reoffend later in life.
He was also a leader in a statewide movement to eliminate cash bail, using a risk evaluation based upon several factors — including a defendant’s criminal record, employment status and the severity of the offense with which they had been charged — to determine the likelihood they would appear in court, instead of making their pretrial release dependent on their financial situation.
Taken together, the efforts seem to have accomplished Gascón’s goal of cutting back on the use of prisons and jails. Records show that San Francisco’s average daily jail population fell by about 27% during his tenure, from 1,746 in January 2011 to 1,271 in October 2019, when he resigned to challenge Lacey.
Brian Pearlman, who oversaw misdemeanor cases for the San Francisco public defender’s office during Gascón’s tenure, said he believes the programs were a lifeline for a number of first-time offenders and drug-addicted defendants who needed to see the inside of a treatment center rather than a jail cell.
“I saw so many people who went through that process finally seeing that system caring for them. … I saw a lot of people work their way out of the criminal justice system into housing and help,” he said.
But Lorraine French says her life, too, was forever changed by Gascón’s progressive policies. The 80-year-old holds him partially responsible for the 2017 murder of her younger brother during a robbery involving a man who had been granted pretrial release under the risk assessment tool Gascón championed.
Lamonte Mims, who was already on probation when he was charged with gun possession that year, was released after an evaluation found him to be a medium public safety risk. Lorraine’s brother Edward was taking pictures in the city’s idyllic Twin Peaks area when he was shot and killed while Mims and a companion allegedly robbed him of his camera.
Mims was charged in the killing, though he did not pull the trigger. Officials later said a data error led Mims to receive a lower “public-safety assessment” score than warranted, but the slaying raised questions about the tool used to evaluate him. French demanded a meeting with Gascón, during which the district attorney offered his condolences but then began “screaming” at her as she challenged him about the evaluation’s role in her brother’s death, she said.
“When he started yelling at us, I said, George … if you can’t do your job, then quit,” French said. “You chose to be the DA. We have the right to question you.”
Gascón denied that he yelled at French. Although he remains horrified by what happened in the Mims case, Gascón said, one tragic outlier does not invalidate the broad successes of the program. The same assessment tool, based on algorithm scores, is used in dozens of jurisdictions across the U.S., including L.A. County, where the courts last year received a grant to launch a pilot program with the tool.
“Just like there are times when people go out on bail and commit horrendous things … a real tragic event occurred when a young man was released without bail, and he went on to murder someone, and that weighed very, very heavily on me,” Gascón said.
For some, frustration stems from Gascón’s rhetoric not lining up with results. Although his office filed misconduct charges against dozens of police officers, his refusal to prosecute police in fatal force cases has been criticized in the wake of nationwide protests over the police killings of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor.
The decision not to file charges against officers in the 2015 shooting of Woods, a 26-year-old stabbing suspect who was under the influence of methamphetamine, has hung heaviest over Gascón throughout the campaign. Bystander video appeared to show Woods, who was holding a knife, walking away from officers when he was shot. Police say Woods ignored orders to drop his weapon before officers opened fire.
At the time, Gascón said the officers “would have been derelict in their duty to protect the public had they let Woods escape.” His decision was heavily criticized by then-Public Defender Jeff Adachi and John Burris, the civil rights attorney who represented Woods’ family.
About five months later, officers in the city’s Mission District shot and killed Gongora Pat, a homeless man who advocates said was suffering a mental health crisis. Police responded to reports of Gongora Pat waving a knife but found him seated when they arrived at the scene. When he refused to comply with orders to drop the weapon, an officer shot him with a beanbag round. Police allege that Gongora Pat then got up and marched toward an officer with the blade in his hand, and two of them fired a volley of fatal gunshots.
The encounter lasted less than a minute, and many have criticized the officers for failing to de-escalate the situation, claiming the decision to shoot a less-lethal round at Gongora Pat while he was on the ground provoked the deadly incident. Gascón decided he could not prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the officers were criminally liable.
Gascón, who did not prosecute any officers in on-duty killings during his eight years in office, has argued that he was hamstrung in many shooting cases in San Francisco by state law that severely limits when police can be charged in deadly force cases. He supported a 2019 Assembly bill that raised the threshold requiring that police use fatal force only when “necessary” instead of when “reasonable.” Under the new law, Gascón says, he would have charged the officers who shot Woods.
“It’s a very comfortable position for Gascón. This is what he always does,” said Camarena, who was a spokeswoman for the Gongora Pat family. “It always seems like the ball is never in his court.”
Gascón maintains he is more qualified than Lacey to confront officers who take lives unjustly, arguing that Lacey has declined to bring charges in far more egregious cases involving unarmed people. A review of San Francisco police records shows that the majority of shootings in which Gascón declined to prosecute involved suspects armed with guns, knives or blunt objects.
Despite the outcome of the Woods case, Burris said he believes Gascón is genuinely dedicated to police reform in a way most other prosecutors are not.
“I think he wants to do it. I think his philosophy certainly is there; his legal philosophy and his commitment to social justice certainly seems to be there. I never doubted it,” he said.
Hillary Ronen, a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, had been critical of Gascón’s record on police shootings but ultimately endorsed him. Making enemies of activists and police unions shouldn’t be considered a flaw on Gascón’s record, she said, but rather should be seen as proof of his independent streak.
“I worked very closely with him and believe him to be a very genuine and good person,” she said. “But I will tell you, he didn’t have a ton of good friends in San Francisco by the time he left.”


latimes--2020-10-17--Where shall I go to cast my vote? The Magic Castle? The Mountain Mermaid? The top deck at Dodger Sta

Where shall I go to cast my vote? The Magic Castle? The Mountain Mermaid? The top deck at Dodger Stadium?

I haven ’ t voted yet .
I have to admit , I ’ m still undecided .
Not about how I will vote in this pivotal election but about where I will vote , and about the butterfly effect that my one tiny choice could potentially have on the outcome .
Would it be a home run if I voted looking out over the diamond from the top deck of Dodger Stadium ?
Would it do the trick if I put my cards on the table at the Magic Castle ?
Should I vote with the safe future of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mind by performing my sacred civic duty at one of these sacred spots ?
Or maybe another might be more auspicious .
The Hollywood Bowl ?
Union Station ?
The Palladium ?
I could go farther afield and stand up in defense of our stalwart service women and men by voting at the War Memorial Building in South Pasadena .
I could even opt to ferry across the blue Pacific to do the deed in the ballroom of the Catalina Casino .
Would that strike a helpful note of hope , to vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dark night away ?
Those of us who live in Los Angeles County can now vote at any of the county ’ s vote centers .
At last check , there were 765 of them .
Some will be open starting Oct. 24 , most starting Oct. 30 .
And among them — beyond the usual schools and recreation and community centers — are many of our region ’ s most beloved gathering sites , where no gathering lately has been possible .
Had we had no pandemic , Hollywood ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in the thick of a long run of “ Hamilton.
” But the theater had to close eight hours before the first performance of the show ’ s second stay in our city , said its general manager , Jeff Loeb .
Eager to do some civic good , the Pantages has been using its lobby for monthly blood drives .
Loeb offered it up as a vote center after someone on a national theater task force he is on said it would be great if as many theaters as possible nationwide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fit the bill when the county was scrambling for spaces big enough to be safe in the middle of a health crisis for in-person voting .
“ I like to say that since we can ’ t celebrate the founding of our democracy on stage , we are lucky to be able to actually support democracy through voting in our lobby , ” Loeb told me .
“ And we ’ d like to think that our grand lobby will provide one of the most gorgeous backdrops in all of L.A. County for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Pantages is a five-minute walk from my house .
And with its chandeliers and its 65-foot-high ceilings , it certainly offers an extraordinary upgrade from the drab retirement-home rec room where I used to have to go on election day , back when in-person voting happened on one day only and at one assigned site per voter .
I ’ m hardly alone in being obsessive lately about making sure my vote counts — given the daily threats being made to the sanctity of the process and a collective dread of what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidential election is murky or unaccepted by one side or leads some to rage and violence .
We ’ re much luckier in our voting options than many a state .
Since all 21 million of us Californians got ballots in the mail , I don ’ t really have to go to any vote center at all .
Still , I ’ m nervous , given all the recent mucking about with the U.S .
Postal Service , about putting my ballot , even early , in a mailbox .
At first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slip it in the slot of a drop box — not any old box someone puts outside somewhere with a sign taped on the front but one of the 400 bolted-down official ones that can be found , among other places , outside all of our libraries , in many of our parks and at some transit stations ( including the Gold Line station at Mariachi Plaza , perhaps a good place to cast a vote in favor of humane immigration policies ) .
The drop boxes are emptied regularly by election workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots , whether mailed or dropped off , by signing up online through the secretary of state ’ s office .
A lot of people are taking selfies at the drop boxes .
I would have been one of them too by now — before I learned about other choices .
Before I learned , for instance , that I could drive out to Topanga and vote at a place called the Mountain Mermaid , whose rich history , recounted to me by its owner Bill Buerge , could cover a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the 1930 building started life as a country club but later became one of gangster Mickey Cohen ’ s gambling dens ( prostitutes upstairs , slot machines and gaming tables in the basement ) and then a gay bar called the Canyon Club , run by an ex-vice cop .
Men could slow dance at that bar at a time when doing so could lead to arrests — but Black people apparently were not welcome , Buerge said .
The building was practically falling in on itself when he bought it 30 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the floor and almost no plaster on the walls , he told me .
“ People were afraid to be in there .
The slightest tremor would have taken it down.
” Buerge turned it into a friendly , all-welcoming place , popular for filming and weddings and overnight stays , with a lush garden full of native plants and fountains that is a waystation for monarch butterflies and a wildlife habitat certified by the National Wildlife Federation .
Those who come there , he said , will vote in the Mermaid ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a big fireplace , a grand staircase and arched windows looking out on greenery and mountains .
As they do , they might think of the building ’ s history and the need to fight for justice for all .
Or they might just think of rolling the dice and placing a bet where lots of bets have been placed .
Or they might focus on protecting the environment .
He ’ ll even open his butterfly house , he said , for post-voting enjoyment .
Buerge told me he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amount of furniture to get the place ready for voters — a lot of chairs and antiques , a Monterey table and another table converted from a 1920s hydraulic hospital gurney .
But “ I ’ m very happy to make the contribution , ” he said .
When I asked him what this election meant to him , he said , “ Everything .
It ’ s huge .
I think the future of American democracy is at stake.
” I worry about that myself these days — which led me to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Magic Castle , much closer to my home .
Joe Furlow , general manager of the Academy of Magical Arts , the association to which all the club ’ s members belong , tried to tamp down my expectations .
“ There ’ s not going to be any magic , you know , ” he said .
“ It ’ s just a polling place.
” And voters who come won ’ t be able to enter through the “ Open Sesame ” door or walk past the Palace of Mystery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in the castle ’ s Inner Circle , which they ’ ll enter through a side door , they ’ ll see display-case homages to famed magicians : Mark Wilson and his assistant , wife Nani Darnell , who introduced a national television audience to magic with “ The Magic Land of Allakazam , ” and Cardini , “ probably the world ’ s best card manipulator of his time.
” Furlow told me that the club , which in the pandemic went from 198 employees to nine , and now is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beef Wellington and prime rib to go , wanted to do right by Hollywood and the city and so gladly agreed to be a vote center .
Like the blood drives it has also been hosting , it wasn ’ t about anything more than doing the right thing .
Still , he ’ ll be thrilled , he said , if people come out to vote in order to see inside the castle .
“ I think all the voters are going to create the real magic this year.
” Loeb from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — and said he thought using landmark locations in the city would help .
“ There ’ s an energy , I think , in any of these older spaces — be it the Magic Castle , be it the Palladium , be it Dodger Stadium , be it the Hollywood Bowl — where thousands of people have gathered to witness great sporting events , great concerts , great theater , and the energy that accompanies those moments still lingers in all of those spaces , ” he told me .
Right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ This is the national stage .
You ’ re no longer voting in your neighbor ’ s garage.
” Oh and one more thing he told me , which may make me head to the theater .
Those who do will get a special “ I voted ” sticker , paying homage to the show that can ’ t be shown there right now .

I haven’t voted yet. I have to admit, I’m still undecided.
Not about how I will vote in this pivotal election but about where I will vote, and about the butterfly effect that my one tiny choice could potentially have on the outcome.
Would it be a home run if I voted looking out over the diamond from the top deck of Dodger Stadium? Would it do the trick if I put my cards on the table at the Magic Castle?
Should I vote with the safe future of this city I love foremost in my mind by performing my sacred civic duty at one of these sacred spots? Or maybe another might be more auspicious. The Hollywood Bowl? Union Station? The Palladium?
California Secretary of State Alex Padilla checks out a voting booth on display during a tour of the Dodger Stadium Vote Center. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
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I could go farther afield and stand up in defense of our stalwart service women and men by voting at the War Memorial Building in South Pasadena.
I could even opt to ferry across the blue Pacific to do the deed in the ballroom of the Catalina Casino. Would that strike a helpful note of hope, to vote where others have jitterbugged and foxtrotted many a dark night away?
Those of us who live in Los Angeles County can now vote at any of the county’s vote centers. At last check, there were 765 of them. Some will be open starting Oct. 24, most starting Oct. 30. And among them — beyond the usual schools and recreation and community centers — are many of our region’s most beloved gathering sites, where no gathering lately has been possible.
Had we had no pandemic, Hollywood’s Pantages Theatre would have been packed now, in the thick of a long run of “Hamilton.” But the theater had to close eight hours before the first performance of the show’s second stay in our city, said its general manager, Jeff Loeb. Eager to do some civic good, the Pantages has been using its lobby for monthly blood drives. Loeb offered it up as a vote center after someone on a national theater task force he is on said it would be great if as many theaters as possible nationwide became polling places.
The Pantages perfectly fit the bill when the county was scrambling for spaces big enough to be safe in the middle of a health crisis for in-person voting.
“I like to say that since we can’t celebrate the founding of our democracy on stage, we are lucky to be able to actually support democracy through voting in our lobby,” Loeb told me.
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“And we’d like to think that our grand lobby will provide one of the most gorgeous backdrops in all of L.A. County for people to exercise their civic duty.”
The Pantages is a five-minute walk from my house. And with its chandeliers and its 65-foot-high ceilings, it certainly offers an extraordinary upgrade from the drab retirement-home rec room where I used to have to go on election day, back when in-person voting happened on one day only and at one assigned site per voter.
I’m hardly alone in being obsessive lately about making sure my vote counts — given the daily threats being made to the sanctity of the process and a collective dread of what would happen if the outcome of our presidential election is murky or unaccepted by one side or leads some to rage and violence.
People arrive for the preview performance of “Hamilton” at the Pantages Theatre on Aug. 11, 2017. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
We’re much luckier in our voting options than many a state. Since all 21 million of us Californians got ballots in the mail, I don’t really have to go to any vote center at all.
Still, I’m nervous, given all the recent mucking about with the U.S. Postal Service, about putting my ballot, even early, in a mailbox. At first, I thought I’d instead slip it in the slot of a drop box — not any old box someone puts outside somewhere with a sign taped on the front but one of the 400 bolted-down official ones that can be found, among other places, outside all of our libraries, in many of our parks and at some transit stations (including the Gold Line station at Mariachi Plaza, perhaps a good place to cast a vote in favor of humane immigration policies).
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The drop boxes are emptied regularly by election workers. And we can all track our ballots, whether mailed or dropped off, by signing up online through the secretary of state’s office.
A lot of people are taking selfies at the drop boxes. I would have been one of them too by now — before I learned about other choices.
The Mountain Mermaid’s Bill Buerge and Gail McDonald-Tune will host an L.A. County polling place in the great room of the 7,000-square-foot home. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
Before I learned, for instance, that I could drive out to Topanga and vote at a place called the Mountain Mermaid, whose rich history, recounted to me by its owner Bill Buerge, could cover a lot of different voting moods. Buerge told me that the 1930 building started life as a country club but later became one of gangster Mickey Cohen’s gambling dens (prostitutes upstairs, slot machines and gaming tables in the basement) and then a gay bar called the Canyon Club, run by an ex-vice cop. Men could slow dance at that bar at a time when doing so could lead to arrests — but Black people apparently were not welcome, Buerge said.
The building was practically falling in on itself when he bought it 30 years ago, with horse manure on the floor and almost no plaster on the walls, he told me. “People were afraid to be in there. The slightest tremor would have taken it down.”
The Mountain Mermaid’s Bill Buerge looks at a monarch butterfly in his butterfly house in Topanga Canyon. Buerge may offer tours of the butterfly house for voters. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
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Buerge turned it into a friendly, all-welcoming place, popular for filming and weddings and overnight stays, with a lush garden full of native plants and fountains that is a waystation for monarch butterflies and a wildlife habitat certified by the National Wildlife Federation. Those who come there, he said, will vote in the Mermaid’s great room, with hardwood floors, a big fireplace, a grand staircase and arched windows looking out on greenery and mountains.
As they do, they might think of the building’s history and the need to fight for justice for all. Or they might just think of rolling the dice and placing a bet where lots of bets have been placed. Or they might focus on protecting the environment. He’ll even open his butterfly house, he said, for post-voting enjoyment.
Buerge told me he’s going to need to move a fair amount of furniture to get the place ready for voters — a lot of chairs and antiques, a Monterey table and another table converted from a 1920s hydraulic hospital gurney. But “I’m very happy to make the contribution,” he said.
When I asked him what this election meant to him, he said, “Everything. It’s huge. I think the future of American democracy is at stake.”
Angelenos will be able to cast votes this year from the Magic Castle in Hollywood. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
I worry about that myself these days — which led me to another possibly promising place to vote: the Magic Castle, much closer to my home.
Joe Furlow, general manager of the Academy of Magical Arts, the association to which all the club’s members belong, tried to tamp down my expectations. “There’s not going to be any magic, you know,” he said. “It’s just a polling place.” And voters who come won’t be able to enter through the “Open Sesame” door or walk past the Palace of Mystery or the Parlor of Prestidigitation.
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Still, in the castle’s Inner Circle, which they’ll enter through a side door, they’ll see display-case homages to famed magicians: Mark Wilson and his assistant, wife Nani Darnell, who introduced a national television audience to magic with “The Magic Land of Allakazam,” and Cardini, “probably the world’s best card manipulator of his time.”
Furlow told me that the club, which in the pandemic went from 198 employees to nine, and now is hosting virtual magic shows and offering its beef Wellington and prime rib to go, wanted to do right by Hollywood and the city and so gladly agreed to be a vote center. Like the blood drives it has also been hosting, it wasn’t about anything more than doing the right thing. Still, he’ll be thrilled, he said, if people come out to vote in order to see inside the castle. “I think all the voters are going to create the real magic this year.”
Loeb from the Pantages expressed much the same sentiment — and said he thought using landmark locations in the city would help.
“There’s an energy, I think, in any of these older spaces — be it the Magic Castle, be it the Palladium, be it Dodger Stadium, be it the Hollywood Bowl — where thousands of people have gathered to witness great sporting events, great concerts, great theater, and the energy that accompanies those moments still lingers in all of those spaces,” he told me.
Right now that’s fitting, he said. “This is the national stage. You’re no longer voting in your neighbor’s garage.”
Oh and one more thing he told me, which may make me head to the theater. Those who do will get a special “I voted” sticker, paying homage to the show that can’t be shown there right now.


latimes--2020-10-17--Column: To understand why some Black men support Trump, start with Ice Cube

For weeks , I ’ ve been trying to figure out why polls keep showing that a small , yet still politically significant number of Black men are likely to vote for President Trump .
Then along came Ice Cube and his Contract With Black America , and suddenly , it ’ s all a little clearer .
For those who haven ’ t been keeping up , the L.A. rapper — who , by his own admission , only started paying attention to politics this year — has admitted to working with the Trump administration , basically agreeing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of all Black people .
That Ice Cube felt justified in putting himself out there in this way is pure hubris .
In ordering up his Contract With Black America over the summer , he did so without first consulting with many of the Black activists who have crafted similar plans and are in the process of implementing them with elected officials .
But what ’ s truly telling is his explanation for why he has been shopping around his plan to Republicans and Democrats mere weeks before the most contentious U.S. election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s upset that , in the midst of all of this , Democrats understandably blew him off .
His thought process , a strange combination of obliviousness and misplaced entitlement , blasted on Twitter for the world to see , helps explain why Trump has an in with a demographic that should be solidly against him .
All of this came to light starting on Wednesday , when Trump senior advisor Katrina Pierson — a woman who Ice Cube has said he doesn ’ t even know — thanked him for his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help develop the administration ’ s so-called “ Platinum Plan ” to help Black Americans .
In reality , the Platinum Plan is a two-page document that ’ s thinner on substance than a fifth-grader ’ s book report .
And despite what the Trump administration is claiming , it barely resembles Cube ’ s aspirational Contract for Black America , which includes demands such as abolishing private prisons and eliminating mandatory minimum sentences , or the Biden campaign ’ s more exhaustive plan , which was introduced back in May .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in an attempt to quell the growing backlash to his political bungling .
“ I put out the CWBA .
Both parties contacted me .
Dems said we ’ ll address the CWBA after the election .
Trump campaign made some adjustments to their plan after talking to us about the CWBA.
” Pressed again on Friday after a couple of disastrous interviews on Thursday with notable Black journalists Ronald Martin and April D. Ryan , the rapper-turned-actor repeated that he has never met with Trump himself and hasn ’ t endorsed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his strategy , dismissing criticism that he was willing to work with to president who traffics in the very white supremacy that he spent a rap career protesting .
“ When I got bus to school .
Homies called me a sellout .
When I started rapping in 1983 .
Bangers called me a sellout , ” Ice Cube tweeted .
“ When I left NWA .
They called me a sellout .
When I start doing movies .
Rappers called me a sellout .
When I started my own league .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Being a “ sellout ” implies getting something in return .
The unfortunate reality is that Ice Cube is just getting used — just like the Trump administration has used so many Black men before him as props to further the illusion supporting Black people while implementing policies that do the opposite .
Trump ’ s Platinum Plan is little more than a vague promise that Trump , if he somehow manages to win reelection , will abandon as fast as he repeatedly abandoned Black people in this country .
After all , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the gentrification bombs known as opportunity zones , and the administration that has steadfastly ignored a pandemic that has killed thousands of Black men and women and wiped out almost half of all Black-owned small businesses .
And , yet there are still Black men who are willing to be used .
Look no further than the many of them who spoke at the Republican National Convention in August .
That includes Kentucky Atty .
Gen. Daniel Cameron , who shamelessly parroted the party line , but at least qualifies as a sellout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ice Cube , on other the hand , sounds more like a Black man who desperately wants to be part of the solution for Black people , but has felt alienated from the nation ’ s policy discussions for so long that he clearly doesn ’ t know how .
I truly believe that his heart — if not his ego — is in the right place .
And then there ’ s Sean “ Diddy ” Combs .
Although the rap mogul did endorse Democratic nominee Joe Biden on Friday , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party called Our Black Party .
Driven by his disillusionment with the current political system , he said he hopes to bring Black people together under a single agenda .
“ It would be irresponsible of me to have us hold our vote hostage , ” Diddy said while making the media rounds on Thursday , referring to a strategy he once promoted for Black voters .
“ But it would also be irresponsible of me to just let this moment go by — the world is watching — and not do everything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going forth , we are part of the narrative , that we own our politics.
” Or as Ice Cube put it : “ Every side is the Darkside for us here in America .
They ’ re all the same until something changes for us .
They all lie and they all cheat.
” They aren ’ t alone in their thinking either .
Several recent polls have found that Trump actually has more support from Black men than he did in in 2016 — 17 % compared to the previous 14 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters by Nationscape .
Pew Research Center also found that Black men are less likely than Black women to identify as Democrats .
This is as much the fault of the Democratic Party for taking Black men for granted as it is Black men for not staying engaged in politics enough to influence the party ’ s policies .
Now , though , both Biden and Trump are under mounting pressure to court Black men to cast ballots at all .
The campaigns are increasingly having to answer some pointed questions about what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these disaffected voters .
But why do any Black men — and let ’ s be clear that it ’ s a minority of Black men who feel this way — think Trump is more likely to pony up for them than Biden ?
Because if the president is good at anything , it ’ s making people feel heard .
He ’ s a liar who expertly appeals to people ’ s egos , fears and unfulfilled desires , making him an excellent salesman .
Witness the millions of poor white people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic to applaud him and his policies , even when those policies run afoul of their own interests .
The dynamic for Black women is different .
Although we don ’ t feel heard at times either , Black women also are intimately involved in the political process and have been for years .
It ’ s Black women , whether it be Kamala Harris or Karen Bass or Barbara Lee or the founders of Black Lives Matter , who are drafting and pushing the policies of reform to bring about equity .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ most consistent voting bloc for Democrats and are widely considered to be the backbone of the party .
As in 2016 , polls show we continue to almost unanimously reject Trump and his false promises in 2020 .
We want to see our dreams , in which we have invested so much , be realized .
So that Ice Cube would arrogantly come in at the 11th hour of the presidential campaign , waving around a plan for Black America that no one asked for is , yes , insulting to the many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this space for years .
And that he would then offer it to the Trump administration after being put off by Democrats until after the election is as politically shortsighted and as it is dangerous .
I believe , as Ice Cube does , that “ Black progress is a bipartisan issue.
” But let ’ s not act like the Trump administration is a normal Republican administration , that Trump is a normal president or that advising him on Black America is at all normal .

For weeks, I’ve been trying to figure out why polls keep showing that a small, yet still politically significant, number of Black men are likely to vote for President Trump.
Then along came Ice Cube and his Contract With Black America, and suddenly it’s all a little clearer.
For those who haven’t been keeping up, the Los Angeles rapper — who by his own admission only started paying attention to politics this year — has admitted to working with the Trump administration, basically agreeing to act as an independent advisor on behalf of all Black people.
(For the record, as a Black person, I did not agree to this.)
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That Ice Cube felt justified in putting himself out there in this way is pure hubris. In ordering up his Contract With Black America over the summer, he did so without first consulting with many of the Black activists who have crafted similar plans and are in the process of implementing them with elected officials.
But what’s truly telling is his explanation for why he has been shopping around his plan to Republicans and Democrats mere weeks before the most contentious U.S. election in modern history, and why he’s upset that, in the midst of all of this, Democrats understandably blew him off.
His thought process, a strange combination of obliviousness and misplaced entitlement, and blasted on Twitter for the world to see, helps explain why Trump has an in with a demographic that should be solidly against him.
👀 Ice Cube responds to critics, addresses work on Trump's 'Platinum Plan'; Looks to set record straight: Challenges Democrats and Republicans on issues that help Black America move forward ... #PressPlay ☛ https://t.co/hVQ1S1IEVT #RolandMartinUnfiltered pic.twitter.com/Go28PBy3oW — rolandsmartin (@rolandsmartin) October 16, 2020
All of this came to light starting on Wednesday, when Trump senior advisor Katrina Pierson — a woman whom Ice Cube has said he doesn’t even know — thanked him for his “willingness to step up” and help develop the administration’s so-called Platinum Plan to help Black Americans.
“Leaders gonna lead,” she tweeted, “haters gonna hate.”
In reality, the Platinum Plan is a two-page document that’s thinner on substance than a fifth-grader’s book report. And, despite what the Trump administration is claiming, it barely resembles Cube’s aspirational Contract With Black America, which includes demands such as abolishing private prisons and eliminating mandatory minimum sentences, or Joe Biden’s more exhaustive plan, which was introduced back in May.
But I digress.
“Facts,” Ice Cube tweeted Wednesday, in an attempt to quell the growing backlash to his political bungling. “I put out the CWBA. Both parties contacted me. Dems said we’ll address the CWBA after the election. Trump campaign made some adjustments to their plan after talking to us about the CWBA.”
Pressed again on Friday after a couple of disastrous interviews on Thursday with notable Black journalists Roland Martin and April D. Ryan, the rapper-turned-actor repeated that he has never met with Trump himself and hasn’t endorsed him.
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But he doubled down on his strategy, dismissing criticism that he was willing to work with a president who traffics in the very white supremacy that he spent a rap career protesting.
“When I got bus to school. Homies called me a sellout. When I started rapping in 1983. Bangers called me a sellout,” Ice Cube tweeted. “When I left NWA. They called me a sellout. When I start doing movies. Rappers called me a sellout. When I started my own league. The arena said it was a sellout.”
Being a “sellout” implies getting something in return. The unfortunate reality is that Ice Cube is just getting used — just like the Trump administration has used so many Black men before him as props to further the illusion of supporting Black people while implementing policies that do the opposite.
Trump’s Platinum Plan is little more than a vague promise that Trump, if he somehow manages to win reelection, will abandon as fast as he repeatedly abandoned Black people in this country.
After all, this is the administration that gave us the gentrification bombs known as opportunity zones, and the administration that has steadfastly ignored a pandemic that has killed thousands of Black men and women and wiped out almost half of all Black-owned small businesses.
And yet there are still Black men who are willing to be used. Look no further than the many of them who spoke at the Republican National Convention in August. That includes Kentucky Atty. Gen. Daniel Cameron, who shamelessly parroted the party line, but at least qualifies as a sellout given his rising status among Republicans.
When I got bus to school. Homies called me a sellout. When I started rapping in 1983. Bangers called me a sellout. When I left NWA. They called me a sellout. When I start doing movies. Rappers called me a sellout. When I started my own league. The arena said it was a sellout.😂 — Ice Cube (@icecube) October 16, 2020
Ice Cube, on other the hand, sounds more like a Black man who desperately wants to be part of the solution for Black people, but has felt alienated from the nation’s policy discussions for so long that he clearly doesn’t know how. I truly believe that his heart — if not his ego — is in the right place.
And then there’s Sean “Diddy” Combs. Although the rap mogul did endorse Biden on Friday, he also decided to launch his own political party called Our Black Party. Driven by his disillusionment with the current political system, he said he hopes to bring Black people together under a single agenda.
“It would be irresponsible of me to have us hold our vote hostage,” Diddy said while making the media rounds on Thursday, referring to a strategy he once promoted for Black voters. “But it would also be irresponsible of me to just let this moment go by — the world is watching — and not do everything I can to make sure that, going forth, we are part of the narrative, that we own our politics.”
Or as Ice Cube put it: “Every side is the Darkside for us here in America. They’re all the same until something changes for us. They all lie and they all cheat.”
They aren’t alone in their thinking either.
Several recent polls have found that Trump actually has more support from Black men now than he did in 2016 — 17% compared to the previous 14%, according to a survey of likely voters by Nationscape. The Pew Research Center also found that Black men are less likely than Black women to identify as Democrats.
This is as much the fault of the Democratic Party for taking Black men for granted as it is Black men for not staying engaged in politics enough to influence the party’s policies.
Now, though, both Biden and Trump are under mounting pressure to court Black men to cast ballots at all. The campaigns are increasingly having to answer some pointed questions about what, specifically, is in it for these disaffected voters.
But why do any Black men — and let’s be clear that it’s a minority of Black men who feel this way — think Trump is more likely to pony up for them than Biden?
Because if the president is good at anything, it’s making people feel heard. He’s a liar who expertly appeals to people’s egos, fears and unfulfilled desires, making him an excellent salesman. Witness the millions of poor white people who turn out in droves during a pandemic to applaud him and his policies, even when those policies run afoul of their own interests.
The dynamic for Black women is different.
Although we don’t feel heard at times either, Black women also are intimately involved in the political process and have been for years. It’s Black women, whether it be Kamala Harris or Karen Bass or Barbara Lee or the founders of Black Lives Matter, who are drafting and pushing the policies of reform to bring about equity.
Black progress is a bipartisan issue. When we created the Contract With Black America we excepted to talk to both sides of the isle. Talking truth to power is part of the process. — Ice Cube (@icecube) October 15, 2020
It’s why we are the most consistent voting bloc for Democrats and are widely considered to be the backbone of the party. As in 2016, polls show we continue to almost unanimously reject Trump and his false promises in 2020. We want to see our dreams, in which we have invested so much, realized.
So that Ice Cube would arrogantly come in at the 11th hour of the presidential campaign, waving around a plan for Black America that no one asked for, is, yes, insulting to the many Black women who have been working in this space for years. And that he would then offer it to the Trump administration after being put off by Democrats until after the election is as politically shortsighted and as it is dangerous.
I believe, as Ice Cube does, that “Black progress is a bipartisan issue.” But let’s not act like the Trump administration is a normal Republican administration, that Trump is a normal president or that advising him on Black America is at all normal.


latimes--2020-10-17--Black man is killed during encounter with sheriff's deputies in Willowbrook

A Black man was shot and killed Friday during an encounter with one or more Los Angeles County sheriff ’ @ @ @ @ @ took place around 5:30 p.m. on the 2200 block of East 121 Street in Willowbrook @ @ @ @ @ the county near Compton , the department said in a statement .
The man , @ @ @ @ @ was pronounced dead at the scene .
No deputies were injured .
Sheriff ’ s @ @ @ @ @ other information about the shooting .
A television news report on the killing showed a @ @ @ @ @ in the backyard of a house .
An investigation by homicide investigators was underway .

A Black man was shot and killed Friday during an encounter with one or more Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputies.
The shooting took place around 5:30 p.m. on the 2200 block of East 121 Street in Willowbrook, an unincorporated area of the county near Compton, the department said in a statement.
The man, who was not identified, was pronounced dead at the scene. No deputies were injured.
Sheriff’s officials did not release any other information about the shooting. A television news report on the killing showed a body covered with a sheet in the backyard of a house. An investigation by homicide investigators was underway.


latimes--2020-10-17--L.A. County health officials report 953 new coronavirus cases, 10 related deaths

Los Angeles County health officials reported 953 new coronavirus cases Saturday and 10 related deaths , as the rate of the virus ’ spread in the region continues to rise .
In a statement , Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer warned that the number of new cases might be low because of “ several missing reports ” from Friday evening .
The number of people who have tested positive for the virus in L.A. County now stands at 287,295 , and the sickness has claimed 6,856 lives here .
Officials said Saturday that 746 people remain hospitalized with COVID-19 in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those people are in intensive care units .
At least nine of the 10 deaths reported by L.A. County on Saturday involved people who had underlying health conditions .
The 10th death was reported by the city of Long Beach , and county health officials did not immediately have information available about their prior medical history .
Officials have continued to express concern about large gatherings as the rate of new cases in L.A. County is expected to increase in coming weeks .
Halloween also looms as a potential vector for increased spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would make social distancing all but impossible .
Beverly Hills officials banned trick-or-treating earlier this week , and L.A. County Mayor Eric Garcetti has pleaded residents to modify their candy and costumed revelry this year for their own health .
Ferrer urged county residents to continue following social distancing protocols in the hopes of avoiding a holiday surge in cases , similar to the one seen after Memorial Day .
“ To slow community spread of COVID-19 in our county we must all partner together ; businesses and residents must do their part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we know to be effective , ” she said in a statement .
“ Each of us has the opportunity every single day to make the right choices for our health and the health of those around us .
”

Customers are reminded that they must wear masks at the Westfield Santa Anita shopping mall in Arcadia.
Los Angeles County health officials reported 953 new coronavirus cases Saturday and 10 related deaths, as the rate of the virus’ spread in the region continues to rise.
In a statement, Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer warned that the number of new cases might be low because of “several missing reports” from Friday evening.
The number of people who have tested positive for the virus in L.A. County now stands at 287,295, and the sickness has claimed 6,856 lives here. Officials said Saturday that 746 people remain hospitalized with COVID-19 in the county, and a quarter of those people are in intensive care units.
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At least nine of the 10 deaths reported by L.A. County on Saturday involved people who had underlying health conditions. The 10th death was reported by the city of Long Beach, and county health officials did not immediately have information available about their prior medical history.
Officials have continued to express concern about large gatherings as the rate of new cases in L.A. County is expected to increase in coming weeks. Halloween also looms as a potential vector for increased spread if families choose to trick-or-treat, which would make social distancing all but impossible.
Beverly Hills officials banned trick-or-treating earlier this week, and L.A. County Mayor Eric Garcetti has pleaded residents to modify their candy and costumed revelry this year for their own health.
Ferrer urged county residents to continue following social distancing protocols in the hopes of avoiding a holiday surge in cases, similar to the one seen after Memorial Day.
“To slow community spread of COVID-19 in our county we must all partner together; businesses and residents must do their part and adopt the infection control measures that we know to be effective,” she said in a statement. “Each of us has the opportunity every single day to make the right choices for our health and the health of those around us.”


latimes--2020-10-17--About 110,000 Californians have bought a gun since the coronavirus arrived, study says

In the first five months of the COVID-19 , thousands of Californians bought new guns and changed the way they stored their firearms in a bid to counter the unrest , government crackdowns and societal disintegration they feared would be unleashed by the public health emergency , a new survey has found .
The UC Davis researchers who conducted the survey detected shifts in gun ownerships trends that they said are likely to drive an uptick in firearm-related injuries and deaths , including suicides and the consequences of accidental discharges .
By mid-July , the pandemic was cited as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 110,000 new firearms in the state , they reported .
The majority of those sales — 57 % — were to people who already owned at least one gun .
But the remaining 43 % went to people who did not previously own a firearm .
That figure suggests the pandemic has helped spur the creation of as many as 47,300 new gun-owning households in the state , the UC Davis team reported this month to MedRxiv , a website where researchers share their preliminary work .
Many of those are homes that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk of self-injury , they added .
The California Safety and Wellbeing Survey was given to 2,870 Californians selected to serve as a representative sample of the state ’ s adult population .
Its questions were designed to capture what they were thinking and doing in response to the pandemic and a political climate roiled by a string of police killings of Black men and women .
Their responses mirror a nationwide spike in gun sales .
An earlier study by some of the same researchers found that firearm sales in the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May .
The result : an additional 2.1 million firearms entered the homes of private citizens in the United States .
Those estimates are backed up by figures from the National Shooting Sports Foundation .
Based on the FBI background checks required for the sale of most firearms , the trade association for the firearm industry said that nearly 5 million Americans purchased a firearm for the first time in the first seven months of 2020 , accounting for 40 % of all firearms sales in that period .
The UC Davis researchers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prevention Project , found that the fears driving the surge in gun sales bespeak a nation suffering a potentially serious crisis of confidence .
When asked what concerns had factored into their purchases , 76 % of recent gun buyers who cited the pandemic said they worried about lawlessness .
More than half — 56 % — said they were concerned about the release of prisoners as a result of coronavirus outbreaks behind bars .
In addition , 49 % said they were worried about the government “ going too far ” and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” When asked how they stored their weapons and whether those habits had changed in recent months , 1.2 % of gun owners said the pandemic had prompted them to keep at least one firearm loaded and at the ready — not stored securely or locked in a safe or rack .
Considering that there are just over 4 million California gun owners , that finding suggests that roughly 55,000 additional households now have a loaded firearm within reach of unauthorized users .
About half of those who acknowledged such a switch lived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Finally , the survey results painted a worrisome picture of the state and its residents .
Among those surveyed , 13.3 % said they knew someone who might physically hurt themselves on purpose — and 7.5 % of those respondents said the person they were thinking of had suffered a pandemic-related loss .
In California , suicides represent almost 55 % of the state ’ s gun-related fatalities .
Some 1,629 suicides were carried out with a firearm in 2018 , the most recent year for which statistics are available .
“ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impacts of the pandemic have been much broader than the transmission of disease , ” saidDavid Studdert , a public health expert at Stanford whose research focuses on guns and suicide .
“ This increased sale of guns , the anxieties that drive it , and owners ’ behavior around guns — those are among the pandemic ’ s many shadow effects .
This study starts to identify those , ” added Studdert , who was not involved with the survey .
Johns Hopkins University injury prevention expert Daniel W. Webster called the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surprising and concerning.
” In a country where about 118 million households include a gun , the addition of another 43,000 may seem trivial .
But “ it ’ s the combination of COVID-related stress , fear , and despair along with increased gun ownership that is most concerning , ” said Webster , who was not involved in the survey either .
Drawing a link between firearms and an infectious disease pandemic may seem like a stretch .
But the UC Davis researchers make clear that , against the backdrop of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an increase in the number of guns in circulation , the establishment of new gun-owning households and the relaxation of many households ’ safe-storage practices — is likely to boost the risk of gun-related accidents , suicides and violence .
Their cumulative effect could be hard to predict .
Congressionally mandated funding restrictions effectively shut down gun research for more than a decade .
But the fact that firearms purchases surge in the wake of national emergencies is widely accepted .
In the five months after the 2012 Sandy Hook shootings in Newtown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal purchase of firearms jumped by roughly 3 million over usual sales .
Gun sales routinely rise after mass shootings , and after elections in which gun-rights candidates have been beaten by politicians who favor tighter strictures on guns .
The impact of those additional purchases is more hotly debated .
Multiple studies have linked the density of gun-owning households in counties , states and countries to the incidence of gun-related injuries and death .
People with ready access to a firearm are almost twice as likely to be killed and three times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without such access , according to a 2014 study in Annals of Internal Medicine .
The researchers who tallied the post-Sandy Hook sales surge also found that accidental firearm deaths to children spiked in tandem with that sales hike .
The increases in those child deaths occurred in places where gun sales increased the most .
Such findings fall short of establishing a cause-and-effect relationship between gun ownership and injury risk .
But they are suggestive .
A comprehensive 2018 report by the Rand Corp. 's Gun Policy in America Project said the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead to the assumption that “ gun availability does increase the risk of suicide .
”

Freddy Torres of Buena Park shoots his gun at the Riverside Indoor Shooting Range in March, after the start of COVID-19 pandemic.
In the first five months of the COVID-19 pandemic, thousands of Californians bought new guns and changed the way they stored their firearms in a bid to counter the unrest, government crackdowns and societal disintegration they feared would be unleashed by the public health emergency, a new survey has found.
The UC Davis researchers who conducted the survey detected shifts in gun ownership trends that they said are likely to drive an uptick in firearm-related injuries and deaths, including suicides and the consequences of accidental discharges.
By mid-July, the pandemic was cited as a factor in the purchase of an estimated 110,000 new firearms in the state, they reported.
The majority of those sales, 57%, were to people who already owned at least one gun.
But with 43% of sales going to people who did not previously own a firearm, the pandemic has helped spur the creation of as many as 47,300 new gun-owning households in the state, the UC Davis team reported this month to MedRxiv, a website where researchers share their preliminary work. Many of those are homes that include children, teens and others at risk of self-injury, they added.
The California Safety and Wellbeing Survey was given to 2,870 Californians selected to serve as a representative sample of the state’s adult population. Its questions were designed to capture what they were thinking and doing in response to the pandemic and a political climate roiled by a string of police killings of Black men and women.
Their responses mirror a nationwide spike in gun sales. An earlier study by some of the same researchers found that firearm sales in the U.S. surged 64% between March and May. The result: An additional 2.1 million firearms entered the homes of private citizens in the United States.
Science & Medicine ‘Guns kill people,’ and leading doctors want to treat them like any other threat to public health The doctors who lead the medical profession’s debates on how best to preserve and restore our health are done with moments of silence in the face of gun-related violence.
Those estimates are backed up by figures from the National Shooting Sports Foundation. Based on the FBI background checks required for the sale of most firearms, the trade association for the firearms industry said that nearly 5 million Americans purchased a firearm for the first time in the first seven months of 2020, accounting for 40% of all firearms sales in that period.
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The UC Davis researchers, from the school’s Violence Prevention Research Program, found that the fears driving the surge in gun sales bespeak a nation suffering a potentially serious crisis of confidence.
When asked what concerns had factored into their purchases, 76% of recent gun buyers who cited the pandemic said they worried about lawlessness. More than half, 56%, said they were concerned about the release of prisoners as a result of coronavirus outbreaks behind bars. In addition, 49% said they were worried about the government “going too far” and 38% feared a “government collapse.”
Customers line up outside a gun store in Culver City in March in the early days of the pandemic. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
When asked how they stored their weapons and whether those habits had changed in recent months, 1.2% of gun owners said the pandemic had prompted them to keep at least one firearm loaded and at the ready — not stored securely or locked in a safe or rack.
Considering that just over 4 million Californians own guns, that finding suggests that roughly 55,000 additional households now have a loaded firearm within reach of unauthorized users. About half of those who acknowledged such a switch lived in homes with children or teens.
Finally, the survey results painted a worrisome picture of the state and its residents. Among those surveyed, 13.3% said they knew someone who might physically hurt themselves on purpose — and 7.5% of those respondents said the person they were thinking of had suffered a pandemic-related loss.
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In California, suicides represent almost 55% of the state’s gun-related fatalities. Some 1,629 suicides were carried out with a firearm in 2018, the most recent year for which statistics are available.
“It’s important to understand that the impacts of the pandemic have been much broader than the transmission of disease,” said David Studdert, a public health expert at Stanford whose research focuses on guns and suicide.
“This increased sale of guns, the anxieties that drive it, and owners’ behavior around guns — those are among the pandemic’s many shadow effects. This study starts to identify those,” added Studdert, who was not involved with the survey.
Johns Hopkins University injury prevention expert Daniel W. Webster called the apparent creation of new gun-owning households “surprising and concerning.”
In a country where about 118 million households include a gun, the addition of another 43,000 may seem trivial. But “it’s the combination of COVID-related stress, fear and despair along with increased gun ownership that is most concerning,” said Webster, who was not involved in the survey either.
Drawing a link between firearms and a pandemic may seem like a stretch. But the UC Davis researchers make clear that, against the backdrop of a national emergency, each trend observed — an increase in the number of guns in circulation, the establishment of new gun-owning households and the relaxation of many households’ safe-storage practices — is likely to boost the risk of gun-related accidents, suicides and violence. Their cumulative effect could be hard to predict.
Congressionally mandated funding restrictions effectively shut down gun research for more than a decade. But the fact that firearms purchases surge in the wake of national emergencies is widely accepted.
In the five months after the 2012 Sandy Hook shootings in Newtown, Conn., for instance, the legal purchase of firearms jumped by roughly 3 million over usual sales. Gun sales routinely rise after mass shootings and after elections in which gun-rights candidates have been beaten by politicians who favor tighter strictures on guns.
The effects of those additional purchases are more hotly debated.
Multiple studies have linked the density of gun-owning households in counties, states and countries to the incidence of gun-related injuries and death. People with ready access to a firearm are almost twice as likely to be killed and three times more likely to commit suicide than those without such access, according to a 2014 study in Annals of Internal Medicine.
The researchers who tallied the post-Sandy Hook sales surge also found that accidental firearm deaths of children rose in tandem with that sales hike. The increases in those child deaths occurred in places where gun sales increased the most.
Such findings fall short of establishing a cause-and-effect relationship between gun ownership and injury risk. But they are suggestive.
A comprehensive 2018 report by Rand Corp.’s Gun Policy in America project said the link was “sufficiently compelling” to lead to the assumption that “gun availability does increase the risk of suicide.”