latimes--2020-11-22--What do Iranian Americans expect from a Biden administration? There's no one-size-fits-all answer

An immigrant from Iran who served as a California delegate for Sen. Bernie Sanders earlier this year , she threw her support behind Biden only once he was named the Democratic presidential nominee .
She wanted to do whatever she could to ensure that President Trump would not be in office for another four years , she said , while also organizing to push Biden ’ s platform further left .
So Barnes joined voter mobilization efforts and co-founded the initiative Immigrants for Biden , working on a 50-state mobilization campaign .
“ What was at stake was greater than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progressive Democrat who is in her 30s.. “ Another four years of Trump would have been horrendous , especially for people of color.
” In California , as in other parts of the nation , Iranian Americans for decades have been caught in the middle of a geopolitical ping-pong match , watching as U.S. policy toward Iran shifts from diplomacy under one administration to a more hardline approach in the next .
Since 2016 , they have seen the United States leave the landmark multilateral nuclear accord with Iran and witnessed the Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gen. Qassem Suleimani last January , bringing the two countries near the brink of war .
They also have watched as additional economic sanctions leveled by Trump have further undermined Iran ’ s economy .
As his term winds down , Trump is moving to impose even more economic restrictions on the regime amid a “ maximum pressure ” campaign aimed at forcing Iran to come to a better nuclear deal — despite critics ’ charges that such policies have hurt ordinary Iranians far more than their leaders .
As many as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to community estimates .
As they look to the incoming Biden administration to grapple with issues that are top of mind for many in the diaspora — the economy , jobs , foreign policy and the coronavirus pandemic — community members say it would be a mistake to assume that there is a one-size-fits-all approach to pleasing a portion of the electorate that is so politically diverse .
Among Democrats , some , like Barnes , identify as progressives , while others see themselves as moderates who respect Biden ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the state — centered on enclaves of Orange County , Los Angeles and San Diego — is home to a conservative Iranian contingent that tends to back Trump , his withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and his tough talk against the Islamic Republic .
Indeed , some Iranian Trump voters continue to support his unfounded claims that he won the election , echoing some of the president ’ s backers across the nation .
For Barnes , domestic and foreign policy are entwined .
The money “ set aside to invest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be redirected toward Americans who have lost work-based health insurance who are underinsured amid a pandemic , or toward reinforcing the social safety net .
“ We still have students up to their eyeballs in student debt that they can ’ t afford to pay , ” she said .
“ The Biden administration has to look really carefully at that .
If we ignore the people living below the poverty line , then we will have another Trump who is talking to people below the poverty line.
” Equally important to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promise on the first day of his presidency to rescind the U.S. travel ban on several Muslim-majority nations .
Her hopes of having her mother visit California dissipated when the Trump administration passed the ban in 2017 .
She saw her mother for the first time in more than 19 years in a Dubai hotel lobby in 2018 , where she ’ d flown from Iran en route to a visa interview in Abu Dhabi .
But her application was rejected because of the ban .
“ I ’ ve spent all of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of women , ” Barnes said through tears .
“ I just couldn ’ t protect my own mom.
” A public opinion survey conducted by the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans in September found that the most important issues Iranian Americans considered before voting were the economy , jobs and foreign policy , followed by healthcare , terrorism and national security , and education .
Respondents preferred Biden to Trump by a margin of 56 % to 31 % , with Iranian American independent voters preferring Biden 57 % to 17 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found increased support for Trump ’ s handling of U.S.-Iran relations since he took office .
Some 31 % backed Trump ’ s moves in 2020 , an uptick from 22 % in 2019 and 2018 .
“ Whenever we try to describe any single perspective of Iranians in America , we ’ re always going to come up short because we ’ re a diverse community , ” said Amy Malek , an anthropologist and researcher at Princeton University studying the Iranian diaspora .
“ Much like rest of the country , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also divided in our sense of what we want to happen both in the U.S. and in Iran.
” In West Hollywood , councilwoman-elect Sepi Shyne stressed that the Iranian American population includes “ everyone from far left progressives all the way through the spectrum to far right conservatives.
” “ We must remember that , before the Iranian Revolution , Iran had a lot of diversity and was actually a melting pot like the United States , but just different because of where we were situated geographically , ” she said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a diversity of political beliefs.
” When it comes to domestic priorities , the economy takes center stage for Houman Hemmati , an ophthalmologist and biotech executive in Los Angeles .
“ A lot of Iranian Americans are business owners or employers , and have a strong interest in maintaining a pro-business environment , which consists of both a lack of excessive regulation and tax policy that encourages entrepreneurship , ” he said .
Those who do support Trump ’ s policies shouldn ’ t be discounted , he added .
“ A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a couple of developments that occurred under this current administration , ” Hemmati , 44 , said .
“ The strengthening of the rhetoric against Iran , the lack of financial cooperation and leaving a deal that was viewed as imperfect .
And , of course , a very critical and not just symbolic but also forceful act in taking out Qassem Suleimani.
” Hemmati would like to see the Biden administration follow in those footsteps , though he believes that the president-elect will “ likely give in to pressure from within as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the [ nuclear ] deal.
” Many Iranians also are sensitive to the current discussions on race relations and law enforcement .
But some also worry about cutting back on policing .
“ We ’ re a group of people who care a lot of about maintaining social order because we left a country that was in the midst of chaos , ” he said , “ and many of us have a fear of descending again into chaos in a country we sought refuge in.
” Sam Yebri , president of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Years After , said he is excited to see Biden assemble his team of experts tasked with developing plans to recover from the pandemic .
On the local level , he would also like the incoming administration to help cities combat homelessness .
“ We need a robust federal partner on those issues , ” said Yebri , who plans to run for the Los Angeles City Council 5th District seat in 2022 .
Internationally , he said he would like a “ return to traditional diplomacy and coalitions , and international institutions.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ last time Iranians followed both federal and local politics so closely , he said .
Community members in recent years have grown more involved in contacting their elected officials , joining street protests and — most important , he said — voting .
“ It ’ s emblematic of this moment , ” he said .
“ There are families divided .
The community certainly feels divided when it came to this election , with people conflating partisan politics with morality .
I think we all need to realize this is part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and politicians .
”

People are reflected in a storefront as they walk down Westwood Boulevard, in Persian Square, in Los Angeles.
Joe Biden wasn’t Hanieh Jodat Barnes’ first choice.
An immigrant from Iran who served as a California delegate for Sen. Bernie Sanders earlier this year, she threw her support behind Biden only once he was named the Democratic presidential nominee. She wanted to do whatever she could to ensure that President Trump would not be in office for another four years, she said, while also organizing to push Biden’s platform further left.
So Barnes joined voter mobilization efforts and co-founded the initiative Immigrants for Biden, working on a 50-state mobilization campaign.
“What was at stake was greater than ego,” said Barnes, a progressive Democrat who is in her 30s. “Another four years of Trump would have been horrendous, especially for people of color.”
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In California, as in other parts of the nation, Iranian Americans for decades have been caught in the middle of a geopolitical ping-pong match, watching as U.S. policy toward Iran shifts from diplomacy under one administration to a more hardline approach in the next.
Since 2016, they have seen the United States leave the landmark multilateral nuclear accord with Iran and witnessed the Trump administration’s targeted killing of Iranian Gen. Qassem Suleimani last January, bringing the two countries near the brink of war.
College students chat as they wait for their Persian pizza during lunch in Westwood. (Mariah Tauger / Los Angeles Times)
They also have watched as additional economic sanctions leveled by Trump have further undermined Iran’s economy. As his term winds down, Trump is moving to impose even more economic restrictions on the regime amid a “maximum pressure” campaign aimed at forcing Iran to come to a better nuclear deal — despite critics’ charges that such policies have hurt ordinary Iranians far more than their leaders.
As many as a half-million Iranian Americans live in Southern California, according to community estimates. As they look to the incoming Biden administration to grapple with issues that are top of mind for many in the diaspora — the economy, jobs, foreign policy and the coronavirus pandemic — community members say it would be a mistake to assume that there is a one-size-fits-all approach to pleasing a portion of the electorate that is so politically diverse.
Among Democrats, some, like Barnes, identify as progressives, while others see themselves as moderates who respect Biden’s more centrist politics.
The southern half of the state — centered on enclaves of Orange County, Los Angeles and San Diego — is home to a conservative Iranian contingent that tends to back Trump, his withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and his tough talk against the Islamic Republic. Indeed, some Iranian Trump voters continue to support his unfounded claims that he won the election, echoing some of the president’s backers across the nation.
For Barnes, domestic and foreign policy are entwined. The money “set aside to invest in war,” she said, could be redirected toward Americans who have lost work-based health insurance who are underinsured amid a pandemic, or toward reinforcing the social safety net.
“We still have students up to their eyeballs in student debt that they can’t afford to pay,” she said. “The Biden administration has to look really carefully at that. If we ignore the people living below the poverty line, then we will have another Trump who is talking to people below the poverty line.”
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Equally important to Barnes is the Biden administration’s promise on the first day of his presidency to rescind the U.S. travel ban on several Muslim-majority nations. Her hopes of having her mother visit California dissipated when the Trump administration passed the ban in 2017.
She saw her mother for the first time in more than 19 years in a Dubai hotel lobby in 2018, where she’d flown from Iran en route to a visa interview in Abu Dhabi. But her application was rejected because of the ban.
“I’ve spent all of my life here fighting for the rights of women,” Barnes said through tears. “I just couldn’t protect my own mom.”
A public opinion survey conducted by the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans in September found that the most important issues Iranian Americans considered before voting were the economy, jobs and foreign policy, followed by healthcare, terrorism and national security, and education. Respondents preferred Biden to Trump by a margin of 56% to 31%, with Iranian American independent voters preferring Biden 57% to 17% for Trump.
The survey also found increased support for Trump’s handling of U.S.-Iran relations since he took office. Some 31% backed Trump’s moves in 2020, an uptick from 22% in 2019 and 2018.
“Whenever we try to describe any single perspective of Iranians in America, we’re always going to come up short because we’re a diverse community,” said Amy Malek, an anthropologist and researcher at Princeton University studying the Iranian diaspora. “Much like rest of the country, our Iranian communities across the U.S. are also divided in our sense of what we want to happen both in the U.S. and in Iran.”
In West Hollywood, councilwoman-elect Sepi Shyne stressed that the Iranian American population includes “everyone from far-left progressives all the way through the spectrum to far-right conservatives.”
“We must remember that, before the Iranian Revolution, Iran had a lot of diversity and was actually a melting pot like the United States, but just different because of where we were situated geographically,” she said. “That diversity has now translated to a diversity of political beliefs.”
Houman Hemmati would like to see the Biden administration take the same tough stance that President Trump did against Iran. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
When it comes to domestic priorities, the economy takes center stage for Houman Hemmati, an ophthalmologist and biotech executive in Los Angeles.
“A lot of Iranian Americans are business owners or employers, and have a strong interest in maintaining a pro-business environment, which consists of both a lack of excessive regulation and tax policy that encourages entrepreneurship,” he said.
Those who do support Trump’s policies shouldn’t be discounted, he added.
“A lot of Iranian Americans are excited about a couple of developments that occurred under this current administration,” Hemmati, 44, said. “The strengthening of the rhetoric against Iran, the lack of financial cooperation and leaving a deal that was viewed as imperfect. And, of course, a very critical and not just symbolic but also forceful act in taking out Qassem Suleimani.”
Hemmati would like to see the Biden administration follow in those footsteps, though he believes that the president-elect will “likely give in to pressure from within as well as from European countries to return to the [nuclear] deal.”
Many Iranians also are sensitive to the current discussions on race relations and law enforcement. But some also worry about cutting back on policing.
“We’re a group of people who care a lot of about maintaining social order because we left a country that was in the midst of chaos,” he said, “and many of us have a fear of descending again into chaos in a country we sought refuge in.”
Sam Yebri, president of the Iranian American Jewish civic organization 30 Years After, said he is excited to see Biden assemble his team of experts tasked with developing plans to recover from the pandemic. On the local level, he would also like the incoming administration to help cities combat homelessness.
“We need a robust federal partner on those issues,” said Yebri, who plans to run for the Los Angeles City Council 5th District seat in 2022.
Internationally, he said he would like a “return to traditional diplomacy and coalitions, and international institutions.”
Yebri doesn’t remember the last time Iranians followed both federal and local politics so closely, he said. Community members in recent years have grown more involved in contacting their elected officials, joining street protests and — most important, he said — voting.
“It’s emblematic of this moment,” he said. “There are families divided. The community certainly feels divided when it came to this election, with people conflating partisan politics with morality. I think we all need to realize this is part of the democratic process: to evaluate policies and politicians.”


latimes--2020-11-22--Column: 'Scared like crazy': Going viral saved Burritos La Palma from the ravages of COVID-19

In early June , Albert Bañuelos took stock of his finances and came to the same conclusion that too many restaurateurs have had to make in this coronavirus year : Maybe it was time to close for good .
His Burritos La Palma , a small chain with spots in Santa Ana , El Monte , and Boyle Heights , had done better than he ever imagined .
Its tiny , tasty namesake has been a perennial in best-of lists ever since Bañuelos opened in 2012 .
He planned for 2020 to be his company ’ s biggest year yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , along with a full-fledged tortillería .
The Coachella music festival had asked La Palma to be a vendor ; SoFi Stadium had rewarded him a commissary contract .
“ You ’ re working hard , ” said Bañuelos , 54 , from a cramped office at his Santa Ana location , “ and you ’ re ready for the next step .
You ’ re going in the right direction .
And then , it ’ s all gone.
” The pandemic froze all his new locations and SoFi contract .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ catering jobs , which represent 30 % of La Palma ’ s revenue .
Bañuelos closed a location at Banc of California Stadium , and canceled contracts with food-delivery apps , not trusting a third party with his food .
He applied for and received a $ 38,000 PPP loan , and modified all the La Palmas to be coronavirus safe .
But sales still dropped dramatically .
“ If it was a matter of dollars and cents , I would ’ ve closed early on , ” Bañuelos said .
“ Pero @ @ @ @ @ @ @ m really country , he proclaimed .
“ That mentality doesn ’ t allow you to cut your losses , ” Bañuelos continued .
“ For you and the team that always believed in you , you can ’ t let them down.
” And he knew something only a few trusted friends did at the time : Burritos La Palma would appear on the second season of “ The Taco Chronicles , ” a wildly popular Netflix series .
He decided to wait until its debut , and hoped for a miracle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Independence Day — the new “ The Taco Chronicles ” dropped at midnight .
Burritos La Palma was the star of the burritos episode ( I make a cameo to describe burritos as a “ cylindrical god.
” It ’ s true , you know ) .
By 9 a.m. that day , people were calling all La Palmas to place orders .
By 10 a.m. , a line had already formed outside the Santa Ana storefront though they wouldn ’ t open for another hour .
Irony of ironies : what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was going viral .
The two months since have been “ nonstop , ” said Bañuelos , a tall , burly native of the Mexican state of Zacatecas whose stature masks his easygoing persona .
Wait times at his Santa Ana location got to as long as an hour and half .
His team became so overworked that La Palma is now closed on Wednesdays to let everyone breathe .
Business remained busier than the pre-coronavirus days when I visited in the wake of California ’ s latest coronavirus regulations .
“ Red @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The phone rang constantly .
Kitchen workers seamlessly waltzed from the counter to the stovetop to the dishwasher .
Customers picked up to-go orders .
“ I ’ m glad they ’ re still doing well , ” said 42-year-old Ron De Angelis of Irvine , a regular who works down the street .
“ They deserve it.
” John Li was on vacation from Denver and visited La Palma for the first time after his wife mentioned its Netflix appearance .
“ I ’ m excited to try them , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two boxes of goodies .
“ Mom and pop places are really suffering , so it ’ s cool to see that they got some love.
” David Hastie waited for a quesadilla and two burritos .
While happy for La Palma ’ s recent media bumps , the longtime restaurant manager warned “ they ’ re short-lived .
Even more so now with so much content .
It ’ s a bigger boost than before , but the drop is also steeper.
” Bañuelos laughed when I shared this with him .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I ’ m beyond grateful for Netflix , ” he said before opening the door for an eater .
“ I ’ m happy .
But I ’ m also scared like crazy.
” I ’ ve covered restaurants in Orange County and beyond for 20 years , so I can say with confidence that no industry is more ruthlessly capitalistic than restaurants .
I ’ ve seen well-financed millionaires open fancy establishments that close within a year and leave them mired in lawsuits .
And I ’ ve seen success stories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ empire by selling flour tortillas at the farmer ’ s market in his hometown of Lake Forest , graduated to a taco truck , and hustled his way to what he has today .
The coronavirus has emerged to become an even more unforgiving leveler of restaurants than the free market .
Restaurants can ’ t bank on deus ex machina moves like a top-rated TV show to survive .
But if they do come , like it did with Burritos La Palma , restaurants should also be equipped with what Bañuelos has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and much of society right now : heart balanced by reason .
All of his restaurants are simple takeout spots , with a design scheme that looks unfinished because it is .
Despite investors courting him with dreams of bigger and flashier places , he ’ s declined them all , because “ you should never overextend yourself.
” Most of his employees have been with Bañuelos for years , allowing La Palma to foster a workplace culture that shines in downturns like this .
During a time where just one case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and fatally harm them , no one has contracted it .
“ We know that if someone was careless , we ’ d all pay , ” Bañuelos said .
“ That ’ s the culture we had before COVID , and that ’ s the culture we ’ ll have after.
” “ He understands people need to work , but that people need to feel safe and valued , ” said 27-year-old Lilyana Garcia of Irvine .
She has worked for La Palma for five years and helped to open the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bañuelos had workers wear masks and trained everyone in COVID-19 safety protocol .
“ Most bosses aren ’ t going to be like that , ” she continued , while looking up an order .
“ But more should.
” More crucially , Bañuelos isn ’ t letting his newfound Netflix fame influence future business plans .
He plans to move forward , but only until he feels financially comfortable — and he doesn ’ t expect that for a while .
“ Do I wish I could be enjoying this ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first quarter next year is going to be vicious.
” The lunch rush ended .
La Palma was now quiet , save for the “ More , more more !
” taunts of Billy Idol on “ Rebel Yell.
” “ Businesses will have to audit themselves , and see where they ’ re really at , ” Bañuelos continued .
“ It ’ s going to hit the fan.
” Except he didn ’ t say “ it ’ s .
”

Albert Bañuelos’ Burritos La Palma experienced a steep downfall due to the coronavirus but saw a huge upswing after an appearance on a Netflix taco show.
In early June, Albert Bañuelos took stock of his finances and came to the same conclusion that too many restaurateurs have had to make in this coronavirus year:
Maybe it was time to close for good.
His Burritos La Palma, a small chain with spots in Santa Ana, El Monte, and Boyle Heights, had done better than he ever imagined. Its tiny, tasty namesake has been a perennial in best-of lists ever since Bañuelos opened in 2012. He planned for 2020 to be his company’s biggest year yet.
More locations were in the works, along with a full-fledged tortillería. The Coachella music festival had asked La Palma to be a vendor; SoFi Stadium had rewarded him a commissary contract.
Advertisement
“You’re working hard,” said Bañuelos, 54, from a cramped office at his Santa Ana location, “and you’re ready for the next step. You’re going in the right direction. And then, it’s all gone.”
Workers at Burritos La Palma in Santa Ana make burritos. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
The pandemic froze all his new locations and SoFi contract. The Coachella gig disappeared, along with all catering jobs, which represent 30% of La Palma’s revenue. Bañuelos closed a location at Banc of California Stadium, and canceled contracts with food-delivery apps, not trusting a third party with his food.
He applied for and received a $38,000 PPP loan, and modified all the La Palmas to be coronavirus safe. But sales still dropped dramatically.
“If it was a matter of dollars and cents, I would’ve closed early on,” Bañuelos said. “Pero soy bien ranchero.”
But I’m really country, he proclaimed.
“That mentality doesn’t allow you to cut your losses,” Bañuelos continued. “For you and the team that always believed in you, you can’t let them down.”
And he knew something only a few trusted friends did at the time: Burritos La Palma would appear on the second season of “The Taco Chronicles,” a wildly popular Netflix series. He decided to wait until its debut, and hoped for a miracle.
On Sept. 16 — Mexico’s Independence Day — the new “The Taco Chronicles” dropped at midnight. Burritos La Palma was the star of the burritos episode (I make a cameo to describe burritos as a “cylindrical god.” It’s true, you know).
Advertisement
By 9 a.m. that day, people were calling all La Palmas to place orders. By 10 a.m., a line had already formed outside the Santa Ana storefront though they wouldn’t open for another hour.
A customer pays for his food at Burritos La Palma in Santa Ana. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
Irony of ironies: what saved Burritos La Palma during a pandemic was going viral.
The two months since have been “nonstop,” said Bañuelos, a tall, burly native of the Mexican state of Zacatecas whose stature masks his easygoing persona. Wait times at his Santa Ana location got to as long as an hour and half. His team became so overworked that La Palma is now closed on Wednesdays to let everyone breathe.
Business remained busier than the pre-coronavirus days when I visited in the wake of California’s latest coronavirus regulations. “Red, Red Wine” by UB40 blared. The phone rang constantly. Kitchen workers seamlessly waltzed from the counter to the stovetop to the dishwasher. Customers picked up to-go orders.
“I’m glad they’re still doing well,” said 42-year-old Ron De Angelis of Irvine, a regular who works down the street. “They deserve it.”
John Li was on vacation from Denver and visited La Palma for the first time after his wife mentioned its Netflix appearance.
“I’m excited to try them,” said the 40-year-old financier as he lugged two boxes of goodies. “Mom and pop places are really suffering, so it’s cool to see that they got some love.”
David Hastie waited for a quesadilla and two burritos. While happy for La Palma’s recent media bumps, the longtime restaurant manager warned “they’re short-lived. Even more so now with so much content. It’s a bigger boost than before, but the drop is also steeper.”
Bañuelos laughed when I shared this with him. “Don’t get me wrong, I’m beyond grateful for Netflix,” he said before opening the door for an eater. “I’m happy. But I’m also scared like crazy.”
**
I’ve covered restaurants in Orange County and beyond for 20 years, so I can say with confidence that no industry is more ruthlessly capitalistic than restaurants.
I’ve seen well-financed millionaires open fancy establishments that close within a year and leave them mired in lawsuits. And I’ve seen success stories like Bañuelos, who started his small empire by selling flour tortillas at the farmer’s market in his hometown of Lake Forest, graduated to a taco truck, and hustled his way to what he has today.
The coronavirus has emerged to become an even more unforgiving leveler of restaurants than the free market.
Restaurants can’t bank on deus ex machina moves like a top-rated TV show to survive. But if they do come, like it did with Burritos La Palma, restaurants should also be equipped with what Bañuelos has but which is lacking in this industry, and much of society right now: heart balanced by reason.
All of his restaurants are simple takeout spots, with a design scheme that looks unfinished because it is. Despite investors courting him with dreams of bigger and flashier places, he’s declined them all, because “you should never overextend yourself.”
Most of his employees have been with Bañuelos for years, allowing La Palma to foster a workplace culture that shines in downturns like this. During a time where just one case of the coronavirus could close La Palma and fatally harm them, no one has contracted it.
“We know that if someone was careless, we’d all pay,” Bañuelos said. “That’s the culture we had before COVID, and that’s the culture we’ll have after.”
“He understands people need to work, but that people need to feel safe and valued,” said 27-year-old Lilyana Garcia of Irvine. She has worked for La Palma for five years and helped to open the Santa Ana location. Early on, Bañuelos had workers wear masks and trained everyone in COVID-19 safety protocol.
“Most bosses aren’t going to be like that,” she continued, while looking up an order. “But more should.”
More crucially, Bañuelos isn’t letting his newfound Netflix fame influence future business plans. He plans to move forward, but only until he feels financially comfortable — and he doesn’t expect that for a while.
“Do I wish I could be enjoying this?” Bañuelos said. “Sure. But the first quarter next year is going to be vicious.”
The lunch rush ended. La Palma was now quiet, save for the “More, more more!” taunts of Billy Idol on “Rebel Yell.”
“Businesses will have to audit themselves, and see where they’re really at,” Bañuelos continued. “It’s going to hit the fan.”
Except he didn’t say “it’s.”


latimes--2020-11-22--Column One: Armenian Americans marvel at an elder's generosity as they grieve over an ancestral home

Persimmons were drying in the kitchen and a bowl of cracked walnuts sat on the table on this November day .
Clara Margossian , 102 , wore her favorite scarf tied around her head , knotted beneath her chin .
The one she saves for company .
In the house she had built on old fig orchard land 40 years ago , she asked her caretakers , Nunufar Khalatian and Margo Ellison , to fetch a box of the See ’ s candy kept on hand for all occasions .
But then she noticed the women , both Armenian immigrants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hide tears .
“ What happened ?
” Margossian asked , going suddenly still .
“ Is it the war ?
” Six weeks earlier , as fighting escalated between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh , an enclave of antiquity and beauty in the Caucasus Mountains , Khalatian and Ellison had been too shocked to hide their emotions .
They cried .
They discussed how much money they were going to send to the Armenia Fund , a Los Angeles-based humanitarian relief organization .
Khalatian sent $ 1,000 .
Ellison came up with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a sacrifice .
Margossian said she wanted to help too .
No one in her family had ever been known for giving away money .
But Margossian , the last of her clan and with no living relatives , told the church deacon in charge of her affairs to arrange a $ 1-million donation .
Quickly it spread throughout the diaspora that such a gift came to Armenia from a Fresno woman more than a century old — a daughter of the Armenian genocide of 1915 .
Ellison ’ s cousin in Armenia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bullet in his knee , called to ask if she knew who the woman could be .
She told him it was her Clara , the woman she worked for .
She held up her tablet so he could speak to Margossian over video .
He tearfully thanked her for helping a homeland she had never seen .
He said that the money brought a special hope coming from a survivor of Armenia ’ s greatest tragedy .
Knarik Clara Margossian ’ s life spans the sweeps of history that define the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the shadow of the genocide and now , in old age , nightly watched YouTube updates of a war over lands her family fled .
Her mother was pregnant with Clara ’ s older brother when an estimated 1.5 million Armenians were killed and expelled by Ottoman Turk soldiers and police .
Turkey continues to deny it was genocide .
Margossian ’ s older brother was born April 25 , the day after the date recognized each year as the anniversary of the massacre .
Her parents ’ Turkish neighbors hid them .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Turkish families protecting Armenians would be killed , her parents began walking to Russia with a 3-day-old baby .
Clara and her younger sister were born in Russia .
One by one , their surviving relatives joined them .
The family of watchmakers prospered but remained cloistered and wary of outsiders .
Neither Clara nor her siblings ever married .
In the 1940s , like many Armenian families before them , they moved to Fresno , the first center of the Armenian diaspora in California .
A family friend told them that if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month for investing , they would be rich in their old age .
Margossian still includes that man ’ s memory in her prayers .
The Armenian connection is written on the landscape of the Central Valley .
The winter-gold grapevines on the outskirts of town , trays of raisins recently harvested , were first planted by Armenian settlers in the late 1800s .
Holy Trinity Armenian Apostolic Church is still the jewel of downtown , even now , flanked by a flashy car dealership .
Across the street , Valley Lahvosh bakery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Many of the city ’ s family names end in “ i-a-n , ” the ancient suffix meaning “ son of ” .
It is the setting of “ The Human Comedy ” by native son William Saroyan .
His novel of ordinary people on the home front during World War II is considered an American antiwar classic .
Fresno became a de facto home front to the 2020 Azerbaijani-Armenian war .
At the Armenian school , the eyes of a mother dropping her children off were red and swollen from crying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a “ Pastries for Peace ” or a kebab sale to raise money for Armenia .
As in larger cities , people protested on street corners , fruitlessly demanding the United States intercede .
In a country grappling with a momentous election , pandemic and civil unrest , their voices gained little traction .
When Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan backed oil-rich Azerbaijan with advanced weapons , Armenians in Fresno and elsewhere quaked , fearing the end goal was destroying Armenia itself .
In the evenings , Margossian usually liked to watch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” a PBS saga tracing generations of a family through wars .
But now she watched real-time Armenian war coverage .
They always reported that Armenia was winning , despite the odds and even though Khalatian and Ellison received messages from home telling of terrible losses .
On Nov. 9 , the reality was announced .
Armenia ’ s forces were broken and facing certain defeat .
The Armenian government accepted a Russia-brokered peace deal returning much of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan .
Russian soldiers will patrol the area and enforce new borders .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was when they first saw photos of the Azerbaijani flag flying over Shusha , the hilltop city Armenians call Shushi , and which both Armenians and Azeris treasure .
Khalatian didn ’ t directly answer when Margossian asked : “ Is it the war ?
” “ Clara-jan , ” she said , adding an endearment often used by Armenians .
“ Your money will help people who need medicine and places to live , even more now.
” Margossian seemed to understand what that meant .
Her eyes filled with tears .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Armenian people , ” said Margossian , who is deeply religious .
“ Tell them to keep faith in God and each other.
” Grief spread through the community as Armenians realized the region they call Artsakh , home to their oldest churches and monasteries , was lost .
Ellison got word that family members , two young brothers on her father ’ s side , had been killed 25 minutes before the truce was announced .
Varoujan Der Simonian , director of the Armenian Museum of Fresno , grew up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for 41 years .
He asked himself why the loss of this blood-soaked land devastated him and others even more generations removed from Armenia .
“ I realized it ’ s because it ’ s inside me .
It ’ s part of me , ” he said .
In the courtyard of the church downtown , he knelt in front of the eternity circle , an Armenian symbol of infinity that is also carved in countless crosses throughout Nagorno-Karabakh , a place he ’ s visited many times on agricultural missions .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he said , looking at the symbol ’ s looping , unbroken lines .
“ This circle holds the love and creativity of the Armenian people .
We will endure and continue to contribute to humanity.
” During the Soviet era , Turkish Azerbaijan and Armenia lived peacefully side by side .
But Josef Stalin tried to erase religious and cultural identities by making Nagorno-Karabakh , an Armenian cultural touchstone , part of Azerbaijan .
When the Soviet Union broke up , both countries became independent .
Nagorno-Karabakh , with its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away from Azerbaijan .
Armenia invaded the disputed territory it considers a homeland but is internationally recognized as Azerbaijan , and drove 600,000 ethnic Turks from their homes .
The war ended in 1994 , with 20,000 dead and Azerbaijanis vowing to someday reclaim what they consider their land .
The Armenian commander in that war was Monte Melkonian , an Armenian American who grew up playing Little League baseball in the Central Valley .
According to Russian President Vladimir Putin , 5,000 were killed in this war .
Many of the dead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yerevan , the capital of Armenia , even as a pandemic continues to kill .
The power in a volatile region has tilted to Turkey and Russia .
At Margossian ’ s house , she watched on video as people in Armenia rioted over their country ’ s surrender and Armenians fled Nagorno-Karabakh , some of them burning their houses behind them .
Margossian asked if people were glad the war had ended .
Khalatian reached for Margossian ’ s hand and gave it a comforting squeeze .
“ I think the people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , on both sides , ” she said , “ are happy that it ’ s over .
”

Persimmons were drying in the kitchen and a bowl of cracked walnuts sat on the table on this November day. Clara Margossian, 102, wore her favorite scarf tied around her head, knotted beneath her chin. The one she saves for company.
In the house she had built on old fig orchard land 40 years ago, she asked her caretakers, Nunufar Khalatian and Margo Ellison, to fetch a box of the See’s candy kept on hand for all occasions. But then she noticed the women, both Armenian immigrants, checking their phones, trying to hide tears.
“What happened?” Margossian asked, going suddenly still. “Is it the war?”
Six weeks earlier, as fighting escalated between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh, an enclave of antiquity and beauty in the Caucasus Mountains, Khalatian and Ellison had been too shocked to hide their emotions. They cried. They discussed how much money they were going to send to the Armenia Fund, a Los Angeles-based humanitarian relief organization. Khalatian sent $1,000. Ellison came up with $700. For both it was a sacrifice.
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Margossian said she wanted to help too. No one in her family had ever been known for giving away money. But Margossian, the last of her clan and with no living relatives, told the church deacon in charge of her affairs to arrange a $1-million donation.
Quickly it spread throughout the diaspora that such a gift came to Armenia from a Fresno woman more than a century old — a daughter of the Armenian genocide of 1915.
Malia Urdahl, 4, sits with 102-year-old Clara Margossian in her Fresno home. Malia is the granddaughter of Nunufar Khalatian, one of Margossian’s caretakers. (Nunufar Khalatian)
Ellison’s cousin in Armenia, home from the front lines, a bullet in his knee, called to ask if she knew who the woman could be.
She told him it was her Clara, the woman she worked for. She held up her tablet so he could speak to Margossian over video. He tearfully thanked her for helping a homeland she had never seen. He said that the money brought a special hope coming from a survivor of Armenia’s greatest tragedy.
Knarik Clara Margossian’s life spans the sweeps of history that define the Armenian experience. She was born in the shadow of the genocide and now, in old age, nightly watched YouTube updates of a war over lands her family fled.
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Her mother was pregnant with Clara’s older brother when an estimated 1.5 million Armenians were killed and expelled by Ottoman Turk soldiers and police. Turkey continues to deny it was genocide.
Margossian’s older brother was born April 25, the day after the date recognized each year as the anniversary of the massacre. Her parents’ Turkish neighbors hid them. When the order went out that any Turkish families protecting Armenians would be killed, her parents began walking to Russia with a 3-day-old baby. Clara and her younger sister were born in Russia. One by one, their surviving relatives joined them.
The family of watchmakers prospered but remained cloistered and wary of outsiders. Neither Clara nor her siblings ever married. In the 1940s, like many Armenian families before them, they moved to Fresno, the first center of the Armenian diaspora in California. A family friend told them that if they set aside a little money each month for investing, they would be rich in their old age. Margossian still includes that man’s memory in her prayers.
Armenian immigrant Nunufar Khalatian, 59, holds an old photo that features the family of 102-year-old Fresno resident Clara Margossian, a daughter of the Armenian genocide of 1915. Margossian is at far right. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
The Armenian connection is written on the landscape of the Central Valley. The winter-gold grapevines on the outskirts of town, trays of raisins recently harvested, were first planted by Armenian settlers in the late 1800s. Holy Trinity Armenian Apostolic Church is still the jewel of downtown, even now, flanked by a flashy car dealership. Across the street, Valley Lahvosh bakery makes Armenian cracker bread shaped like hearts.
Many of the city’s family names end in “i-a-n,” the ancient suffix meaning “son of”. It is the setting of “The Human Comedy” by native son William Saroyan. His novel of ordinary people on the home front during World War II is considered an American antiwar classic.
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Fresno became a de facto home front to the 2020 Azerbaijani-Armenian war. At the Armenian school, the eyes of a mother dropping her children off were red and swollen from crying all night. Almost every day there was a “Pastries for Peace” or a kebab sale to raise money for Armenia. As in larger cities, people protested on street corners, fruitlessly demanding the United States intercede. In a country grappling with a momentous election, pandemic and civil unrest, their voices gained little traction.
When Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan backed oil-rich Azerbaijan with advanced weapons, Armenians in Fresno and elsewhere quaked, fearing the end goal was destroying Armenia itself.
A monument to William Saroyan stands in Courthouse Park in downtown Fresno. The Armenian American author of “The Human Comedy” is a native son of Fresno. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
In the evenings, Margossian usually liked to watch her favorite show, “Poldark,” a PBS saga tracing generations of a family through wars. But now she watched real-time Armenian war coverage. They always reported that Armenia was winning, despite the odds and even though Khalatian and Ellison received messages from home telling of terrible losses.
On Nov. 9, the reality was announced. Armenia’s forces were broken and facing certain defeat. The Armenian government accepted a Russia-brokered peace deal returning much of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan. Russian soldiers will patrol the area and enforce new borders.
The day Margossian noticed her caregivers crying was when they first saw photos of the Azerbaijani flag flying over Shusha, the hilltop city Armenians call Shushi, and which both Armenians and Azeris treasure.
Khalatian didn’t directly answer when Margossian asked: “Is it the war?”
Advertisement
“Clara-jan,” she said, adding an endearment often used by Armenians. “Your money will help people who need medicine and places to live, even more now.”
Margossian seemed to understand what that meant. Her eyes filled with tears.
“I want to give a message to the Armenian people,” said Margossian, who is deeply religious. “Tell them to keep faith in God and each other.”
Grief spread through the community as Armenians realized the region they call Artsakh, home to their oldest churches and monasteries, was lost. Ellison got word that family members, two young brothers on her father’s side, had been killed 25 minutes before the truce was announced.
A shadow moves across the Armenian Genocide Centennial Memorial on the campus of Cal State Fresno. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
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Varoujan Der Simonian, director of the Armenian Museum of Fresno, grew up in Lebanon and has lived in Fresno for 41 years. He asked himself why the loss of this blood-soaked land devastated him and others even more generations removed from Armenia.
“I realized it’s because it’s inside me. It’s part of me,” he said.
In the courtyard of the church downtown, he knelt in front of the eternity circle, an Armenian symbol of infinity that is also carved in countless crosses throughout Nagorno-Karabakh, a place he’s visited many times on agricultural missions.
COLUMN ONE A showcase for compelling storytelling from the Los Angeles Times. More Stories
“I had trouble coming here today,” he said, looking at the symbol’s looping, unbroken lines. “This circle holds the love and creativity of the Armenian people. We will endure and continue to contribute to humanity.”
During the Soviet era, Turkish Azerbaijan and Armenia lived peacefully side by side. But Josef Stalin tried to erase religious and cultural identities by making Nagorno-Karabakh, an Armenian cultural touchstone, part of Azerbaijan.
When the Soviet Union broke up, both countries became independent. Nagorno-Karabakh, with its large Armenian population, tried to break away from Azerbaijan. Armenia invaded the disputed territory it considers a homeland but is internationally recognized as Azerbaijan, and drove 600,000 ethnic Turks from their homes.
Varoujan Der Simonian stands at the Grave of the Unknown Martyr in Ararat Cemetery in Fresno. The grave symbolizes the lives lost in the Armenian genocide whose names are not remembered and bodies went unburied. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
The war ended in 1994, with 20,000 dead and Azerbaijanis vowing to someday reclaim what they consider their land. The Armenian commander in that war was Monte Melkonian, an Armenian American who grew up playing Little League baseball in the Central Valley.
According to Russian President Vladimir Putin, 5,000 were killed in this war. Many of the dead were civilians. Refugees are flooding into Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, even as a pandemic continues to kill. The power in a volatile region has tilted to Turkey and Russia.
At Margossian’s house, she watched on video as people in Armenia rioted over their country’s surrender and Armenians fled Nagorno-Karabakh, some of them burning their houses behind them.
Advertisement
Margossian asked if people were glad the war had ended. Khalatian reached for Margossian’s hand and gave it a comforting squeeze.
“I think the people whose children will make it home alive, on both sides,” she said, “are happy that it’s over.”


latimes--2020-11-23--A weekend of fatal shootings puts L.A. at 300 homicides for first year since 2009

Beneath a highway overpass in South Los Angeles on Saturday night , a detective clicked his flashlight on and off as he carefully placed a yellow evidence marker in the middle of the street and then another closer to the curb , near the pooled blood of a 17-year-old boy .
A big dog barked behind a nearby fence as another detective recounted for his colleague how the teenager had been riding a bicycle when he was gunned down .
The boy died en route to a hospital .
His death and three other fatal shootings in L.A. from Saturday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homeless man , a 20-year-old man and a 41-year-old woman — pushed Los Angeles , in an already historic year , to a bloody benchmark not seen in a decade : 300 homicides .
Killings are up 25 % over last year and shootings are up more than 32 % , mirroring increases in violence that are driving concerns in big cities across the nation .
Last week , a pregnant woman was gunned down .
Children and elderly residents have been killed .
Of all the year ’ s victims , nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are suspected in many cases .
Over the weekend , the violence played out as a weary L.A. fell under a new 10 p.m. limited curfew aimed at halting the spread of another killer : COVID-19 .
For Police Chief Michel Moore , the fact that there didn ’ t seem to be anywhere near the amount of concern for the violence was frustrating .
“ With the health pandemic , we don ’ t just cross our arms and say , ‘ It is what it is.
’ We ’ re taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ curve , to lower the impact , to save lives .
And that ’ s what I ’ m asking for us to do with this violent crime , ” he said .
“ We have a pandemic of crime right now.
” Instead , passion is lacking in the official response , he said .
The roughly $ 3-billion police budget was cut this year by $ 150 million in the wake of widespread protests against police brutality and misconduct , and Moore said he is scrambling to put more officers on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where much of the recent violence has been — as he is slashing specialized units and reducing overtime by half .
“ These cuts couldn ’ t come at a worse time , ” Moore said .
“ My ability to put added resources [ in the community ] right now is hampered.
” Many activists and police reform advocates continue to contend that it is more robust and better funded social services that will reduce violence , not additional police .
They suggest the multibillion-dollar police budget should be reduced further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
For the families of those killed , it is simply the loss that is front of mind .
Shortly before 11:30 a.m. Nov. 15 , Arlene Rodriguez — 24 and seven months pregnant with her fourth child — was sitting in the passenger seat of a red sedan in a Wilmington neighborhood while her boyfriend worked on the engine when someone walked up and fired multiple rounds through the back windshield , striking both of them , police said .
It ’ s unclear who the shooter was trying to target , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is investigating the incident , said it is believed to be linked to gang activity in the area .
Rodriguez ’ s boyfriend survived , but she and her unborn child died .
Rodriguez ’ s stepmother , Jessica Rodriguez , said Arlene Rodriguez had endured multiple tragedies in her life , including her mother dying of liver failure in 2005 and her 17-year-old brother , Richard Rodriguez , being fatally shot in 2011 — just a few blocks from where she was shot this month .
Jessica Rodriguez , who lives in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with substance abuse but wanted to get her life on track .
The 24-year-old recently asked if she could come to Kansas to stay awhile and seek a fresh start .
“ She had a lot of dreams in hoping she would be able to get her life back on track and be able to be a better mom for her kids , ” Jessica Rodriguez said .
Instead , three months later , the call came that Arlene Rodriguez had been killed .
“ They took someone who had so much life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said of the shooter .
“ They took three kids ’ mom.
” Just before 2 a.m. Sept. 30 , cousins Jarrod Santos , 19 , and Jesse Meza , 18 , were sitting in Santos ’ car when someone walked up and opened fire .
Detectives believe the two were “ misidentified ” as gang members .
Roque Santos , Jarrod ’ s father , said his son had recently become a father himself .
His daughter turned 6 months old on the day of her father ’ s funeral services .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ found himself visiting the site of his son ’ s killing daily .
“ My mentality was that my son took his last breath here , so I need to be here , ” he said .
In past decades , L.A. experienced far more violence , with more than 1,000 homicides in some years in the 1980s and 1990s .
But more recently , crime has been on a steady downward trend , both in L.A. and in other major cities .
The causes are hard to pin down .
Some credit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aimed at keeping children out of gangs and intervening in street disputes to prevent them from turning into cycles of retaliation .
Others suggest gentrification played a role .
Still others say policing improved , got smarter and less controversial , and police learned to start working with local communities .
Whatever it was , cities like New York and Los Angeles saw their death rates shrink dramatically .
The last time the city passed 300 homicides was in 2009 .
In 2010 , when Los Angeles ended the year with 293 killings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lowest number of homicides in the city since 1967 , when the population was 30 % smaller .
The progress was being felt up until this year , when the coronavirus and its associated economic shutdowns helped upend whatever balance had been paying dividends .
According to Jeff Asher , a crime analyst and consultant based in New Orleans , data suggest that , because of surges in Los Angeles , New York and other big cities , 2020 could see “ the largest one-year increase in homicides nationally that we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even as “ overall murder remains down significantly ” from its peak toward the end of the 20th century .
Contrary to statements from some public officials , homicide increases have occurred in cities controlled by both political parties , Asher said .
And because the increase is being seen across the board , he thinks “ hyper-local explanations ” for increases in specific cities — such as a cut to the Los Angeles Police Department budget — are probably incorrect or only part of the answer for why things are going so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caution people against looking for local explanations for what is clearly a nationally driven trend , ” Asher said .
He said there is a major correlation between the “ stresses of the pandemic ” and the violence , but more study is needed on the connection .
There also could be a connection between the violence and “ the loss of police legitimacy ” before and during massive protests this year , he said .
Fernando Rejón , who works to prevent violence as executive director of the Urban Peace Institute , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ underserved communities that rely on in-person events for connections and support .
In addition , intervention workers — people with ties to the community who work to mediate conflicts — are working to educate people about the coronavirus , and are being spread thin .
In recent years , Moore and his predecessor , Charlie Beck , have credited gang intervention workers with helping to reduce violence in the city .
But as the pandemic rages on and people lose jobs and fall into economic despair , intervention workers are trying to play @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work , such as talking to shooting victims at their bedsides to halt cycles of retaliation , has been interrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic .
“ They continue to do the city a great service , but they ’ re not valued , ” Rejón said .
His organization is calling for more staffing and funding for such work .
At a recent meeting of intervention workers , issues such as homelessness , increased drug use and an increase in assault weapons and “ ghost guns ” — or guns made on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also brought up as concerns , he said .
“ People are just frustrated and then they don ’ t have access to their social networks to get together to share information , ” Rejón said .
“ It ’ s this perfect storm we ’ re dealing with.
” Moore , who also cited the increased prevalence of ghost guns and the interruptions to gang intervention work as factors in the violence , said he is trying to figure out how to put more officers on the streets of South L.A. to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personnel to investigate the killings that do occur .
Whether he succeeds in doing so , it can ’ t just be police trying to stop the violence , he said .
Everyone in the city needs to start having a conversation about the current crisis of violence , and figure out what they are going to do to help , he said .
Those who bring extraordinary passion to reforming police would help the city greatly if they put some of that energy toward halting killings , he said .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They have helped and they continue to help us now , but we need their vigilance .
If you see something , say something .
If you are aware of who is responsible for violence , bring us in .
Let us stop this senseless loss of life , ” he said .
“ Los Angeles is better than this .
”

Roque Santos kneels near the spot where his son Jarrod Santos and Jarrod’s cousin Jesse Meza were fatally shot in Wilmington on Sept. 30.
Beneath a highway overpass in South Los Angeles on Saturday night, a detective clicked his flashlight on and off as he carefully placed a yellow evidence marker in the middle of the street and then another closer to the curb, near the pooled blood of a 17-year-old boy.
A big dog barked behind a nearby fence as another detective recounted for his colleague how the teenager had been riding a bicycle when he was gunned down. The boy died en route to a hospital.
His death and three other fatal shootings in L.A. from Saturday into Sunday morning — of a 50-year-old homeless man, a 20-year-old man and a 41-year-old woman — pushed Los Angeles, in an already historic year, to a bloody benchmark not seen in a decade: 300 homicides.
Advertisement
Killings are up 25% over last year and shootings are up more than 32%, mirroring increases in violence that are driving concerns in big cities across the nation. Last week, a pregnant woman was gunned down. Children and elderly residents have been killed. Of all the year’s victims, nearly 20% have been homeless. Gangs are suspected in many cases.
Over the weekend, the violence played out as a weary L.A. fell under a new 10 p.m. limited curfew aimed at halting the spread of another killer: COVID-19. For Police Chief Michel Moore, the fact that there didn’t seem to be anywhere near the amount of concern for the violence was frustrating.
“With the health pandemic, we don’t just cross our arms and say, ‘It is what it is.’ We’re taking all types of efforts to flatten the curve, to lower the impact, to save lives. And that’s what I’m asking for us to do with this violent crime,” he said. “We have a pandemic of crime right now.”
Instead, passion is lacking in the official response, he said. The roughly $3-billion police budget was cut this year by $150 million in the wake of widespread protests against police brutality and misconduct, and Moore said he is scrambling to put more officers on the street — particularly in South L.A., where much of the recent violence has been — as he is slashing specialized units and reducing overtime by half.
“These cuts couldn’t come at a worse time,” Moore said. “My ability to put added resources [in the community] right now is hampered.”
Many activists and police reform advocates continue to contend that it is more robust and better funded social services that will reduce violence, not additional police. They suggest the multibillion-dollar police budget should be reduced further and the funding poured into alternative programs.
For the families of those killed, it is simply the loss that is front of mind.
Advertisement
Shortly before 11:30 a.m. Nov. 15, Arlene Rodriguez — 24 and seven months pregnant with her fourth child — was sitting in the passenger seat of a red sedan in a Wilmington neighborhood while her boyfriend worked on the engine when someone walked up and fired multiple rounds through the back windshield, striking both of them, police said.
It’s unclear who the shooter was trying to target, but LAPD Officer Jeffrey Tiffin, who is investigating the incident, said it is believed to be linked to gang activity in the area. Rodriguez’s boyfriend survived, but she and her unborn child died.
Rodriguez’s stepmother, Jessica Rodriguez, said Arlene Rodriguez had endured multiple tragedies in her life, including her mother dying of liver failure in 2005 and her 17-year-old brother, Richard Rodriguez, being fatally shot in 2011 — just a few blocks from where she was shot this month.
Jessica Rodriguez, who lives in Kansas, said her stepdaughter had struggled with substance abuse but wanted to get her life on track. The 24-year-old recently asked if she could come to Kansas to stay awhile and seek a fresh start.
“She had a lot of dreams in hoping she would be able to get her life back on track and be able to be a better mom for her kids,” Jessica Rodriguez said.
Instead, three months later, the call came that Arlene Rodriguez had been killed.
“They took someone who had so much life ahead of them,” Jessica Rodriguez said of the shooter. “They took three kids’ mom.”
Just before 2 a.m. Sept. 30, cousins Jarrod Santos, 19, and Jesse Meza, 18, were sitting in Santos’ car when someone walked up and opened fire. Detectives believe the two were “misidentified” as gang members.
Roque Santos, Jarrod’s father, said his son had recently become a father himself. His daughter turned 6 months old on the day of her father’s funeral services.
Since the shooting, Roque Santos has found himself visiting the site of his son’s killing daily.
“My mentality was that my son took his last breath here, so I need to be here,” he said.
In past decades, L.A. experienced far more violence, with more than 1,000 homicides in some years in the 1980s and 1990s. But more recently, crime has been on a steady downward trend, both in L.A. and in other major cities. The causes are hard to pin down.
Some credit the expansion of community programs and those aimed at keeping children out of gangs and intervening in street disputes to prevent them from turning into cycles of retaliation. Others suggest gentrification played a role. Still others say policing improved, got smarter and less controversial, and police learned to start working with local communities.
Whatever it was, cities like New York and Los Angeles saw their death rates shrink dramatically.
The last time the city passed 300 homicides was in 2009. In 2010, when Los Angeles ended the year with 293 killings, it was a milestone that marked the lowest number of homicides in the city since 1967, when the population was 30% smaller.
The progress was being felt up until this year, when the coronavirus and its associated economic shutdowns helped upend whatever balance had been paying dividends.
According to Jeff Asher, a crime analyst and consultant based in New Orleans, data suggest that, because of surges in Los Angeles, New York and other big cities, 2020 could see “the largest one-year increase in homicides nationally that we have ever seen” in the U.S., even as “overall murder remains down significantly” from its peak toward the end of the 20th century.
Contrary to statements from some public officials, homicide increases have occurred in cities controlled by both political parties, Asher said. And because the increase is being seen across the board, he thinks “hyper-local explanations” for increases in specific cities — such as a cut to the Los Angeles Police Department budget — are probably incorrect or only part of the answer for why things are going so wrong so fast.
“I would caution people against looking for local explanations for what is clearly a nationally driven trend,” Asher said.
He said there is a major correlation between the “stresses of the pandemic” and the violence, but more study is needed on the connection. There also could be a connection between the violence and “the loss of police legitimacy” before and during massive protests this year, he said.
Fernando Rejón, who works to prevent violence as executive director of the Urban Peace Institute, said the pandemic has exposed gaps in underserved communities that rely on in-person events for connections and support.
In addition, intervention workers — people with ties to the community who work to mediate conflicts — are working to educate people about the coronavirus, and are being spread thin.
In recent years, Moore and his predecessor, Charlie Beck, have credited gang intervention workers with helping to reduce violence in the city. But as the pandemic rages on and people lose jobs and fall into economic despair, intervention workers are trying to play more roles. And some of their work, such as talking to shooting victims at their bedsides to halt cycles of retaliation, has been interrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic.
“They continue to do the city a great service, but they’re not valued,” Rejón said. His organization is calling for more staffing and funding for such work.
At a recent meeting of intervention workers, issues such as homelessness, increased drug use and an increase in assault weapons and “ghost guns” — or guns made on the black market without serial numbers — were also brought up as concerns, he said.
“People are just frustrated and then they don’t have access to their social networks to get together to share information,” Rejón said. “It’s this perfect storm we’re dealing with.”
Moore, who also cited the increased prevalence of ghost guns and the interruptions to gang intervention work as factors in the violence, said he is trying to figure out how to put more officers on the streets of South L.A. to interrupt the violence while also maintaining sufficient personnel to investigate the killings that do occur.
Whether he succeeds in doing so, it can’t just be police trying to stop the violence, he said. Everyone in the city needs to start having a conversation about the current crisis of violence, and figure out what they are going to do to help, he said.
Those who bring extraordinary passion to reforming police would help the city greatly if they put some of that energy toward halting killings, he said.
“We need the community’s help. They have helped and they continue to help us now, but we need their vigilance. If you see something, say something. If you are aware of who is responsible for violence, bring us in. Let us stop this senseless loss of life,” he said. “Los Angeles is better than this.”


latimes--2020-11-23--As coronavirus cases surge again, ICE leaders push to detain more immigrants

At a federal court hearing last week , Moises Becerra , a top official with Immigration and Customs Enforcement , discussed a plan to safely repopulate the Mesa Verde immigrant detention facility in Bakersfield .
Last summer , a COVID-19 outbreak spread to more than half of the detainees and a quarter of the staff .
Now , against the backdrop of the latest and potentially most difficult wave of COVID-19 cases across the state and country , ICE officials are pushing to increase the number of immigrants detained in California .
At the same time , advocates are urging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prisons and jails to ICE custody and exercise public health oversight .
“ We do not expect ICE to ensure compliance , therefore it is the responsibility of our state and local officials to address this humanitarian crisis , ” said Jackie Gonzalez , policy director at Immigrant Defense Advocates .
In August , U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria issued a restraining order barring new detainees at Mesa Verde , mandating a population reduction to fewer than 50 and ordering weekly testing of remaining detainees and staff .
The facility has space for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Lawyers for ICE have argued that because there have been no new cases and all detainees who had tested positive have since recovered , the court order is no longer needed .
Two staff members tested positive last week , according to court documents .
Immigrant advocates filed lawsuits in response to conditions inside five of the facilities in California during the pandemic .
In the case of the Adelanto facility , northeast of Los Angeles , a judge is still considering detainee bail applications to reduce the facility population .
Earlier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Otay Mesa , experienced its second COVID-19 outbreak .
At Mesa Verde , ICE ’ s plan involves offering tests to all incoming detainees and placing them in quarantine or isolation for two weeks .
Detainees who refuse tests will be quarantined separately .
Detainees who test positive at intake will be isolated .
ICE spokesman Jonathan Moor declined to comment on pending litigation .
A representative for the GEO Group , the Florida-based company that manages three of the facilities in California , declined to comment .
Becerra told the court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of combining dorms in order to leave two dorms empty to accommodate new detainees .
Chhabria appeared unconvinced that the plan was strong enough to prevent a future outbreak .
“ What happens if you have detainees in all four dorms and you have another outbreak ?
” Chhabria asked .
“ How do you start isolating people who tested positive ?
” Though not written into the plan , Becerra said , the goal is to always have a dorm available .
If not , new detainees would be sent to another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in court documents earlier this month that the agency should be allowed flexibility instead of being subject to a court order that “ locks in how they might use their housing units.
” Lawyers for the American Civil Liberties Union and the public defender ’ s office of San Francisco are urging Chhabria not to remove the restraining order .
Emails disclosed recently as part of the court case indicate that Mesa Verde officials ignored protocols issued by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and misled the judge about their safety practices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facility warden , Nathan Allen , show they waited four days to offer testing to a dorm that had been exposed to someone who tested positive on July 31 , despite having rapid-result tests on-site .
ICE officials also misrepresented certain facts , documents indicate .
In a May 27 declaration , San Francisco Assistant Field Office Director Alexander Pham said all new detainees arriving from another facility with reported cases of COVID-19 would be placed in isolation for two weeks before being released to the general population .
Lawyers later submitted a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court acknowledging that isolation is limited mainly to those arrested off the street or returning from being hospitalized .
Previously disclosed emails found that Mesa Verde officials rejected a suggestion to test all detainees there because it would be difficult to quarantine those who tested positive .
ICE tested no detainees with COVID-19 symptoms before the outbreak started July 29 .
While ICE tries to regain control of Mesa Verde , advocates are pushing for state leaders to require that the agency coordinate with local public health departments and stop transfers from state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need for intervention to instances in which state health officials took control of troubled nursing homes early on in the pandemic .
In response to the pandemic , ICE released a set of requirements for detention centers , including the need to comply with state and local public health plans and coordinate with public health authorities to develop a COVID-19 mitigation plan .
Five of the six facilities in California are run by for-profit companies and planned expansions could bring the combined capacity to 7,200 .
COVID-19 infections have been reported at each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outbreak of more than 150 people at Otay Mesa , which at one point was the largest in the country and led to the first coronavirus-related death in ICE custody .
Immigrant advocate groups including the nonprofit Immigrant Defense Advocates asked public health authorities in counties where each of the six ICE facilities are located about their communication with facility operators .
According to a policy brief released Thursday , most of the public health departments said they hadn ’ t developed a COVID-19 plan for the facility in their jurisdiction .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Matthew Constantine , director of public health services at Kern County Public Health , said the department “ does not have jurisdiction within a federally contracted detention facility.
” Kern County officials said they met with the California Department of Public Health to discuss the outbreak at Mesa Verde on Aug. 24 — the same day advocates sent their inquiry and more than three weeks after the outbreak started .
ICE ’ s pandemic response requirements note that the agency must comply with the CDC ’ s interim guidance on COVID-19 in correctional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that local public health officials should be contacted before an incarcerated or detained person who has confirmed or suspected COVID-19 is released .
Public health officials in Kern and San Bernardino counties said they had not received notifications .
Other documents showed facility leaders refused to cooperate with public health authorities .
In an email exchange May 19 , San Diego Public Health Department epidemiologist Adriana Villasenor recommended to Assistant Warden Joseph Roemmich that all Otay Mesa Detention Center staff get tested .
Villasenor said the California Department of Public Health “ is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employ this to get a good baseline of asymptomatic staff and residents ( to help mitigate spread ) .
” Roemmich responded , “ Just so we ’ re clear — at this point we have no intention to mass test our staff.
” At a California Senate hearing Thursday about COVID-19 in state prisons , ACLU attorney Monika Langarica said prisons and jails supply most ICE detainees in California .
She argued that those transfers are voluntary and endanger the community during a pandemic .
“ Without constant intervention from all angles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ICE detention , ” she said .
But Heidi Dixon , chief of correctional case records services for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation , said the agency is required under state law to notify ICE of foreign-born inmates , allow ICE officials enter its facilities to interview inmates , and facilitate transfers to ICE custody .
California law says the department of corrections shall cooperate with immigration authorities “ by providing the use of prison facilities , transportation , and general support ” for the purposes of deportation hearings .
Some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ D-Santa Barbara ) , expressed frustration over the different interpretations of the state ’ s responsibility to ICE .
“ I recall it being fairly clear in hearings that we ’ ve had over the course of the last several years that the state of California does not see itself as an extension of ICE , ” she said .

A guard watches inmates fold clothes at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Facility in Bakersfield. A COVID-19 outbreak spread to more than half of the detainees and a quarter of the staff last summer.
At a federal court hearing last week, Moises Becerra, a top official with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, discussed a plan to safely repopulate the Mesa Verde immigrant detention facility in Bakersfield. Over the summer, a COVID-19 outbreak had spread to more than half of the detainees and a quarter of the staff.
Now, against the backdrop of the latest and potentially most difficult wave of coronavirus cases across the state and country, ICE officials are pushing to increase the number of immigrants detained in California.
At the same time, advocates are urging California leaders to stop transfers from state prisons and jails to ICE custody and exercise public health oversight.
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“We do not expect ICE to ensure compliance, therefore it is the responsibility of our state and local officials to address this humanitarian crisis,” said Jackie Gonzalez, policy director at Immigrant Defense Advocates.
In August, U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria issued a restraining order barring new detainees at Mesa Verde, mandating a population reduction to fewer than 50 and ordering weekly testing of remaining detainees and staff. The facility has space for 400 and is divided into four dormitories.
Lawyers for ICE have argued that because there have been no new cases and all detainees who had tested positive have since recovered, the court order is no longer needed. Two staff members tested positive last week, according to court documents.
Immigrant advocates filed lawsuits in response to conditions inside five of the facilities in California during the pandemic. In the case of the Adelanto ICE Processing Facility, northeast of Los Angeles, a judge is still considering detainee bail applications to reduce the facility population. This month, the Otay Mesa Detention Center in southern San Diego County experienced its second coronavirus outbreak.
At Mesa Verde, ICE’s plan involves offering tests to all incoming detainees and placing them in quarantine or isolation for two weeks. Detainees who refuse tests will be quarantined separately. Detainees who test positive at intake will be isolated.
ICE spokesman Jonathan Moor declined to comment on pending litigation. A representative for GEO Group, the Florida-based company that manages three of the detention centers in California, declined to comment.
Becerra told the court that facility leaders are in the process of combining dorms in order to leave two empty to accommodate new detainees. Chhabria appeared unconvinced that the plan was strong enough to prevent a future outbreak.
“What happens if you have detainees in all four dorms and you have another outbreak?” the judge asked. “How do you start isolating people who tested positive?”
Though not written into the plan, Becerra said, the goal is to always have a dorm available. If not, new detainees would be sent to another facility.
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But lawyers for ICE wrote in court documents this month that the agency should be allowed flexibility instead of being subject to a court order that “locks in how they might use their housing units.”
Lawyers for the American Civil Liberties Union and the public defender’s office of San Francisco are urging Chhabria not to remove the restraining order.
Emails disclosed recently as part of the court case indicate that Mesa Verde officials ignored protocols issued by the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and misled the judge about their safety practices. Emails between ICE officials and the facility warden, Nathan Allen, show they waited four days to offer testing to a dorm that had been exposed to someone who tested positive July 31, despite having rapid-result tests on-site.
ICE officials also misrepresented certain facts, documents indicate. In a May 27 declaration, San Francisco Assistant Field Office Director Alexander Pham said all new detainees arriving from another facility with reported coronavirus cases would be placed in isolation for two weeks before being released to the general population. Lawyers later submitted a “notice of errata” to the court acknowledging that isolation is limited mainly to those arrested off the street or returning from being hospitalized.
Previously disclosed emails found that Mesa Verde officials rejected a suggestion to test all detainees there because it would be difficult to quarantine those who tested positive. ICE tested no detainees with COVID-19 symptoms before the outbreak started July 29.
While ICE tries to regain control of Mesa Verde, advocates are pushing for state leaders to require that the agency coordinate with local public health departments and stop transfers from state prisons and jails. They compared the need for intervention to instances in which state health officials took control of troubled nursing homes early in the pandemic.
In response to the pandemic, ICE released a set of requirements for detention centers, including the need to comply with state and local public health plans and coordinate with public health authorities to develop a COVID-19 mitigation plan.
Five of the six facilities in California are run by for-profit companies, and planned expansions could bring their combined capacity to 7,200. Coronavirus infections have been reported at each of the private facilities, including an outbreak of more than 150 people at Otay Mesa that at one point was the largest in the country and led to the first coronavirus-related death in ICE custody.
Immigrant advocate groups including the nonprofit Immigrant Defense Advocates asked public health authorities in counties where each of the six ICE facilities are located about their communication with facility operators.
According to a policy brief released this month, most of the public health departments said they hadn’t developed a COVID-19 plan for the facility in their jurisdiction. In an email response Sept. 9, Matthew Constantine, Kern County’s director of public health services, said the department “does not have jurisdiction within a federally contracted detention facility.”
Kern County officials said they met with the California Department of Public Health to discuss the outbreak at Mesa Verde on Aug. 24 — the same day advocates sent their inquiry and more than three weeks after the outbreak started.
ICE’s pandemic response requirements note that the agency must comply with the CDC’s interim guidance on COVID-19 in correctional and detention facilities. That guidance states that local public health officials should be contacted before an incarcerated or detained person who has a confirmed or suspected coronavirus infection is released.
Public health officials in Kern and San Bernardino counties said they had not received notifications.
Other documents showed facility leaders refused to cooperate with public health authorities. In an email exchange May 19, San Diego County Public Health Department epidemiologist Adriana Villasenor recommended to Assistant Warden Joseph Roemmich that all Otay Mesa Detention Center staff get tested.
Villasenor said the California Department of Public Health “is more strongly urging facilities with outbreaks to employ this to get a good baseline of asymptomatic staff and residents (to help mitigate spread).”
Roemmich responded, “Just so we’re clear — at this point we have no intention to mass test our staff.”
At a California Senate hearing Thursday about COVID-19 in state prisons, ACLU attorney Monika Langarica said prisons and jails supply most ICE detainees in California. She argued that those transfers are voluntary and endanger the community during a pandemic.
“Without constant intervention from all angles possible, more people may die in ICE detention,” she said.
But Heidi Dixon, chief of case records services for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said the agency is required under state law to notify ICE of foreign-born inmates, allow ICE officials to enter its facilities to interview inmates, and facilitate transfers to ICE custody.
California law says the department of corrections shall cooperate with immigration authorities “by providing the use of prison facilities, transportation, and general support” for the purposes of deportation hearings.
Some lawmakers, including state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson (D-Santa Barbara), expressed frustration over the different interpretations of the state’s responsibility to ICE.
“I recall it being fairly clear in hearings that we’ve had over the course of the last several years that the state of California does not see itself as an extension of ICE,” she said.


latimes--2020-11-23--Column: Who should Newsom choose as Kamala Harris' successor? Himself, Willie Brown says

Maybe Gov .
Gavin Newsom should just choose himself to replace Vice President-elect Kamala Harris in the U.S. Senate .
That ’ s the thinking of Willie Brown , a fellow former San Francisco mayor and Democratic elder statesman .
It ’ s not a bad idea .
I mean , how much fun is it to be California ’ s governor these days ?
Well , probably more fun than it would be to move your family to Washington , D.C. , and become a junior one-of-100 in a fractured chamber that will most probably still be controlled by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor is bogged down fighting the surging pandemic and angering voters no matter what he does .
He ’ ll be wrestling an unstable boom-and-bust revenue situation as the state ’ s economy suffers from a pandemic-induced recession .
He may need to butcher some popular programs .
And he can ’ t seem to get a grip on homelessness .
So why not jump jobs by grabbing a coveted Senate seat ?
He ’ d resign and be appointed by his successor , Democratic Lt. Gov .
Eleni Kounalakis .
“ If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first thing I would do , ” Brown told me .
“ I ’ m 53 and I have ambition .
And I have a friend who is already vice president and she ’ ll probably be the ‘ first ’ Californian .
But I would like to be the ‘ second ’ Californian .
I could live longer in that status as a senator than as a governor .
So , I would be playing practical ” politics .
Brown is referring to the fact that being governor is a term-limited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two four-year terms .
Senator is potentially a lifelong job if you can keep getting reelected to six-year terms .
But whoever replaces Harris in the Senate will need to run for election in 2022 if that person wants to keep the office .
How receptive would voters be to Newsom if he walked off his gubernatorial post after manning it for only two years ?
Brown noted that if Newsom remains governor , he ’ ll need to run for reelection in 2022 anyway .
“ There ’ d be fewer negatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state of California , ” Brown said .
“ He has to deal with wildfires , deal with COVID , deal with budget problems , the downturn of the economy.
” Brown preceded Newsom as San Francisco mayor and was a legendary state Assembly speaker , holding that powerful post longer than anyone in history .
He was the first Black California speaker and is one of the state ’ s all-time most skillful politicians .
But it ’ s highly unlikely Newsom will follow Brown ’ s advice about the Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powerful and prestigious a job to voluntarily give up .
And although it wouldn ’ t be as easy as selecting himself without needing to be elected by voters , California ’ s other Senate seat is almost certain to be open in 2024 .
Sen. Dianne Feinstein will be up for reelection and she ’ ll be 91 .
Everyone expects her to retire .
Newsom would be in the middle of his second term — a good time to run for the Senate from a position of power .
But now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There ’ s speculation about many wannabes .
But the consensus shortlist is headed by Secretary of State Alex Padilla , 47 ; Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra , 62 , and U.S. Rep. Karen Bass , 67 , of Los Angeles .
If Newsom picked either of the state officeholders , he ’ d get a bonus by also being able to choose their successors .
Newsom prioritizes making history .
And with either Padilla or Becerra , he would be choosing California ’ s first Latino senator — in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ethnic group .
With Bass , Newsom would be replacing a Black woman with another Black woman , which Brown says the governor should do if he appoints anyone .
He ’ s under heavy pressure to name someone who ’ s Latino , Black or Asian American , and preferably another woman .
He could also make history by appointing the first LGBTQ senator from California .
“ Unless he can find a multiracial woman in a same-sex relationship , he ’ s going to disappoint some people , ” says Dan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political science professor who was Gov .
Pete Wilson ’ s chief spokesman .
Schnur thinks Newsom should consider appointing a “ caretaker ” who would promise not to run for the job and hold it until voters elected a replacement .
Then the governor wouldn ’ t be anointing someone and gifting a huge advantage of incumbency for the election campaign .
“ Leveling the playing field and letting voters pick Harris ’ replacement themselves would be in line with our democratic ideals , ” Schnur says .
“ And it would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kapolczynski , who was former Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer ’ s longtime political strategist , says “ the safest path for Newsom is to appoint a caretaker and let the dozen likely candidates make their case to the voters in 2022 .
It would be a vigorous Democratic primary .
“ But Newsom isn ’ t known for taking the safe path .
He ’ s more likely to make a bold , history-making choice.
” Who would be a good caretaker and promise not to run for the office ?
Some retired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still mentally agile and tired of running .
Maybe former Gov .
Jerry Brown , 82 ; former D.C. all-star Leon Panetta , 82 ( congressman , White House chief of staff , Defense secretary ) , or Willie Brown , 86 .
“ I couldn ’ t afford it , ” Willie Brown says .
A senator is paid $ 174,000 a year .
Brown makes more consulting and sitting on corporate boards .
You can expect Newsom to use all his power and have fun filling the seat with a political @ @ @ @ @ @

Maybe Gov. Gavin Newsom should just choose himself to replace Vice President-elect Kamala Harris in the U.S. Senate.
That’s the thinking of Willie Brown, a fellow former San Francisco mayor and Democratic elder statesman. It’s not a bad idea.
I mean, how much fun is it to be California’s governor these days?
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Well, probably more fun than it would be to move your family to Washington, D.C., and become a junior one-of-100 in a fractured chamber that will most probably still be controlled by Republicans.
But in Sacramento, the governor is bogged down fighting the surging pandemic and angering voters no matter what he does. He’ll be wrestling an unstable boom-and-bust revenue situation as the state’s economy suffers from a pandemic-induced recession. He may need to butcher some popular programs. And he can’t seem to get a grip on homelessness.
So why not jump jobs by grabbing a coveted Senate seat? He’d resign and be appointed by his successor, Democratic Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis.
“If I were Newsom, that’s the first thing I would do,” Brown told me. “I’m 53 and I have ambition. And I have a friend who is already vice president and she’ll probably be the ‘first’ Californian. But I would like to be the ‘second’ Californian. I could live longer in that status as a senator than as a governor. So, I would be playing practical” politics.
Brown is referring to the fact that being governor is a term-limited job. You’re booted after two four-year terms. Senator is potentially a lifelong job if you can keep getting reelected to six-year terms.
But whoever replaces Harris in the Senate will need to run for election in 2022 if that person wants to keep the office. How receptive would voters be to Newsom if he walked off his gubernatorial post after manning it for only two years?
Brown noted that if Newsom remains governor, he’ll need to run for reelection in 2022 anyway.
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“There’d be fewer negatives associated with being senator than with running the state of California,” Brown said. “He has to deal with wildfires, deal with COVID, deal with budget problems, the downturn of the economy.”
Brown preceded Newsom as San Francisco mayor and was a legendary state Assembly speaker, holding that powerful post longer than anyone in history. He was the first Black California speaker and is one of the state’s all-time most skillful politicians.
But it’s highly unlikely Newsom will follow Brown’s advice about the Senate seat. Being California governor is too powerful and prestigious a job to voluntarily give up.
And although it wouldn’t be as easy as selecting himself without needing to be elected by voters, California’s other Senate seat is almost certain to be open in 2024. Sen. Dianne Feinstein will be up for reelection and she’ll be 91. Everyone expects her to retire. Newsom would be in the middle of his second term — a good time to run for the Senate from a position of power.
But now he needs to fill the Harris seat.
There’s speculation about many wannabes. But the consensus shortlist is headed by Secretary of State Alex Padilla, 47; Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra, 62, and U.S. Rep. Karen Bass, 67, of Los Angeles.
If Newsom picked either of the state officeholders, he’d get a bonus by also being able to choose their successors.
Newsom prioritizes making history. And with either Padilla or Becerra, he would be choosing California’s first Latino senator — in a state where Latinos have become the largest ethnic group.
With Bass, Newsom would be replacing a Black woman with another Black woman, which Brown says the governor should do if he appoints anyone.
He’s under heavy pressure to name someone who’s Latino, Black or Asian American, and preferably another woman. He could also make history by appointing the first LGBTQ senator from California.
“Unless he can find a multiracial woman in a same-sex relationship, he’s going to disappoint some people,” says Dan Schnur, a USC and UC Berkeley political science professor who was Gov. Pete Wilson’s chief spokesman.
Schnur thinks Newsom should consider appointing a “caretaker” who would promise not to run for the job and hold it until voters elected a replacement. Then the governor wouldn’t be anointing someone and gifting a huge advantage of incumbency for the election campaign.
“Leveling the playing field and letting voters pick Harris’ replacement themselves would be in line with our democratic ideals,” Schnur says. “And it would take Newsom off the hook.”
Rose Kapolczynski, who was former Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer’s longtime political strategist, says “the safest path for Newsom is to appoint a caretaker and let the dozen likely candidates make their case to the voters in 2022. It would be a vigorous Democratic primary.
“But Newsom isn’t known for taking the safe path. He’s more likely to make a bold, history-making choice.”
The caretaker idea makes sense.
Who would be a good caretaker and promise not to run for the office? Some retired pol who was old of age but still mentally agile and tired of running.
Maybe former Gov. Jerry Brown, 82; former D.C. all-star Leon Panetta, 82 (congressman, White House chief of staff, Defense secretary), or Willie Brown, 86.
“I couldn’t afford it,” Willie Brown says. A senator is paid $174,000 a year. Brown makes more consulting and sitting on corporate boards.
You can expect Newsom to use all his power and have fun filling the seat with a political ally — most likely Padilla.


latimes--2020-11-23--Two dead in stabbing at San Jose church used as a shelter, police say

At least two people died and multiple people were injured in a stabbing Sunday night at a San Jose church @ @ @ @ @ shelter , officials said .
The incident was reported at the Grace Baptist Church in @ @ @ @ @ San Fernando Street , according to a statement posted online by the San Jose Police @ @ @ @ @ .
Police said there were “ multiple stabbing victims ” at the scene .
No @ @ @ @ @ the time of the stabbing .
The church was being used as a shelter for @ @ @ @ @ them out of the cold , ” according to the Police Department .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ was in police custody .
Police confirmed the two people were pronounced dead .

A suspect has been arrested in connection with two fatal stabbings at a San Jose church in use as a homeless shelter, officials said.
Two people died and three were injured in the incident reported at Grace Baptist Church in the 400 block of East San Fernando Street on Sunday night, according to a statement posted online by the San Jose Police Department.
Arriving just before 8 p.m., officers found five victims suffering from at least one stab wound each, according to a news release by officer Steve Aponte.
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An adult male victim was declared dead at the scene. An adult female victim was transported to a local hospital, where she died from her injuries.
A male suspect was in custody by 8 a.m. Monday, according to Aponte. His name has not been released, and a motive has not yet been identified.
We have one suspect in custody for last nights homicide. Press release forthcoming. pic.twitter.com/zK9dbsvs07 — San Jose Police Media Relations (@SJPD_PIO) November 23, 2020
No church services were underway at the time of the stabbing. The church was being used as a shelter for homeless people “to get them out of the cold,” according to the police department.
The names of those who died will be released by the Santa Clara County coroner’s ofice after confirming their identities and notifying their families, Aponte said.
The deaths mark San Jose’s 40th and 41st homicides this year.