latimes--2020-10-20--Compton residents feel under siege from Sheriff's Department and are demanding reforms

Compton Mayor Aja Brown shared a story about an encounter last year with Los Angeles County sheriff ’ s deputies — one that she said was not unique among residents of her city .
After she was pulled over for allegedly failing to “ stop at the limit line ” at a red light , she said , deputies swarmed her car within seconds and searched Brown and her husband for drugs as their infant daughter sat in the back seat .
The mayor is among many there who have spoken out in recent months to demand changes in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comes at a pivotal moment for both the city , which is rebounding after decades of violence and economic decline , and the Sheriff ’ s Department , which is under growing scrutiny over how it patrols predominately nonwhite communities such as Compton .
“ Everyone deserves justice , especially when it comes to … law enforcement that taxpayer dollars are paying for , ” Brown said .
“ We deserve some accountability.
” More than two decades ago , the department took over enforcement duties from a city police agency that had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killings .
Initially , the sheriff won praise in some parts of Compton as homicides declined .
It was a major achievement in a city that in the 1980s and 1990s had become synonymous with gang violence .
But in recent years , many residents have complained of feeling under siege by the people who are supposed to protect them .
The department ’ s Compton station has been the site of ongoing and sometimes violent protests after several deputy-involved killings — and become a focus of allegations of deputy gangs accused of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a nationwide movement to force a reckoning over racial justice issues and hold law enforcement more accountable .
Although Brown and other officials have backed away from suggestions that the city may cut ties with the Sheriff ’ s Department , they recently underscored their concerns , requesting that the U.S. attorney and state attorney general ’ s offices investigate allegations of a “ pattern and practice of pervasive federal civil rights violations.
” “ We believe several deputies within Compton Station have a history of violence against Black and Latino men and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office to open an investigation immediately into all potential civil rights abuses , ” Compton City Atty .
Damon Brown wrote .
The Sheriff ’ s Department did not return calls seeking comment .
Compton currently pays Los Angeles County about $ 22 million annually to have deputies patrol the city of nearly 100,000 .
Since the sheriff took over enforcement duties in 2000 , the city has seen a remarkable turnaround , with crime significantly down from the 1990s .
At its peak in 1991 , Compton recorded 87 killings .
Last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s website .
Violent crime — including homicide , robbery and aggravated assault — decreased nearly 1.5 % through August of this year compared with the same period in 2019 , the department ’ s data show .
Longtime Compton resident Tito Palomares said his neighborhood has felt safer since the Sheriff ’ s Department came in .
“ Before , you couldn ’ t even walk your dog outside , ” the 36-year-old said as he packed groceries into his car near Rosecrans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve seen shootings , ” Palomares said , but none since the deputies began patrolling the area .
“ I agree that there ’ s some bad cops , but I think they are mostly good.
” Compton officials acknowledge that violent crime has decreased over the years , but said the department ’ s responsibility in the community extends beyond just enforcement of the law .
Mayor Pro Tem Michelle Chambers said cutting ties with the Sheriff ’ s Department is not completely off the table , but city officials want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resolution ” on how to better serve residents .
“ We need law enforcement , ” Chambers said .
“ We just need respectful , fair law enforcement.
” The city was rocked in June , when 18-year-old Andres Guardado was fatally shot in neighboring Gardena , and in August , when bicyclist Dijon Kizzee , 29 , was killed in Westmont .
Recent allegations of a rogue , tattooed group of deputies known as the “ Executioners ” working within the Compton sheriff ’ s station and accused of using excessive force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ microscope .
Sheriff Alex Villanueva vowed to crack down on deputy gangs but also has been accused by department watchdogs of failing to sufficiently discipline deputies .
Last month , two deputies were shot while sitting in their patrol car near the Compton Metro station .
Deonte Lee Murray , 36 , was arrested and charged with attempted murder .
Capt .
La Tonya Clark , who grew up in Compton and took over as lead officer at the sheriff ’ s station in October 2019 , would not comment on pending investigations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Despite the criticism , she said , many residents support the department .
Still , the death in police custody of George Floyd in Minneapolis and the nationwide protests in support of criminal justice reform have set back community relations , Clark said .
“ Right now there is a gap between law enforcement and the community , ” she said .
“ We were on our way to being very successful in ending that gap and then certain events pushed us away .
So I ’ m hoping that we can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Compton officials are hoping to bridge that gap as well with a review board launched in September .
The 11-member panel is composed of community stakeholders charged with providing recommendations for policy reform for the local sheriff ’ s station and will act as a liaison between residents and law enforcement .
Board members , who were selected by City Council members , will also monitor and field complaints from residents about the Sheriff ’ s Department .
“ Our goal is to just change the chain of command for reporting and create @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least , we are knowledgeable about what ’ s happening in the community , ” the mayor said .
Clark said she welcomes oversight from residents .
“ What they will find is that every single complaint that is made to us , the Sheriff ’ s Department , is investigated accordingly , ” she said .
“ Not everyone is always happy with the outcome , but every complaint is taken seriously and we investigate thoroughly.
” Pastor Michael Fisher of Greater Zion Church Family , who was nominated to the board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have “ subpoena and investigative power ” over the department .
“ It ’ s not good enough just for the Sheriff ’ s [ Department ] to report to us after they ’ ve done what they ’ ve done , ” said Fisher , 41 , who has worked on several initiatives with the department over the years .
“ We want to be brought to the table.
” Fisher and a collective of pastors will be holding a rally Thursday to engage with politicians in multiple cities about how to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police oversight commissions .
Among residents , many young people see law enforcement as a threat , while some older citizens view them as protectors .
Charles Davis , 76 , who has lived in Compton for nearly 50 years , said he disagrees with criticism of the department .
“ When your people in positions of authority are saying we want them out , they ’ re nothing but gangsters , how do you resolve ?
” Davis , a Compton Unified School District board member , said of deputies .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re all bad and continue to get a different response because not all of them are bad.
” Justin Blakely said his father was an officer at the Compton Police Department for 15 years .
When he was younger , Blakely said , he had a positive view of police , which he attributed to the fact they lived and worked in the community they protected and served .
But as he ’ s gotten older , his perspective has shifted .
“ For me , personally , driving through the city of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get pulled over , but you ’ ll get followed the entire time , ” said Blakely , 24 , who ran for City Council in 2019 and works as a community activist .
“ As a Black man … I get so scared cause you just don ’ t know.
” A ballot initiative that would provide residents greater control over who polices the city is needed to force real reform , said William Kemp , a Compton native , longtime community activist and former mayoral candidate .
“ I think if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we could develop an olive branch with law enforcement , they ’ re the best law enforcement we could have , ” he said .
“ But when you get down to it , there has to be a better relationship with the community they serve in .
”

Compton Mayor Aja Brown and others are demanding changes in the way the city is policed.
Compton Mayor Aja Brown shared a story about an encounter last year with Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputies — one that she said was not unique among residents of her city.
After she was pulled over for allegedly failing to “stop at the limit line” at a red light, she said, deputies swarmed her car within seconds and searched Brown and her husband for drugs as their infant daughter sat in the back seat.
The mayor is among many there who have spoken out in recent months to demand changes in the way Compton is policed. The debate comes at a pivotal moment for both the city, which is rebounding after decades of violence and economic decline, and the Sheriff’s Department, which is under growing scrutiny over how it patrols predominately nonwhite communities such as Compton.
“Everyone deserves justice, especially when it comes to … law enforcement that taxpayer dollars are paying for,” Brown said. “We deserve some accountability.”
More than two decades ago, the department took over enforcement duties from a city police agency that had struggled to deal with a surge in killings. Initially, the sheriff won praise in some parts of Compton as homicides declined. It was a major achievement in a city that in the 1980s and 1990s had become synonymous with gang violence.
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But in recent years, many residents have complained of feeling under siege by the people who are supposed to protect them.
The department’s Compton station has been the site of ongoing and sometimes violent protests after several deputy-involved killings — and become a focus of allegations of deputy gangs accused of serious misconduct. In the backdrop is a nationwide movement to force a reckoning over racial justice issues and hold law enforcement more accountable.
Compton native William Kemp called for a ballot initiative to give residents greater control over policing. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
Although Brown and other officials have backed away from suggestions that the city may cut ties with the Sheriff’s Department, they recently underscored their concerns, requesting that the offices of the U.S. attorney and state attorney general investigate allegations of a “pattern and practice of pervasive federal civil rights violations.”
“We believe several deputies within Compton Station have a history of violence against Black and Latino men and women … [and] urge your office to open an investigation immediately into all potential civil rights abuses,” Compton City Atty. Damon Brown wrote.
The Sheriff’s Department did not return calls seeking comment.
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William Kemp, walking past the sheriff’s station in Compton, is a longtime community activist. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
Compton currently pays Los Angeles County about $22 million annually to have deputies patrol the city of nearly 100,000.
Since the sheriff took over enforcement duties in 2000, the city has seen a remarkable turnaround, with crime significantly down from the 1990s. At its peak in 1991, Compton recorded 87 killings. Last year the number had fallen to 21, according to the Sheriff’s Department website.
Violent crime — including homicide, robbery and aggravated assault — decreased nearly 1.5% through August of this year compared with the same period in 2019, the department’s data show.
Longtime Compton resident Tito Palomares says his neighborhood has felt safer since the Sheriff’s Department came in.
“Before, you couldn’t even walk your dog outside,” the 36-year-old said as he packed groceries into his car near Rosecrans and North Central avenues.
“I’ve seen shootings,” Palomares said, but none since the deputies began patrolling the area. “I agree that there’s some bad cops, but I think they are mostly good.”
Compton officials acknowledge that violent crime has decreased over the years, but said the department’s responsibility in the community extended beyond just enforcement of the law.
Mayor Pro Tem Michelle Chambers said cutting ties with the Sheriff’s Department was not completely off the table, but city officials want to come up with an “amicable resolution” on how to better serve residents.
“We need law enforcement,” Chambers said. “We just need respectful, fair law enforcement.”
The city was rocked in June when 18-year-old Andres Guardado was fatally shot in neighboring Gardena, and in August when bicyclist Dijon Kizzee, 29, was killed in Westmont. Recent allegations of a rogue, tattooed group of deputies known as the “Executioners” working within the Compton sheriff’s station and accused of using excessive force have also put the department under a microscope.
Sheriff Alex Villanueva vowed to crack down on deputy gangs, but also has been accused by department watchdogs of failing to sufficiently discipline deputies.
Last month, two deputies were shot while sitting in their patrol car near the Compton Metro station. Deonte Lee Murray, 36, was arrested and charged with attempted murder.
Capt. La Tonya Clark, who grew up in Compton and took over as lead officer at the sheriff’s station in October 2019, would not comment on pending investigations of the Executioners or the police-involved shootings. Despite the criticism, she said, many residents support the department.
Still, the death in police custody of George Floyd in Minneapolis and the nationwide protests in support of criminal justice reform have set back community relations, Clark said.
“Right now there is a gap between law enforcement and the community,” she said. “We were on our way to being very successful in ending that gap, and then certain events pushed us away. So I’m hoping that we can get back to mending those things.”
Compton officials are hoping to bridge that gap as well with a review board launched in September.
The 11-member panel is composed of community stakeholders charged with providing recommendations for policy reform for the local sheriff’s station and will act as a liaison between residents and law enforcement. Board members, who were selected by City Council members, will also monitor and field complaints from residents about the Sheriff’s Department.
“Our goal is to just change the chain of command for reporting and create more transparency so, at the very least, we are knowledgeable about what’s happening in the community,” the mayor said.
Clark said she welcomed oversight from residents.
“What they will find is that every single complaint that is made to us, the Sheriff’s Department, is investigated accordingly,” she said. “Not everyone is always happy with the outcome, but every complaint is taken seriously, and we investigate thoroughly.”
Michael Fisher, pastor of Greater Zion Church Family in Compton. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
Pastor Michael Fisher of Greater Zion Church Family, who was nominated to the board, said he wanted the committee to have “subpoena and investigative power” over the department.
“It’s not good enough just for the Sheriff’s [Department] to report to us after they’ve done what they’ve done,” said Fisher, 41, who has worked on several initiatives with the department over the years. “We want to be brought to the table.”
Fisher and a collective of pastors will be holding a rally Thursday to engage with politicians in multiple cities about how to hold law enforcement accountable and create more police oversight commissions.
Among residents, many young people see law enforcement as a threat, while some older citizens view them as protectors.
Charles Davis, 76, who has lived in Compton for nearly 50 years, said he disagreed with criticism of the department.
“When your people in positions of authority are saying we want them out, they’re nothing but gangsters, how do you resolve?” Davis, a Compton Unified School District board member, said of deputies. “You can’t say they’re all bad and continue to get a different response because not all of them are bad.”
Justin Blakely, a community activist who ran for City Council in 2019, says his perspective on police has shifted. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
Justin Blakely said his father was an officer at the Compton Police Department for 15 years.
When he was younger, Blakely said, he had a positive view of police, which he attributed to the fact they lived and worked in the community they protected and served. But as he’s gotten older, his perspective has shifted.
“For me, personally, driving through the city of Compton, you won’t even get pulled over, but you’ll get followed the entire time,” said Blakely, 24, who ran for City Council in 2019 and works as a community activist. “As a Black man … I get so scared cause you just don’t know.”
A ballot initiative that would provide residents greater control over who polices the city is needed to force real reform, said William Kemp, a Compton native, longtime community activist and former mayoral candidate.
“I think if there was a line of communication and we could develop an olive branch with law enforcement, they’re the best law enforcement we could have,” he said. “But when you get down to it, there has to be a better relationship with the community they serve in.”


latimes--2020-10-20--No mask, no problem. In California, maskless voters can cast ballots on election day

Voters who show up in Los Angeles County without a face mask will be escorted to an outdoor area , where a poll worker will hand them a ballot .
In Orange County , they will be put in a booth away from other voters .
San Bernardino and Riverside counties will offer face shields to the voters around an unmasked person .
Nowhere in California will a voter who refuses to wear a mask be turned away , election officials said .
In the final weeks before one of the most contentious presidential elections in recent history , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , more than a million Californians have already voted by mail .
A polling station , with its potentially long lines , indoor setting and voting booths occupied by one person after another , poses a health risk , despite workers constantly wiping down surfaces and offering masks to anyone who forgot theirs .
But some people will still show up on Nov. 3 , whether to witness the historic moment or to ensure their votes are cast amid worries about mail delivery and ballot counting delays .
Poll workers have been instructed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even those who insist on proceeding without a mask .
Like so much else this year , mask-wearing has become politically hazardous terrain , a mandatory public safety measure to some and an offensive government overreach to others .
Anxious to avoid dramas like those involving irate , maskless supermarket customers that have been shared countless times on social media , state election officials have issued detailed guidelines for keeping voters safe while minimizing confrontation .
In the absence of masks , social distancing is the primary way to avoid coronavirus spread , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alex Padilla ’ s office to county election officials , last revised on Aug. 27 .
The maskless person should be assured that he or she will still be allowed to cast a ballot and taken to a booth with plenty of space around it .
Poll workers should be trained in de-escalation techniques such as using a calm voice and body language that convey respect for the person ’ s right to vote .
“ Intense conversation and shouting ” could further endanger others by spraying droplets , the guidelines note .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ utmost importance , ” the guidelines say .
“ Even voters neglectful of important health and safety precautions must be allowed to vote if they enter a voting location.
” Welcoming unmasked people into polling stations is a notable departure from state rules requiring face coverings in all indoor public spaces , such as stores , buses and hospitals .
Those rules can be superseded by guidelines such as the ones from the secretary of state .
The constitutional right to vote is not absolute .
In some states , felons are prohibited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has recently upheld legislation in some states requiring a photo ID to vote — arguably a more onerous hurdle than wearing a mask , said Jonathan Adler , a law professor at Case Western Reserve University .
Restricting in-person voting for public health reasons would probably be legal , as long as other options , such as mail-in ballots , are available , Adler said .
Turning away unmasked voters would be analogous to other polling place bans like those on guns or campaign advertising , said Rick Hasen , a UC Irvine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have decided not to tangle with voting rights , despite the risk that unmasked people could transmit the coronavirus to poll workers and fellow voters .
Sam Mahood , a spokesman for the secretary of state ’ s office , said the guidelines for county election officials are intended to ensure safety while allowing everyone to vote in-person .
“ The Secretary of State ’ s office views voting as a foundational constitutional right for citizens , ” Mahood said in a statement .
Annabelle de St. Maurice , co-chief infection prevention officer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of voting will be the time spent in line .
She recommends that people consider alternative methods like mail-in or early voting .
“ The highest risk will be waiting in line because you ’ ll potentially be clustered around people for a long time , ” De St. Maurice said .
“ The average time someone spends at a voting booth is pretty short , so that would be a brief interaction and should be low risk.
” Problems could occur if many unmasked voters show up at once and there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them , she said .
When voters go to the polls on Nov. 3 , they will probably see tape on the ground for social distancing , booths with ample space between them and hand sanitizer at every turn .
In addition to neighborhood polling stations , they can vote at sports arenas such as Dodger Stadium and Staples Center .
The Honda Center in Anaheim will have a drive-through voting option .
County election officials have come up with various plans for dealing with unmasked voters , whether it is helping them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protective gear for people nearby .
In San Diego County , voters who refuse to wear a mask will be moved to a socially distanced outdoor booth reserved for nonmask wearers , said Registrar of Voters Michael Vu .
San Bernardino County Registrar Bob Page said poll workers will focus on the safety of voters near an unmasked voter by social distancing and providing face shields .
“ If there ’ s an ability to spread out more , we ’ ll take advantage of that , ” Page said .
In Orange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of lockdown orders have ballooned during the pandemic , voting centers will be open for an extra day beyond the state-recommended four days , Registrar of Voters Neal Kelley said .
The county has prepared 300,000 each of disposable masks and pens for polling stations , in addition to adding more ballot drop boxes , prioritizing larger polling sites and placing unmasked voters in socially distanced booths .
But Kelley expects in-person turnout to be low .
He said that in the March primary , 80 % of Orange County voters turned in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mail .
“ I don ’ t think there ’ s any reason to believe we won ’ t see 8 or 9 out of 10 voters do the same for the November election , ” Kelley said .
Still , some voters , like Christian Rothery of Anaheim , plan to cast their ballots in person .
Rothery enjoys the “ whole ceremony ” of going to the polls on election day and is worried about recent mail delivery issues .
He views in-person voting as no riskier than running errands during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wear a mask and expects that most people will wear masks , as they do at the grocery store , and believes election officials will take precautions .
After months of staying at home during the coronavirus lockdown , Rothery said that voting in person will be especially meaningful this year .
“ It ’ s a bit of normalcy , ” said Rothery , 46 , a finance manager who will vote for the Democratic presidential candidate , Joe Biden .
Anna Timm , a 31-year-old from Orange who works at Disneyland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a county drop box .
“ It ’ s the best of both worlds , ” said Timm , who will vote for Biden .
“ You can take your time and you can vote in your pajamas.
” Besides , Timm will be busy on election day .
She volunteered to be a poll worker after hearing there was a shortage .
She is not concerned about dealing with unmasked voters .
“ I already have a lot of customer service experience , including stressful situations and even responding to various @ @ @ @ @ @ @ theme parks , so between that and our … training , I feel pretty prepared , ” she said .
Temple City resident Carrie Chan , 44 , said she planned on wearing a mask to vote in person .
The paralegal planned on voting for President Trump at a polling center out of her distrust for mail-in voting .
“ We live in America where we have the freedom of choice .
I don ’ t think we should mandate what people do , ” Chan said .
“ I ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but that ’ s not something we can force others to do .
”

An Orange County election worker demonstrates casting a ballot at the Honda Center in Anaheim, where voters can opt to walk in or drive through starting Oct. 30.
Voters who show up in Los Angeles County without a face mask will be escorted to an outdoor area, where a poll worker will hand them a ballot.
In Orange County, they will be put in a booth away from other voters.
San Bernardino and Riverside counties will offer face shields to the voters around an unmasked person.
Advertisement
Nowhere in California will a voter who refuses to wear a mask be turned away, election officials said.
In the final weeks before one of the most contentious presidential elections in recent history, as the country grapples with a once-in-a-lifetime pandemic, more than a million Californians have already voted by mail.
A polling station, with its potentially long lines, indoor setting and voting booths occupied by one person after another, poses a health risk, despite workers constantly wiping down surfaces and offering masks to anyone who forgot theirs.
But some people will still show up on Nov. 3, whether to witness the historic moment or to ensure their votes are cast amid worries about mail delivery and ballot counting delays. Poll workers have been instructed to help everyone cast a ballot — even those who insist on proceeding without a mask.
Like so much else this year, mask-wearing has become politically hazardous terrain, a mandatory public safety measure to some and an offensive government overreach to others.
Advertisement
Anxious to avoid dramas like those involving irate, maskless supermarket customers that have been shared countless times on social media, state election officials have issued detailed guidelines for keeping voters safe while minimizing confrontation.
In Orange County, voting centers will be open for an extra day beyond the state-recommended four days. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
In the absence of masks, social distancing is the primary way to avoid coronavirus spread, note the guidelines from Secretary of State Alex Padilla’s office to county election officials, last revised on Aug. 27. The maskless person should be assured that he or she will still be allowed to cast a ballot and taken to a booth with plenty of space around it.
Poll workers should be trained in de-escalation techniques such as using a calm voice and body language that convey respect for the person’s right to vote. “Intense conversation and shouting” could further endanger others by spraying droplets, the guidelines note.
“The right to vote is of utmost importance,” the guidelines say. “Even voters neglectful of important health and safety precautions must be allowed to vote if they enter a voting location.”
Welcoming unmasked people into polling stations is a notable departure from state rules requiring face coverings in all indoor public spaces, such as stores, buses and hospitals. Those rules can be superseded by guidelines such as the ones from the secretary of state.
The constitutional right to vote is not absolute. In some states, felons are prohibited from voting. The U.S. Supreme Court has recently upheld legislation in some states requiring a photo ID to vote — arguably a more onerous hurdle than wearing a mask, said Jonathan Adler, a law professor at Case Western Reserve University.
Restricting in-person voting for public health reasons would probably be legal, as long as other options, such as mail-in ballots, are available, Adler said.
Turning away unmasked voters would be analogous to other polling place bans like those on guns or campaign advertising, said Rick Hasen, a UC Irvine law professor.
But California election officials have decided not to tangle with voting rights, despite the risk that unmasked people could transmit the coronavirus to poll workers and fellow voters.
Sam Mahood, a spokesman for the secretary of state’s office, said the guidelines for county election officials are intended to ensure safety while allowing everyone to vote in-person.
“The Secretary of State’s office views voting as a foundational constitutional right for citizens,” Mahood said in a statement.
In Orange County, as elsewhere in the state, voters who refuse to wear a mask will still be able to cast a ballot. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Annabelle de St. Maurice, co-chief infection prevention officer at UCLA Health, said the riskiest part of voting will be the time spent in line. She recommends that people consider alternative methods like mail-in or early voting.
“The highest risk will be waiting in line because you’ll potentially be clustered around people for a long time,” De St. Maurice said. “The average time someone spends at a voting booth is pretty short, so that would be a brief interaction and should be low risk.”
Problems could occur if many unmasked voters show up at once and there are not enough poll workers to assist them, she said.
When voters go to the polls on Nov. 3, they will probably see tape on the ground for social distancing, booths with ample space between them and hand sanitizer at every turn. In addition to neighborhood polling stations, they can vote at sports arenas such as Dodger Stadium and Staples Center. The Honda Center in Anaheim will have a drive-through voting option.
County election officials have come up with various plans for dealing with unmasked voters, whether it is helping them cast their ballots outdoors or providing extra protective gear for people nearby.
In San Diego County, voters who refuse to wear a mask will be moved to a socially distanced outdoor booth reserved for nonmask wearers, said Registrar of Voters Michael Vu.
San Bernardino County Registrar Bob Page said poll workers will focus on the safety of voters near an unmasked voter by social distancing and providing face shields.
“If there’s an ability to spread out more, we’ll take advantage of that,” Page said.
Riverside County will follow a similar plan, registrar Rebecca Spencer said.
In Orange County, where mask debates and defiance of lockdown orders have ballooned during the pandemic, voting centers will be open for an extra day beyond the state-recommended four days, Registrar of Voters Neal Kelley said.
The county has prepared 300,000 each of disposable masks and pens for polling stations, in addition to adding more ballot drop boxes, prioritizing larger polling sites and placing unmasked voters in socially distanced booths.
But Kelley expects in-person turnout to be low. He said that in the March primary, 80% of Orange County voters turned in a ballot they had received in the mail.
“I don’t think there’s any reason to believe we won’t see 8 or 9 out of 10 voters do the same for the November election,” Kelley said.
The polling place at the Honda Center in Anaheim, which opens Oct. 30, includes a drive-through option. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Still, some voters, like Christian Rothery of Anaheim, plan to cast their ballots in person.
Rothery enjoys the “whole ceremony” of going to the polls on election day and is worried about recent mail delivery issues.
He views in-person voting as no riskier than running errands during the pandemic. He said he will wear a mask and expects that most people will wear masks, as they do at the grocery store, and believes election officials will take precautions.
After months of staying at home during the coronavirus lockdown, Rothery said that voting in person will be especially meaningful this year.
“It’s a bit of normalcy,” said Rothery, 46, a finance manager who will vote for the Democratic presidential candidate, Joe Biden.
Anna Timm, a 31-year-old from Orange who works at Disneyland, said she will deposit her ballot in a county drop box.
“It’s the best of both worlds,” said Timm, who will vote for Biden. “You can take your time and you can vote in your pajamas.”
Besides, Timm will be busy on election day. She volunteered to be a poll worker after hearing there was a shortage.
She is not concerned about dealing with unmasked voters.
“I already have a lot of customer service experience, including stressful situations and even responding to various emergencies, from years of working in theme parks, so between that and our … training, I feel pretty prepared,” she said.
Temple City resident Carrie Chan, 44, said she planned on wearing a mask to vote in person. The paralegal planned on voting for President Trump at a polling center out of her distrust for mail-in voting.
“We live in America where we have the freedom of choice. I don’t think we should mandate what people do,” Chan said. “I’ll wear my mask and keep my distance, but that’s not something we can force others to do.”


latimes--2020-10-20--L.A. schools are in COVID-19 crisis mode. What do school board candidates have to say?

Two pivotal Los Angeles school board races are unfolding amid the COVID-19 pandemic — the most pressing issue among parents and educators and one that is exacerbating deep education inequities affecting low-income Latino and Black families .
The Times asked the four school board candidates to assess the district ’ s response to the emergency that has 460,000 K-12 children — 80 % from low-income families — learning from home since campuses closed in March .
While the candidates credit the hard work of educators and district officials , their responses also acknowledge the dissatisfaction of many parents over distance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fundamental dynamic in the two races highlights a familiar tension : A candidate backed by charter school advocates is facing off against one backed by the teachers union , with potentially significant consequences .
However , charters versus unions oversimplifies existential questions facing the nation ’ s second-largest school system .
Longstanding problems include serious financial strains and ongoing contention over how best to serve low-income Black and Latino students who are lagging academically and will have additional academic ground to make up when campuses ultimately reopen .
Going into the March 3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victories by all three of its supported candidates to maintain a slim board majority that leans toward limiting the growth of charter schools .
Most charters are nonunion and compete with district-managed schools for a diminishing number of students .
And where students go , jobs and funding follow .
Union-backed Jackie Goldberg won easily in District 5 , but the other two races remain up for grabs .
“ There is still an expensive battle over the future of L.A. 's schools , ” said UCLA professor of education Tyrone Howard .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ bigger blueprint , or will traditional schools remain a staple ?
This is what the struggle has been about for the better part of a decade .
The question is : Do we see a viable way for either side to address deep-seated poverty that afflicts a majority of the students in the district ?
” One-term incumbent Scott Schmerelson , backed by unions , faces charter school administrator Marilyn Koziatek in an area that stretches across most of the west San Fernando Valley .
It ’ s the most politically conservative board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Schmerelson , 69 , was a longtime and well-liked principal until his retirement .
He relishes going to schools and trying to solve hyperlocal , campus-based problems .
Despite his opposition to the hiring of L.A. school Supt .
Austin Beutner — a businessman with no background running schools — Schmerelson is effusive in his praise of the district ’ s response to the pandemic .
He cites the distribution of free meals to families , in place since March , and free computers and internet hot spots available to all students , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affecting high-poverty areas .
“ I will also say that I am not satisfied with any outcome from the district ’ s response that remains short of consistent engagement , reliable access to technology and the internet , and robust teaching and learning in every virtual classroom , ” Schmerelson said .
“ After a rocky start to the new school year , attendance continues to improve and I get daily reports from many of my constituents that quality teaching and learning is happening.
” Schmerelson said it would be unfair to second-guess @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis , but that the time has come for the board to reclaim powers it ceded to Beutner .
He also alluded to recent questions that have come up regarding Beutner ’ s handling of a coronavirus testing contract .
“ We can not ask our L.A. Unified families and the public to trust us with policy decisions with potential life-and-death consequences if there is even the perception of irregularities or inappropriate contracting practices , ” Schmerelson said .
“ Accordingly , I will be asking my colleagues to review and consider modifying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the superintendent that the board extended in March.
” Koziatek faults the district for not being technologically up to date when the pandemic started — with both computers and adequate internet for students — asserting that the charter school where she works already had computers for every student .
Internet issues have affected even her own children , she said .
“ I see firsthand how the issues with poor internet impact my students ’ learning , ” Koziatek said .
“ Every time their signal drops , the students become frustrated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ district should begin a procurement process similar to Chicago Public Schools that finally eliminates the expansive internet deserts in our city .
We have documented for years that our Black and brown students have inequitable access to learning.
” A college business major , Koziatek , 39 , manages community outreach for Granada Hills Charter High School .
Her job takes in public relations , communications with parents and work on obtaining grants .
While she is pro-charter , she emphasizes that her two children attend a traditional neighborhood public school , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also has been active in local civic organizations , frequently on matters related to education .
Schmerelson finished first in the primary , with 42 % of the vote .
Charter advocates are outspending unions , mostly the teachers union , by more than 6 to 1 , in a race that has consumed more than $ 7 million .
The winner of this contest will replace longtime incumbent and current board President Richard Vladovic , who is barred from seeing reelection by term limits .
On policy matters , Vladovic moved toward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ various times .
Recently , the unions have been more pleased with his positions .
The district stretches from South L.A. to the Harbor area .
The two candidates have staked out similar policy positions , including in response to the pandemic .
But they present different strengths .
The union-backed Patricia Castellanos brings the experience of a current district parent and political savvy .
Charter-backed Tanya Ortiz Franklin counters with education experience as a former classroom teacher and as an administrator within a group of schools .
Most recently , Castellanos , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county Supervisor Sheila Kuehl on job-creation efforts .
She ’ s also been involved in labor-backed campaigns to improve air quality and working conditions at the port .
Her experience , she said , would help in policy and funding battles .
Franklin , 36 , is part of the leadership and policy-development team at the Partnership for Los Angeles Schools , a nonprofit that manages 19 of the district ’ s historically most low-performing campuses .
Much of Franklin ’ s work has focused on restorative justice , which replaces student suspensions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needs to do better at soliciting and acting on parent input during the COVID-19 crisis .
In addition , “ the district needs to expand its menu of services and support to students and to families helping students , which should include training for parents on technology and platforms students are using and increased and improved teacher training.
” “ Many students still lack proper technology or internet access to engage in distance learning , ” Castellanos said , a contention made by all nonincumbents .
“ Of course , it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ majority of this group.
” “ Seven months in , it ’ s unacceptable that some L.A. Unified students are still without devices and stable internet connectivity and many more are regularly not connecting to learning .
The district should immediately coordinate and conduct home visits ... to deliver devices and hotspots and advocate nonstop with county and state agencies for permanently free and low-cost broadband for high-need families.
” Beutner has said that such efforts are under way .
Castellanos also said that the district must do more to provide childcare help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ include direct assistance to students as they take part in online learning .
Franklin criticized how long it took the district to provide computers and internet hotspots to younger students .
Beutner has said it was important to prioritize older students and then work downward through the grades .
Franklin also called directly for faster progress in setting up on-campus instruction for students with special needs , such as those with disabilities or those learning English .
Such small-groups are permitted under current state health guidelines .
Beutner said last week that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tutoring , which began Oct. 5 , before bringing back groups of students .
The charter-friendly side has outspent the union by about 3 to ` 1 in a race with combined spending of well over $ 6 million .
All four candidates have faced misleading negative campaigns against them that are being paid for by big-money donors .
The negative campaign against Castellanos has focused on her lack of school employment experience .
The negative campaigns against Franklin in District 7 and Koziatek in District 3 have underscored their backing by wealthy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as corporate profiteers and privatizers .
A campaign funded by charter advocates has accused Schmerelson of “ pocketing ” a pay raise that tripled his salary .
These mailers failed to note that other board members , including those supported by charters , received the same salary , about $ 125,000 per year , and that an independent commission sets the pay rates .
The campaign also misleadingly linked Schmerelson to child-molestation scandals that predated his term in office .
All the candidates disassociate themselves from the independent negative campaigns on their behalf @

Two pivotal Los Angeles school board races are unfolding amid the COVID-19 pandemic — the most pressing issue among parents and educators and one that is exacerbating deep education inequities affecting low-income Latino and Black families.
The Times asked the four school board candidates to assess the district’s response to the emergency that has 460,000 K-12 children — 80% from low-income families — learning from home since campuses closed in March. While the candidates credit the hard work of educators and district officials, their responses also acknowledge the dissatisfaction of many parents over distance learning.
Despite the pandemic, the fundamental dynamic in the two races highlights a familiar tension: A candidate backed by charter school advocates is facing off against one backed by the teachers union, with potentially significant consequences.
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However, charters versus unions oversimplifies existential questions facing the nation’s second-largest school system. Longstanding problems include serious financial strains and ongoing contention over how best to serve low-income Black and Latino students who are lagging academically and will have additional academic ground to make up when campuses ultimately reopen.
Going into the March 3 primary election, the teachers union needed victories by all three of its supported candidates to maintain a slim board majority that leans toward limiting the growth of charter schools. Most charters are nonunion and compete with district-managed schools for a diminishing number of students. And where students go, jobs and funding follow.
Union-backed Jackie Goldberg won easily in District 5, but the other two races remain up for grabs.
“There is still an expensive battle over the future of L.A.’s schools,” said UCLA professor of education Tyrone Howard. “Will charters expand and be a bigger blueprint, or will traditional schools remain a staple? This is what the struggle has been about for the better part of a decade. The question is: Do we see a viable way for either side to address deep-seated poverty that afflicts a majority of the students in the district?”
Elections LAUSD Board of Education Read full statements from L.A. Unified candidates on the school district’s COVID-19 response.
L.A. Board of Education District 3
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One-term incumbent Scott Schmerelson, backed by unions, faces charter school administrator Marilyn Koziatek in an area that stretches across most of the west San Fernando Valley. It’s the most politically conservative board district.
A former Spanish teacher, Schmerelson, 69, was a longtime and well-liked principal until his retirement. He relishes going to schools and trying to solve hyperlocal, campus-based problems.
Despite his opposition to the hiring of L.A. school Supt. Austin Beutner — a businessman with no background running schools — Schmerelson is effusive in his praise of the district’s response to the pandemic. He cites the distribution of free meals to families, in place since March, and free computers and internet hot spots available to all students, an effort to close a digital divide affecting high-poverty areas.
“I will also say that I am not satisfied with any outcome from the district’s response that remains short of consistent engagement, reliable access to technology and the internet, and robust teaching and learning in every virtual classroom,” Schmerelson said. “After a rocky start to the new school year, attendance continues to improve and I get daily reports from many of my constituents that quality teaching and learning is happening.”
Schmerelson said it would be unfair to second-guess emergency decisions that Beutner made during a crisis, but that the time has come for the board to reclaim powers it ceded to Beutner. He also alluded to recent questions that have come up regarding Beutner’s handling of a coronavirus testing contract.
“We cannot ask our L.A. Unified families and the public to trust us with policy decisions with potential life-and-death consequences if there is even the perception of irregularities or inappropriate contracting practices,” Schmerelson said. “Accordingly, I will be asking my colleagues to review and consider modifying the almost limitless emergency delegation of power to the superintendent that the board extended in March.”
Koziatek faults the district for not being technologically up to date when the pandemic started — with both computers and adequate internet for students — asserting that the charter school where she works already had computers for every student. Internet issues have affected even her own children, she said.
“I see firsthand how the issues with poor internet impact my students’ learning,” Koziatek said. “Every time their signal drops, the students become frustrated and lose interest in participating. The district should begin a procurement process similar to Chicago Public Schools that finally eliminates the expansive internet deserts in our city. We have documented for years that our Black and brown students have inequitable access to learning.”
A college business major, Koziatek, 39, manages community outreach for Granada Hills Charter High School. Her job takes in public relations, communications with parents and work on obtaining grants. While she is pro-charter, she emphasizes that her two children attend a traditional neighborhood public school, for which she has high praise.
Koziatek also has been active in local civic organizations, frequently on matters related to education.
Schmerelson finished first in the primary, with 42% of the vote. Charter advocates are outspending unions, mostly the teachers union, by more than 6 to 1, in a race that has consumed more than $7 million.
L.A. Board of Education District 7
The winner of this contest will replace longtime incumbent and current board President Richard Vladovic, who is barred from seeing reelection by term limits. On policy matters, Vladovic moved toward or away from charters or unions at various times. Recently, the unions have been more pleased with his positions.
The district stretches from South L.A. to the Harbor area.
The two candidates have staked out similar policy positions, including in response to the pandemic. But they present different strengths. The union-backed Patricia Castellanos brings the experience of a current district parent and political savvy. Charter-backed Tanya Ortiz Franklin counters with education experience as a former classroom teacher and as an administrator within a group of schools.
Most recently, Castellanos, 50, worked as a deputy to county Supervisor Sheila Kuehl on job-creation efforts. She’s also been involved in labor-backed campaigns to improve air quality and working conditions at the port. Her experience, she said, would help in policy and funding battles.
Franklin, 36, is part of the leadership and policy-development team at the Partnership for Los Angeles Schools, a nonprofit that manages 19 of the district’s historically most low-performing campuses. Much of Franklin’s work has focused on restorative justice, which replaces student suspensions with intensive counseling.
Castellanos said LAUSD needs to do better at soliciting and acting on parent input during the COVID-19 crisis. In addition, “the district needs to expand its menu of services and support to students and to families helping students, which should include training for parents on technology and platforms students are using and increased and improved teacher training.”
“Many students still lack proper technology or internet access to engage in distance learning,” Castellanos said, a contention made by all nonincumbents. “Of course, it’s the poorest students who make up the majority of this group.”
Franklin spoke in similar terms.
“Seven months in, it’s unacceptable that some L.A. Unified students are still without devices and stable internet connectivity and many more are regularly not connecting to learning. The district should immediately coordinate and conduct home visits ... to deliver devices and hotspots and advocate nonstop with county and state agencies for permanently free and low-cost broadband for high-need families.”
Beutner has said that such efforts are under way.
Castellanos also said that the district must do more to provide childcare help for parents and that this effort should include direct assistance to students as they take part in online learning.
Franklin criticized how long it took the district to provide computers and internet hotspots to younger students. Beutner has said it was important to prioritize older students and then work downward through the grades.
Franklin also called directly for faster progress in setting up on-campus instruction for students with special needs, such as those with disabilities or those learning English. Such small-groups are permitted under current state health guidelines.
Beutner said last week that he wanted to develop and assess one-on-one voluntary tutoring, which began Oct. 5, before bringing back groups of students.
The charter-friendly side has outspent the union by about 3 to `1 in a race with combined spending of well over $6 million.
All four candidates have faced misleading negative campaigns against them that are being paid for by big-money donors. The negative campaign against Castellanos has focused on her lack of school employment experience. The negative campaigns against Franklin in District 7 and Koziatek in District 3 have underscored their backing by wealthy charter-school supporters, whom the union labels as corporate profiteers and privatizers.
A campaign funded by charter advocates has accused Schmerelson of “pocketing” a pay raise that tripled his salary. These mailers failed to note that other board members, including those supported by charters, received the same salary, about $125,000 per year, and that an independent commission sets the pay rates. The campaign also misleadingly linked Schmerelson to child-molestation scandals that predated his term in office.
All the candidates disassociate themselves from the independent negative campaigns on their behalf.


latimes--2020-10-20--L.A. protesters dump bags of dirt at federal courthouse to oppose Exide plant abandonment

Residents of the massive cleanup zone surrounding the shuttered Exide battery recycling plant in Vernon marched to downtown Los Angeles on Monday evening to protest a bankruptcy court ’ s decision to allow the company to abandon the heavily contaminated site .
Some brought plastic bags of dirt from lead-polluted yards , throwing them over a fence onto the steps of the federal courthouse at North Main and West Temple streets .
“ These are donations from the Exide-impacted area , ” said Mark Lopez , co-director of East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice , which organized the protest .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ many of them from southeast Los Angeles County communities riddled with lead contamination from decades of air pollution from the closed Exide Technologies facility .
“ East L.A. under attack .
What do we do ?
Stand up , fight back , ” the crowd chanted as they marched down 1st Street from Mariachi Plaza in Boyle Heights , beating drums and holding signs demanding accountability for the pollution .
The U.S. Department of Justice supported Exide ’ s bankruptcy plan , approved Friday by a Delaware bankruptcy court , which allows the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facility and leave the expensive toxic cleanup to California taxpayers .
The judge concluded that the site is not an imminent threat to the public .
The decision infuriated Guadalupe Valdovinos , 35 , whose home in East L.A. is sandwiched between two neighboring properties that have not been cleaned .
She attended the protest with her 11-year-old daughter and brought a small bag of soil from her neighbor ’ s yard , where high lead levels were detected .
“ Why is it OK for us to live in poison ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ’ s an imminent threat .
But we just don ’ t matter .
We ’ re collateral damage.
” Protesters projected a skull-and-crossbones symbol onto the side of the federal court building as they took turns sharing stories about the effects of lead pollution on their health and communities .
Others left signs : “ Criminalize polluters ” and “ Dirt bags for dirtbags.
” State and local officials , including Gov .
Gavin Newsom , have blasted the bankruptcy court ruling .
The state Department of Toxic Substances Control is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ motion for a stay of the ruling .
Protesters also excoriated state regulators who allowed the Vernon plant , which melted down used car batteries , to operate for decades without a full permit , despite repeated violations of air pollution limits and hazardous waste laws .
Exide agreed to close the plant permanently in 2015 in a deal with federal prosecutors to avoid criminal prosecution for years of illegal activity .
Since then , residents from half a dozen communities have fought state toxic waste regulators to get their yards cleaned .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ soil removed , but thousands more with lead levels above state limits remain uncleaned .

Protesters leave bags of lead-contaminated dirt in downtown L.A. on Monday during a demonstration against a court ruling allowing owners of the Exide battery recycling plant in Vernon to abandon the facility, leaving the cleanup to California taxpayers.
Residents of the massive cleanup zone surrounding the shuttered Exide battery recycling plant in Vernon marched to downtown Los Angeles on Monday evening to protest a bankruptcy court’s decision to allow the company to abandon the heavily contaminated site.
Some brought plastic bags of dirt from lead-polluted yards, throwing them over a fence onto the steps of the federal courthouse at North Main and West Temple streets.
“These are donations from the Exide-impacted area,” said Mark Lopez, co-director of East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice, which organized the protest.
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The demonstration drew about 150 people, many of them from southeast Los Angeles County communities riddled with lead contamination from decades of air pollution from the closed Exide Technologies facility.
“East L.A. under attack. What do we do? Stand up, fight back,” the crowd chanted as they marched down 1st Street from Mariachi Plaza in Boyle Heights, beating drums and holding signs demanding accountability for the pollution.
The U.S. Department of Justice supported Exide’s bankruptcy plan, approved Friday by a Delaware bankruptcy court, which allows the company to walk away from its half-demolished facility and leave the expensive toxic cleanup to California taxpayers. The judge concluded that the site is not an imminent threat to the public.
The decision infuriated Guadalupe Valdovinos, 35, whose home in East L.A. is sandwiched between two neighboring properties that have not been cleaned. She attended the protest with her 11-year-old daughter and brought a small bag of soil from her neighbor’s yard, where high lead levels were detected.
“Why is it OK for us to live in poison?” Valdovinos said. “To me, that’s an imminent threat. But we just don’t matter. We’re collateral damage.”
Protesters march from Boyle Heights to the Civic Center in Los Angeles, demanding accountability for pollution caused by the Exide battery recycling plant. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Protesters projected a skull-and-crossbones symbol onto the side of the federal court building as they took turns sharing stories about the effects of lead pollution on their health and communities. Others left signs: “Criminalize polluters” and “Dirt bags for dirtbags.”
State and local officials, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, have blasted the bankruptcy court ruling. The state Department of Toxic Substances Control is appealing the decision and has filed a motion for a stay of the ruling.
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Protesters also excoriated state regulators who allowed the Vernon plant, which melted down used car batteries, to operate for decades without a full permit, despite repeated violations of air pollution limits and hazardous waste laws. Exide agreed to close the plant permanently in 2015 in a deal with federal prosecutors to avoid criminal prosecution for years of illegal activity.
Since then, residents from half a dozen communities have fought state toxic waste regulators to get their yards cleaned. About 2,000 residential properties have had contaminated soil removed, but thousands more with lead levels above state limits remain uncleaned.


latimes--2020-10-20--Suspect held in fatal stabbing of MTA employee

A woman was arrested Monday on suspicion of fatally stabbing a Los Angeles County Metropolitan Authority worker late last week .
Irma Monroy , 25 , of Los Angeles , is being held on $ 2.06 million bail .
She is scheduled to be arraigned Oct. 28 on the murder charge along with a previous felony warrant for assault with a deadly weapon .
Monroy is alleged to have stabbed to death an MTA worker at the 7th Street/Metro Center subway station , which serves as a busy hub for the Red , Purple and Expo lines .
The incident @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a “ verbal dispute ” on the Red Line , according to the Los Angeles Police Department .
The male victim was taken to L.A. County-USC Medical Center , where he died less than an hour later , Metro spokesman Rick Jager said Sunday .
The victim ’ s name has not been released .
In an email sent to agency employees Saturday , Metro Chief Executive Phil Washington said only that the victim had worked for Metro for more than 18 years .
Los Angeles police say they confiscated the knife used @ @ @ @

A woman was arrested Monday on suspicion of fatally stabbing a Los Angeles County Metropolitan Authority worker late last week.
Irma Monroy, 25, of Los Angeles, is being held on $2.06 million bail. She is scheduled to be arraigned Oct. 28 on the murder charge along with a previous felony warrant for assault with a deadly weapon.
Monroy is alleged to have stabbed to death an MTA worker at the 7th Street/Metro Center subway station, which serves as a busy hub for the Red, Purple and Expo lines. The incident took place about 10:45 p.m. Friday after a “verbal dispute” on the Red Line, according to the Los Angeles Police Department.
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The male victim was taken to L.A. County-USC Medical Center, where he died less than an hour later, Metro spokesman Rick Jager said Sunday.
The victim’s name has not been released.
In an email sent to agency employees Saturday, Metro Chief Executive Phil Washington said only that the victim had worked for Metro for more than 18 years.
Los Angeles police say they confiscated the knife used during the stabbing.


latimes--2020-10-20--Journalist Yashar Ali accuses Garcetti advisor Rick Jacobs of sexual misconduct

A second person has come forward to accuse a top advisor to Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti of sexual misconduct .
Freelance journalist Yashar Ali alleged in a first-person article published Monday night that Garcetti advisor Rick Jacobs forcibly kissed him on the lips and hugged him over the course of a decade .
A longtime player in politics and a former deputy chief of staff to the mayor , Jacobs is known for hosting fundraisers and other events at his home .
Ali wrote that between 2005 and 2015 he attended at least a half dozen dinners at Jacobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened .
“ Jacobs would grab my face and kiss me on the lips — always twice — and he would turn to other people who witnessed it and say , ‘ He has the softest lips , ’ ” Ali wrote .
He also said that he had “ seen Jacobs at fundraisers over the years subjecting others to forcible kissing , grabbing and sexually explicit comments.
” Ali wrote that before becoming a journalist , he worked in Democratic politics .
“ I considered [ Jacobs ] a friend , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Ali wrote .
Ali served as Gavin Newsom ’ s deputy chief of staff when Newsom was mayor of San Francisco .
Jacobs didn ’ t immediately respond to a request for comment .
A Garcetti spokesman also didn ’ t respond .
Ali ’ s allegations , published on the forum Substack , follow a lawsuit filed against the city in July by Los Angeles Police Officer Matthew Garza , who worked on the mayor ’ s security detail .
Garza alleged that Jacobs made crude sexual comments and touched him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Garza ’ s shoulders and hugged him , according to Garza ’ s suit .
The harassment took place on trips Garcetti took to Arizona , New Hampshire and elsewhere , the suit alleges .
The lawsuit also alleges that “ Garcetti was present on approximately half of the occasions when Jacobs behaved in this way , and witnessed Jacobs ’ conduct , but he took no action to correct Jacobs ’ obviously harassing behavior.
” “ On some occasions , the mayor would laugh at Jacobs ’ crude comments , ” the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s lawsuit a “ work of pure fiction.
” Garcetti has denied witnessing the behavior alleged by Garza .
Greg Smith , Garza ’ s attorney , said in a statement Monday night that ” every person should feel free from fear and intimidation when reporting sexual assault and harassment , especially in the workplace.
” Smith said he believes more people will come forward .
Jacobs , along with the mayor ’ s wife , Amy Wakeland , are widely seen as Garcetti ’ s closest advisors .
Jacobs helped raise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s 2013 mayoral run and the mayor rewarded him with a top post at City Hall .
Today , Jacobs serves on the board of directors of the Mayor ’ s Fund for Los Angeles , a nonprofit that raises money for Garcetti-backed causes .
He also runs a separate Garcetti-supported nonprofit focused on economic development .
The head of a Los Angeles County business organization accused Jacobs last year of threatening its members if they opposed a tax measure supported by the mayor .
Jacobs denied making the threat .
Garcetti @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s lawsuit was filed .
The mayor in August called Jacobs “ a committed public servant ” and said he should be able to continue to work for the Mayor ’ s Fund and the other nonprofit while the case is being litigated .

Rick Jacobs, center, is a longtime advisor to Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti and a former deputy chief of staff to the mayor. A second person has publicly accused Jacobs of sexual misconduct.
A second person has come forward to accuse a top advisor to Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti of sexual misconduct.
Freelance journalist Yashar Ali alleged in a first-person article published Monday night that Garcetti advisor Rick Jacobs forcibly kissed him on the lips and hugged him over the course of a decade.
For the record: This story states that Mayor Eric Garcetti made remarks about Rick Jacobs’ work for the Mayor’s Fund in August. He made the remarks in July.
A longtime player in politics and a former deputy chief of staff to the mayor, Jacobs is known for hosting fundraisers and other events at his home. Ali wrote that between 2005 and 2015 he attended at least a half dozen dinners at Jacobs’ house, where the alleged misconduct happened.
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“Jacobs would grab my face and kiss me on the lips — always twice — and he would turn to other people who witnessed it and say, ‘He has the softest lips,’” Ali wrote. He also said that he had “seen Jacobs at fundraisers over the years subjecting others to forcible kissing, grabbing and sexually explicit comments.”
Ali wrote that before becoming a journalist, he worked in Democratic politics. “I considered [Jacobs] a friend, and we had many acquaintances in common,” Ali wrote. Ali served as Gavin Newsom’s deputy chief of staff when Newsom was mayor of San Francisco.
Jacobs didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment. A Garcetti spokesman also didn’t respond.
Ali’s allegations, published on the forum Substack, follow a lawsuit filed against the city in July by Los Angeles Police Officer Matthew Garza, who worked on the mayor’s security detail.
Garza alleged that Jacobs made crude sexual comments and touched him inappropriately over several years.
Jacobs massaged Garza’s shoulders and hugged him, according to Garza’s suit. The harassment took place on trips Garcetti took to Arizona, New Hampshire and elsewhere, the suit alleges.
The lawsuit also alleges that “Garcetti was present on approximately half of the occasions when Jacobs behaved in this way, and witnessed Jacobs’ conduct, but he took no action to correct Jacobs’ obviously harassing behavior.”
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“On some occasions, the mayor would laugh at Jacobs’ crude comments,” the lawsuit said.
Jacobs has called Garza’s lawsuit a “work of pure fiction.” Garcetti has denied witnessing the behavior alleged by Garza.
Greg Smith, Garza’s attorney, said in a statement Monday night that ”every person should feel free from fear and intimidation when reporting sexual assault and harassment, especially in the workplace.” Smith said he believes more people will come forward.
Jacobs, along with the mayor’s wife, Amy Wakeland, are widely seen as Garcetti’s closest advisors.
Jacobs helped raise money for a committee that supported Garcetti’s 2013 mayoral run and the mayor rewarded him with a top post at City Hall.
Today, Jacobs serves on the board of directors of the Mayor’s Fund for Los Angeles, a nonprofit that raises money for Garcetti-backed causes. He also runs a separate Garcetti-supported nonprofit focused on economic development.
The head of a Los Angeles County business organization accused Jacobs last year of threatening its members if they opposed a tax measure supported by the mayor. Jacobs denied making the threat.
Garcetti has publicly stood by Jacobs since Garza’s lawsuit was filed. The mayor in August called Jacobs “a committed public servant” and said he should be able to continue to work for the Mayor’s Fund and the other nonprofit while the case is being litigated.
Times staff writer Richard Winton contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-10-19--Coleman fire near Big Sur grows to 500 acres, no structures threatened

About 500 acres of forest land in Monterey County near Big Sur had burned by Monday afternoon in what officials are calling the Coleman fire .
Andrew Madsen , a Los Padres National Forest spokesman , said no structures are at risk .
The fire is at 0 % containment .
When the fire began is a bit of a mystery , Madsen said , adding that it may have started as early as Thursday .
The Cal Fire website lists the start date as Sunday .
“ I didn ’ t receive information on when the fire stated as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know it ’ s in the forest and not far off from [ U.S. Army garrison ] Ft. Hunter Liggett , ” Madsen said .
Fort personnel tweeted Sunday that there “ is no danger ” to the installation , but that voluntary evacuations orders were in effect for nearby canyons .
If there ’ s a positive in terms of containment efforts , it ’ s that local , state and federal firefighters were already in position to fight the Coleman fire .
The nearby Dolan fire , which started Aug. 19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is 98 % contained , according to the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection .
There were , at one time , 249 firefighters and 16 engines assigned to battle the Dolan fire .
“ We ’ re just in need of a good rain to put out the last spots of the fire , ” Madsen said of the Dolan fire .
“ With firefighters and resources already on scene , they can move on to the Coleman fire .
”

About 500 acres of forest land in Monterey County near Big Sur had burned by Monday afternoon in what officials are calling the Coleman fire.
Andrew Madsen, a Los Padres National Forest spokesman, said no structures are at risk. The fire is at 0% containment.
When the fire began is a bit of a mystery, Madsen said, adding that it may have started as early as Thursday. The Cal Fire website lists the start date as Sunday.
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“I didn’t receive information on when the fire stated as is usually the case, but we know it’s in the forest and not far off from [U.S. Army garrison] Ft. Hunter Liggett,” Madsen said.
Fort personnel tweeted Sunday that there “is no danger” to the installation, but that voluntary evacuations orders were in effect for nearby canyons.
If there’s a positive in terms of containment efforts, it’s that local, state and federal firefighters were already in position to fight the Coleman fire. The nearby Dolan fire, which started Aug. 19 and has burned about 125,000 acres, is 98% contained, according to the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection.
There were, at one time, 249 firefighters and 16 engines assigned to battle the Dolan fire.
“We’re just in need of a good rain to put out the last spots of the fire,” Madsen said of the Dolan fire. “With firefighters and resources already on scene, they can move on to the Coleman fire.”


latimes--2020-10-20--L.A. Police Commission clears officers in shooting of man with knife, but faults tactics

The Los Angeles Police Commission ruled Tuesday that the fatal police shooting of 34-year-old Alex Flores Jr. as he charged at an LAPD officer with a kitchen knife in November was justified and within department policy , though they disapproved of the tactics used in the lead-up to the shooting .
The 4-0 ruling — which matched the findings of LAPD Chief Michel Moore — came during a closed portion of the commission ’ s virtual meeting Tuesday , after a public portion in which Flores ’ sister and parents denounced the shooting as unnecessary and racist and called for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecuted .
The shooting occurred shortly before 8:15 a.m. on Nov. 19 near East 28th Street and South Central Avenue after a witness reported seeing an agitated man walking with a knife down Central in an area where children were walking to school .
Body-camera video released by the LAPD in the days after the shooting showed several officers running down the street toward Flores .
One pulled out a Taser , which he would later deploy without striking Flores , while the officer who shot Flores pulled his handgun as he screamed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Don ’ t come at me !
” the officer then yelled as Flores rushed forward at him .
The officer fired multiple times until Flores fell to the ground .
The commission ruled unanimously that the drawing of weapons by multiple officers , the use of the Taser and the fatal shooting were all within department policy , warranting no action against the officers .
However , they expressed “ administrative disapproval ” of the tactics used by a sergeant who was serving as a supervisor at the scene , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ordered a tactical debriefing for one officer .
In a report on his own findings that was presented to the commission , Moore wrote that he would have preferred if the sergeant leading the response had “ slowed down the intensity of the incident and communicated a tactical plan ” to the other officers before they ran up on Flores on the street — including by designating one officer to make contact with Flores , another to provide cover for the first officer , and a third to be in control of less-lethal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Flores down without killing him .
Instead , “ no plan was discussed as to how they were going to handle the incident , ” Moore determined .
The commission ’ s decision means no officers will be reprimanded for their actions in the incident , though additional training has been provided , according to Moore ’ s report .
That outcome stands in stark contrast to what Flores ’ family members had called for hours before — which was for the officer who shot Flores to be charged criminally and prosecuted for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amanda Flores , said her brother was struggling with mental illness .
Three days before he was shot , she said , she had found him at their parents ’ house paranoid and afraid of nameless people who he believed were out to get him .
“ He said to me that there was people watching him , stalking him , ” she said .
“ I witnessed how paranoid he was.
” She said that the video showed her brother was pointing the knife at himself , not the officer , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ differently .
Instead , they “ took the easy way ” and shot him multiple times , an outcome she said would not have befallen a white person in his shoes .
“ What type of system do you all serve ?
” she asked the commission .
“ Clearly this was a racist murder.
” “ My son was not a criminal , ” Flores ’ mother said in Spanish .
Commission President Eileen Decker thanked the family for sharing their thoughts , and said the commission would “ evaluate the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law .
”

The Los Angeles Police Commission ruled Tuesday that the fatal police shooting of 34-year-old Alex Flores Jr. as he charged at an LAPD officer with a kitchen knife in November was justified and within department policy, though they disapproved of the tactics used in the lead-up to the shooting.
The 4-0 ruling — which matched the findings of LAPD Chief Michel Moore — came during a closed portion of the commission’s virtual meeting Tuesday, after a public portion in which Flores’ sister and parents denounced the shooting as unnecessary and racist and called for the officer who opened fire to be prosecuted.
The shooting occurred shortly before 8:15 a.m. on Nov. 19 near East 28th Street and South Central Avenue after a witness reported seeing an agitated man walking with a knife down Central in an area where children were walking to school.
Body-camera video released by the LAPD in the days after the shooting showed several officers running down the street toward Flores. One pulled out a Taser, which he would later deploy without striking Flores, while the officer who shot Flores pulled his handgun as he screamed at Flores to drop the knife.
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“Don’t come at me!” the officer then yelled as Flores rushed forward at him. The officer fired multiple times until Flores fell to the ground.
The commission ruled unanimously that the drawing of weapons by multiple officers, the use of the Taser and the fatal shooting were all within department policy, warranting no action against the officers.
However, they expressed “administrative disapproval” of the tactics used by a sergeant who was serving as a supervisor at the scene, a detective and two police officers, and ordered a tactical debriefing for one officer.
In a report on his own findings that was presented to the commission, Moore wrote that he would have preferred if the sergeant leading the response had “slowed down the intensity of the incident and communicated a tactical plan” to the other officers before they ran up on Flores on the street — including by designating one officer to make contact with Flores, another to provide cover for the first officer, and a third to be in control of less-lethal weapons that could have assisted in taking Flores down without killing him.
Instead, “no plan was discussed as to how they were going to handle the incident,” Moore determined.
The commission’s decision means no officers will be reprimanded for their actions in the incident, though additional training has been provided, according to Moore’s report.
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That outcome stands in stark contrast to what Flores’ family members had called for hours before — which was for the officer who shot Flores to be charged criminally and prosecuted for his killing.
Flores’ sister, Amanda Flores, said her brother was struggling with mental illness. Three days before he was shot, she said, she had found him at their parents’ house paranoid and afraid of nameless people who he believed were out to get him.
“He said to me that there was people watching him, stalking him,” she said. “I witnessed how paranoid he was.”
She said that the video showed her brother was pointing the knife at himself, not the officer, and that police should have approached the situation differently.
Instead, they “took the easy way” and shot him multiple times, an outcome she said would not have befallen a white person in his shoes.
“What type of system do you all serve?” she asked the commission. “Clearly this was a racist murder.”
“My son was not a criminal,” Flores’ mother said in Spanish.
Commission President Eileen Decker thanked the family for sharing their thoughts, and said the commission would “evaluate the case fairly and impartially in accordance with the law.”


latimes--2020-10-20--Campaign to overturn California's flavored tobacco sales ban accused of misleading voters

Supporters of a coming ban on the sale of flavored tobacco products in California asked the state attorney general on Tuesday to investigate complaints that people gathering signatures for a referendum to overturn the law have misrepresented the effort .
An attorney for the group Tobacco Free Kids Action Fund filed a complaint with state Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra asking for an investigation of “ numerous instances of illegal signature-gathering tactics , ” noting that it is a misdemeanor for signature gatherers to intentionally misrepresent a referendum petition .
“ In several instances , petition circulators for this referendum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sign this petition under the pretense that signing the petition would support banning flavored tobacco , ” attorney Lance Olson wrote .
“ This is categorically false , as this referendum seeks to overturn the law prohibiting the sale of flavored tobacco products.
” The American Heart Assn .
also signed on to the complaint .
The new law , which bans the retail sale of flavored tobacco products including menthol and fruit flavors , as well as those used in electronic cigarettes , was approved by the state Legislature and governor in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Jan. 1 .
If the referendum by the tobacco industry qualifies with 623,312 valid signatures submitted by Nov. 26 , implementation of the law banning the retail sale of flavored tobacco would be delayed until voters act in the November 2022 election .
Beth Miller , a spokeswoman for the tobacco industry ’ s California Coalition for Fairness , the group behind the referendum , said the coalition has provided the public with an accurate assessment of the new law with a website .
“ We have not heard any such complaint @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who conveniently fail to mention that their so-called flavor ban exempts expensive flavored cigars for the wealthy and reduces funding for healthcare and education , ” Miller said .
The written request for an investigation , which was also sent to Secretary of State Alex Padilla , included a video of a signature gatherer in front of a grocery store in Encinitas standing behind a table with a sign that read , “ Ban Vape Flavors.
” A woman recording the man with a smartphone accuses him of misleading the public .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ banned , ” she adds .
“ You are trying to bring them back.
” The unidentified man , referring to the store , responds : “ You can walk in there and see the flavors right now.
” Six other residents told the anti-tobacco group that they also felt misled by signature gatherers , including one who allegedly approached Brian Unruh in front of a Sacramento Walmart and asked , “ Will you sign this petition to help ban the sale of flavored tobacco to children ?
” Unruh said his wife @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate Bill 793 , which banned the sale of flavored tobacco .
“ I knew the bill passed so when I heard that [ request ] , I was surprised , ” Unruh said .
The coalition behind the referendum drive has received $ 15 million from tobacco companies such as Philip Morris USA and its affiliated U.S. Smokeless Tobacco Co. , as well as R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co .
Despite the large amount of money being spent on the referendum , tobacco companies would still come out ahead financially if the measure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supporters of the new law estimate the tobacco industry will generate $ 1.1 billion in revenue from the sale of menthol cigarettes during the 22 months that California ’ s law would be delayed .
“ Big Tobacco is trying everything they can to stop SB 793 from going into effect , and now that includes lying to California voters , ” said Matthew L. Myers , president of the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids .
“ Big Tobacco knows that California voters won ’ t sign their referendum if they understand what it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the truth yet again to protect tens of millions of dollars in monthly revenue from candy flavors.
” This is not the first time supporters of the tobacco ban have cried foul about representations made by the tobacco industry .
During the debate over the legislation , supporters criticized a blitz of television and social media ads by the tobacco industry that said the legislation was “ giving special treatment to the rich , and singling out communities of color ” by banning menthol products .
The tobacco companies also filed a federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that seeks an injunction to block the new law , arguing it is “ an overbroad reaction to legitimate public-health concerns about youth use of tobacco products.
” Tobacco giant Altria , the parent company of Philip Morris USA , said in a statement that it wants to “ protect the opportunity to make products available to adult smokers that may reduce the harm of smoking and preserve the ability to make tobacco harm reduction a reality .
This law hinders that ability .
”

If the referendum by the tobacco industry qualifies with enough valid signatures, a law banning the sale of flavored tobacco that is set to take effect on Jan. 1 would be delayed until voters act on the measure to overturn it in November 2022. Above, flavored vaping cartridges.
Supporters of a coming ban on the sale of flavored tobacco products in California asked the state attorney general on Tuesday to investigate complaints that people gathering signatures for a referendum to overturn the law have misrepresented the effort.
An attorney for the group Tobacco Free Kids Action Fund filed a complaint with state Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra asking for an investigation of “numerous instances of illegal signature-gathering tactics,” noting that it is a misdemeanor for signature gatherers to intentionally misrepresent a referendum petition.
“In several instances, petition circulators for this referendum have approached voters and asked them to sign this petition under the pretense that signing the petition would support banning flavored tobacco,” attorney Lance Olson wrote. “This is categorically false, as this referendum seeks to overturn the law prohibiting the sale of flavored tobacco products.”
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The American Heart Assn. also signed on to the complaint.
The new law, which bans the retail sale of flavored tobacco products including menthol and fruit flavors, as well as those used in electronic cigarettes, was approved by the state Legislature and governor in August and is set to take effect on Jan. 1.
If the referendum by the tobacco industry qualifies with 623,312 valid signatures submitted by Nov. 26, implementation of the law banning the retail sale of flavored tobacco would be delayed until voters act in the November 2022 election.
Beth Miller, a spokeswoman for the tobacco industry’s California Coalition for Fairness, the group behind the referendum, said the coalition has provided the public with an accurate assessment of the new law with a website.
“We have not heard any such complaint, other than the distortions from opponents who conveniently fail to mention that their so-called flavor ban exempts expensive flavored cigars for the wealthy and reduces funding for healthcare and education,” Miller said.
The written request for an investigation, which was also sent to Secretary of State Alex Padilla, included a video of a signature gatherer in front of a grocery store in Encinitas standing behind a table with a sign that read, “Ban Vape Flavors.”
A woman recording the man with a smartphone accuses him of misleading the public.
“Flavored vapes [sales] have been banned,” she adds. “You are trying to bring them back.”
The unidentified man, referring to the store, responds: “You can walk in there and see the flavors right now.”
Six other residents told the anti-tobacco group that they also felt misled by signature gatherers, including one who allegedly approached Brian Unruh in front of a Sacramento Walmart and asked, “Will you sign this petition to help ban the sale of flavored tobacco to children?”
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Unruh said his wife was involved in the effort to pass Senate Bill 793, which banned the sale of flavored tobacco.
“I knew the bill passed so when I heard that [request], I was surprised,” Unruh said.
The coalition behind the referendum drive has received $15 million from tobacco companies such as Philip Morris USA and its affiliated U.S. Smokeless Tobacco Co., as well as R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co.
Despite the large amount of money being spent on the referendum, tobacco companies would still come out ahead financially if the measure qualifies and delays the new law. Supporters of the new law estimate the tobacco industry will generate $1.1 billion in revenue from the sale of menthol cigarettes during the 22 months that California’s law would be delayed.
“Big Tobacco is trying everything they can to stop SB 793 from going into effect, and now that includes lying to California voters,” said Matthew L. Myers, president of the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids. “Big Tobacco knows that California voters won’t sign their referendum if they understand what it does, so they’re obfuscating the truth yet again to protect tens of millions of dollars in monthly revenue from candy flavors.”
This is not the first time supporters of the tobacco ban have cried foul about representations made by the tobacco industry.
During the debate over the legislation, supporters criticized a blitz of television and social media ads by the tobacco industry that said the legislation was “giving special treatment to the rich, and singling out communities of color” by banning menthol products.
The tobacco companies also filed a federal lawsuit against the state on Oct. 9 that seeks an injunction to block the new law, arguing it is “an overbroad reaction to legitimate public-health concerns about youth use of tobacco products.”
Tobacco giant Altria, the parent company of Philip Morris USA, said in a statement that it wants to “protect the opportunity to make products available to adult smokers that may reduce the harm of smoking and preserve the ability to make tobacco harm reduction a reality. This law hinders that ability.”