latimes--2020-10-25--When Americans go missing in Mexico, U.S. officials have to tell loved ones, 'Go to Mexico'

When Karla Izquierdo ’ s ex-husband , Francisco Aguilar , disappeared in Rosarito , she unwillingly joined a group no one wants to become a member of : the tens of thousands of for their missing loved ones .
But , in one sense , the case is a relative rarity because Aguilar , a 20-year veteran of the Los Angeles Fire Department , is an American citizen .
Each year , millions of Americans visit Mexico without incident .
Still , 324 American citizens have vanished since 2006 and not been found , according to the Mexican federal government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That compares with more than 70,000 missing Mexicans .
The Aguilar case highlights some of the frustrations Americans face when forced to confront the weakness of the Mexican criminal justice system , one in which those accused of violent crimes are often acquitted , even when .
Law enforcement officials in the United States say it can be frustrating for family members when they realize U.S. police have no jurisdiction in Mexico and have to rely on their Mexican counterparts to investigate cases of missing Americans .
“ People can be shocked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforcement system doesn ’ t exist in Mexico , ” said Lt. Thomas Seiver , who is with the homicide unit of the San Diego County Sheriff ’ s Department .
Asked to comment , an FBI spokesperson said in a statement , “ While the FBI does not have jurisdiction on missing persons overseas , we are always ready to assist our international partners.
” Aguilar was last heard from on Aug. 20 , when he sent his family a WhatsApp message from near his Rosarito beach house , where he lived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by , Izquierdo claims , before investigators began taking the case seriously , and that was only after the case gained traction in the U.S. press and Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti announced at a news conference that the city “ would work tirelessly ” to ensure Aguilar ’ s safe return .
“ This is a living nightmare , ” Izquierdo said .
She said it was especially hard not knowing whether the father of her two children was alive or dead .
“ Since this happened , we ’ ve been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have also been searching for their loved ones for years and have been left without answers.
” Though two people have been arrested for Aguilar ’ s “ forced disappearance , ” his whereabouts remain unknown .
“ I believe that every single hour after his disappearance was valuable , ” Isquierdo said last week .
“ A lot of time was wasted with people who did almost nothing.
” Baja California investigators dispute that , saying they worked the case harder than most cases — not just because the missing party was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were immediate and obvious signs of foul play at Aguilar ’ s residence , such as missing vehicles , an apartment left in disarray and blood at the scene .
“ They investigated day and night , ” said Enrique Méndez , a spokesman for the attorney general ’ s office in Baja California .
Oct. 8 , in possession of Aguilar ’ s credit cards .
A judge briefly released them from custody a few days later .
Baja California officials say the suspects — Santos “ N , ” 27 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — are now back in custody , held on suspicion of being involved in Aguilar ’ s “ forced disappearance.
” ( Defendants in Mexico are only identified by their first name unless they are convicted of a crime , in order to protect their civil rights . )
“ It is incredible how having the evidence , having the audios , looking at photographs , looking at how these criminal groups do very severe damage to society , but just because of technicalities , because of details of interpretations and personal criteria @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go free , ” said Isaías Bertín , a top federal law enforcement official in Baja California .
Oscar Armenta , a former San Diego police sergeant who worked extensively in Mexico on that department ’ s border liaison team , says in his experience Baja California investigators are talented , although they are often operating under very difficult circumstances , including limited resources and dangerous working conditions .
“ I can personally tell you they ’ re outstanding at investigations , ” said Armenta , who now works as a private investigator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emphasis .
“ They ’ re really good at boots on the ground , with the limited resources and the other challenges they face.
” U.S. law enforcement officials say Americans who don ’ t get involved in criminal activity in Mexico are rarely targeted because their disappearances can bring unwanted attention south of the border .
Criminal groups “ don ’ t want the political backlash or the law enforcement backlash , ” said Seiver .
Armenta says it is “ very rare that American tourists just walking down the street in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off the street.
” “ Usually there ’ s some reason or a connection , ” he said .
“ The suspects that are going to kidnap you want to make sure you have something for them to take.
” Still , there have been several high-profile robberies and slayings of American citizens in Baja California this year , such as in August of a well-known Solana Beach couple who had a vacation home near San Quintin , a small coastal town about three hours south of the border near Ensenada .
Ian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 73 , surprised a robber in the house , investigators said .
The robber later admitted to killing the couple and dumping their bodies in a well south of San Quintin , according to prosecutor Hiram Sanchez .
When U.S. citizens go missing in Mexico , relatives or other loved ones often start off looking for help north of the border .
San Diego-area law enforcement agencies are required by state law to immediately take a report about a person ’ s disappearance — no matter where the person lives or where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then forward the report to the agency that has jurisdiction over the missing person ’ s case .
If the person is believed to be in Mexico , they typically work through their border liaison unit to alert Mexican authorities .
“ We don ’ t actively go looking for people in Mexico , ” said Chula Vista Police Capt .
Eric Thunberg .
Mexican local law enforcement agencies usually do not take a case based only on paperwork from another agency .
Family members have to physically go to the jurisdiction where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a report in person in Mexico .
“ We tell people all the time : If you think your loved one is in Mexico , go to Mexico , ” explained Seiver .
His unit , the homicide division of the San Diego County Sheriff ’ s Department , typically investigates missing-persons cases that are more than 30 days old .
Cases involving Americans missing in Mexico can draw extensive media attention , but their numbers are relatively low .
The San Diego Police Department currently has 10 open missing-persons cases where detectives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since 2013 , the Chula Vista Police Department has documented seven unsolved cases where the missing person is believed to be in Mexico .
The San Diego County Sheriff ’ s Department doesn ’ t publicly share its numbers of missing persons believed to be in Mexico for investigative reasons , but a homicide lieutenant said those numbers were also comparatively small .
In at least some of those cases , the missing party does not want to be found , police said .
“ You ’ re talking about a grown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so you know , the first question is always : Are they really missing or are they partying ?
” But the alternative can be grim .
In some years , more Americans are killed in Mexico than in all other foreign countries combined .
Travel to several Mexican states is listed by the U.S. State Department as more dangerous than traveling to Syria or Afghanistan .
Though Baja California is considered less dangerous than many Mexican states , more than a dozen Americans are killed there each year .
( This year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were nine deaths . )
In 2019 , 12 U.S. citizens were killed in Tijuana , .
The disappearance of Americans can bring much-needed law enforcement attention to specific criminal groups , which can help other Mexican families searching for their missing loved ones .
When the remains of the missing Solana Beach couple were discovered in a well south of Ensenada , authorities also discovered other bodies in the same location .
“ We have to wait until they find an American for them to look , ” said Lupita , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who asked that her last name not be used to protect her personal safety .
Lupita , who is still searching for her daughter , said the deaths of the American retirees were horrific and tragic .
At the same time , she hoped some valuable information could come of it .
“ At least now , ” she said , “ some other [ Mexican ] families might have some answers.
” Fry writes for the San Diego Union-Tribune .
UT reporter Alexandra Mendoza contributed to this report .

Los Angeles firefighter Francisco Aguilar, who is now missing in Baja California, posed in front of his fire station with daughter Bella.
When Karla Izquierdo’s ex-husband, Francisco Aguilar, disappeared in Rosarito, she unwillingly joined a group no one wants to become a member of: the tens of thousands of families searching across Mexico for their missing loved ones.
But, in one sense, the case is a relative rarity because Aguilar, a 20-year veteran of the Los Angeles Fire Department, is an American citizen.
Each year, millions of Americans visit Mexico without incident. Still, 324 American citizens have vanished since 2006 and not been found, according to the Mexican federal government’s official tally of the missing. That compares with more than 70,000 missing Mexicans.
The Aguilar case highlights some of the frustrations Americans face when forced to confront the weakness of the Mexican criminal justice system, one in which those accused of violent crimes are often acquitted, even when they confess . Law enforcement officials in the United States say it can be frustrating for family members when they realize U.S. police have no jurisdiction in Mexico and have to rely on their Mexican counterparts to investigate cases of missing Americans.
Advertisement
“People can be shocked to find out that the American law enforcement system doesn’t exist in Mexico,” said Lt. Thomas Seiver, who is with the homicide unit of the San Diego County Sheriff’s Department.
Asked to comment, an FBI spokesperson said in a statement, “While the FBI does not have jurisdiction on missing persons overseas, we are always ready to assist our international partners.”
Aguilar was last heard from on Aug. 20, when he sent his family a WhatsApp message from near his Rosarito beach house, where he lived some of the time.
The family of missing firefighter Francisco Aguilar distributed a flier with a number to call for those with information on his disappearance. (Cortesía)
Weeks went by, Izquierdo claims, before investigators began taking the case seriously, and that was only after the case gained traction in the U.S. press and Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti announced at a news conference that the city “would work tirelessly” to ensure Aguilar’s safe return.
“This is a living nightmare,” Izquierdo said. She said it was especially hard not knowing whether the father of her two children was alive or dead. “Since this happened, we’ve been meeting all these families in Mexico who have also been searching for their loved ones for years and have been left without answers.”
Though two people have been arrested for Aguilar’s “forced disappearance,” his whereabouts remain unknown. “I believe that every single hour after his disappearance was valuable,” Isquierdo said last week. “A lot of time was wasted with people who did almost nothing.”
Baja California investigators dispute that, saying they worked the case harder than most cases — not just because the missing party was an American, but also because there were immediate and obvious signs of foul play at Aguilar’s residence, such as missing vehicles, an apartment left in disarray and blood at the scene.
“They investigated day and night,” said Enrique Méndez, a spokesman for the attorney general’s office in Baja California.
Two suspects were arrested Oct. 8, in possession of Aguilar’s credit cards. A judge briefly released them from custody a few days later. Baja California officials say the suspects — Santos “N,” 27, and Fanny “N,” 32 — are now back in custody, held on suspicion of being involved in Aguilar’s “forced disappearance.” (Defendants in Mexico are only identified by their first name unless they are convicted of a crime, in order to protect their civil rights.)
Advertisement
“It is incredible how having the evidence, having the audios, looking at photographs, looking at how these criminal groups do very severe damage to society, but just because of technicalities, because of details of interpretations and personal criteria, [the judges] let them go free,” said Isaías Bertín, a top federal law enforcement official in Baja California.
Two suspects in the disappearance of L.A. firefighter Francisco Aguilar. (Alexandra Mendoza / U-T en Español)
Oscar Armenta, a former San Diego police sergeant who worked extensively in Mexico on that department’s border liaison team, says in his experience Baja California investigators are talented, although they are often operating under very difficult circumstances, including limited resources and dangerous working conditions.
“I can personally tell you they’re outstanding at investigations,” said Armenta, who now works as a private investigator, often on cases with a cross-border emphasis. “They’re really good at boots on the ground, with the limited resources and the other challenges they face.”
U.S. law enforcement officials say Americans who don’t get involved in criminal activity in Mexico are rarely targeted because their disappearances can bring unwanted attention south of the border.
Criminal groups “don’t want the political backlash or the law enforcement backlash,” said Seiver. Armenta says it is “very rare that American tourists just walking down the street in Baja California will be just randomly kidnapped off the street.”
“Usually there’s some reason or a connection,” he said. “The suspects that are going to kidnap you want to make sure you have something for them to take.”
Still, there have been several high-profile robberies and slayings of American citizens in Baja California this year, such as the killings in August of a well-known Solana Beach couple who had a vacation home near San Quintin, a small coastal town about three hours south of the border near Ensenada. Ian Hirschsohn, 78, and Kathy Harvey, 73, surprised a robber in the house, investigators said. The robber later admitted to killing the couple and dumping their bodies in a well south of San Quintin, according to prosecutor Hiram Sanchez.
When U.S. citizens go missing in Mexico, relatives or other loved ones often start off looking for help north of the border.
San Diego-area law enforcement agencies are required by state law to immediately take a report about a person’s disappearance — no matter where the person lives or where they go missing. But police will then forward the report to the agency that has jurisdiction over the missing person’s case. If the person is believed to be in Mexico, they typically work through their border liaison unit to alert Mexican authorities.
“We don’t actively go looking for people in Mexico,” said Chula Vista Police Capt. Eric Thunberg.
Mexican local law enforcement agencies usually do not take a case based only on paperwork from another agency. Family members have to physically go to the jurisdiction where their loved one is missing to make a report in person in Mexico.
“We tell people all the time: If you think your loved one is in Mexico, go to Mexico,” explained Seiver. His unit, the homicide division of the San Diego County Sheriff’s Department, typically investigates missing-persons cases that are more than 30 days old.
Cases involving Americans missing in Mexico can draw extensive media attention, but their numbers are relatively low. The San Diego Police Department currently has 10 open missing-persons cases where detectives believe the person may be in Mexico. Since 2013, the Chula Vista Police Department has documented seven unsolved cases where the missing person is believed to be in Mexico.
The San Diego County Sheriff’s Department doesn’t publicly share its numbers of missing persons believed to be in Mexico for investigative reasons, but a homicide lieutenant said those numbers were also comparatively small.
In at least some of those cases, the missing party does not want to be found, police said.
“You’re talking about a grown person,” Armenta said, “so you know, the first question is always: Are they really missing or are they partying?”
But the alternative can be grim. In some years, more Americans are killed in Mexico than in all other foreign countries combined. Travel to several Mexican states is listed by the U.S. State Department as more dangerous than traveling to Syria or Afghanistan.
Though Baja California is considered less dangerous than many Mexican states, more than a dozen Americans are killed there each year. (This year, from January through June, there were nine deaths.) In 2019, 12 U.S. citizens were killed in Tijuana, data show .
The disappearance of Americans can bring much-needed law enforcement attention to specific criminal groups, which can help other Mexican families searching for their missing loved ones. When the remains of the missing Solana Beach couple were discovered in a well south of Ensenada, authorities also discovered other bodies in the same location.
“We have to wait until they find an American for them to look,” said Lupita, the mother of a missing Baja California woman, who asked that her last name not be used to protect her personal safety.
Lupita, who is still searching for her daughter, said the deaths of the American retirees were horrific and tragic. At the same time, she hoped some valuable information could come of it.
“At least now,” she said, “some other [Mexican] families might have some answers.”
Fry writes for the San Diego Union-Tribune. UT reporter Alexandra Mendoza contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-10-25--Rapper Offset detained, another man arrested near Trump rally in Beverly Hills

Rapper Offset was detained and a second man was arrested after police stopped their vehicle while they were driving past a pro-President Trump rally in Beverly Hills on Saturday .
Offset , of the music group Migos , streamed part of the interaction on Instagram Live , which shows officers surrounding his vehicle as he declines to turn off the engine .
“ I ’ m not doing that , ” he says .
Officers then reach inside the window , unlock the driver ’ s side door and pull him from the vehicle .
Offset was released after questioning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 20 , was arrested on suspicion of carrying a concealed weapon and carrying a loaded firearm in public , police said .
Almanzar is reportedly a cousin of Offset ’ s wife , Cardi B , who also arrived at the scene at one point , according to videos posted to social media .
Beverly Hills police said in a statement that officers conducted the stop because they ’ d received a report that someone had pointed a weapon from a vehicle near Santa Monica Boulevard and Beverly Drive shortly after 5 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matched that provided by a witness .
In a statement provided to People , representatives for Offset said the rapper was detained “ following an attack by aggressive Trump supporters.
” “ Offset thanks his fans for their support and wishes everyone peace and safety during these trying times , ” the statement said .
“ He encourages everyone to get out and vote because nothing changes if nothing changes.
” The person who said they ’ d had a weapon pointed at them didn ’ t want to press charges , police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in lieu of $ 35,000 bail , jail records state .
Police estimated that more than 2,500 people attended Saturday ’ s Trump rally , which started in the afternoon in Beverly Gardens Park .
Trump supporters have been holding weekend rallies in Beverly Hills for months .
Though most have been peaceful , a couple have erupted in confrontations with counterprotesters .
Earlier this month , Beverly Hills police arrested two men on suspicion of battery at a rally at Beverly Gardens Park .
A video clip posted to Twitter showed police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeared to push a counterprotester .
Altercations have also been reported at rallies elsewhere in Southern California .
In Woodland Hills , police arrested a man on suspicion of pointing a rifle at cars taking part in a pro-Trump caravan Aug. 30 .
Although the Los Angeles Police Department initially said it got reports that someone had shot a weapon , the investigation found that the suspect ’ s rifle had not been fired , police said .
In Yorba Linda , a woman was arrested on suspicion of attempted murder and assault @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drove her car into a crowd during a demonstration involving protesters against police brutality and counter-demonstrators last month .

Offset, of the music group Migos, livestreamed part of the interaction with police after his vehicle was stopped while driving past a pro-Trump rally Saturday.
Rapper Offset was detained and a second man was arrested after police stopped their vehicle while they were driving past a pro-President Trump rally in Beverly Hills on Saturday.
Offset, of the music group Migos, streamed part of the interaction on Instagram Live, which shows officers surrounding his vehicle as he declines to turn off the engine.
“I’m not doing that,” he says.
“Why not?” an officer asks.
“Because you’ve got guns out.”
Officers then reach inside the window, unlock the driver’s side door and pull him from the vehicle.
Advertisement
Offset was released after questioning, but a passenger, Marcelo Almanzar, 20, was arrested on suspicion of carrying a concealed weapon and carrying a loaded firearm in public, police said.
Almanzar is reportedly a cousin of Offset’s wife, Cardi B, who also arrived at the scene at one point, according to videos posted to social media.
Beverly Hills police said in a statement that officers conducted the stop because they’d received a report that someone had pointed a weapon from a vehicle near Santa Monica Boulevard and Beverly Drive shortly after 5 p.m., and that the license plate matched that provided by a witness.
A publicist for Offset, Derrian Perry, said in a statement that the rapper was detained “following an attack by aggressive Trump supporters.”
“Offset thanks his fans for their support and wishes everyone peace and safety during these trying times,” the statement said. “He encourages everyone to get out and vote because nothing changes if nothing changes.”
Offset’s representatives emphasized he was not the aggressor and said he complied despite having guns drawn on him and receiving conflicting directions from police.
Advertisement
“Offset’s current focus is encouraging younger voters to get to the polls in order to keep incidents like this from continuously happening,” a representative said.
The person who said they’d had a weapon pointed at them didn’t want to press charges, police said, but Almanzar remained jailed in lieu of $35,000 bail, jail records state.
Police estimated that more than 2,500 people attended Saturday’s pro-Trump rally, which started in the afternoon in Beverly Gardens Park.
Trump supporters have been holding weekend rallies in Beverly Hills for months. Though most have been peaceful, a couple have erupted in confrontations with counterprotesters.
Earlier this month, Beverly Hills police arrested two men on suspicion of battery at a rally at Beverly Gardens Park. A video clip posted to Twitter showed police officers handcuffing a Trump supporter after he appeared to push a counterprotester.
Altercations have also been reported at rallies elsewhere in Southern California.
In Woodland Hills, police arrested a man on suspicion of pointing a rifle at cars taking part in a pro-Trump caravan Aug. 30. Although the Los Angeles Police Department initially said it got reports that someone had shot a weapon, the investigation found that the suspect’s rifle had not been fired, police said.
In Yorba Linda, a woman was arrested on suspicion of attempted murder and assault with a deadly weapon after she allegedly drove her car into a crowd during a demonstration involving protesters against police brutality and counter-demonstrators last month.


latimes--2020-10-25--California opposes district's bid to control Del Mar bluffs, erect chain-link fence

The California Coastal Commission has asked the North County Transit District to withdraw its request for sole control over projects to stabilize the railroad tracks on the coastal bluffs in Del Mar in San Diego County .
The transit district filed a petition in August with the federal Surface Transportation Board asking it to relieve the Coastal Commission and the city of Del Mar of jurisdiction over the bluff projects , including plans to install a chain-link fence that would stop pedestrians from crossing the tracks to get to the beach .
“ Along with many members of the public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ North County Transit District ’ s ( NCTD ) abrupt decision to not only end its collaboration with the Coastal Commission staff ... but to do so without any notice or warning , ” said the Oct. 15 letter from commission Executive Director John Ainsworth .
The commission has worked with the transit agency and its partner the San Diego Assn .
of Governments on at least 28 railroad projects since 2002 , Ainsworth said .
Those include adding segments of double track , replacing old bridges and trestles , and previous bluff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these final projects were better for the public and the environment through the efforts of NCTD , SANDAG and the commission to collaborate through the planning and approval process , ” he said .
Transit district officials , in their petition to the Surface Transportation Board , said one of the reasons they need the waiver is because the Del Mar City Council , in an April 21 letter to the Coastal Commission , requested “ far-reaching , unduly burdensome mitigation measures ” for emergency repairs made after a Thanksgiving weekend storm eroded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s requested mitigation included that the transit agency be required to cover the bluff repairs with natural soil and native plantings instead of the shotcrete wall that was installed .
The city also proposed “ a laundry list of mitigation requirements for future bluffs projects , ” the petition states .
Del Mar council members , at a recent meeting , said they were surprised by the North County Transit District petition and that they did not expect such a negative reaction to their letter .
“ It ’ s essential to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have access to the beach and bluffs , ” said Councilman Dave Druker .
Del Mar city officials and a representative of the nonprofit Surfrider Foundation have written letters opposing the petition .
Amtrak and the Assn .
of American Railroads reportedly have announced support .
Del Mar residents have long opposed the construction of a fence along the railroad .
Many people feel they have the right to walk along the tracks or cross the tracks wherever they want .
Some are coastal homeowners who say a fence would ruin their ocean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has not yet decided the petition , North County Transit District officials said recently they have the right to install the 6-foot-tall fence along with lights , security cameras and public-address speakers within the railroad right-of-way without additional approvals .
The district plans to complete the project by the end of this year .
“ It is critical that we take all necessary actions to support the safe and efficient movement of passenger and freight trains while striving to keep the public safe , ” transit district marketing and communications manager Kimy Wall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions .
In addition to plans to increase the number of trains , the transit district recently purchased new locomotives that are faster and quieter than the ones now operating .
The new engines are expected to enter service early next year .
Also , because of their speed and weight , the trains may need more than a half-mile to stop in an emergency .
The transit district recently released the results of a study of San Diego County ’ s coastal railroad corridor that identified areas in three cities — Oceanside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fence is most needed because people frequently trespass on the tracks .
The report identifies the number of trespasser “ strikes ” from 2015-19 , but does not distinguish between suicides , accidental deaths or injuries , though the majority of strikes are suicides .
Oceanside had 10 trespasser strikes on the tracks from the transit center to the Carlsbad border , the study showed .
Most of the hits were in the northern half of the segment , where people cross to get to the beach neighborhoods .
Encinitas had 11 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the three rail segments .
Most of those incidents were also in the northern area of the segment , an area where people often park informally along the tracks to access businesses in the Leucadia community .
Del Mar had the most trespasser strikes in the shortest distance , a total of 12 in a 1.4-mile segment of track .
Almost all those hits were in the northernmost area of the track , near Powerhouse Park and the Coast Boulevard crossing .

Workers repair the site of a bluff collapse next to the railroad tracks in Del Mar, Calif., last year.
The California Coastal Commission has asked the North County Transit District to withdraw its request for sole control over projects to stabilize the railroad tracks on the coastal bluffs in Del Mar in San Diego County.
The transit district filed a petition in August with the federal Surface Transportation Board asking it to relieve the Coastal Commission and the city of Del Mar of jurisdiction over the bluff projects, including plans to install a chain-link fence that would stop pedestrians from crossing the tracks to get to the beach.
“Along with many members of the public, I was shocked and dismayed by North County Transit District’s (NCTD) abrupt decision to not only end its collaboration with the Coastal Commission staff ... but to do so without any notice or warning,” said the Oct. 15 letter from commission Executive Director John Ainsworth.
The commission has worked with the transit agency and its partner the San Diego Assn. of Governments on at least 28 railroad projects since 2002, Ainsworth said. Those include adding segments of double track, replacing old bridges and trestles, and previous bluff stabilization projects.
Advertisement
“We believe that these final projects were better for the public and the environment through the efforts of NCTD, SANDAG and the commission to collaborate through the planning and approval process,” he said.
Transit district officials, in their petition to the Surface Transportation Board, said one of the reasons they need the waiver is because the Del Mar City Council, in an April 21 letter to the Coastal Commission, requested “far-reaching, unduly burdensome mitigation measures” for emergency repairs made after a Thanksgiving weekend storm eroded the bluffs last year.
The city’s requested mitigation included that the transit agency be required to cover the bluff repairs with natural soil and native plantings instead of the shotcrete wall that was installed. The city also proposed “a laundry list of mitigation requirements for future bluffs projects,” the petition states.
Del Mar council members, at a recent meeting, said they were surprised by the North County Transit District petition and that they did not expect such a negative reaction to their letter.
“It’s essential to fight this as a team so we have access to the beach and bluffs,” said Councilman Dave Druker.
Del Mar city officials and a representative of the nonprofit Surfrider Foundation have written letters opposing the petition. Amtrak and the Assn. of American Railroads reportedly have announced support.
Del Mar residents have long opposed the construction of a fence along the railroad. Many people feel they have the right to walk along the tracks or cross the tracks wherever they want. Some are coastal homeowners who say a fence would ruin their ocean view.
Advertisement
Though the Surface Transportation Board has not yet decided the petition, North County Transit District officials said recently they have the right to install the 6-foot-tall fence along with lights, security cameras and public-address speakers within the railroad right-of-way without additional approvals. The district plans to complete the project by the end of this year.
“It is critical that we take all necessary actions to support the safe and efficient movement of passenger and freight trains while striving to keep the public safe,” transit district marketing and communications manager Kimy Wall said recently in an emailed response to questions.
In addition to plans to increase the number of trains, the transit district recently purchased new locomotives that are faster and quieter than the ones now operating. The new engines are expected to enter service early next year. Also, because of their speed and weight, the trains may need more than a half-mile to stop in an emergency.
The transit district recently released the results of a study of San Diego County’s coastal railroad corridor that identified areas in three cities — Oceanside, Encinitas and Del Mar — where the fence is most needed because people frequently trespass on the tracks.
The report identifies the number of trespasser “strikes” from 2015-19, but does not distinguish between suicides, accidental deaths or injuries, though the majority of strikes are suicides.
Oceanside had 10 trespasser strikes on the tracks from the transit center to the Carlsbad border, the study showed. Most of the hits were in the northern half of the segment, where people cross to get to the beach neighborhoods.
Encinitas had 11 strikes within 2.5 miles, the longest of the three rail segments. Most of those incidents were also in the northern area of the segment, an area where people often park informally along the tracks to access businesses in the Leucadia community.
Del Mar had the most trespasser strikes in the shortest distance, a total of 12 in a 1.4-mile segment of track. Almost all those hits were in the northernmost area of the track, near Powerhouse Park and the Coast Boulevard crossing.
Diehl writes for the San Diego Union-Tribune.


latimes--2020-10-25--Kamala Harris' L.A. neighborhood of Brentwood feels less insulated after a year of turbulence

The constellation of neighborhoods and smaller cities that constitute what Americans think of as L.A. brings to mind lots of competing reference points : towering palms and glistening lowriders .
Botox clinics and tattoo parlors .
Tofu and tacos , “ Gin and Juice.
” Earthquakes and uprisings .
What isn ’ t necessarily seared into the imagination is Brentwood , an exclusive neighborhood in West Los Angeles where Democratic vice presidential candidate Kamala Harris lives .
But this once low-key island of privilege isn ’ t as isolated as it used to be .
In the year and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her party ’ s presidential nomination , the problems of the country she wants to help lead — poverty , racial inequities , climate change , civil discord — have inched closer to her doorstep .
In Brentwood , the who ’ s who of entertainment , business and politics live along streets that reach up into the steep hills that line the northern fringe of the city .
Many of the houses look more like palaces .
Lawns sprawl out like botanical gardens .
People identify themselves according to the canyon they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is sort of this huge , wide-open metropolis , Brentwood is kind of in its own pocket , ” said Aaron Sandler , a producer on the TV game show “ Let ’ s Make a Deal ” who grew up in neighboring Santa Monica , attended Brentwood School and now lives in the area .
As he walked his dog on a fire road high above Brentwood , Sandler gazed out over a sliver of the Pacific beyond a procession of barren ridges — a breathtaking vision of emptiness in crowded L.A. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ California , has been able to live under the radar here in a $ 5-million house she shares with her entertainment attorney husband , Doug Emhoff , in Kenter Canyon .
She speaks with affection about growing up the child of an Indian mother and Jamaican father in the Bay Area , and about joining Alpha Kappa Alpha , a Black sorority , while enrolled at Howard University in Washington , D.C. By comparison , L.A. feels like a blank space on the map of her life .
Harris rarely brings it up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a revelation to many fellow Brentwood residents .
While out for a walk on a street lined with cliff-hugging houses and mansions hidden by hedges , Teri Wells and Zoe Green broke into giddy laughter when told Harris lives nearby .
“ Wow , she does ?
” said Wells , a retired 61-year-old who lives “ two canyons over ” from Harris .
“ You don ’ t really think of her as being ‘ L.A. ’ It doesn ’ t fit her.
” In a way , though , Harris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Los Angeles , a remarkably diverse metropolis of 12.4 million that ’ s full of contradictions .
To live along this stretch of Sunset Boulevard , between the tourist shops of Hollywood to the east and the beaches of Santa Monica to the west , means sharing the roads with the likes of Arnold Schwarzenegger , Gwyneth Paltrow , Jim Carrey , Reese Witherspoon and Dr. Dre , all of whom own multimillion-dollar homes in the neighborhood .
And perhaps sending your children to the same private secondary school where Hollywood producer and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his — that is , if you can afford a yearly tuition that starts around $ 40,000 .
But it also means reconciling the area ’ s immense wealth with a harsher reality .
Tents with American flags hanging on them and a homeless encampment situated on the grounds of the West L.A. veterans hospital sit within jarring proximity to some of the most coveted real estate in the country — at the base of a hill where the Getty Center ’ s travertine surfaces glow in the sun .
The protests that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ George Floyd and Breonna Taylor have left their mark , too .
One of the most striking faces on the streets of Brentwood today , for all its celebrity , is a portrait of the Afro-wearing Black activist Angela Davis on a strip of offices that were boarded up to prevent damage amid marches and standoffs between anti-racism demonstrators and authorities .
Lakers star and NBA champion LeBron James , who calls Brentwood home , is one of the city ’ s most vocal celebrity advocates for Black Lives Matter .
The reality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with its image in other ways .
The neighborhood was built in the early 20th century as one of L.A. 's first bedroom communities , a mixed-income but mainly middle-class district offering tranquility along leafy , gently curving streets only steps from the rugged wilderness .
Lower-priced condos and apartments still exist , but that original vision is a thing of the past .
The median home price in Brentwood now exceeds $ 2.8 million , according to Zillow , compared with the citywide median of $ 765,000 .
That can make the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Brentwood especially glaring .
Mostly Latino housekeepers , landscapers , construction workers , dog walkers , nannies , restaurant workers and ranch hands file in each day to attend to the needs of a neighborhood that is 85 % white , compared with L.A. County , which is 72 % people of color .
Taking a break from eating his salad in the courtyard of the Brentwood Country Mart — a complex of red barn-like buildings filled with eateries , boutiques and open-air patios that ’ s known for celebrity sightings — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and police brutality in Black communities have made locals more understanding of the injustices faced by people of color and those who are less affluent .
“ I think people here are now more conscious of not exploiting their white privilege , because they may have a spotlight put on them … which is good , ” said the white 28-year-old , who grew up in the area .
He had no idea Harris lives here .
Fran Goodman described Brentwood as a “ beautiful , tucked-away ” section of the city in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearby UCLA .
She and her husband had to evacuate from their home during that year ’ s devastating Bel-Air fire , which jumped across the newly constructed 405 Freeway and raged through Brentwood .
As Goodman made her way down the street on foot , she said , she was surprised to see Richard Nixon standing on his rooftop hosing down the shingles .
The former vice president who ’ d just left office had been renting the house to work on his memoir .
Another local , Ronald Reagan , was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when his presidential motorcade came through .
“ He was always friendly , sticking his head out and waving at everybody , ” Goodman recalled .
Goodman , 80 , doesn ’ t make a fuss about the famous neighbors she ’ s had over the years , or about the fact that Harris lives near her now .
“ Listen , Richard Nixon lived here and Mr. Reagan lived down the street on Capri , ” Goodman said .
“ So how do I feel about celebrities or a vice presidential candidate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with it.
” Like Goodman all those years ago , both James and Harris were among the thousands placed under evacuation orders last year as 50-mph winds sent the Getty fire skipping over ridge tops , scorching hillsides and destroying more than a dozen houses .
Locals go back and forth over whether their community has sacrificed the qualities that originally drew people here .
On the private Facebook group “ I miss the old Brentwood , ” one resident wrote that the neighborhood was once “ our own little Mayberry quietly sandwiched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no one paid attention to , ” where “ everyone knew everyone else.
” But Brentwood hasn ’ t lost all of its charms , locals say .
Wells and her friend Green spoke of coyotes howling in the brush , owls hooting at night and neighborhood residents who aren ’ t fixated on appearances .
“ You get to have this great , rustic feel , yet you ’ re less than a few miles into town , ” Wells said .
“ In Beverly Hills , you can ’ t walk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” added Green , a retiree who ’ s lived here for more than 30 years .
“ Well , here you can .
It used to be hippie-ville.
” Still , many residents sense a shift happening as the neighborhood , known for allowing people to hide in plain sight , becomes yet another locale where those who crave the limelight can see and be seen .
Sandler , 40 , says celebrity sightings were a normal part of life in Brentwood when he was growing up .
“ I remember @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — I was having lunch and I walked down one corridor and it was , like , Maria Shriver and Arnold Schwarzenegger walking towards me , ” Sandler said .
“ I made a left , there ’ s Tom Hanks and Rita Wilson.
” But the neighborhood feels flashier now .
Sandler blames the higher profile on the O.J .
Simpson murder case some 25 years ago .
Nicole Brown Simpson and friend Ron Goldman were found stabbed to death outside her condominium on Bundy Drive in 1994 .
The case culminated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” with its infamous ill-fitting glove .
“ That ’ s how Brentwood is known , no question about it , ” Sandler said .
Since then , “ everything ’ s changed.
” Tourists made pilgrimages to the home on Bundy and the former NFL star ’ s mansion on Rockingham Lane even after it was demolished .
By the early 2000s , locals say , celebrities started buying homes in the seemingly untapped real estate hot spot .
Santiago Arana said his L.A.-based firm , the Agency , has in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as $ 36 million to buyers who see in Brentwood the possibility of enjoying what earlier residents cherished — privacy , clean wilderness air and a feeling of living off the beaten path .
But there ’ s a nonmonetary price to pay for living in Brentwood .
Smoke from this summer ’ s wildfires frequently robbed its homeowners of their fresh air and precious views .
The haze was a reminder that wealth , status and seclusion can ’ t shield residents , even here , from the growing dangers of climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with all of its glories , so precarious .
An event at the Getty last fall also felt like a foreshadowing of the turmoil to come .
The R & B singer Solange and the choreography team of Gerard & Kelly co-presented the free dance performance “ Bridge-s ” on the center ’ s terrace , with the fire-scorched hills of Brentwood as an eerie backdrop .
The audience was as noteworthy as the view — young people of every complexion dressed in avant-garde fashions , some printed with messages of ethnic pride @ @ @ @ @ @ @ L.A. 's diversity in a community where even spotting someone who isn ’ t white is unusual .
Solange ’ s mother , Tina Knowles-Lawson , stood by her side as a racially mixed dance troupe dressed in autumn orange leaned on one another and built human pyramids topped by horn players .
At one point , spectators started to murmur and point their fingers toward a second-level balcony — it was Beyoncé , Solange ’ s older sister , who lives close by in Bel-Air with Jay-Z and their three children .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ dancers .
The performance was all about group cohesion and the interconnectedness of individuals in a society , a theme Harris would touch on during her speech at the Democratic National Convention in August .
She spoke of her “ vision of our nation as a beloved community … a country where we look out for one another , where we rise and fall as one.
” Near the end of the show , the dancers spoke over one another as they recited the same line : “ The house that was built @ @ @ @ @ @ @ repeated those words again and again , as if they somehow had seen the country ’ s future and were passing on a warning : Soon , a pandemic , economic uncertainty , social conflict and political division would threaten to unravel the ties that bind the nation ’ s citizens .
The “ house ” the dancers were referring to was never explicitly identified .
It could ’ ve referred to the pricey estates clinging to the blackened hillsides of Harris ’ neighborhood in the distance .
Or it could ’ ve @ @ @ @ @

The constellation of neighborhoods and smaller cities that constitute what Americans think of as L.A. brings to mind lots of competing reference points: towering palms and glistening lowriders. Botox clinics and tattoo parlors. Tofu and tacos, “Gin and Juice.” Earthquakes and uprisings.
What isn’t necessarily seared into the imagination is Brentwood, an exclusive neighborhood in West Los Angeles where Democratic vice presidential candidate Kamala Harris lives.
But this once low-key island of privilege isn’t as isolated as it used to be. In the year and a half since Harris launched a bid for her party’s presidential nomination, the problems of the country she wants to help lead — poverty, racial inequities, climate change, civil discord — have inched closer to her doorstep.
In Brentwood, the who’s who of entertainment, business and politics live along streets that reach up into the steep hills that line the northern fringe of the city. Many of the houses look more like palaces. Lawns sprawl out like botanical gardens. People identify themselves according to the canyon they live in.
Advertisement
Bicyclists and motorists on San Vicente Boulevard in Brentwood. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
“Even though L.A. is sort of this huge, wide-open metropolis, Brentwood is kind of in its own pocket,” said Aaron Sandler, a producer on the TV game show “Let’s Make a Deal” who grew up in neighboring Santa Monica, attended Brentwood School and now lives in the area. As he walked his dog on a fire road high above Brentwood, Sandler gazed out over a sliver of the Pacific beyond a procession of barren ridges — a breathtaking vision of emptiness in crowded L.A.
Harris, the junior U.S. senator from California, has been able to live under the radar here in a $5-million house she shares with her entertainment attorney husband, Doug Emhoff, in Kenter Canyon.
About this series Even in a pandemic, candidates spend much of their time campaigning in one town after another. But what is the America they’ve seen from their own front doorstep? In this series, Times reporters explore the communities the candidates have called home.
She speaks with affection about growing up the child of an Indian mother and Jamaican father in the Bay Area, and about joining Alpha Kappa Alpha, a Black sorority, while enrolled at Howard University in Washington, D.C.
By comparison, L.A. feels like a blank space on the map of her life. Harris rarely brings it up during campaign appearances. Her presence comes as a revelation to many fellow Brentwood residents.
A jogger makes his way past the Brentwood Country Mart, a shopping complex known for celebrity sightings. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
While out for a walk on a street lined with cliff-hugging houses and mansions hidden by hedges, Teri Wells and Zoe Green broke into giddy laughter when told Harris lives nearby.
“Wow, she does?” said Wells, a retired 61-year-old who lives “two canyons over” from Harris. “You don’t really think of her as being ‘L.A.’ It doesn’t fit her.”
In a way, though, Harris fits right in among the people of Los Angeles, a remarkably diverse metropolis of 12.4 million that’s full of contradictions.
Advertisement
Politics The progressive Indian grandfather who inspired Kamala Harris With P.V. Gopalan, an upright civil servant and doting patriarch, Kamala Harris forged one of the defining relationships of her life.
To live along this stretch of Sunset Boulevard, between the tourist shops of Hollywood to the east and the beaches of Santa Monica to the west, means sharing the roads with the likes of Arnold Schwarzenegger, Gwyneth Paltrow, Jim Carrey, Reese Witherspoon and Dr. Dre, all of whom own multimillion-dollar homes in the neighborhood.
And perhaps sending your children to the same private secondary school where Hollywood producer and current Treasury Secretary Steven T. Mnuchin sends his — that is, if you can afford a yearly tuition that starts around $40,000.
But it also means reconciling the area’s immense wealth with a harsher reality.
Gino Villa, 55, stands in front of his tent at a homeless encampment for military veterans along San Vicente Boulevard in Brentwood. The encampment sits within close proximity to some of the most coveted real estate in L.A. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Tents with American flags hanging on them and a homeless encampment situated on the grounds of the West L.A. veterans hospital sit within jarring proximity to some of the most coveted real estate in the country — at the base of a hill where the Getty Center’s travertine surfaces glow in the sun.
The protests that spread citywide after the police killings of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor have left their mark, too.
Advertisement
One of the most striking faces on the streets of Brentwood today, for all its celebrity, is a portrait of the Afro-wearing Black activist Angela Davis on a strip of offices that were boarded up to prevent damage amid marches and standoffs between anti-racism demonstrators and authorities. Lakers star and NBA champion LeBron James, who calls Brentwood home, is one of the city’s most vocal celebrity advocates for Black Lives Matter.
Joggers make their way on a median along San Vicente Boulevard in Brentwood. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
The reality of living in this enclave often clashes with its image in other ways.
The neighborhood was built in the early 20th century as one of L.A.’s first bedroom communities, a mixed-income but mainly middle-class district offering tranquility along leafy, gently curving streets only steps from the rugged wilderness. Lower-priced condos and apartments still exist, but that original vision is a thing of the past. The median home price in Brentwood now exceeds $2.8 million, according to Zillow, compared with the citywide median of $765,000.
That can make the class and racial divides on the streets of Brentwood especially glaring. Mostly Latino housekeepers, landscapers, construction workers, dog walkers, nannies, restaurant workers and ranch hands file in each day to attend to the needs of a neighborhood that is 85% white, compared with L.A. County, which is 72% people of color.
Taking a break from eating his salad in the courtyard of the Brentwood Country Mart — a complex of red barn-like buildings filled with eateries, boutiques and open-air patios that’s known for celebrity sightings — Otis Weis said the protests against racism and police brutality in Black communities have made locals more understanding of the injustices faced by people of color and those who are less affluent.
Advertisement
“I think people here are now more conscious of not exploiting their white privilege, because they may have a spotlight put on them … which is good,” said the white 28-year-old, who grew up in the area. He had no idea Harris lives here.
Fran Goodman described Brentwood as a “beautiful, tucked-away” section of the city in 1961 when she moved here to attend nearby UCLA.
She and her husband had to evacuate from their home during that year’s devastating Bel-Air fire, which jumped across the newly constructed 405 Freeway and raged through Brentwood.
As Goodman made her way down the street on foot, she said, she was surprised to see Richard Nixon standing on his rooftop hosing down the shingles. The former vice president who’d just left office had been renting the house to work on his memoir.
Another local, Ronald Reagan, was known to shut down Sunset Boulevard traffic when his presidential motorcade came through.
“He was always friendly, sticking his head out and waving at everybody,” Goodman recalled.
Advertisement
Customers sit outside a Starbucks coffee shop on San Vicente Boulevard in Brentwood.
(Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times)
Goodman, 80, doesn’t make a fuss about the famous neighbors she’s had over the years, or about the fact that Harris lives near her now.
“Listen, Richard Nixon lived here and Mr. Reagan lived down the street on Capri,” Goodman said. “So how do I feel about celebrities or a vice presidential candidate living here? I’m OK with it.”
Like Goodman all those years ago, both James and Harris were among the thousands placed under evacuation orders last year as 50-mph winds sent the Getty fire skipping over ridge tops, scorching hillsides and destroying more than a dozen houses.
Marco Cervoni, a waiter at Amici Restaurant on San Vicente Boulevard in Brentwood, delivers a glass of wine to Jon Yashari, right, dining with his wife, Eliza, and their two dogs, Mowgli, left, a Labrador retriever/mix, and Cooper, a Labrador retriever. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Locals go back and forth over whether their community has sacrificed the qualities that originally drew people here.
On the private Facebook group “I miss the old Brentwood,” one resident wrote that the neighborhood was once “our own little Mayberry quietly sandwiched between Beverly Hills and Santa Monica that no one paid attention to,” where “everyone knew everyone else.”
But Brentwood hasn’t lost all of its charms, locals say. Wells and her friend Green spoke of coyotes howling in the brush, owls hooting at night and neighborhood residents who aren’t fixated on appearances.
“You get to have this great, rustic feel, yet you’re less than a few miles into town,” Wells said.
“In Beverly Hills, you can’t walk out to your mailbox in your PJs,” added Green, a retiree who’s lived here for more than 30 years. “Well, here you can. It used to be hippie-ville.”
Still, many residents sense a shift happening as the neighborhood, known for allowing people to hide in plain sight, becomes yet another locale where those who crave the limelight can see and be seen.
“In Beverly Hills you can’t walk out to your mailbox in your pjs,” added Green, a retiree who’s lived here for more than years. “Well, here, you can can. It used to be hippie-ville.” — Teri Wells, a retired 61-year-old who lives “two canyons over” from Harris
Sandler, 40, says celebrity sightings were a normal part of life in Brentwood when he was growing up.
“I remember this one scene at the Country Mart — I was having lunch and I walked down one corridor and it was, like, Maria Shriver and Arnold Schwarzenegger walking towards me,” Sandler said. “I made a left, there’s Tom Hanks and Rita Wilson.”
Advertisement
But the neighborhood feels flashier now. Sandler blames the higher profile on the O.J. Simpson murder case some 25 years ago.
Nicole Brown Simpson and friend Ron Goldman were found stabbed to death outside her condominium on Bundy Drive in 1994. The case culminated in “the Trial of the Century,” with its infamous ill-fitting glove.
“That’s how Brentwood is known, no question about it,” Sandler said. Since then, “everything’s changed.”
Homes, some of them palatial in size, fill Mandeville Canyon, a section of Brentwood where Democratic vice presidential candidate Sen. Kamala Harris lives.
(Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Tourists made pilgrimages to the home on Bundy and the former NFL star’s mansion on Rockingham Lane even after it was demolished. By the early 2000s, locals say, celebrities started buying homes in the seemingly untapped real estate hot spot.
Santiago Arana said his L.A.-based firm, the Agency, has in recent years sold homes for as much as $36 million to buyers who see in Brentwood the possibility of enjoying what earlier residents cherished — privacy, clean wilderness air and a feeling of living off the beaten path.
Advertisement
But there’s a nonmonetary price to pay for living in Brentwood. Smoke from this summer’s wildfires frequently robbed its homeowners of their fresh air and precious views. The haze was a reminder that wealth, status and seclusion can’t shield residents, even here, from the growing dangers of climate change that make living in California, with all of its glories, so precarious.
An event at the Getty last fall also felt like a foreshadowing of the turmoil to come.
The R&B singer Solange and the choreography team of Gerard & Kelly co-presented the free dance performance “Bridge-s” on the center’s terrace, with the fire-scorched hills of Brentwood as an eerie backdrop. The audience was as noteworthy as the view — young people of every complexion dressed in avant-garde fashions, some printed with messages of ethnic pride. It was a bold representation of L.A.’s diversity in a community where even spotting someone who isn’t white is unusual.
Solange’s mother, Tina Knowles-Lawson, stood by her side as a racially mixed dance troupe dressed in autumn orange leaned on one another and built human pyramids topped by horn players. At one point, spectators started to murmur and point their fingers toward a second-level balcony — it was Beyoncé, Solange’s older sister, who lives close by in Bel-Air with Jay-Z and their three children.
The focus quickly shifted back to the dancers. The performance was all about group cohesion and the interconnectedness of individuals in a society, a theme Harris would touch on during her speech at the Democratic National Convention in August. She spoke of her “vision of our nation as a beloved community … a country where we look out for one another, where we rise and fall as one.”
R&B singer Solange, wearing sunglasses toward the left, watches as a dance troupe and musicians perform a piece for which she scored the music on the terrace of the Getty Center in Brentwood in the fall of 2019. (Tyrone Beason / Los Angeles Times)
Advertisement
Near the end of the show, the dancers spoke over one another as they recited the same line: “The house that was built could crumble at any time.” They repeated those words again and again, as if they somehow had seen the country’s future and were passing on a warning: Soon, a pandemic, economic uncertainty, social conflict and political division would threaten to unravel the ties that bind the nation’s citizens.
The “house” the dancers were referring to was never explicitly identified.
It could’ve referred to the pricey estates clinging to the blackened hillsides of Harris’ neighborhood in the distance. Or it could’ve referred to America itself.


latimes--2020-10-25--Column: Trump inspired them to become U.S. citizens and to vote. Against him

For the past 20 years , the Serranos of Lakewood have kept a family pact based on equal parts patriotism and vengeance : Become an American citizen .
Register to vote .
And go with the Democrats to stick it to the Republicans .
Rafael and Carmela Serrano came to Southern California in 1991 from Guadalajara , Mexico , with six of their eight children after their general store went under .
They had wonderful memories of the Southland from visits to Disneyland , and figured life here would be peaceful and welcoming .
California was about to embark on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the GOP .
First came Proposition 187 , the landmark 1994 ballot initiative that sought to make life miserable for undocumented immigrants .
Similar laws spread in cities across the state that decade and eventually metastasized into a national anti-immigrant movement that helped plop Donald J. Trump in the White House in the 2016 election .
“ We all came to come ahead , not to take away anyone ’ s bread , ” said Gabby Serrano , 46 , as she stood in front of her parent ’ s well-kept tract home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Juan , and Teresa — nodded in agreement .
Signs for Congresswoman Linda Sanchez and Assemblyman Anthony Rendón decorated the lawn .
Teresa wore an “ I Voted ” sticker , while Juan ’ s son held mail-in ballots other family members had yet to turn in .
“ To see such anti-Mexican hate was just hurtful.
” “ Our eyes were quickly opened , ” added 42-year-old Francisco .
He remembered walkouts at Artesia High School against 187 that he and his brother didn ’ t participate in for fear that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We couldn ’ t vote back then , because we weren ’ t citizens , ” responded Juan , a 44-year-old supervisor for Hawaiian Garden ’ s community services department .
“ But I remember being a teen , and promising that as soon as I could , I ’ d register as a Democrat.
” He was the first Serrano to become an American citizen , in 2000 .
Other siblings followed .
And then they waited for their parents to do the same .
Rafael , 73 , and 70-year-old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a hurry .
Life in el Norte had been just fine as permanent residents .
They thought taking the citizenship test in English would be too hard .
In March , the married couple of 53 years took their citizenship oath and immediately registered to vote .
Last week , they dropped off their ballots at a voting drop box in Hawaiian Gardens before embarking on a long-planned vacation to Guadalajara .
Juan filmed the occasion , then put it up on the Serranos ’ TikTok channel with “ This is America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They voted for Joe Biden , of course .
And they ’ re not the only first-time Latino voters expected to do the same .
Juan Serrano said that he ’ s spoken to scores of Hawaiian Gardens residents who registered to vote specifically to get Trump out of office .
He compared the president ’ s inadvertent inspiration for these first-timers to his own experience with Pete Wilson , the California governor who championed Proposition 187 and arguably led an entire generation of Latinos in the state to turn blue .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ He was my hero , ” said Juan sarcastically , but with gratitude .
“ Thanks to him , we were going to vote .
We grew up with that injustice.
” “ It ’ s like the J-Lo film , ” Gabby added .
“ Enough is enough.
” The Serranos are what small-town Mexicans like my family call gente decente — literally , “ decent people , ” but really signifying humble folks who don ’ t like to draw attention to themselves and are exemplars of community life .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alienated gente decente .
And if the Serranos are any indication , this is the year that these people will get their revenge .
In this election , Latinos represent the largest minority voter bloc — 32 million strong — for the first time .
The only thing that can save the GOP and Trump from a historical shellacking is , well , history .
Only three times in the last 40 years of presidential elections has the Latino voter turnout rate exceeded 50 % .
In the 2016 election , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of eligible white voters did so , while Black voters did the same at 59.6 % .
Latinos ?
Only 47.6 % .
This embarrassing figure leads to bad clichés about how Latinos are the “ sleeping giant ” of the American electorate and have yet to “ flex their political muscle.
” Latinos should be ashamed for their apathy , according to the Serranos .
“ If you don ’ t vote , it ’ s like not using your voice , ” said Teresa .
“ It ’ s frustrating , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sibling in the United States who hasn ’ t become an American citizen .
She then looked at her 26-year-old daughter , Ana Ascencio .
Though she was born here , Ascencio had never voted in her life .
“ I would always scold her , ‘ Vote !
’ ” Gabby said .
“ You don ’ t know when the government can deport people like me .
And If I ’ m gone , who ’ s going to take care of you and your sister ?
” I asked Ana @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But Trump changed her perspective , just like her grandparents .
“ It ’ s my time now , ” she said .
“ My dad always loves to talk politics , ” he said .
“ And he hates Trump .
He ’ s from a different generation .
You can ’ t have falta de respeto [ lack of respect ] for people .
And that ’ s what Trump has against Mexicans.
” “ My grandpa came as a bracero to Bakersfield , ” Gabby said .
“ And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States that those who take advantage of the opportunities and didn ’ t do anything bad could get ahead .
But Trump ’ s only done bad .
My parents get angry at what he has done to this country.
” While the Serrano kids were kind and funny , I wanted to talk to their parents .
So Juan dialed up Rafael and Carmela on FaceTime .
The two sat at a plastic-wrapped kitchen table in their Guadalajara home and beamed .
They reminded me of my aunts and uncles — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decente .
How did they feel about voting for the first time ?
“ Our hearts fill up for being able to participate , ” Carmela responded .
“ He talks a bunch of things that doesn ’ t sit well with you , ” Rafael said .
“ This man sows division.
” “ The U.S. is a strong country , ” Carmela said .
“ A president that ’ s just is the best.
” What did they want other Latinos to learn from their example ?
“ May we serve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ se puede , ” Rafael said .
I thanked them for their time , and they did the same .
Then Carmela , like any modern-day decent person , had one last thought .
“ Gracias , and follow us on TikTok !
”

Juan Serrano, center, and his family, who have vowed to always support Democrats.
For the past 20 years, the Serranos of Lakewood have kept a family pact based on equal parts patriotism and vengeance:
Become an American citizen. Register to vote. And go with the Democrats to stick it to the Republicans.
Rafael and Carmela Serrano came to Southern California in 1991 from Guadalajara, Mexico, with six of their eight children after their general store went under. They had wonderful memories of the Southland from visits to Disneyland, and figured life here would be peaceful and welcoming.
Advertisement
It wasn’t.
California was about to embark on a decade of legislative xenophobia led by the GOP. First came Proposition 187, the landmark 1994 ballot initiative that sought to make life miserable for undocumented immigrants. Similar laws spread in cities across the state that decade and eventually metastasized into a national anti-immigrant movement that helped plop Donald J. Trump in the White House in the 2016 election.
Teresa Gonzalez is the daughter of Rafael and Carmela Serrano. She has already voted this year. (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)
“We all came to come ahead, not to take away anyone’s bread,” said Gabby Serrano, 46, as she stood in front of her parent’s well-kept tract home. Three of her siblings — Francisco, Juan, and Teresa — nodded in agreement. Signs for Congresswoman Linda Sanchez and Assemblyman Anthony Rendón decorated the lawn. Teresa wore an “I Voted” sticker, while Juan’s son held mail-in ballots other family members had yet to turn in. “To see such anti-Mexican hate was just hurtful.”
“Our eyes were quickly opened,” added 42-year-old Francisco. He remembered walkouts at Artesia High School against 187 that he and his brother didn’t participate in for fear that immigration agents might take them away.
“We couldn’t vote back then, because we weren’t citizens,” responded Juan, a 44-year-old supervisor for Hawaiian Garden’s community services department. “But I remember being a teen, and promising that as soon as I could, I’d register as a Democrat.”
He was the first Serrano to become an American citizen, in 2000. Other siblings followed. And then they waited for their parents to do the same.
And kept waiting.
Rafael, 73, and 70-year-old Carmela didn’t seem to be in a hurry. Life in el Norte had been just fine as permanent residents. They thought taking the citizenship test in English would be too hard.
Advertisement
Then came Trump.
Gabby Serrano holds a photograph of her parents, Rafael and Carmela Serrano, who arrived in the United States in 1991 and voted in the U.S. for the first time this year. (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)
In March, the married couple of 53 years took their citizenship oath and immediately registered to vote. Last week, they dropped off their ballots at a voting drop box in Hawaiian Gardens before embarking on a long-planned vacation to Guadalajara. Juan filmed the occasion, then put it up on the Serranos’ TikTok channel with “This is America” by Childish Gambino as a soundtrack.
They voted for Joe Biden, of course.
And they’re not the only first-time Latino voters expected to do the same.
Juan Serrano said that he’s spoken to scores of Hawaiian Gardens residents who registered to vote specifically to get Trump out of office. He compared the president’s inadvertent inspiration for these first-timers to his own experience with Pete Wilson, the California governor who championed Proposition 187 and arguably led an entire generation of Latinos in the state to turn blue.
“Pete Wilson was my idol. He was my hero,” said Juan sarcastically, but with gratitude. “Thanks to him, we were going to vote. We grew up with that injustice.”
“It’s like the J-Lo film,” Gabby added. “Enough is enough.”
::
The Serrano family: from left, Ana Ascencio with daughter Zoe Garcia, age 3, Francisco Serrano, Juan Serrano, Gabby Serrano, and Teresa Gonzalez. (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)
The Serranos are what small-town Mexicans like my family call gente decente — literally, “decent people,” but really signifying humble folks who don’t like to draw attention to themselves and are exemplars of community life.
For 25 years, the Republican Party has alienated gente decente. And if the Serranos are any indication, this is the year that these people will get their revenge.
In this election, Latinos represent the largest minority voter bloc — 32 million strong — for the first time.
The only thing that can save the GOP and Trump from a historical shellacking is, well, history.
Only three times in the last 40 years of presidential elections has the Latino voter turnout rate exceeded 50%. In the 2016 election, according to Pew Research Center estimates, 65.3% of eligible white voters did so, while Black voters did the same at 59.6%. Latinos? Only 47.6%.
This embarrassing figure leads to bad clichés about how Latinos are the “sleeping giant” of the American electorate and have yet to “flex their political muscle.”
Latinos should be ashamed for their apathy, according to the Serranos.
“If you don’t vote, it’s like not using your voice,” said Teresa.
“It’s frustrating,” said Gabby, the last Serrano sibling in the United States who hasn’t become an American citizen. She then looked at her 26-year-old daughter, Ana Ascencio. Though she was born here, Ascencio had never voted in her life.
“I would always scold her, ‘Vote!’” Gabby said. “You don’t know when the government can deport people like me. And If I’m gone, who’s going to take care of you and your sister?”
I asked Ana why she hadn’t voted before.
“I don’t know,” she responded.
“Por floja,” Juan cracked. Laziness.
But Trump changed her perspective, just like her grandparents.
“It’s my time now,” she said.
Now Juan smiled.
“My dad always loves to talk politics,” he said. “And he hates Trump. He’s from a different generation. You can’t have falta de respeto [lack of respect] for people. And that’s what Trump has against Mexicans.”
“My grandpa came as a bracero to Bakersfield,” Gabby said. “And he’d always say about the United States that those who take advantage of the opportunities and didn’t do anything bad could get ahead. But Trump’s only done bad. My parents get angry at what he has done to this country.”
While the Serrano kids were kind and funny, I wanted to talk to their parents. So Juan dialed up Rafael and Carmela on FaceTime. The two sat at a plastic-wrapped kitchen table in their Guadalajara home and beamed. They reminded me of my aunts and uncles — soft-spoken, of few words. Gente decente.
How did they feel about voting for the first time?
“Happy, content, and proud,” Rafael said.
“Our hearts fill up for being able to participate,” Carmela responded.
What’s so bad about Trump?
“He talks a bunch of things that doesn’t sit well with you,” Rafael said. “This man sows division.”
“The U.S. is a strong country,” Carmela said. “A president that’s just is the best.”
What did they want other Latinos to learn from their example?
“May we serve as motivation for other people that sí se puede,” Rafael said.
I thanked them for their time, and they did the same. Then Carmela, like any modern-day decent person, had one last thought.
“Gracias, and follow us on TikTok!”


latimes--2020-10-25--How San Francisco became a COVID-19 success story as other cities stumbled

Much of San Francisco looked like a ghost town during late April .
All but essential services were closed .
Few roamed the streets .
The mood seemed as grim as the gray skies overhead .
Now life has returned .
Restaurants and stores are open .
Clad in masks , pedestrians last week clutched bags from stores where they had just shopped .
Diners sat at tables outside restaurants and cafes .
People strolled along the bay on the Embarcadero , and a huge Ferris wheel opened for business at Golden Gate Park .
After cautiously approaching the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toward reopening , San Francisco has become the first urban center in California to enter the least restrictive tier for reopening .
Risk of infection , according to the state ’ s color-coded tiers , is considered minimal , even though San Francisco is the second-densest city in the country after New York .
“ We have , at least so far , done everything right , ” said Dr. Robert Wachter , professor and chair of the Department of Medicine at UC San Francisco .
City officials still are not declaring victory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus still lurks around the corner .
And as they have before , they will follow local metrics rather than reopen just because the state allows it.
” Experts credit San Francisco ’ s success to a long partnership between public health officers and universities , most notably during the AIDS crisis .
San Francisco is not monolithic , but its residents largely followed health guidelines .
Unlike other counties , which may have dozens of mayors and city councils , San Francisco is also a city with only one mayor and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ largely deferred to the judgment of health officials .
The tech industry , which has a prominent presence in San Francisco , played a role too .
Companies ordered their employees to work from home two weeks before San Francisco and other Bay Area counties shut down , Wachter said .
That not only kept more people off the streets but signaled to the rest of the region that industry giants were taking the threat of the coronavirus seriously .
San Francisco followed the “ hammer and dance ” approach , made famous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the website Medium , Wachter said .
The city hit the hammer by shutting down early in the pandemic .
The dance has been more complicated .
The city has reopened slowly , making adjustments when cases rose and backtracking when necessary .
Of the 20 most populous cities in the U.S. , San Francisco has the lowest death rate per capita from COVID-19 .
If the entire country had followed the city ’ s approach , Wachter said , there would be 50,000 dead from the pandemic instead of more than 220,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has not emerged unscathed .
Hundreds of businesses have closed permanently .
Public schools have yet to reopen , and the city faces a huge budget deficit .
Many residents moved away during the pandemic .
Although life has now returned to city streets , they are nowhere near as full as before the pandemic , when throngs of office workers and tourists crammed sidewalks .
Ridership on city buses has plummeted , along with revenues .
Mayor London Breed and Dr. Grant Colfax , San Francisco ’ s public health director , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the health crisis .
Breed , always interested in science , studied chemistry before she switched to political science at UC Davis .
She grew up in a San Francisco housing project where deadly gun violence was common .
During an UC San Francisco online forum in September , she said she had often thought about what steps might have been taken decades ago to have saved lives in the projects .
When the coronavirus hit Wuhan , China , she said , she viewed it as “ way over there.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s health officer came to her City Hall office earlier this year and warned the virus could overwhelm the city ’ s hospitals , which might have to turn away the sick .
That warning “ stopped me in my tracks , ” Breed said .
She knew that shutting down would hurt the economy and worsen economic disparities , but she said she felt as though there were no other choice .
She said she asked herself what she would want her mayor to do .
Saving lives was the answer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she walked into a grocery store and quickly backed out .
People were not following the health guidelines .
“ I called Dr. Colfax and said we need to shut this grocery store down , ” she recalled .
Colfax proved adept at messaging .
During the first few months of the pandemic , Colfax , Breed and other city officials held news conferences online three times a week .
Colfax was usually grim .
He warned the virus could quickly spin out of control .
The public health director began his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infected and dead .
In a funerial voice , he directed his statement to the families of the dead and told them of his sorrow .
He warned of “ grave ” consequences if the health restrictions were not followed .
He worried aloud in July that San Francisco could become the next New York City , Houston or Florida .
San Francisco remained in a “ very vulnerable situation , ” he said .
Wachter remembers watching some of the “ very scary ” news conferences and wondering if Colfax had data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ UC San Francisco forum that he had to tell San Franciscans of the possibilities , even if the models represented the worst case , particularly as people grew tired of the restrictions .
“ When things are going a little sour , ” Wachter said later in an interview , “ his job is to scare the s— out of people.
” For her part , Breed hasn ’ t hesitated to scold .
After more than 1,000 people gathered at Ocean Beach early in September for a Burning Man celebration , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assemblage , calling it “ absolutely reckless and selfish.
” If Breed and Colfax “ erred on the side of being a little conservative , I think history will treat them kindly , `` Wachter said .
“ With the current trajectory , you are not going to hear anybody say they should have opened the restaurants sooner .
They are going to say they saved lives.
” San Francisco police also helped enforce the health rules .
When long lines sprung up outside a store , officers arrived to ensure people were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the parks on the weekends and handed out masks .
Citations were issued to repeat offenders , but for the most part people complied after being warned .
San Francisco rapidly expanded coronavirus tests months ago , making the city a leader nationally in testing .
It also worked with UC San Francisco to build a strong contact tracing program and devoted time and resources to the city ’ s heavily Latino Mission District , a source of many of the infections .
John Swartzberg , a UC Berkeley infectious disease expert , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forged among Bay Area health officers and between the city and its public health officials during the AIDS epidemic .
“ The experience with AIDS in San Francisco did a tremendous amount to shape the public health culture in San Francisco , ” he said .
“ The relationship between SF General ( hospital ) and the community was just a beautiful thing to behold .
The trust it engendered had a halo effect that spilled over to the entire city.
” Comparing Los Angeles ’ pandemic experience to San Francisco ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stemmed from “ leadership or the people.
” He suspects that people in San Francisco tended to adhere to the health rules more than in other places .
The Bay Area is “ very diverse , ” he said , “ but not particularly diverse politically.
” The limitations on reopening drew criticism from gym owners and the Catholic archdiocese , but in San Francisco “ there is a general appreciation by the public of the importance of science , ” Wachter said , “ and not widespread skepticism when leaders say these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ save people ’ s lives.
” Given San Francisco ’ s high density and international travel from Asia and Europe , “ this thing could have exploded even before anybody locked down , ” he said .
During a warm day last week , city residents walking beside the bay on the Embarcadero generally praised the city ’ s handling of the pandemic , although some complained of the threat of disease from homeless encampments and bemoaned the fact that public schools remained closed .
Cynthia Roberts , 66 , an acting coach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progress represented a mere lull in the pandemic .
“ Now that we are going to open up , we may have problems , ” she fretted .

Musicians play at Golden Gate Park in San Francisco on Aug. 22. The city is moving to the least restrictive yellow tier under the state’s coronavirus reopening guidelines.
Much of San Francisco looked like a ghost town during late April. All but essential services were closed. Few roamed the streets. The mood seemed as grim as the gray skies overhead.
Now life has returned. Restaurants and stores are open. Clad in masks, pedestrians last week clutched bags from stores where they had just shopped. Diners sat at tables outside restaurants and cafes. People strolled along the bay on the Embarcadero, and a huge Ferris wheel opened for business at Golden Gate Park.
After cautiously approaching the pandemic for months, with a go-slow attitude toward reopening, San Francisco has become the first urban center in California to enter the least restrictive tier for reopening. Risk of infection, according to the state’s color-coded tiers, is considered minimal, even though San Francisco is the second-densest city in the country after New York.
Advertisement
“We have, at least so far, done everything right,” said Dr. Robert Wachter, professor and chair of the Department of Medicine at UC San Francisco.
City officials still are not declaring victory. Characteristically, they warn, the virus still lurks around the corner. And as they have before, they will follow local metrics rather than reopen just because the state allows it.
A salesperson wears a mask in City Lights Books in the North Beach neighborhood of San Francisco. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Experts credit San Francisco’s success to a long partnership between public health officers and universities, most notably during the AIDS crisis. San Francisco is not monolithic, but its residents largely followed health guidelines. Unlike other counties, which may have dozens of mayors and city councils, San Francisco is also a city with only one mayor and a Board of Supervisors, and both have largely deferred to the judgment of health officials.
The tech industry, which has a prominent presence in San Francisco, played a role too. Companies ordered their employees to work from home two weeks before San Francisco and other Bay Area counties shut down, Wachter said. That not only kept more people off the streets but also signaled to the rest of the region that industry giants were taking the threat of the coronavirus seriously.
San Francisco followed the “hammer and dance” approach, made famous by San Francisco author Tomas Pueyo on the website Medium, Wachter said. The city hit the hammer by shutting down early in the pandemic. The dance has been more complicated. The city has reopened slowly, making adjustments when cases rose and backtracking when necessary.
Advertisement
Of the 20 most populous cities in the U.S., San Francisco has the lowest death rate per capita from COVID-19. If the entire country had followed the city’s approach, Wachter said, there would be 50,000 dead from the pandemic instead of more than 220,000.
To be sure, San Francisco has not emerged unscathed. Hundreds of businesses have closed permanently. Public schools have yet to reopen, and the city faces a huge budget deficit. Many residents moved away during the pandemic.
Although life has now returned to city streets, they are nowhere near as full as before the pandemic, when throngs of office workers and tourists crammed sidewalks. Ridership on city buses has plummeted, along with revenues.
Mayor London Breed and Dr. Grant Colfax, San Francisco’s public health director, largely shaped the city’s response to the health crisis.
Breed, always interested in science, studied chemistry before she switched to political science at UC Davis. She grew up in a San Francisco housing project where deadly gun violence was common. During an UC San Francisco online forum in September, she said she had often thought about what steps might have been taken decades ago to save lives in the projects.
When the coronavirus hit Wuhan, China, she said, she viewed it as “way over there.” That changed when Colfax and the city’s health officer came to her City Hall office this year and warned the virus could overwhelm the city’s hospitals, which might have to turn away the sick.
That warning “stopped me in my tracks,” Breed said. She knew that shutting down would hurt the economy and worsen economic disparities, but she said she felt as though there were no other choice. She said she asked herself what she would want her mayor to do. Saving lives was the answer.
One day early in the pandemic, she walked into a grocery store and quickly backed out. People were not following the health guidelines. “I called Dr. Colfax and said we need to shut this grocery store down,” she recalled.
Colfax proved adept at messaging. During the first few months of the pandemic, Colfax, Breed and other city officials held news conferences online three times a week. Colfax was usually grim. He warned the virus could quickly spin out of control.
The public health director began his summations by citing the number of people infected and dead. In a funereal voice, he directed his statement to the families of the dead and told them of his sorrow. He warned of grave consequences if the health restrictions were not followed. He worried aloud in July that San Francisco could become the next New York City, Houston or Florida. San Francisco remained in a “very vulnerable situation,” he said.
Wachter remembers watching some of the “very scary” news conferences and wondering whether Colfax had data he lacked.
Colfax said during the UC San Francisco forum that he had to tell San Franciscans of the possibilities, even if the models represented the worst case, particularly as people grew tired of the restrictions.
“When things are going a little sour,” Wachter said later in an interview, “his job is to scare the s— out of people.”
For her part, Breed hasn’t hesitated to scold. After more than 1,000 people gathered at Ocean Beach early in September for a Burning Man celebration, the mayor took to Twitter and castigated the assemblage, calling it “absolutely reckless and selfish.”
If Breed and Colfax “erred on the side of being a little conservative, I think history will treat them kindly, “ Wachter said. “With the current trajectory, you are not going to hear anybody say they should have opened the restaurants sooner. They are going to say they saved lives.”
Police also helped enforce the health rules. When long lines sprang up outside a store, officers arrived to ensure people were distancing and wearing masks. Police patrolled the parks on the weekends and handed out masks. Citations were issued to repeat offenders, but for the most part people complied after being warned.
San Francisco rapidly expanded coronavirus tests months ago, making the city a leader nationally in testing. It also worked with UC San Francisco to build a strong contact tracing program and devoted time and resources to the city’s heavily Latino Mission District, a source of many of the infections.
John Swartzberg, a UC Berkeley infectious disease expert, said San Francisco benefited from the bonds forged among Bay Area health officers and between the city and its public health officials during the AIDS epidemic.
“The experience with AIDS in San Francisco did a tremendous amount to shape the public health culture in San Francisco,” he said. “The relationship between S.F. General [Hospital] and the community was just a beautiful thing to behold. The trust it engendered had a halo effect that spilled over to the entire city.”
Comparing Los Angeles’ pandemic experience with San Francisco’s, Wachter wondered aloud whether the difference stemmed from “leadership or the people.” He suspects that people in San Francisco tended to adhere to the health rules more than in other places. The Bay Area is “very diverse,” he said, “but not particularly diverse politically.”
The limitations on reopening drew criticism from gym owners and the Catholic archdiocese, but in San Francisco “there is a general appreciation by the public of the importance of science,” Wachter said, “and not widespread skepticism when leaders say these are the right things to do to save people’s lives.”
Luck also mattered.
Newlyweds Tulika Jha and Mike Borden take in the sunset at an overlook area beside the Golden Gate Bridge in San Francisco on Aug. 22. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Given San Francisco’s high density and international travel from Asia and Europe, “this thing could have exploded even before anybody locked down,” he said.
During a warm day last week, city residents walking beside the bay on the Embarcadero generally praised the city’s handling of the pandemic, although some complained of the threat of disease from homeless encampments and bemoaned the fact that public schools remained closed.
Cynthia Roberts, 66, an acting coach, worried that the city’s progress represented a mere lull in the pandemic.
“Now that we are going to open up, we may have problems,” she said.