latimes--2020-06-15--At least 1,000 L.A. County restaurants not following coronavirus safety rules, inspections show

As more sectors of the economy are poised to reopen in Los Angeles County this week , public health officials visited some of the establishments that are already open to check whether they are meeting the county ’ s requirements to do business .
Officials visited roughly 2,000 restaurants over the weekend and found that half of them were not in compliance with the county ’ s guidelines .
Health officials expressed alarm at the findings , stressing it is essential that both customers and merchants follow safety guidelines to avoid new coronavirus outbreaks as the economy reopens .
California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rapid clip , leading to concerns from some that this could cause the virus to spread more .
Although the number of cases continues to rise , officials have said they think it is safe to reopen as long as everyone obeys the rules .
“ There should be no places where tables are right next to each other , ” Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said Monday .
Restaurants that violated the orders will be revisited , and patrons who notice potential risks at eateries can lodge a complaint via a public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amid a continued rise in coronavirus cases in California , which reported record tallies on consecutive days last week .
But the spike still does not account for tens of thousands of people who have attended protests over the past few weeks across the state , many demanding police reforms in the wake of George Floyd ’ s death .
That ’ s largely due to the fact that people do not typically get tested for the virus before evidence of symptoms , which can take up to 14 days to appear , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testing and reported results .
It is possible , however , that this week ’ s case counts will include numbers from the protests , which began after Floyd ’ s death on May 25 .
But there ’ s no way for officials to concretely determine whether cases will spread at the protests because contact tracers do not identify cases that have stemmed from public spaces , which include protests , indoor malls and restaurants .
“ We don ’ t have any way of tracking that information , ” Public Health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ difficulty in pinpointing the exact path of transmission from public areas .
On Monday , there were more than 152,000 COVID-19 infections and over 5,000 deaths related to the virus in the state .
Nearly half of the number of cases are in Los Angeles County , which also accounts for nearly 60 % of all deaths .
Officials reported Monday an additional 19 deaths and 1,071 cases in the county .
Instead , officials are encouraging residents to take a proactive approach .
Protesters and anyone who has attended a large gathering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came into contact with a person not wearing a face mask for more than 15 minutes , have been encouraged to get tested for the virus .
Though many protesters have worn face masks , it is nearly impossible to avoid coming in contact with crowds .
In the absence of a vaccine and medical therapies , testing is still one of the biggest weapons in preventing the spread of COVID-19 .
In L.A. County , more than 803,000 tests have been conducted .
Of those tested , 8 % have been positive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unclear how many individuals have been tested for the virus because people can be tested multiple times .
Gov .
Gavin Newsom said Monday that the state continues to make progress in the fight , but warned that the virus remains a threat .
“ We are not out of the woods , ” he said .
Dr. Mark Ghaly , the state ’ s secretary of Health and Human Services , said Friday that overall case counts are not necessarily a measure of how the state is faring in its fight against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve ramped up testing in an extraordinary way , nearly hitting our goal that was set for August — not June , not July , but August — of getting to 60,000 to 80,000 tests a day , ” Ghaly said .
“ We ’ re already knocking on that door , averaging in the mid- to high 50s over the past few days across the state.
” Instead , officials are closely monitoring the positivity rate , which is the proportion of people who have tested positive out of all those who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of hospitalizations .
The latter is a number that officials worry may increase amid the state ’ s continued reopening .
Furthermore , Ghaly said the openings are not the source of the increased cases , noting that increased testing can drive up the number of cases as more infections are identified among those who are not seriously ill. Los Angeles County is one of 13 counties that state officials are closely monitoring for an increase in transmission or a surge in hospitalizations .
The county reported an increase in the transmission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospitals could become overwhelmed in the next few weeks .
Such a surge has already hit other states that previously lifted stay-at-home restrictions .
According to an Associated Press analysis , Texas recently set a new record with hospitalized COVID-19 patients .
In Arizona , a surge in new cases and hospitalizations occurred about 10 days after the state lifted its stay-home orders .

A worker reaches for a glass from the cart being used as a “landing-zone,” an area used for safely delivering dishes, utensils and other items to dine-in guests, at Faith & Flower in downtown Los Angeles on June 6.
As more sectors of the economy are poised to reopen in Los Angeles County this week, public health officials visited some of the establishments that are already open to check whether they are meeting the county’s requirements to do business.
Officials visited roughly 2,000 restaurants over the weekend and found that half of them were not in compliance with the county’s guidelines.
Health officials expressed alarm at the findings, stressing it is essential that both customers and merchants follow safety guidelines to avoid new coronavirus outbreaks as the economy reopens. California has allowed businesses to reopen at a rapid clip, leading to concerns from some that this could cause the virus to spread more. Although the number of cases continues to rise, officials have said they think it is safe to reopen as long as everyone obeys the rules.
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“There should be no places where tables are right next to each other,” Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said Monday.
Restaurants that violated the orders will be revisited, and patrons who notice potential risks at eateries can lodge a complaint via a public health department hotline.
The findings come amid a continued rise in coronavirus cases in California, which reported record tallies on consecutive days last week.
But the spike still does not account for tens of thousands of people who have attended protests over the past few weeks across the state, many demanding police reforms in the wake of George Floyd’s death.
That’s largely due to the fact that people do not typically get tested for the virus before evidence of symptoms, which can take up to 14 days to appear, and because of the lag time between testing and reported results.
Advertisement
It is possible, however, that this week’s case counts will include numbers from the protests, which began after Floyd’s death on May 25. But there’s no way for officials to concretely determine whether cases will spread at the protests because contact tracers do not identify cases that have stemmed from public spaces, which include protests, indoor malls and restaurants.
“We don’t have any way of tracking that information,” Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said Monday about the difficulty in pinpointing the exact path of transmission from public areas.
On Monday, there were more than 152,000 COVID-19 infections and over 5,000 deaths related to the virus in the state. Nearly half of the number of cases are in Los Angeles County, which also accounts for nearly 60% of all deaths. Officials reported Monday an additional 19 deaths and 1,071 cases in the county.
Instead, officials are encouraging residents to take a proactive approach. Protesters and anyone who has attended a large gathering in recent weeks, especially those who came into contact with a person not wearing a face mask for more than 15 minutes, have been encouraged to get tested for the virus. Though many protesters have worn face masks, it is nearly impossible to avoid coming in contact with crowds.
In the absence of a vaccine and medical therapies, testing is still one of the biggest weapons in preventing the spread of COVID-19. In L.A. County, more than 803,000 tests have been conducted. Of those tested, 8% have been positive for the virus. It’s unclear how many individuals have been tested for the virus because people can be tested multiple times.
Gov. Gavin Newsom said Monday that the state continues to make progress in the fight, but warned that the virus remains a threat.
“We are not out of the woods,” he said.
Dr. Mark Ghaly, the state’s secretary of Health and Human Services, said Friday that overall case counts are not necessarily a measure of how the state is faring in its fight against the novel coronavirus.
“We’ve ramped up testing in an extraordinary way, nearly hitting our goal that was set for August — not June, not July, but August — of getting to 60,000 to 80,000 tests a day,” Ghaly said. “We’re already knocking on that door, averaging in the mid- to high 50s over the past few days across the state.”
Instead, officials are closely monitoring the positivity rate, which is the proportion of people who have tested positive out of all those who have been tested, and the daily number of hospitalizations. The latter is a number that officials worry may increase amid the state’s continued reopening.
Furthermore, Ghaly said the openings are not the source of the increased cases , noting that increased testing can drive up the number of cases as more infections are identified among those who are not seriously ill.
Los Angeles County is one of 13 counties that state officials are closely monitoring for an increase in transmission or a surge in hospitalizations. The county reported an increase in the transmission rate of the virus and warned that hospitals could become overwhelmed in the next few weeks. Such a surge has already hit other states that previously lifted stay-at-home restrictions.
According to an Associated Press analysis, Texas recently set a new record with hospitalized COVID-19 patients. In Arizona, a surge in new cases and hospitalizations occurred about 10 days after the state lifted its stay-home orders.


latimes--2020-06-15--Golden State Killer suspect agrees to guilty plea in a deal that spares him death penalty

The former police officer accused of terrorizing California during a series of rapes and killings nearly a half-century ago attributed to the Golden State Killer is expected to plead guilty this month in a deal that will spare him the death penalty , according to multiple sources .
Joseph James DeAngelo Jr. , 74 , is set to enter a guilty plea to 13 murders and kidnapping charges from as many rapes in a yet-to-be determined Sacramento County courtroom on June 29 .
The crimes occurred during the 1970s and ‘ 80s .
Many sources who were notified about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because they were asked to not disclose the deal to the media .
Nor are any legal motions outlining the plea deal required to be filed in court before June 29 .
Sources said DeAngelo has also agreed to admit to scores of crimes for which he is not charged , including rapes , for which the statute of limitations has expired .
The agreement is a significant development in a criminal saga that could have lasted years longer if it had gone to trial but will now lack a public accounting of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committed — by detectives over the course of the investigation .
“ It ’ s a step forward ... but it ’ s not what I was hoping for , ” said Kris Pedretti , one of the earliest victims , who was 15 when she was raped in 1976 .
There are no criminal charges in connection with her attack , but Pedretti said she understands that DeAngelo is prepared to admit to her rape .
“ I already know he raped me , that he was guilty , ” she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ‘ Why ?
’ What is so important that he does not want shown in trial that he is willing to do this ?
... What is it that he doesn ’ t want to be known ?
” Prosecutors had previously rebuffed DeAngelo ’ s offer to plead guilty in exchange for life in prison .
The COVID-19 pandemic played a role in persuading prosecutors to now agree , according to two of the sources .
Most witnesses and victims in the case are elderly , and some of them are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of how to arrange for their testimony , and provide defense lawyers with the ability to cross-examine those witnesses without exposing them to the coronavirus , were problematic , said one of the sources familiar with the decision .
District attorneys from the six counties prosecuting DeAngelo issued a statement Monday saying they have “ a moral and ethical responsibility to consider any offer from the defense , given the massive scope of the case , the advanced age of many of the victims and witnesses , and our inherent obligations to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether a settlement agreement had been reached and said prosecutors would have no additional comment until the June 29 court hearing .
Victims of some of the crimes in the case voiced both relief and pain at the outcome .
“ It ’ s pragmatic .
This makes sense .
It is efficient .
It is cost-effective .
It is ultimately where we were going to end , ” said Jennifer Carole , whose father , Lyman Smith , was among those killed .
But Carole has been in tears since learning there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face evidence against him in court .
“ So what is justice for that ?
I ’ m sitting with that [ question ] every damn day , ” she said .
Others said they saw no realistic away around a compromise .
Ron Harrington , whose youngest brother , Keith , was bludgeoned to death alongside his wife , Patrice , in Dana Point in 1980 , said the “ Golden State Killer should be and will always be the poster child for the death penalty.
” Still , he said he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deal that would spare DeAngelo the possibility of execution but keep him in prison for the rest of his life .
“ Both my brother and I are very , very supportive of life without parole , ” he said .
Harrington and his family have spent decades advocating for the death penalty and expansion of databases containing the DNA of criminals .
With that came continued pain , he said .
The plea deal , Harrington said , “ will give us as much closure as we can achieve.
” “ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caught , but the fact of the matter is he ’ s already lived a full life , ” said Hayes , who was 21 when he and his 17-year-old girlfriend were attacked while in bed one night in September 1977 in a suburb east of Sacramento .
A masked intruder bound and threatened to kill Hayes , then pulled his girlfriend into another room and raped her multiple times before fleeing .
At the time , DeAngelo was working full time as a police officer for the Northern California foothill town of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Auburn fired DeAngelo in 1979 after he was caught shoplifting a hammer and dog repellent from a hardware store .
Months later , the Golden State Killer began a series of killings in Southern California .
Hayes said authorities need to explain how DeAngelo was able to elude detection for so long .
“ I ’ m very frustrated ... .
Somebody needs to be held accountable , ” Hayes said .
DeAngelo is accused of crimes that extend from 1973 through 1986 across more than a dozen California counties , starting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Visalia .
The attacks included a series of rapes and two more killings in the Sacramento and Bay Area regions , and then culminated in 10 more home invasion killings in Southern California .
Many of those targeted were couples .
An investigation by The Times documented more than 106 victims who were bound , tortured , raped or killed .
For a decade after the last killing in 1986 , police failed to link the crimes to a common attacker .
The evolution of forensic DNA changed the case dramatically in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had become known as the Original Night Stalker killings , and then in 2001 , when DNA again provided links to Central California ’ s East Area Rapist .
But detectives made no more progress until early 2017 , when law enforcement realized they could use DNA recovered from old rape kits and search for relatives of the unknown killer on family tree genetic databases .
In early 2018 , a Northern California team including agents from the FBI and detectives from Sacramento and Contra Costa counties used the controversial familial search method @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The genetic detective work behind DeAngelo ’ s arrest created a novel approach to cold cases .
Within a year , prosecutors across the United States announced rape and murder charges against scores of other individuals after detectives used the same technique .
But in most of those cases , the accused either agreed to plead guilty or was dead , so the methodology had not been tested in a high-stakes court case .
Prosecutors , including Sacramento County ’ s district attorney , have been developing guidelines for detectives on using @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raised concerns about police access to sensitive genetic information for the public at large .
Full details of the Golden State Killer investigation , and the police legwork that ensued after DeAngelo ’ s April 24 , 2018 , arrest , have never been disclosed .
DeAngelo had never been a suspect in the long-running cold case .
The massive criminal case has been problematic for both prosecution and defense teams .
The Sacramento County district attorney ’ s office had told the court that a preliminary hearing to demonstrate there is enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trial could take months and involve more than 100 witnesses .
The hearing was set to begin in August , but under the plea deal currently pending , DeAngelo would be sentenced on that date instead .

Joseph James DeAngelo Jr., 74, has agreed to admit scores of crimes for which he is not charged, source said.
The former police officer accused of terrorizing California during a series of rapes and killings nearly a half-century ago attributed to the Golden State Killer is expected to plead guilty this month in a deal that will spare him the death penalty, according to multiple sources.
Joseph James DeAngelo Jr., 74, is set to enter a guilty plea to 13 murders and kidnapping charges from as many rapes in a yet-to-be determined Sacramento County courtroom on June 29. The crimes occurred during the 1970s and ‘80s.
Many sources who were notified about the legal arrangement spoke on condition of anonymity because they were asked to not disclose the deal to the media. Nor are any legal motions outlining the plea deal required to be filed in court before June 29.
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Sources said DeAngelo has also agreed to admit to scores of crimes for which he is not charged, including rapes, for which the statute of limitations has expired.
The agreement is a significant development in a criminal saga that could have lasted years longer if it had gone to trial but will now lack a public accounting of the evidence collected — and the missteps committed — by detectives over the course of the investigation.
“It’s a step forward ... but it’s not what I was hoping for,” said Kris Pedretti, one of the earliest victims, who was 15 when she was raped in 1976.
There are no criminal charges in connection with her attack, but Pedretti said she understands that DeAngelo is prepared to admit to her rape.
“I already know he raped me, that he was guilty,” she said, “but my deeper feeling is, ‘Why?’ What is so important that he does not want shown in trial that he is willing to do this? ... What is it that he doesn’t want to be known?”
Prosecutors had previously rebuffed DeAngelo’s offer to plead guilty in exchange for life in prison. The COVID-19 pandemic played a role in persuading prosecutors to now agree, according to two of the sources.
Most witnesses and victims in the case are elderly, and some of them are grappling with health problems. The logistics of how to arrange for their testimony, and provide defense lawyers with the ability to cross-examine those witnesses without exposing them to the coronavirus, were problematic, said one of the sources familiar with the decision.
District attorneys from the six counties prosecuting DeAngelo issued a statement Monday saying they have “a moral and ethical responsibility to consider any offer from the defense, given the massive scope of the case, the advanced age of many of the victims and witnesses, and our inherent obligations to the victims.”
The statement did not address whether a settlement agreement had been reached and said prosecutors would have no additional comment until the June 29 court hearing.
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Sgt. Damon Maurice stands near the Evans Ditch, a flood canal, which police think was used by the Golden State Killer, Joseph James DeAngelo Jr, to access homes in where he would break in and commit crimes. (TOMAS OVALLE / Tomas Ovalle)
Victims of some of the crimes in the case voiced both relief and pain at the outcome.
“It’s pragmatic. This makes sense. It is efficient. It is cost-effective. It is ultimately where we were going to end,” said Jennifer Carole, whose father, Lyman Smith, was among those killed.
But Carole has been in tears since learning there will be no chance to see DeAngelo face evidence against him in court. “So what is justice for that? I’m sitting with that [question] every damn day,” she said.
Others said they saw no realistic away around a compromise.
Ron Harrington, whose youngest brother, Keith, was bludgeoned to death alongside his wife, Patrice, in Dana Point in 1980, said the “Golden State Killer should be and will always be the poster child for the death penalty.”
Still, he said he understood why prosecutors had agreed to a deal that would spare DeAngelo the possibility of execution but keep him in prison for the rest of his life.
“Both my brother and I are very, very supportive of life without parole,” he said.
Harrington and his family have spent decades advocating for the death penalty and expansion of databases containing the DNA of criminals. With that came continued pain, he said.
The plea deal, Harrington said, “will give us as much closure as we can achieve.”
Victor Hayes expressed frustration bordering on anger.
“I’m grateful he’s been caught, but the fact of the matter is he’s already lived a full life,” said Hayes, who was 21 when he and his 17-year-old girlfriend were attacked while in bed one night in September 1977 in a suburb east of Sacramento.
A masked intruder bound and threatened to kill Hayes, then pulled his girlfriend into another room and raped her multiple times before fleeing.
At the time, DeAngelo was working full time as a police officer for the Northern California foothill town of Auburn, about half an hour away.
Auburn fired DeAngelo in 1979 after he was caught shoplifting a hammer and dog repellent from a hardware store. Months later, the Golden State Killer began a series of killings in Southern California.
California Full coverage: ‘Man in the Window’ To an early love interest, Joe DeAngelo was energetic and worldly. Now, nearly 50 years later, he stands accused of an extended spasm of violence — home invasions, rapes, murders — in the 1970s and ’80s.
Hayes said authorities need to explain how DeAngelo was able to elude detection for so long.
“I’m very frustrated.... Somebody needs to be held accountable,” Hayes said.
DeAngelo is accused of crimes that extend from 1973 through 1986 across more than a dozen California counties, starting with early bedroom ransackings and a killing in Visalia. The attacks included a series of rapes and two more killings in the Sacramento and Bay Area regions, and then culminated in 10 more home invasion killings in Southern California.
Many of those targeted were couples. An investigation by The Times documented more than 106 victims who were bound, tortured, raped or killed.
For a decade after the last killing in 1986, police failed to link the crimes to a common attacker. The evolution of forensic DNA changed the case dramatically in 1996, when detectives first connected what had become known as the Original Night Stalker killings, and then in 2001, when DNA again provided links to Central California’s East Area Rapist.
But detectives made no more progress until early 2017, when law enforcement realized they could use DNA recovered from old rape kits and search for relatives of the unknown killer on family tree genetic databases. In early 2018, a Northern California team including agents from the FBI and detectives from Sacramento and Contra Costa counties used the controversial familial search method to trace a genetic path to DeAngelo.
The genetic detective work behind DeAngelo’s arrest created a novel approach to cold cases. Within a year, prosecutors across the United States announced rape and murder charges against scores of other individuals after detectives used the same technique.
But in most of those cases, the accused either agreed to plead guilty or was dead, so the methodology had not been tested in a high-stakes court case. Prosecutors, including Sacramento County’s district attorney, have been developing guidelines for detectives on using public DNA databases while privacy advocates have raised concerns about police access to sensitive genetic information for the public at large.
Full details of the Golden State Killer investigation, and the police legwork that ensued after DeAngelo’s April 24, 2018, arrest, have never been disclosed. DeAngelo had never been a suspect in the long-running cold case.
The massive criminal case has been problematic for both prosecution and defense teams.
The Sacramento County district attorney’s office had told the court that a preliminary hearing to demonstrate there is enough evidence to bind the case over for trial could take months and involve more than 100 witnesses. The hearing was set to begin in August, but under the plea deal currently pending, DeAngelo would be sentenced on that date instead.


latimes--2020-06-15--School police should stop pepper spraying students, L.A. Unified superintendent says

Los Angeles school police should be banned from using pepper spray and carotid holds , L.A. Unified Supt .
Austin Beutner said Monday in the wake of calls to disband the district ’ s 470-member campus police force .
“ I will be recommending to the board to eliminate the use of pepper spray and the policy allowing carotid holds before students return to schools in August , ” he said .
The carotid holds , also known as a sleeper hold or a blood choke , have been banned by law enforcement agencies across the country since George Floyd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The $ 70 million in annual school police funding will be examined during budget discussions , and a task force that includes community members and L.A. Unified staff will query families and school employees to come up with “ concrete recommendations ” about what changes may be needed in the department , Beutner said .
He did not say who would serve on the committee or when they would present their findings , beyond “ as soon as possible.
” Beutner ’ s statement comes after more than a decade of teen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , recent calls from advocacy groups to end pepper spray use , and a leadership vote from the teachers union last week to eliminate the police department .
L.A. school police used pepper spray on at least five students during the 2018 calendar year , seven in 2019 and one thus far in 2020 , L.A. Unified spokeswoman Shannon Haber said Sunday .
The district did not release the names of the school or schools where the incidents took place or the number of instances in which police used pepper spray , except @ @ @ @ @ @ @ School officials are looking through police reports for potential additional incidents , Haber said .
Multiple youth justice advocates said they believe that number is an undercount .
Initially , L.A. Unified officials told The Times there were no uses of pepper spray in 2020 but revised their number once asked specifically about the March 2 incident at Hollywood High .
“ I think , historically , task forces have been used to slow down movements , ” said Black Lives Matter Los Angeles organizer Joseph Williams .
As the school board discusses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they have to be willing to defund the school police department and re-imagine what school safety looks like , ” said Williams , who also works with student activists .
Though student activists have been calling on police to stop pepper spraying students for more than a year , organizers said Beutner ’ s announcement does not go far enough .
Students plan to march Tuesday morning , just west of Downtown L.A. , to push officials to eliminate the school police department .
Banning pepper spray use would be “ a step @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Asia Bryant , a recent Hamilton High School graduate and organizer with Students Deserve .
“ What our movement is really calling for is defunding L.A. school police department ” so that Black children are no longer targeted and arrested at higher rates than their peers on school campuses , she said .
In addition to Students Deserve , L.A.-based groups including the Students not Suspects Coalition , the parent organizing group CADRE , Youth Justice Coalition , InnerCity Struggle and others have long advocated to reduce police presence in schools .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ succeeded after a decade of advocacy in getting a resolution before the school district to eliminate the school police department .
The board is scheduled to vote later this month .
L.A. school board members will likely discuss the issues around school police use of force and the school police budget at a meeting later this month .
Board member Nick Melvoin said he supports ending pepper spray use .
Board member Jackie Goldberg said she supports halting the use of pepper spray until there is a thorough review of police practices and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permanent ban .
She plans to introduce a motion on June 23 to that effect .
“ I ’ ve asked that we freeze hiring of police while we do this review , that we end the practice of hiring people for school police from other police departments , ” she said .
Many of her constituents are happy to have school police on campuses , she said , but there have also been complaints districtwide about use of force against students .
“ Maybe pepper spray is not a bad thing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to use it has got to be clearer , and under what circumstances and what is the follow up once it ’ s used ?
” she said .
Maybe the solution is that officers who come to campuses are not armed , she said , or that there should be a greater reliance on others to respond during some crises .
“ What we don ’ t know is when a principal says ... ‘ I need help , ’ who should they call and what should they come with ?
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Goldberg said .
The answer could be police .
It could be unarmed police , or it could be more mental health workers , for example .
“ What do we do to make sure that schools are safe and how do we do that in a way that doesn ’ t have the downsides that basically institutional racism carries with police ?
”

Los Angeles school police should be banned from using pepper spray and carotid holds, L.A. Unified Supt. Austin Beutner said Monday in the wake of calls to disband the district’s 470-member campus police force.
“I will be recommending to the board to eliminate the use of pepper spray and the policy allowing carotid holds before students return to schools in August,” he said. The carotid holds, also known as a sleeper hold or a blood choke, have been banned by law enforcement agencies across the country since George Floyd’s killing by police in Minneapolis.
The $70 million in annual school police funding will be examined during budget discussions, and a task force that includes community members and L.A. Unified staff will query families and school employees to come up with “concrete recommendations” about what changes may be needed in the department, Beutner said.
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He did not say who would serve on the committee or when they would present their findings, beyond “as soon as possible.”
Beutner’s statement comes after more than a decade of teen activism to disband the school police force, recent calls from advocacy groups to end pepper spray use, and a leadership vote from the teachers union last week to eliminate the police department.
L.A. school police used pepper spray on at least five students during the 2018 calendar year, seven in 2019 and one thus far in 2020, L.A. Unified spokeswoman Shannon Haber said Sunday.
The district did not release the names of the school or schools where the incidents took place or the number of instances in which police used pepper spray, except for Hollywood High School in March. School officials are looking through police reports for potential additional incidents, Haber said.
Multiple youth justice advocates said they believe that number is an undercount. Initially, L.A. Unified officials told The Times there were no uses of pepper spray in 2020 but revised their number once asked specifically about the March 2 incident at Hollywood High.
“I think, historically, task forces have been used to slow down movements,” said Black Lives Matter Los Angeles organizer Joseph Williams.
As the school board discusses budget cuts across the board, “they have to be willing to defund the school police department and re-imagine what school safety looks like,” said Williams, who also works with student activists.
Though student activists have been calling on police to stop pepper spraying students for more than a year, organizers said Beutner’s announcement does not go far enough. Students plan to march Tuesday morning, just west of Downtown L.A., to push officials to eliminate the school police department.
Advertisement
Banning pepper spray use would be “a step in the right direction,” said Asia Bryant, a recent Hamilton High School graduate and organizer with Students Deserve. “What our movement is really calling for is defunding L.A. school police department” so that Black children are no longer targeted and arrested at higher rates than their peers on school campuses, she said.
In addition to Students Deserve, L.A.-based groups including the Students not Suspects Coalition, the parent organizing group CADRE, Youth Justice Coalition, InnerCity Struggle and others have long advocated to reduce police presence in schools. In Oakland Unified, the Black Organizing Project succeeded after a decade of advocacy in getting a resolution before the school district to eliminate the school police department. The board is scheduled to vote later this month.
L.A. school board members will likely discuss the issues around school police use of force and the school police budget at a meeting later this month. Board member Nick Melvoin said he supports ending pepper spray use.
Board member Jackie Goldberg said she supports halting the use of pepper spray until there is a thorough review of police practices and protocols but does not yet support a permanent ban. She plans to introduce a motion on June 23 to that effect.
“I’ve asked that we freeze hiring of police while we do this review, that we end the practice of hiring people for school police from other police departments,” she said.
Many of her constituents are happy to have school police on campuses, she said, but there have also been complaints districtwide about use of force against students.
“Maybe pepper spray is not a bad thing to have. But maybe when you get to use it has got to be clearer, and under what circumstances and what is the follow up once it’s used?” she said.
Maybe the solution is that officers who come to campuses are not armed, she said, or that there should be a greater reliance on others to respond during some crises.
“What we don’t know is when a principal says ... ‘I need help,’ who should they call and what should they come with? That’s really the question,” Goldberg said. The answer could be police. It could be unarmed police, or it could be more mental health workers, for example. “What do we do to make sure that schools are safe and how do we do that in a way that doesn’t have the downsides that basically institutional racism carries with police?”


latimes--2020-06-15--How to avoid a second wave as California coronavirus-related deaths top 5,000

California hit another grim milestone in its battle with coronavirus , with the death toll topping 5,000 people over the weekend .
Coronavirus cases also continue to rise , though there is debate whether that is the result of more testing — and identifying mildly ill or asymptomatic people infected with the virus — or due in part to the reopening of the economy .
California has allowed more businesses to reopen their doors at a rapid clip in recent weeks , with malls , museums and even movie theaters getting the green light to resume operations with modifications .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
For the reopening of California to be done as safely as possible in the middle of the coronavirus outbreak , there are three principal players who must do their part .
It ’ s not just the dictates of public health officials that will determine whether the relaxing of restrictions will succeed safely .
It ’ s whether the public does its job too .
Dr. Robert Kim-Farley , a medical epidemiologist and infectious-diseases expert at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health , outlined three protagonists who all must play a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Individuals must wear face coverings and stay six feet away from other people , as well as avoid crowded areas .
People in high-risk groups , including older people and those with medical conditions , should be extra careful .
Businesses need to avoid crowding and frequently clean high-touch surfaces .
County governments and health officials need to analyze data for any worrisome upward trends and pay attention to places like nursing homes , which will need personal protective equipment and frequent testing of staff and residents .
Kim-Farley said the debate about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kills about 1 % of those infected — has become quite polarized in the U.S. Had the coronavirus been 10 times less deadly — with a case-fatality rate more like the seasonal flu — authorities would not have needed to put in place the severe stay-at-home orders enacted in early spring .
But a far more lethal virus , like the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome ( SARS ) , which kills 10 % of those who are infected , would likely convince more people to agree with stronger measures to smother the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ isolation and quarantine of coronavirus patients has been the policy in some other countries , like China , but those are culturally unacceptable to Americans for this pandemic , Kim-Farley said .
As a result , it ’ s important to make a persuasive argument in which the public willingly supports measures needed to control the pandemic .
“ We also need to instill a compassion for others and recognize we all have a role to play in protecting ourselves and others from disease , ” Kim-Farley said , “ while at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vulnerable to the economic impacts of our mitigation efforts.
” There has been a revolt against face masks in some parts of California , and that alarms health officials .
Masks are one of the only tools we have against the spread of the coronavirus until a vaccine is available .
“ It ’ s the only way we get back to work — it ’ s to mask , ” said Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo , chair of UC San Francisco ’ s Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics .
“ All of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty clear that masking is the element that changes the trajectories of the COVID-19 pandemic .
“ Literally , the only way we open up — which all of us want to do — is put on a mask , ” Bibbins-Domingo said .
Health experts are increasingly saying that U.S. authorities erred in the early weeks of the pandemic in discouraging the use of masks by healthy people .
The message was : “ ‘ They don ’ t work , ’ when , in fact , what we meant to say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have enough masks .
And we need to give them to people like healthcare workers , ’ ” Bibbins-Domingo said .
“ That was a mistake.
” Now , some experts say masks are more important than social distancing .
“ They ’ re both important — don ’ t get me wrong .
If I had to choose one over another , ...
I ’ d choose masks , ” Dr. George Rutherford , a UC San Francisco epidemiologist and infectious-diseases expert , said at a campus webinar in May .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do here is prevent people who are asymptomatically infected from transmitting .
So it ’ s about ... keeping your virus to yourself , ” Rutherford said .
Though the coronavirus spread rapidly in the first weeks of the pandemic and transmission has since slowed as a result of implementing a stay-at-home order in March , California remains stuck in its first wave of cases .
The progression of disease is unlike that of the 1918 flu pandemic in the United States , where a first wave of cases in the spring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before a second , and far more deadly , wave of cases was observed in the fall .
Recently published British mathematical models have suggested that more robust adoption of wearing face masks in public would substantially reduce the effects of a second wave .
If only 25 % of the public wear masks , the second wave is far more pronounced than the first .
But if 100 % of the public wears face masks , disease spread is greatly diminished .
Mandatory mask laws have triggered opposition in other parts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Orange County rescinded its mandatory mask law last week , joining Riverside and San Bernardino counties in abandoning orders to require wearing face masks in public .
Fresno County had a face mask rule for less than a day before it was pulled back .
Of California ’ s 15 most populous counties , those requiring the wearing of masks in public are : Los Angeles , San Diego , Santa Clara , Alameda , Sacramento , Contra Costa , San Francisco and San Mateo .
Those that do not require masks in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bernardino , Fresno , Kern , Ventura and San Joaquin .

Mannequins wear protective masks in the garment district in downtown Los Angeles on Thursday. Coronavirus lockdowns were imposed on businesses in March.
California hit another grim milestone in its battle with coronavirus, with the death toll topping 5,000 people over the weekend.
Coronavirus cases also continue to rise, though there is debate whether that is the result of more testing — and identifying mildly ill or asymptomatic people infected with the virus — or due in part to the reopening of the economy.
California has allowed more businesses to reopen their doors at a rapid clip in recent weeks, with malls, museums and even movie theaters getting the green light to resume operations with modifications. Counties ultimately decide which businesses can open.
For the reopening of California to be done as safely as possible in the middle of the coronavirus outbreak, there are three principal players who must do their part.
It’s not just the dictates of public health officials that will determine whether the relaxing of restrictions will succeed safely. It’s whether the public does its job too.
Dr. Robert Kim-Farley, a medical epidemiologist and infectious-diseases expert at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health, outlined three protagonists who all must play a part in responsibly relaxing stay-at-home orders.
Advertisement
Individuals
Individuals must wear face coverings and stay six feet away from other people, as well as avoid crowded areas.
People in high-risk groups, including older people and those with medical conditions, should be extra careful.
Businesses
Businesses need to avoid crowding and frequently clean high-touch surfaces.
County governments
County governments and health officials need to analyze data for any worrisome upward trends and pay attention to places like nursing homes, which will need personal protective equipment and frequent testing of staff and residents.
Kim-Farley said the debate about how to fight the coronavirus — which kills about 1% of those infected — has become quite polarized in the U.S.
Had the coronavirus been 10 times less deadly — with a case-fatality rate more like the seasonal flu — authorities would not have needed to put in place the severe stay-at-home orders enacted in early spring.
Advertisement
But a far more lethal virus, like the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS), which kills 10% of those who are infected, would likely convince more people to agree with stronger measures to smother the virus.
Required tracking of people and forced isolation and quarantine of coronavirus patients has been the policy in some other countries, like China, but those are culturally unacceptable to Americans for this pandemic, Kim-Farley said. As a result, it’s important to make a persuasive argument in which the public willingly supports measures needed to control the pandemic.
“We also need to instill a compassion for others and recognize we all have a role to play in protecting ourselves and others from disease,” Kim-Farley said, “while at the same time, supporting those who are vulnerable to the economic impacts of our mitigation efforts.”
Face coverings essential, experts say
There has been a revolt against face masks in some parts of California, and that alarms health officials. Masks are one of the only tools we have against the spread of the coronavirus until a vaccine is available .
“It’s the only way we get back to work — it’s to mask,” said Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo, chair of UC San Francisco’s Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics. “All of the data tells us ... it’s pretty clear that masking is the element that changes the trajectories of the COVID-19 pandemic.
“Literally, the only way we open up — which all of us want to do — is put on a mask,” Bibbins-Domingo said.
Health experts are increasingly saying that U.S. authorities erred in the early weeks of the pandemic in discouraging the use of masks by healthy people.
The message was: “‘They don’t work,’ when, in fact, what we meant to say was, ‘We don’t have enough masks. And we need to give them to people like healthcare workers,’” Bibbins-Domingo said. “That was a mistake.”
Now, some experts say masks are more important than social distancing.
“They’re both important — don’t get me wrong. If I had to choose one over another, ... I’d choose masks,” Dr. George Rutherford, a UC San Francisco epidemiologist and infectious-diseases expert, said at a campus webinar in May.
“Remember, what we’re trying to do here is prevent people who are asymptomatically infected from transmitting. So it’s about ... keeping your virus to yourself,” Rutherford said.
Though the coronavirus spread rapidly in the first weeks of the pandemic and transmission has since slowed as a result of implementing a stay-at-home order in March, California remains stuck in its first wave of cases.
The progression of disease is unlike that of the 1918 flu pandemic in the United States, where a first wave of cases in the spring passed and the rate of disease fell before a second, and far more deadly, wave of cases was observed in the fall.
Recently published British mathematical models have suggested that more robust adoption of wearing face masks in public would substantially reduce the effects of a second wave.
If only 25% of the public wear masks, the second wave is far more pronounced than the first. But if 100% of the public wears face masks, disease spread is greatly diminished.
Mandatory mask laws have triggered opposition in other parts of Southern California and the Central Valley. Orange County rescinded its mandatory mask law last week, joining Riverside and San Bernardino counties in abandoning orders to require wearing face masks in public. Fresno County had a face mask rule for less than a day before it was pulled back.
Of California’s 15 most populous counties, those requiring the wearing of masks in public are: Los Angeles, San Diego, Santa Clara, Alameda, Sacramento, Contra Costa, San Francisco and San Mateo. Those that do not require masks in public are Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, Fresno, Kern, Ventura and San Joaquin.


latimes--2020-06-15--Ex-USC official to plead guilty in admissions fraud case

A former USC admissions official accused of accepting thousands of dollars in payments to ensure graduate-school admission for unqualified international students is expected to plead guilty Monday to a federal fraud charge .
Hiu Kit David Chong admitted in his April plea agreement that he falsified applicants ’ admission packets with doctored college transcripts , phony letters of recommendation and fraudulent personal statements .
Chong , a 36-year-old Arcadia resident , agreed to plead guilty by video conference to a single wire fraud count , a felony carrying a sentence of up to 20 years behind bars .
Chong , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Office of Graduate Admissions from September 2008 to March 2016 , told Chinese nationals he could assist them in obtaining admission into a graduate degree program at the university , according to his plea agreement .
He furthered the scheme by operating a now-defunct Monterey Park academic consulting company , prosecutors said .
From February 2015 to December 2018 , Chong solicited and received payments — ranging from $ 8,000 to $ 12,000 — from unqualified international students or from others who were acting on behalf of the unqualified students .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be from Chinese universities and instructed his supplier to create transcripts to show falsely inflated grade point averages , according to the U.S. Attorney ’ s Office .
Chong admitted he submitted the phony documents in the students ’ USC application packets , including fraudulent letters of recommendation and fabricated personal statements purportedly written by the applicants , prosecutors said .
He also offered to research how to arrange for a surrogate test taker to take the English as a Foreign Language exam , the results of which USC would consider when making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court documents .
In his plea agreement , Chong admitted concealing from the university that the applicants paid him to facilitate their admission .
Chong also admitted to helping three unqualified international students gain admission to USC using phony application materials .
Chong said he was paid $ 38,000 from international students and people he believed were working with international students , including an undercover law enforcement official .
He also received additional payments from other international students as part of the scheme , resulting in profits of $ 40,000 , federal prosecutors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ April saying the university cooperated with the federal investigation .
Chong concealed these actions from the university and continued engaging in them for two and a half years after he left USC , according to the university .

Hiu Kit David Chong is expected to plead guilty in an admissions fraud case after admitting he falsified applicants’ admissions packets.
A former USC admissions official accused of accepting thousands of dollars in payments to ensure graduate-school admission for unqualified international students is expected to plead guilty Monday to a federal fraud charge.
Hiu Kit David Chong admitted in his April plea agreement that he falsified applicants’ admission packets with doctored college transcripts, phony letters of recommendation and fraudulent personal statements.
Chong, a 36-year-old Arcadia resident, agreed to plead guilty by video conference to a single wire fraud count, a felony carrying a sentence of up to 20 years behind bars. Chong, who was assistant director of USC’s Office of Graduate Admissions from September 2008 to March 2016, told Chinese nationals he could assist them in obtaining admission into a graduate degree program at the university, according to his plea agreement. He furthered the scheme by operating a now-defunct Monterey Park academic consulting company, prosecutors said.
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From February 2015 to December 2018, Chong solicited and received payments — ranging from $8,000 to $12,000 — from unqualified international students or from others who were acting on behalf of the unqualified students.
The defendant purchased phony college transcripts purporting to be from Chinese universities and instructed his supplier to create transcripts to show falsely inflated grade point averages, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.
Chong admitted he submitted the phony documents in the students’ USC application packets, including fraudulent letters of recommendation and fabricated personal statements purportedly written by the applicants, prosecutors said.
He also offered to research how to arrange for a surrogate test taker to take the English as a Foreign Language exam, the results of which USC would consider when making decisions regarding admissions applications, according to court documents. In his plea agreement, Chong admitted concealing from the university that the applicants paid him to facilitate their admission.
Chong also admitted to helping three unqualified international students gain admission to USC using phony application materials. Chong said he was paid $38,000 from international students and people he believed were working with international students, including an undercover law enforcement official. He also received additional payments from other international students as part of the scheme, resulting in profits of $40,000, federal prosecutors said.
USC issued a statement in April saying the university cooperated with the federal investigation.
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Chong concealed these actions from the university and continued engaging in them for two and a half years after he left USC, according to the university.


latimes--2020-06-15--Loma Linda man arrested on suspicion of drugging and raping girl at hotel

A Loma Linda man was arrested on suspicion of drugging and raping an underage girl while holding her against her @ @ @ @ @ there may be additional victims .
Joshua Blackwell-Tallent , 31 , was arrested Friday after @ @ @ @ @ him and the girl in a hotel room in the 24000 block of University Avenue @ @ @ @ @ Sheriff ’ s Department said in a news release .
Authorities said that Blackwell-Tallent had @ @ @ @ @ arranged for her to be taken to the hotel .
He was booked into the @ @ @ @ @ suspicion of false imprisonment , rape of an unconscious person and various other sex offenses @ @ @ @ @ He remained imprisoned Monday in lieu of $ 250,000 bail .
Investigators said they think @ @ @ @ @ who haven ’ t yet been identified .
Anyone with information is asked to call @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Central Station at ( 909 ) 387-3545 .

A Loma Linda man was arrested on suspicion of drugging and raping an underage girl while holding her against her will, and investigators think there may be additional victims.
Joshua Blackwell-Tallent, 31, was arrested Friday after sheriff’s deputies found him and the girl in a hotel room in the 24000 block of University Avenue, the San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department said in a news release.
Joshua Blackwell-Tallent, 31, was arrested Friday after authorities found him in a hotel with a girl. (San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department)
Authorities said that Blackwell-Tallent had groomed the girl online and arranged for her to be taken to the hotel.
He was booked into the West Valley Detention Center on suspicion of false imprisonment, rape of an unconscious person and various other sex offenses, jail records state. He remained imprisoned Monday in lieu of $250,000 bail.
Investigators said they think there may be more victims who haven’t yet been identified. Anyone with information is asked to call the San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Central Station at (909) 387-3545.


latimes--2020-06-15--Authorities vow deeper probe of Robert Fuller's hanging death; attorney general, FBI to monitor inqu

Authorities vow deeper probe of Robert Fuller's hanging death; attorney general, FBI to monitor inquiry

Authorities said Monday that the cause of death of Robert Fuller , who was found hanging from a tree in Palmdale , has been deferred pending further investigation as the state attorney general sends investigators to assist in determining whether the young Black man died by suicide or was the victim of foul play .
Sheriff ’ s homicide investigators plan to survey the area for surveillance video , conduct a forensic analysis of the rope used in the man ’ s death and research his medical history locally , as well as in Arizona and Nevada , where he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Kent Wegener said .
Investigators are also working to interview Fuller ’ s case worker with the Department of Social Services , though they did not elaborate on why he had one , as well as his family and the witness who found him in the park .
“ They ’ re gon na stick to it ’ til they get to the truth of what happened , ” Sheriff Alex Villanueva said at a news briefing .
County Medical Examiner-Coroner Dr. Jonathan Lucas said investigators initially thought Fuller ’ s death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ we felt it prudent to roll that back and continue to look deeper.
” Coroner ’ s officials have ordered toxicology tests .
Meanwhile , Fuller ’ s family is requesting an independent autopsy , said their attorney Jamon Hicks .
The briefing was scheduled amid continuing questions and controversy over whether the death of Fuller was caused by suicide — as law enforcement officials originally indicated — or if foul play was involved .
An FBI spokeswoman said Monday that the agency would monitor the Palmdale investigation , as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ similar circumstances in Victorville .
“ The FBI , U.S. attorney ’ s office for the Central District of California and the Department of Justice Civil Rights Division are actively reviewing the investigations into the hanging deaths of two African American men in the cities of Palmdale and Victorville to determine whether there are violations of federal law , ” she said .
Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra announced that his office was sending independent investigators to Palmdale to review the sheriff ’ s investigation and potentially conduct its own .
He declined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were too quick to to declare Fuller ’ s death a suicide , but said he had been approached by “ a number of leaders in the southern California area ” about the death .
He also declined to say whether another hanging of a black man in nearby Victorville would also be investigated .
Becerra announced the probe as he called for law enforcement agencies around the state to embrace a series of use-of-force reforms approved by the Legislature last year , and set to go into effect next year .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ putting those measures in place , which include a new use-of-force standard that restricts when police can use deadly force from when it is “ reasonable ” to when it is “ necessary.
” Demonstrators and residents have called for an independent investigation , and elected officials representing the Antelope Valley have requested that Becerra investigate .
“ I take my commitment to transparency very seriously , ” Villanueva wrote Sunday on Twitter .
“ As such , I want to thank Attorney General Xavier Becerra ... for agreeing to monitor our investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The body of Fuller , 24 , was found hanging from a tree in the 38300 block of 9th Street East early Wednesday .
While authorities originally said they suspected suicide , Fuller ’ s family and civic leaders pushed back , demanding an independent investigation and full autopsy .
“ We want to find out the truth on what really happened , ” Diamond Alexander , Fuller ’ s sister , said Saturday .
“ Everything they told us is not right .
We just want the truth .
My brother was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Villanueva also appeared at a virtual town hall for the Lancaster and Palmdale communities on Monday afternoon , where he and other executives fielded questions about Fuller ’ s death .
During that meeting , Wegener said that the tree where Fuller was found was “ very easily climbable ” and that the rope was secured by someone in the tree , not from the ground .
There was no chair found at the scene .
Investigators recovered a phone , items in Fuller ’ s pocket and a backpack he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Los Angeles County medical examiner-coroner ’ s office said Friday that a decision on the cause of Fuller ’ s death has been deferred pending an investigation .
A full autopsy is planned .
Ahead of Villanueva ’ s Monday news conference , a crowd of protesters — at times numbering about 70 — rallied outside City Hall .
Among them was Imani Martin .
“ As a community , I think we should continue to show up , let the family know that we ’ re there for them , but also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know that we ’ re not going to let this be brushed aside or forgotten about , ” the 23-year-old Lancaster resident said .
It ’ s frustrating , she added , that residents had to push for a thorough investigation into Fuller ’ s death .
“ As government officials , you ’ re supposed to be here for us , and it shouldn ’ t take outcry for them to do what they were elected to do , ” she said .
Palmdale city officials also have said they now support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all grieving the loss of this young man , and our hearts go out to his family and friends during this difficult time , ” Mayor Steve Hofbauer said in a statement .
“ We also understand the community ’ s call for a full investigation into this death , and we are asking the same.
” Fuller ’ s death came amid nationwide protests rebuking the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis .
The case also brought to light the death of 38-year-old Malcolm Harsch — a Black man who was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 31 in Victorville , roughly 50 miles east of Palmdale .
While the investigation into his death is ongoing , “ There were no indications at the scene that suggested foul play , ” according to San Bernardino County Sheriff ’ s Department spokeswoman Jodi Miller .
“ The cause and manner of death are pending , ” she added Monday .
However , his family has said they were concerned it will be ruled a suicide to avoid further attention .
Times staff writers Laura Newberry , Richard Winton , Kevin Baxter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Associated Press contributed to this report .

Luke Money, Alene Tchekmedyian, Anita Chabria

Authorities said Monday that the cause of death of Robert Fuller, who was found hanging from a tree in Palmdale, has been deferred pending further investigation as the state attorney general sends investigators to assist in determining whether the young Black man died by suicide or was the victim of foul play.
Sheriff’s homicide investigators plan to survey the area for surveillance video, conduct a forensic analysis of the rope used in the man’s death and research his medical history locally, as well as in Arizona and Nevada, where he had lived in the past, Capt. Kent Wegener said.
Investigators are also working to interview Fuller’s case worker with the Department of Social Services, though they did not elaborate on why he had one, as well as his family and the witness who found him in the park.
“They’re gonna stick to it ’til they get to the truth of what happened,” Sheriff Alex Villanueva said at a news briefing.
County Medical Examiner-Coroner Dr. Jonathan Lucas said investigators initially thought Fuller’s death was consistent with a suicide, but “we felt it prudent to roll that back and continue to look deeper.” Coroner’s officials have ordered toxicology tests.
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Meanwhile, Fuller’s family is requesting an independent autopsy, said their attorney Jamon Hicks.
1 / 12 Colonel Brooks Sr. 50, raises his arm as Pastor Michael Barrett of Do Right Christian Church leads a group in prayer at a memorial for Robert Fuller in Palmdale. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 2 / 12 Protesters outside Palmdale City Hall as organizers demand justice for Robert Fuller. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 3 / 12 A rally calling for justice and transparency in the deaths of Robert Fuller and Michael L. Thomas takes place in Lancaster in front of Supervisor Kathryn Barger’s office in Lancaster. (Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times) 4 / 12 Maseana Bennett, 11, lights a candle with cousin Elessa Swink, 18, left, as they visit a memorial to Robert Fuller in Palmdale. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 5 / 12 Emily Mathijssen, 22, and Johnny Southworth, 31, visit a memorial to Robert Fuller. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 6 / 12 Suzie Washington, left, hugs Tommie Anderson as protesters knock on the front door of Palmdale City Hall. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 7 / 12 Palmdale City Hall remained closed Monday morning. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 8 / 12 Deonte Kemp, 27, of Los Angeles lights candles at a memorial for Robert Fuller. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 9 / 12 Protesters demand justice for Robert Fuller. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 10 / 12 Outside Palmdale City Hall. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 11 / 12 Protesters become emotional outside Palmdale City Hall. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 12 / 12 Outside Palmdale City Hall. (Al Seib/Los Angeles Times)
The briefing was scheduled amid continuing questions and controversy over whether the death of Fuller was caused by suicide — as law enforcement officials originally indicated — or if foul play was involved.
An FBI spokeswoman said Monday that the agency would monitor the Palmdale investigation, as well as the death of a second Black man under similar circumstances in Victorville.
“The FBI, U.S. attorney’s office for the Central District of California and the Department of Justice Civil Rights Division are actively reviewing the investigations into the hanging deaths of two African American men in the cities of Palmdale and Victorville to determine whether there are violations of federal law,” she said.
Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra announced that his office was sending independent investigators to Palmdale to review the sheriff’s investigation and potentially conduct its own. He declined to say whether he believed local authorities were too quick to declare Fuller’s death a suicide, but said he had been approached by “a number of leaders in the southern California area” about the death. He also declined to say whether the Victorville hanging would also be investigated.
Becerra announced the probe as he called for law enforcement agencies around the state to embrace a series of use-of-force reforms approved by the Legislature last year, and set to go into effect next year. He urged agencies to move more quickly in putting those measures in place, which include a new use-of-force standard that restricts when police can use deadly force from when it is “reasonable” to when it is “necessary.”
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Demonstrators and residents have called for an independent investigation, and elected officials representing the Antelope Valley have requested that Becerra investigate.
“I take my commitment to transparency very seriously,” Villanueva wrote Sunday on Twitter. “As such, I want to thank Attorney General Xavier Becerra ... for agreeing to monitor our investigation into the death of Robert Fuller.”
The body of Fuller, 24, was found hanging from a tree in the 38300 block of 9th Street East early Wednesday.
While authorities originally said they suspected suicide, Fuller’s family and civic leaders pushed back, demanding an independent investigation and full autopsy.
“We want to find out the truth on what really happened,” Diamond Alexander, Fuller’s sister, said Saturday. “Everything they told us is not right. We just want the truth. My brother was not suicidal. He was a survivor.”
Villanueva also appeared at a virtual town hall for the Lancaster and Palmdale communities on Monday afternoon, where he and other executives fielded questions about Fuller’s death. During that meeting, Wegener said that the tree where Fuller was found was “very easily climbable” and that the rope was secured by someone in the tree, not from the ground.
There was no chair found at the scene. Investigators recovered a phone, items in Fuller’s pocket and a backpack he was wearing.
Lt. Kelly Yagerlener of the Los Angeles County medical examiner-coroner’s office said Friday that a decision on the cause of Fuller’s death has been deferred pending an investigation. A full autopsy is planned.
Ahead of Villanueva’s Monday news conference, a crowd of protesters — at times numbering about 70 — rallied outside City Hall. Among them was Imani Martin.
“As a community, I think we should continue to show up, let the family know that we’re there for them, but also let law enforcement and the city government know that we’re not going to let this be brushed aside or forgotten about,” the 23-year-old Lancaster resident said.
It’s frustrating, she added, that residents had to push for a thorough investigation into Fuller’s death.
Hundreds of demonstrators gather at the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department’s Palmdale Station on Saturday to demand answers in the death of Robert Fuller, a young Black man who was found hanging from a tree days earlier. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
“As government officials, you’re supposed to be here for us, and it shouldn’t take outcry for them to do what they were elected to do,” she said.
Palmdale city officials also have said they now support an independent investigation.
“We are all grieving the loss of this young man, and our hearts go out to his family and friends during this difficult time,” Mayor Steve Hofbauer said in a statement. “We also understand the community’s call for a full investigation into this death, and we are asking the same.”
Fuller’s death came amid nationwide protests rebuking the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis.
The case also brought to light the death of 38-year-old Malcolm Harsch — a Black man who was found hanging from a tree on May 31 in Victorville, roughly 50 miles east of Palmdale.
VIDEO | 09:30 As suicide rate rises among Black youths, Robert Fuller’s death prompts much-needed discussion On June 10, Robert Fuller’s body was found hanging from a tree outside Palmdale City Hall. His death came in the middle of the George Floyd protests and a week after Malcolm Harsch, another Black man, was found hanging from a tree in Victorville, less than 50 miles away. Their deaths shed light on the concerning rise in suicides among Black Americans.
While the investigation into his death is ongoing, “There were no indications at the scene that suggested foul play,” according to San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department spokeswoman Jodi Miller.
“The cause and manner of death are pending,” she added Monday.
However, his family has said they were concerned it will be ruled a suicide to avoid further attention.
Times staff writers Laura Newberry, Richard Winton, Kevin Baxter, Benjamin Oreskes, Kiera Feldman and the Associated Press contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-06-15--Young Black activists are inspired by past generations. But they've moved beyond 'respectability tac

Young Black activists are inspired by past generations. But they've moved beyond 'respectability tactics'

Pastor Eddie Anderson was sensing a generational split among his fellow Black activists , and it frustrated him .
The minister had gathered with other church and community leaders on a recent weekday in a South L.A. church .
He listened as the elders discussed with the chief of police and sheriff how to move forward after several days of protests across Los Angeles .
As the youngest person in the room , the 30-year-old appreciated the perspective shared by those decades older .
But he felt that a discussion with law enforcement wasn ’ t the best way to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was missing at that meeting , he said .
“ There were not young people in the room , and not young people given the mic to speak , and so we keep perpetuating the same systems , ” he said .
For the last two weeks , Black demonstrators , many in their teens , 20s and early 30s , have given voice to an ambitious new agenda for social change that goes beyond the demands of some previous generations of activists , Anderson suggested .
“ People are telling you what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police .
They want to prosecute killer cops , ” said Anderson , who hosts Black Lives Matter meetings at McCarty Memorial Christian Church .
It ’ s not a matter of disrespecting elders , Anderson said — more a question of whether it was the right call to gather with the heads of institutions that are mistrusted and under scrutiny .
“ This is a Third Reconstruction moment , ” he said , alluding to two previous periods in which African Americans strove to combat white supremacy : the decade after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 1950s and ’ 60s .
“ So let ’ s lean into the moment and not be so stuck to tradition that we stagnate the movement.
” As demonstrations have erupted across the country in response to George Floyd ’ s killing in police custody May 25 , many Black Americans have reacted in ways that reflect overlapping , yet distinctive , generational experiences and perspectives .
Black activism is not monolithic .
But some differences among age groups , activists and community leaders say , have centered on younger protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ idea that Black Americans should wear their Sunday best and adopt an attitude more mollifying than militant in order to gain equal rights — and challenging the belief that simply sitting at the table with those in power will effect change .
During the early years of the civil rights era , particularly in the Jim Crow South , Black demonstrators were instructed by their pastoral leadership to stick religiously to a script of nonviolent resistance , partly so as not to provoke additional brutalities from police and hostile whites .
Rank-and-file members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at demonstrations .
Actions were tightly disciplined , leadership was centralized , and organizational strategy flowed from the top down .
Those methods eventually helped secure passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 .
Many of today ’ s young Black activists say such tactics no longer work , particularly in dealing with unrelenting police brutality .
They are not afraid to interrupt Police Commission meetings or show up on the doorstep of Los Angeles County Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey .
Black Lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called for defunding the police , a People ’ s Budget , prosecuting police and , more broadly , ending what they call state-sanctioned violence .
“ The previous generation of community organizers that were responsible for successful policy changes used respectability as a strategy to disrupt the archetype of what a Black person would look like , ” said Tyree Boyd-Pates , 31 , a public historian and museum curator based in Los Angeles .
“ This generation is not using tactics of respectability.
” The current movement for Black lives , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any of its predecessors and includes more women in leadership roles , as well as members of the LGBTQ community .
Black queer women , in particular , deserve the credit for the Black Lives Matter movement , Boyd-Pates said .
Leadership is decentralized , rather than focused on a single charismatic figure .
Those generational differences reflect the different moments in which the activists were raised and came of age politically , said the Rev .
Cornell William Brooks , professor of the practice of public leadership and social justice at Harvard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The young activists of the ’ 60s were the infants and the toddlers of Brown vs. Board of Education , so they came into activism in the wake of a landmark legal decision , which validated the proposition that if you come to the table , you can bring about an affirmation of your humanity , ” he said .
“ If you came of age in the wake of Trayvon Martin , if you came of age in the midst of the term of the nation ’ s first African @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police brutality , there is a collective sense of frustration.
” Some tactics have evolved naturally : Whereas Black civil rights activists a half-century ago relied on pamphlets and phone trees , and had their actions publicized and framed largely through white-controlled media and a limited number of Black outlets , organizers today quickly spread their message through social media .
Videos of police brutality are posted with ease for all the world to see .
Other tactical changes mirror long-term societal shifts .
Black Lives Matter is intentionally inclusive , expanding its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and female leaders , said Andra Gillespie , a scholar at Emory University whose research focuses on the political leadership of the post-civil rights generation .
“ It in part rejects respectability politics because respectability won ’ t save you , ” she said .
“ And if justice is truly just , it ’ s true for everybody .
That ’ s the part that is different.
” That shift toward inclusiveness marks one of the most important differences between the movements of the past and present , said Shamell Bell , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dartmouth College .
Historically , social protest has reached a boiling point when Black men are brutalized and killed , but activists today are taking a more intersectional approach that pays equal attention to violence against women and the LGBTQ community , said Bell , an original member of Black Lives Matter who protested in 2014 in front of the L.A. Police Department headquarters over the fatal police shooting of Ezell Ford .
Today ’ s activists also are moving away from “ the talk , ” she added , referring to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with their children — especially boys — about how to interact deferentially with police to avoid being harmed .
“ We are telling our children these are the things happening in our society because of the color of your skin , because of white supremacy .
We explain in these terms , ” she said .
“ Something Black Lives Matter has been saying for a long time is that all Black lives matter .
That is where I see us moving.
” Like many of his peers , Boyd-Pates , the museum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that thrives online and focuses on digital community organizing .
Earlier this month , he distributed an anti-racist tool kit called “ Freedom Papers , ” which he sent to his social media network and their allies so they could better understand Black political education .
“ Intergenerationally speaking , this generation has a set of tools in its tool kit — technology that wasn ’ t available to the previous , ” he said .
“ The approach to challenging white supremacy is something that my generation is actively reimagining , envisioning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics of respectability in order to be deemed more human.
” To some older activists , their younger counterparts simply lack a plan for the future .
“ We support the demonstrations and protests — it ’ s not a put-down , ” said longtime community activist Earl Ofari Hutchinson , president of the Los Angeles Urban Policy Roundtable .
“ But history has shown protests are going to end , people are going to run out of steam — and then what ?
” His critique , he said , is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question of how they will follow through on them .
“ You had about 100,000 people in Hollywood , but did you have voter registration tables there ?
” said Hutchinson , 72 .
“ These are young people ; they don ’ t vote , as we know .
Was there a list of things for people to do ?
Interacting , writing letters — were these things thought of ?
” The structures and institutions may not work the way other activists would like , he added , “ but it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s like saying I ’ m not going to vote because it doesn ’ t change anything , ” he said .
“ That ’ s ridiculous.
” The Black activist community in L.A. is “ very , very complex , ” said Kaya Dantzler , one of the leaders of We Love Leimert , a youth-led intergenerational group of organizers .
Dantzler sees nuances of generation and ideology play out every day in Leimert Park , she said .
“ You have folks who would describe themselves as anti-capitalism , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a greater understanding of Black Lives Matter , ” the 27-year-old said .
“ Then you have really phenomenal groups in Black L.A. who are organizing from a nonabolitionist lens , who are using their knowledge of the current structure system.
” Those people tend to be older community members , she said , who have been part of local institutions .
“ They ’ re not approaching activism from a lens of ‘ let ’ s reconstruct the system ’ but more so we understand how it works , so let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explained .
“ Then there ’ s a cohort of younger organizers who are no longer really concerned with figuring out how to get a seat at the table ; we are more concerned with constructing a new table.
” Still , Dantzler said , older people like her grandparents believe that participating in protests “ doesn ’ t make any sense , ” she said , because they have seen it happen so many times before .
“ Especially in L.A. , they saw the ’ 92 riots and that destroyed our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a lot of wariness in seeing people take to the streets in that way , ” she said .
Then this month , Los Angeles officials said that they would explore cutting up to $ 150 million from the city ’ s police budget as part of an effort to reinvest more dollars in communities of color .
“ It didn ’ t really seem like something that would be successful , but this last week has shown that it was , ” Dantzler said .
At 71 , the activist known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s the “ dad ” among his group — some 45 years older than many of his fellow Black Lives Matter organizers .
His journey with the group began in the aftermath of the death of Michael Brown , an unarmed 18-year-old Black teenager shot by a white officer in Ferguson , Mo.
, in 2014 .
Mourning the loss of another Black life , Akili rented a van for a group of activists to drive to Missouri and join in demonstrations that had spilled into the suburbs and coursed through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ veteran organizer who has protested for four decades , he took the wheel for most of the nearly 2,000-mile trek and listened as the younger set in the car took turns navigating him .
“ I got a chance to know a lot of them , ” said Akili , who goes by his last name only .
“ I see myself as a bridge between yesterday and today.
” There is a perception , he added , that each generation of activists should follow the tactics of the previous one .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the in-your-face tactics they themselves used in decades past , such as taking over university campuses to demand that they add Black studies departments .
Since the late 1960s , some activist groups such as the Black Panthers have combined an emphasis on the need for Black self-protection ( including the use of armed citizens patrols ) with community outreach and extensive social programs .
The Black Power movement preached self-reliance and self-determination , arguing that the Black community should create its own social , economic and political power rather than looking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Each generation will develop their own course and their own path , ” Akili said .
“ And what I have tried to do is make some connection between some of the things we did before , and what worked and didn ’ t , and support them charting their own course.
” People in his generation frequently tell him that “ all we have to do is talk to white leaders and they will get it , ” Akili continued .
Dialogue , he added , has become a buzzword — and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ fad ” over the last 30 years .
He laughed , paraphrasing Malcolm X : “ Just being at the table and not having a plate doesn ’ t make you a diner .
It means you ’ re just sitting there .
”

Tyree Boyd-Pates, an L.A.-based historian and museum curator, has used digital advocacy to educate activists and their allies, including a set of “Freedom Papers” he has emailed out in the aftermath of George Floyd’s death.
Pastor Eddie Anderson was sensing a generational split among his fellow Black activists, and it frustrated him.
The minister had gathered with other church and community leaders on a recent weekday in a South L.A. church. He listened as the elders discussed with the chief of police and sheriff how to move forward after several days of protests across Los Angeles.
As the youngest person in the room, the 30-year-old appreciated the perspective shared by those decades older. But he felt that a discussion with law enforcement wasn’t the best way to meet the moment. A key voice was missing at that meeting, he said.
“There were not young people in the room, and not young people given the mic to speak, and so we keep perpetuating the same systems,” he said.
For the last two weeks, Black demonstrators, many in their teens, 20s and early 30s, have given voice to an ambitious new agenda for social change that goes beyond the demands of some previous generations of activists, Anderson suggested.
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“People are telling you what they want. They want to defund police. They want to prosecute killer cops,” said Anderson, who hosts Black Lives Matter meetings at McCarty Memorial Christian Church.
It’s not a matter of disrespecting elders, Anderson said — more a question of whether it was the right call to gather with the heads of institutions that are mistrusted and under scrutiny.
“This is a Third Reconstruction moment,” he said, alluding to two previous periods in which African Americans strove to combat white supremacy: the decade after the Civil War and the civil rights era of the 1950s and ’60s. “So let’s lean into the moment and not be so stuck to tradition that we stagnate the movement.”
As demonstrations have erupted across the country in response to George Floyd’s killing in police custody May 25, many Black Americans have reacted in ways that reflect overlapping, yet distinctive, generational experiences and perspectives.
Black activism is not monolithic. But some differences among age groups, activists and community leaders say, have centered on younger protesters rejecting “respectability politics” — the idea that Black Americans should wear their Sunday best and adopt an attitude more mollifying than militant in order to gain equal rights — and challenging the belief that simply sitting at the table with those in power will effect change.
During the early years of the civil rights era, particularly in the Jim Crow South, Black demonstrators were instructed by their pastoral leadership to stick religiously to a script of nonviolent resistance, partly so as not to provoke additional brutalities from police and hostile whites. Rank-and-file members sometimes were even instructed what to wear at demonstrations. Actions were tightly disciplined, leadership was centralized, and organizational strategy flowed from the top down.
Those methods eventually helped secure passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
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Many of today’s young Black activists say such tactics no longer work, particularly in dealing with unrelenting police brutality. They are not afraid to interrupt Police Commission meetings or show up on the doorstep of Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey. Black Lives Matter organizers and other young activists have called for defunding the police, a People’s Budget, prosecuting police and, more broadly, ending what they call state-sanctioned violence.
“The previous generation of community organizers that were responsible for successful policy changes used respectability as a strategy to disrupt the archetype of what a Black person would look like,” said Tyree Boyd-Pates, 31, a public historian and museum curator based in Los Angeles. “This generation is not using tactics of respectability.”
The current movement for Black lives, scholars assert, is more intersectional than any of its predecessors and includes more women in leadership roles, as well as members of the LGBTQ community. Black queer women, in particular, deserve the credit for the Black Lives Matter movement, Boyd-Pates said. Leadership is decentralized, rather than focused on a single charismatic figure.
Those generational differences reflect the different moments in which the activists were raised and came of age politically, said the Rev. Cornell William Brooks, professor of the practice of public leadership and social justice at Harvard University and former president of the NAACP.
“The young activists of the ’60s were the infants and the toddlers of Brown vs. Board of Education, so they came into activism in the wake of a landmark legal decision, which validated the proposition that if you come to the table, you can bring about an affirmation of your humanity,” he said. “If you came of age in the wake of Trayvon Martin, if you came of age in the midst of the term of the nation’s first African American president, when there is rampant police brutality, there is a collective sense of frustration.”
Some tactics have evolved naturally: Whereas Black civil rights activists a half-century ago relied on pamphlets and phone trees, and had their actions publicized and framed largely through white-controlled media and a limited number of Black outlets, organizers today quickly spread their message through social media. Videos of police brutality are posted with ease for all the world to see.
Other tactical changes mirror long-term societal shifts. Black Lives Matter is intentionally inclusive, expanding its focus to make room for LGBTQ members and female leaders, said Andra Gillespie, a scholar at Emory University whose research focuses on the political leadership of the post-civil rights generation.
“It in part rejects respectability politics because respectability won’t save you,” she said. “And if justice is truly just, it’s true for everybody. That’s the part that is different.”
Longtime community activist Earl Ofari Hutchinson holds a list of people who were killed or injured by Inglewood police in 2018. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
That shift toward inclusiveness marks one of the most important differences between the movements of the past and present, said Shamell Bell, a professor of African American studies at Dartmouth College.
Historically, social protest has reached a boiling point when Black men are brutalized and killed, but activists today are taking a more intersectional approach that pays equal attention to violence against women and the LGBTQ community, said Bell, an original member of Black Lives Matter who protested in 2014 in front of the L.A. Police Department headquarters over the fatal police shooting of Ezell Ford.
Today’s activists also are moving away from “the talk,” she added, referring to the cumbersome conversation that many Black parents have with their children — especially boys — about how to interact deferentially with police to avoid being harmed.
“We are telling our children these are the things happening in our society because of the color of your skin, because of white supremacy. We explain in these terms,” she said. “Something Black Lives Matter has been saying for a long time is that all Black lives matter. That is where I see us moving.”
Like many of his peers, Boyd-Pates, the museum curator, practices a form of activism that thrives online and focuses on digital community organizing. Earlier this month, he distributed an anti-racist tool kit called “Freedom Papers,” which he sent to his social media network and their allies so they could better understand Black political education.
“Intergenerationally speaking, this generation has a set of tools in its tool kit — technology that wasn’t available to the previous,” he said. “The approach to challenging white supremacy is something that my generation is actively reimagining, envisioning what it could look like beyond the politics of respectability in order to be deemed more human.”
To some older activists, their younger counterparts simply lack a plan for the future.
“We support the demonstrations and protests — it’s not a put-down,” said longtime community activist Earl Ofari Hutchinson, president of the Los Angeles Urban Policy Roundtable. “But history has shown protests are going to end, people are going to run out of steam — and then what?”
His critique, he said, is not of young protesters’ demands but a question of how they will follow through on them.
“You had about 100,000 people in Hollywood, but did you have voter registration tables there?” said Hutchinson, 72. “These are young people; they don’t vote, as we know. Was there a list of things for people to do? Interacting, writing letters — were these things thought of?”
The structures and institutions may not work the way other activists would like, he added, “but it’s all we have.”
“It’s like saying I’m not going to vote because it doesn’t change anything,” he said. “That’s ridiculous.”
Kaya Dantzler, 27, an organizer from South L.A. and a member of Black Lives Matter. She also heads the organization We Love Leimert. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
The Black activist community in L.A. is “very, very complex,” said Kaya Dantzler, one of the leaders of We Love Leimert, a youth-led intergenerational group of organizers. Dantzler sees nuances of generation and ideology play out every day in Leimert Park, she said.
“You have folks who would describe themselves as anti-capitalism, and democratic socialists who are older but have a greater understanding of Black Lives Matter,” the 27-year-old said. “Then you have really phenomenal groups in Black L.A. who are organizing from a nonabolitionist lens, who are using their knowledge of the current structure system.”
Those people tend to be older community members, she said, who have been part of local institutions.
“They’re not approaching activism from a lens of ‘let’s reconstruct the system’ but more so we understand how it works, so let’s alter it,” she explained. “Then there’s a cohort of younger organizers who are no longer really concerned with figuring out how to get a seat at the table; we are more concerned with constructing a new table.”
Still, Dantzler said, older people like her grandparents believe that participating in protests “doesn’t make any sense,” she said, because they have seen it happen so many times before.
“Especially in L.A., they saw the ’92 riots and that destroyed our communities, and so for them there is a lot of wariness in seeing people take to the streets in that way,” she said. Then this month, Los Angeles officials said that they would explore cutting up to $150 million from the city’s police budget as part of an effort to reinvest more dollars in communities of color.
“It didn’t really seem like something that would be successful, but this last week has shown that it was,” Dantzler said.
Eddie Anderson is the pastor of McCarty Memorial Christian Church in the West Adams district of L.A. Anderson, whose church hosts Black Lives Matter meetings, believes it is important for clergy to march alongside activists in a nonviolent but forceful manner. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)
At 71, the activist known as Akili likes to laugh about how he’s the “dad” among his group — some 45 years older than many of his fellow Black Lives Matter organizers.
His journey with the group began in the aftermath of the death of Michael Brown, an unarmed 18-year-old Black teenager shot by a white officer in Ferguson, Mo., in 2014. Mourning the loss of another Black life, Akili rented a van for a group of activists to drive to Missouri and join in demonstrations that had spilled into the suburbs and coursed through the veins of the nation.
A veteran organizer who has protested for four decades, he took the wheel for most of the nearly 2,000-mile trek and listened as the younger set in the car took turns navigating him.
“I got a chance to know a lot of them,” said Akili, who goes by his last name only. “I see myself as a bridge between yesterday and today.”
There is a perception, he added, that each generation of activists should follow the tactics of the previous one. He at times has to remind his contemporaries of the in-your-face tactics they themselves used in decades past, such as taking over university campuses to demand that they add Black studies departments.
Since the late 1960s, some activist groups such as the Black Panthers have combined an emphasis on the need for Black self-protection (including the use of armed citizens patrols) with community outreach and extensive social programs. The Black Power movement preached self-reliance and self-determination, arguing that the Black community should create its own social, economic and political power rather than looking to integrate into white society.
“Each generation will develop their own course and their own path,” Akili said. “And what I have tried to do is make some connection between some of the things we did before, and what worked and didn’t, and support them charting their own course.”
People in his generation frequently tell him that “all we have to do is talk to white leaders and they will get it,” Akili continued. Dialogue, he added, has become a buzzword — and sitting at the table has become a “fad” over the last 30 years.
He laughed, paraphrasing Malcolm X: “Just being at the table and not having a plate doesn’t make you a diner. It means you’re just sitting there.”