latimes--2020-10-21--In Prop. 22, app-based companies ask voters to resolve what lawmakers would not

It was a traditional detour that Uber and Lyft , two companies that reimagined the for-hire transportation industry , chose to take around the roadblock they encountered at the state Capitol .
Like others rebuffed by the California Legislature through the years , they decided to go to the voters .
But their effort , funded by a consortium of app-based companies , no longer seems so traditional .
In their quest to have voters enact special employment rules for their drivers , the companies have set a new record for ballot measure spending while pushing the boundaries of customary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that California voters and the millions of riders and drivers who use Uber will step up to protect these important work opportunities , ” Tony West , Uber ’ s chief legal officer , said last year when the company announced its intent to file what became Proposition 22 .
The proposal asks voters to create a unique designation under state employment law for drivers of app-based companies , allowing them to remain independent contractors but also providing a set level of employment benefits .
“ This is what drivers want , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Proposition 22 campaign .
“ The drivers have been very clear for a number of years that they don ’ t want to be employees.
” Opponents say not all drivers share that sentiment .
They have accused the companies of using the employment status of drivers to divert attention away from the effort to maximize profits .
“ You didn ’ t need a ballot initiative to give them more , ” Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez ( D-San Diego ) said .
“ You can just do right by your workers.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of a political feud — Uber and Lyft clashing with labor unions and Democratic lawmakers — layered on top of a broader struggle to understand the changing nature of work .
In both , no event has been more important than a California Supreme Court ruling in 2018 that imposed a strict test to decide whether self-employed workers should be considered employees .
Past state audits found at least a half-million workers in a variety of industries were misclassified as independent contractors , resulting in an estimated loss of $ 7 billion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contractor , the justices wrote , must be a worker free from control and direction when carrying out tasks ; must be someone who conducts duties outside of the usual course of the company ’ s activities ; and must generally perform what the ruling described as “ an independently established trade , occupation or business.
” The app-based companies were already sparring with state officials over safety issues , commercial license plates and insurance when the ruling was issued .
They have argued that long-standing state regulations fail to account for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are technology platforms , not transportation providers .
Ray Fuentes , a researcher with the advocacy group Partnership for Working Families , said those arguments are without merit .
“ What does common sense tell you ?
” he said .
“ When these companies advertise that they ’ re in transportation , we should hold them to that.
” The court ruling presented a significant challenge to the ride-hailing and delivery companies , whose drivers have always been identified as independent contractors .
Their fate seemed to overshadow that of other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to codify and expand on the Supreme Court ’ s action .
Allan Zaremberg , the chief executive officer of the California Chamber of Commerce , said Californians ’ reliance on the new technology put lawmakers between a rock and a hard place .
App-based companies argued that efforts to impose new rules on their business practices would worsen the customer experience .
“ The people made the decision , ” said Zaremberg , whose organization supports Proposition 22 .
“ When the public embraces it , it ’ s hard for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it away.
” The legislative response to the worker classification ruling , Assembly Bill 5 , was amended a half-dozen times in 2019 to add additional professions where services could be provided by independent contractors .
But no changes were made for app-based companies .
“ The problem with their drivers is they squarely are in the column of employees , ” said Gonzalez , the author of AB 5 .
“ To somehow exempt them would be dishonest in the law.
” Kurt Oneto , an attorney representing the Proposition 22 campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawmakers about what to leave in and out of legislation were arbitrary .
“ Even newspaper delivery has less flexibility , ” Oneto said , noting a last-minute provision added by lawmakers in 2019 that was endorsed by the ownership of The Times .
“ So why can they be independent contractors ?
” The app-based companies occupy a unique place in California ’ s political ecosystem , having forged close alliances with tech-focused Democrats in the Bay Area but suspicion from the party ’ s liberal base and labor unions .
Stuck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Newsom , who publicly and privately urged the two sides to seek common ground .
A few labor representatives , who often talked of unionizing the industry ’ s drivers , met with the app-based companies during the spring and summer of 2019 .
Gonzalez , a former San Diego labor council leader , said the negotiations never produced a comprehensive proposal for lawmakers to consider .
“ I think it was a waste of time , ” she said .
“ I don ’ t know how serious that all was.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Uber and Lyft announced they were committing $ 60 million to a ballot measure campaign if there was no action in Sacramento .
And when lawmakers failed to budge , the companies launched the campaign for what became Proposition 22 .
The ballot measure would require the companies to provide an hourly wage for time spent driving equal to 120 % of either a local or statewide minimum wage .
It also requires that drivers receive a stipend for purchasing health insurance coverage when driving time averages at least 15 hours a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if average driving time rises to 25 hours a week .
But work hours only include time spent driving to , picking up and carrying a rider or delivery to a destination , not the time spent waiting in between trips .
Vetter said some drivers spend their days accepting assignments from a variety of app-companies and that it ’ s unclear whether time spent waiting is actually being used to work for someone else .
“ It ensures that drivers are paid for the time that they ’ re actually working , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important to protect the flexibility.
” Voters will be left to decide if those benefits are sufficient .
Proposition 22 critics point out that if the drivers were treated as company employees — which pending lawsuits filed by the state argue should be the case — they would have to be paid for the wait time and offered more generous employee benefits including paid sick leave and workers compensation for on-the-job injuries .
Opponents say other provisions offering new benefits also fail to match up to what employees would be given , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety checks .
Being an app-based driver “ defies any conception of what it means to be in business for yourself , ” said Fuentes , whose group opposes Proposition 22 .
“ This is about basic workplace standards and benefits.
” The ballot measure fight has become a campaign cash juggernaut .
Contributions through mid-October on both sides totaled more than $ 205 million , far surpassing fundraising for any of California ’ s blockbuster propositions of the last two decades .
More than 90 % of all the contributions have come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measure : Uber , Lyft , DoorDash , , Postmates and the parent company of Instacart .
The companies have vastly outspent their labor union opponents , who have contributed nearly all of the $ 16 million raised by the campaign against Proposition 22 .
Some of the money provided by the companies has sought to boost support among Democrats through the use of slate mailers , one of the oldest forms of political advertising in California .
The document is usually a double-sided card offering a variety of ballot recommendations , designed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a list of endorsements by a political organization .
In truth , the mailers are more akin to paid product placements , often organized by political consultants and allowing campaigns to pay for a prime spot .
In the Proposition 22 campaign , Democratic voters raised questions after receiving a mailer labeled as the “ Progressive Voter Guide , ” which suggests its backers are supporters of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and includes an endorsement of the ballot measure .
Sanders , however , is opposed to the proposition and posted a message @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mailer .
“ I call on Uber and Lyft to publicly denounce the deception , ” he wrote .
Proposition 22 is also opposed by the California Democratic Party and by presidential nominee Joe Biden , whose candidacy is endorsed on some of the slate mailers urging support for the measure .
In the early going , at least , the money spent has failed to rally substantial support for Proposition 22 .
A poll conducted in September by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies found that 39 % of likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and vote yes , compared with 36 % who were opposed and 25 % who were undecided .
In order to become law , statewide ballot measures must be approved with a majority vote .
Bob Stern , a co-author of the state ’ s landmark Political Reform Act , said his studies of California ballot measures show that spending money often doesn ’ t make much of a difference on controversial measures .
He said the “ no ” side has the greatest advantage , even when being outspent , because confused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ When there ’ s a lot of money at stake , people are willing to spend a lot of money to either defend their position or get what they want , ” Stern said .
“ But we ’ ve seen many campaigns where one side has spent a huge amount of money and lost.
” Voters must ultimately decide the importance of the changes in Proposition 22 for the continued operation of app-based companies in California .
Critics note the industry ’ s business practices are facing scrutiny in other states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ classification and lack of payments into state unemployment insurance funds .
Supporters of the ballot measure insist that rejection of the proposed law will lead to higher prices for those who take rides or have food delivered .
They also warn that the app-based companies could limit their services to California ’ s cities , abandoning rural areas where taxis and food delivery are otherwise scarce .
The only certainty may be that passage of Proposition 22 would likely settle the issue for the foreseeable future .
Provisions of the measure include a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local communities .
And it would require any change proposed by the Legislature to be approved by seven of every eight legislators , a hurdle far beyond that imposed for either employment laws or tax increases .

It was a traditional detour that Uber and Lyft, two companies that reimagined the for-hire transportation industry, chose to take around the roadblock they encountered at the state Capitol. Like others rebuffed by the California Legislature through the years, they decided to go to the voters.
But their effort, funded by a consortium of app-based companies, no longer seems so traditional. In their quest to have voters enact special employment rules for their drivers, the companies have set a new record for ballot measure spending while pushing the boundaries of customary campaign tactics.
“We are confident that California voters and the millions of riders and drivers who use Uber will step up to protect these important work opportunities,” Tony West, Uber’s chief legal officer, said last year when the company announced its intent to file what became Proposition 22.
The proposal asks voters to create a unique designation under state employment law for drivers of app-based companies, allowing them to remain independent contractors but also providing a set level of employment benefits.
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“This is what drivers want,” said Geoff Vetter, a spokesman for the Proposition 22 campaign. “The drivers have been very clear for a number of years that they don’t want to be employees.”
Opponents say not all drivers share that sentiment. They have accused the companies of using the employment status of drivers to divert attention away from the effort to maximize profits.
“You didn’t need a ballot initiative to give them more,” Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez (D-San Diego) said. “You can just do right by your workers.”
The story behind the ballot measure is one of a political feud — Uber and Lyft clashing with labor unions and Democratic lawmakers — layered on top of a broader struggle to understand the changing nature of work.
In both, no event has been more important than a California Supreme Court ruling in 2018 that imposed a strict test to decide whether self-employed workers should be considered employees. Past state audits found at least a half-million workers in a variety of industries were misclassified as independent contractors, resulting in an estimated loss of $7 billion in state payroll taxes.
An independent contractor, the justices wrote, must be a worker free from control and direction when carrying out tasks; must be someone who conducts duties outside of the usual course of the company’s activities; and must generally perform what the ruling described as “an independently established trade, occupation or business.”
Advertisement
The app-based companies were already sparring with state officials over safety issues, commercial license plates and insurance when the ruling was issued. They have argued that long-standing state regulations fail to account for the complexity of their business model and that they are technology platforms, not transportation providers.
Ray Fuentes, a researcher with the advocacy group Partnership for Working Families, said those arguments are without merit.
“What does common sense tell you?” he said. “When these companies advertise that they’re in transportation, we should hold them to that.”
The court ruling presented a significant challenge to the ride-hailing and delivery companies, whose drivers have always been identified as independent contractors. Their fate seemed to overshadow that of other industries as the Legislature began its effort to codify and expand on the Supreme Court’s action.
Allan Zaremberg, the chief executive officer of the California Chamber of Commerce, said Californians’ reliance on the new technology put lawmakers between a rock and a hard place. App-based companies argued that efforts to impose new rules on their business practices would worsen the customer experience.
“The people made the decision,” said Zaremberg, whose organization supports Proposition 22. “When the public embraces it, it’s hard for the elected officials to come in and take it away.”
The legislative response to the worker classification ruling, Assembly Bill 5, was amended a half-dozen times in 2019 to add additional professions where services could be provided by independent contractors. But no changes were made for app-based companies.
“The problem with their drivers is they squarely are in the column of employees,” said Gonzalez, the author of AB 5. “To somehow exempt them would be dishonest in the law.”
Kurt Oneto, an attorney representing the Proposition 22 campaign, said the decisions made by Democratic lawmakers about what to leave in and out of legislation were arbitrary.
“Even newspaper delivery has less flexibility,” Oneto said, noting a last-minute provision added by lawmakers in 2019 that was endorsed by the ownership of The Times. “So why can they be independent contractors?”
The app-based companies occupy a unique place in California’s political ecosystem, having forged close alliances with tech-focused Democrats in the Bay Area but suspicion from the party’s liberal base and labor unions. Stuck somewhere in between is Gov. Gavin Newsom, who publicly and privately urged the two sides to seek common ground.
A few labor representatives, who often talked of unionizing the industry’s drivers, met with the app-based companies during the spring and summer of 2019. Gonzalez, a former San Diego labor council leader, said the negotiations never produced a comprehensive proposal for lawmakers to consider.
“I think it was a waste of time,” she said. “I don’t know how serious that all was.”
Just before the Legislature adjourned last year, Uber and Lyft announced they were committing $60 million to a ballot measure campaign if there was no action in Sacramento. And when lawmakers failed to budge, the companies launched the campaign for what became Proposition 22.
The ballot measure would require the companies to provide an hourly wage for time spent driving equal to 120% of either a local or statewide minimum wage. It also requires that drivers receive a stipend for purchasing health insurance coverage when driving time averages at least 15 hours a week, a stipend that grows larger if average driving time rises to 25 hours a week.
But work hours only include time spent driving to, picking up and carrying a rider or delivery to a destination, not the time spent waiting in between trips. Vetter said some drivers spend their days accepting assignments from a variety of app-companies and that it’s unclear whether time spent waiting is actually being used to work for someone else.
“It ensures that drivers are paid for the time that they’re actually working,” he said. “It is important to protect the flexibility.”
Voters will be left to decide if those benefits are sufficient.
Proposition 22 critics point out that if the drivers were treated as company employees — which pending lawsuits filed by the state argue should be the case — they would have to be paid for the wait time and offered more generous employee benefits including paid sick leave and workers compensation for on-the-job injuries.
Opponents say other provisions offering new benefits also fail to match up to what employees would be given, including payment of driver-related expenses and background or safety checks.
Being an app-based driver “defies any conception of what it means to be in business for yourself,” said Fuentes, whose group opposes Proposition 22. “This is about basic workplace standards and benefits.”
The ballot measure fight has become a campaign cash juggernaut. Contributions through mid-October on both sides totaled more than $205 million, far surpassing fundraising for any of California’s blockbuster propositions of the last two decades. More than 90% of all the contributions have come from just five app-based companies supporting the measure: Uber, Lyft, DoorDash, , Postmates and the parent company of Instacart.
The companies have vastly outspent their labor union opponents, who have contributed nearly all of the $16 million raised by the campaign against Proposition 22.
Some of the money provided by the companies has sought to boost support among Democrats through the use of slate mailers, one of the oldest forms of political advertising in California. The document is usually a double-sided card offering a variety of ballot recommendations, designed in a way that suggests it represents a list of endorsements by a political organization.
In truth, the mailers are more akin to paid product placements, often organized by political consultants and allowing campaigns to pay for a prime spot.
In the Proposition 22 campaign, Democratic voters raised questions after receiving a mailer labeled as the “Progressive Voter Guide,” which suggests its backers are supporters of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and includes an endorsement of the ballot measure.
Sanders, however, is opposed to the proposition and posted a message on Twitter last week lashing out at the mailer.
“I call on Uber and Lyft to publicly denounce the deception,” he wrote.
Proposition 22 is also opposed by the California Democratic Party and by presidential nominee Joe Biden, whose candidacy is endorsed on some of the slate mailers urging support for the measure.
In the early going, at least, the money spent has failed to rally substantial support for Proposition 22. A poll conducted in September by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies found that 39% of likely voters surveyed would side with the companies and vote yes, compared with 36% who were opposed and 25% who were undecided. In order to become law, statewide ballot measures must be approved with a majority vote.
Bob Stern, a co-author of the state’s landmark Political Reform Act, said his studies of California ballot measures show that spending money often doesn’t make much of a difference on controversial measures. He said the “no” side has the greatest advantage, even when being outspent, because confused voters more often choose that option.
“When there’s a lot of money at stake, people are willing to spend a lot of money to either defend their position or get what they want,” Stern said. “But we’ve seen many campaigns where one side has spent a huge amount of money and lost.”
Voters must ultimately decide the importance of the changes in Proposition 22 for the continued operation of app-based companies in California. Critics note the industry’s business practices are facing scrutiny in other states, too, with challenges over employment classification and lack of payments into state unemployment insurance funds.
Supporters of the ballot measure insist that rejection of the proposed law will lead to higher prices for those who take rides or have food delivered. They also warn that the app-based companies could limit their services to California’s cities, abandoning rural areas where taxis and food delivery are otherwise scarce.
The only certainty may be that passage of Proposition 22 would likely settle the issue for the foreseeable future. Provisions of the measure include a ban on employment rules being imposed by local communities. And it would require any change proposed by the Legislature to be approved by seven of every eight legislators, a hurdle far beyond that imposed for either employment laws or tax increases.
Times staff writer Maloy Moore contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-10-21--California's homeless students could fill Dodger Stadium 5 times, study finds

There were at least 269,000 K-12 students in California experiencing homelessness at the end of the 2018-19 school year — enough children and teens to fill Dodgers Stadium five times over — and that number was likely a gross underestimate , a UCLA report said .
In the face of pandemic-related job losses and economic instability , researchers believe that the number of homeless students in California is likely to surge , according to the study from UCLA ’ s Center for the Transformation of Schools .
The report , released Wednesday , asserts that the networks of schools , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as safety nets for these students continue to be vastly under-resourced , contributing to disproportionately poor outcomes for pupils impacted by unstable housing .
“ Given that we have more students than in any other state in the country , we don ’ t have the systems and resources in place ... to address this issue , ” said Joseph Bishop , Director at UCLA ’ s Center for the Transformation of Schools and coauthor of the study .
The report considers perspectives from over 150 students , educators , homeless liaisons , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state .
The study found that the growing needs presented by homeless students — a population in California that has grown by 48 % over the last decade — far outweigh the professional capacity available to address them .
In L.A. County alone , more than 68,000 students were identified as homeless during the 2018-19 school year .
Federal law mandates that all school districts designate a homeless liaison who can serve as an advocate for students experiencing homelessness .
Liaisons interviewed by researchers said that they “ frequently struggle to prioritize the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the number of students they are serving and the complexity of student needs , ” the report said .
Despite the federal rule to help homeless students , two-thirds of children in California attend schools with no federal aid to address the consequences of homelessness , the report said .
Erin Simon , assistant superintendent of school support services for Long Beach Unified School District , said that her district ’ s homelessness liaison is responsible for ensuring that homeless students are identified and that teachers and other staff are trained to address @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot , ” said Simon , who served as her district ’ s liaison last year .
“ Especially now , because it ’ s difficult to even connect with many of our families .
We don ’ t know where they are.
” Levi Deatherage , manager of the Family Assistance Program , a local shelter and outreach organization in San Bernardino , said he didn ’ t know that his high school had a liaison when he himself was struggling with homelessness .
“ We are expecting these young people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thinking and foresight that is really difficult to maintain when you are actively focused on survival , ” he said .
One in five community college students , one in 10 California State University students and one in 20 University of California students are also impacted by homelessness , according to the report .
Homelessness leads to dire impacts on student learning and success , researchers wrote .
Compared to non-homeless students , students experiencing homelessness are twice as likely to be suspended or chronically absent , have a lower high school graduation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be prepared to attend state universities .
Students of color are disproportionately affected by homelessness .
Though Latino students make up 54 % of California students , they comprise 70 % of students in the state who are experiencing homelessness , the study found .
Likewise , black students represent 9 % of this demographic but make up 5 % of the student population .
LGBTQ students also experience high rates of homelessness and housing insecurity due to family rejection .
Because many educators have not received adequate training around homelessness , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to unhoused students feeling overlooked , misunderstood and isolated , the report said .
These students also often struggle to find mentors .
The report urges schools , community-based organizations , and county and state agencies to coordinate efforts in order to create an integrated response “ aimed at disrupting cyclical patterns of homelessness.
” Many California school systems have already modified services in response to the COVID-19 pandemic , researchers found .
These efforts include transportation assistance , delivery of learning materials , and providing meals and hygienic supplies .
For example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 60 “ grab and go ” centers that provide two meals each day to students and families .
“ We have to take collective action , ” said UCLA professor of education Tyrone Howard .
“ Schools for far too long have been asked to solve this problem all alone .
”

Students sit at tables after school at Telfair Elementary in Pacoima, which serves a high percentage of homeless students.
There were at least 269,000 K-12 students in California experiencing homelessness at the end of the 2018-19 school year — enough children and teens to fill Dodger Stadium five times over — and that number was likely a gross underestimate, a UCLA report said.
In the face of pandemic-related job losses and economic instability, researchers believe that the number of homeless students in California is likely to surge, according to the study from UCLA’s Center for the Transformation of Schools.
The report, released Wednesday, asserts that the networks of schools, school districts and local organizations that act as safety nets for these students continue to be vastly under-resourced, contributing to disproportionately poor outcomes for pupils impacted by unstable housing.
“Given that we have more students than in any other state in the country, we don’t have the systems and resources in place ... to address this issue,” said Joseph Bishop, Director at UCLA’s Center for the Transformation of Schools and coauthor of the study.
The report considers perspectives from over 150 students, educators, homeless liaisons, community-based organizations and school districts throughout the state.
The study found that the growing needs presented by homeless students — a population in California that has grown by 48% over the last decade — far outweigh the professional capacity available to address them. In L.A. County alone, more than 68,000 students were identified as homeless during the 2018-19 school year.
Federal law mandates that all school districts designate a homeless liaison who can serve as an advocate for students experiencing homelessness. Liaisons interviewed by researchers said that they “frequently struggle to prioritize the educational success of homeless students, given the number of students they are serving and the complexity of student needs,” the report said.
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Despite the federal rule to help homeless students, two-thirds of children in California attend schools with no federal aid to address the consequences of homelessness, the report said.
Erin Simon, assistant superintendent of school support services for Long Beach Unified School District, said that her district’s homelessness liaison is responsible for ensuring that homeless students are identified and that teachers and other staff are trained to address their needs.
“It’s a lot,” said Simon, who served as her district’s liaison last year. “Especially now, because it’s difficult to even connect with many of our families. We don’t know where they are.”
Levi Deatherage, manager of the Family Assistance Program, a local shelter and outreach organization in San Bernardino, said he didn’t know that his high school had a liaison when he himself was struggling with homelessness.
“We are expecting these young people to operate at a level of productive thinking and foresight that is really difficult to maintain when you are actively focused on survival,” he said.
One in five community college students, one in 10 California State University students and one in 20 University of California students are also impacted by homelessness, according to the report.
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Homelessness leads to dire impacts on student learning and success, researchers wrote. Compared to non-homeless students, students experiencing homelessness are twice as likely to be suspended or chronically absent, have a lower high school graduation rate, and are half as likely to be prepared to attend state universities.
Students of color are disproportionately affected by homelessness. Though Latino students make up 54% of California students, they comprise 70% of students in the state who are experiencing homelessness, the study found. Likewise, black students represent 9% of this demographic but make up 5% of the student population.
LGBTQ students also experience high rates of homelessness and housing insecurity due to family rejection.
Because many educators have not received adequate training around homelessness, they may rely on stereotypes that lead to unhoused students feeling overlooked, misunderstood and isolated, the report said. These students also often struggle to find mentors.
The report urges schools, community-based organizations, and county and state agencies to coordinate efforts in order to create an integrated response “aimed at disrupting cyclical patterns of homelessness.”
Many California school systems have already modified services in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, researchers found. These efforts include transportation assistance, delivery of learning materials, and providing meals and hygienic supplies.
For example, L.A. Unified School District has established 60 “grab and go” centers that provide two meals each day to students and families.
“We have to take collective action,” said UCLA professor of education Tyrone Howard. “Schools for far too long have been asked to solve this problem all alone.”


latimes--2020-10-21--As new sexual misconduct allegations emerge, Garcetti advisor Rick Jacobs takes leave

Facing a growing number of accusations of sexual misconduct , Rick Jacobs , a top political advisor to Mayor Eric Garcetti , said Tuesday night he will “ take a leave ” from his work amid increasing questions about the allegations .
Jacobs had previously served as Garcetti ’ s deputy chief of staff .
He is currently on the board of the nonprofit Mayor ’ s Fund for Los Angeles and serves as its treasurer , and is chief executive of a nonprofit he founded with Garcetti focused on spurring economic development .
Jacobs said in an emailed statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and public service for 17 years .
He didn ’ t address the allegations against him , saying , “ I don ’ t want this to be a distraction .
Therefore , I will take a leave from my non-profit work and my volunteer political work with the mayor.
” Jacobs in the past has denied any wrongdoing , and Garcetti has publicly stood by his longtime advisor .
On Tuesday , the mayor released a statement saying he takes “ seriously all allegations of harassment.
” The accusations could become a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is national co-chair of Joe Biden ’ s campaign and has been mentioned as a possible Cabinet appointee if Biden wins the presidency .
The first sexual harassment allegation against Jacobs came this summer in a lawsuit filed by a Los Angeles police officer who worked as a bodyguard for Garcetti .
The officer alleged that Garcetti witnessed inappropriate behavior by Jacobs toward him , but did not stop it .
Garcetti has denied seeing any inappropriate behavior .
On Monday , in a first-person article posted online , journalist Yashar Ali accused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuit was filed , The Times has interviewed people who know Jacobs .
Some said they were surprised by the lawsuit and said they never witnessed misconduct by Jacobs .
But two individuals have told The Times they have been the targets of unwanted touching or harassing by Jacobs .
Neither man would agree to allow his name to be published , citing fears of retaliation .
Others who were interviewed said they feared that talking about Jacobs would hurt Garcetti ’ s political career .
Neither Garcetti ’ s office nor Jacobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Times about the two men ’ s allegations .
One man said Jacobs groped him when he was leaving a party at Jacobs ’ house in 2012 .
The man , who was 30 years old at the time , said he hadn ’ t met Jacobs before that day , and went to the party with his boyfriend .
As he was leaving , he stopped to say goodbye to Jacobs .
“ If you and your boyfriend go south , give me a call , ” Jacobs told the man , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jacobs grabbed his buttock with a full palm and squeezed , and then lifted it .
The man said he had only recently come out as gay , and said he felt stunned and objectified .
Jacobs “ was this prominent figure , and it caught me off guard , ” the man said .
“ It was so out of the ordinary.
” Another guest at the party confirmed the man ’ s account .
The guest told The Times that the man told him , “ That guy just grabbed my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic strategist — told The Times he was talking to friends at an event in Los Angeles last year when Jacobs strode over .
“ He tried to hug and kiss me forcibly , ” the man recounted in an interview .
The strategist used both hands to push Jacobs away , but Jacobs persisted , trying to force an embrace , the man said .
One of the strategist ’ s friends stepped in and asked the man if he needed help .
Another man who was at the event confirmed Jacobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was grossly uncomfortable , ” the man said .
The strategist showed The Times communications showing him complaining about Jacobs ’ behavior following the event .
Jacobs is both a political consultant to the mayor and longtime friends with Garcetti and his wife , Amy Wakeland .
He headed the California operation of Howard Dean ’ s 2004 presidential bid , a campaign that Wakeland also worked on .
A native of Tennessee , Jacobs worked as an Occidental Petroleum Corp. vice president and founded the liberal advocacy group Courage Campaign .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hall — deputy chief of staff — after raising money to support Garcetti ’ s 2013 mayoral run before stepping down in 2016 .
Weingart Foundation Chief Executive Fred Ali , who serves on the board of the Mayor ’ s Fund with Jacobs , said he didn ’ t witness any behavior that made him uncomfortable or that he deemed inappropriate .
“ With allegations like these , ” Ali said , “ I think they need to be investigated to the fullest possible extent , and then have the outcomes fall @ @ @ @ @

Rick Jacobs, center, shown in 2016 when he served as deputy chief of staff to Mayor Eric Garcetti. Jacobs said Tuesday amid sexual misconduct allegations that he was taking a leave as a volunteer advisor to Garcetti.
Facing two new accusations of sexual misconduct, Rick Jacobs, a top political advisor to Mayor Eric Garcetti, said Tuesday night he will “take a leave” from his work amid increasing questions about the allegations.
Jacobs had previously served as Garcetti’s deputy chief of staff. He is currently on the board of the nonprofit Mayor’s Fund for Los Angeles and serves as its treasurer, and is chief executive of a nonprofit he founded with Garcetti focused on spurring economic development.
Jacobs said in an emailed statement that he had dedicated himself to advocacy and public service for 17 years. He didn’t address the allegations against him, saying, “I don’t want this to be a distraction. Therefore, I will take a leave from my non-profit work and my volunteer political work with the mayor.”
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Jacobs in the past has denied any wrongdoing, and Garcetti has publicly stood by his longtime advisor. On Tuesday, the mayor released a statement saying he takes “seriously all allegations of harassment.”
The accusations could become a political issue for the mayor, who is national co-chair of Joe Biden’s campaign and has been mentioned as a possible Cabinet appointee if Biden wins the presidency.
The first sexual harassment allegation against Jacobs came this summer in a lawsuit filed by a Los Angeles police officer who worked as a bodyguard for Garcetti. The officer alleged that Garcetti witnessed inappropriate behavior by Jacobs toward him, but did not stop it. Garcetti has denied seeing any inappropriate behavior.
On Monday, in a first-person article posted online, journalist Yashar Ali accused Jacobs of sexual misconduct.
Since the lawsuit was filed, The Times has interviewed people who know Jacobs. Some said they were surprised by the lawsuit and said they never witnessed misconduct by Jacobs.
But two individuals have told The Times they have been the targets of unwanted touching or harassing by Jacobs.
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Neither man would agree to allow his name to be published, citing fears of retaliation. Others who were interviewed said they feared that talking about Jacobs would hurt Garcetti’s political career.
Neither Garcetti’s office nor Jacobs responded to written questions sent by The Times about the two men’s allegations.
One man said Jacobs groped him when he was leaving a party at Jacobs’ house in 2012.
The man, who was 30 years old at the time, said he hadn’t met Jacobs before that day, and went to the party with his boyfriend. As he was leaving, he stopped to say goodbye to Jacobs.
“If you and your boyfriend go south, give me a call,” Jacobs told the man, according to his account.
He said Jacobs grabbed his buttock with a full palm and squeezed, and then lifted it.
The man said he had only recently come out as gay, and said he felt stunned and objectified. Jacobs “was this prominent figure, and it caught me off guard,” the man said. “It was so out of the ordinary.”
Another guest at the party confirmed the man’s account. The guest told The Times that the man told him, “That guy just grabbed my ass.”
Another man — a longtime Democratic strategist — told The Times he was talking to friends at an event in Los Angeles last year when Jacobs strode over. “He tried to hug and kiss me forcibly,” the man recounted in an interview.
The strategist used both hands to push Jacobs away, but Jacobs persisted, trying to force an embrace, the man said. One of the strategist’s friends stepped in and asked the man if he needed help.
Another man who was at the event confirmed Jacobs’ behavior towards the man. “It was grossly uncomfortable,” the man said.
The strategist showed The Times communications showing him complaining about Jacobs’ behavior following the event.
Jacobs is both a political consultant to the mayor and longtime friends with Garcetti and his wife, Amy Wakeland.
He headed the California operation of Howard Dean’s 2004 presidential bid, a campaign that Wakeland also worked on.
A native of Tennessee, Jacobs worked as an Occidental Petroleum Corp. vice president and founded the liberal advocacy group Courage Campaign.
He earned a top spot in City Hall — deputy chief of staff — after raising money to support Garcetti’s 2013 mayoral run before stepping down in 2016.
Weingart Foundation Chief Executive Fred Ali, who serves on the board of the Mayor’s Fund with Jacobs, said he didn’t witness any behavior that made him uncomfortable or that he deemed inappropriate.
“With allegations like these,” Ali said, “I think they need to be investigated to the fullest possible extent, and then have the outcomes fall where they fall.”
Times staff writer David Zahniser contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-10-20--Sarge, the Pomona Police Department's top dog, heads into retirement

A six-year police career filled with plenty of collars will now include a happy homecoming , too .
The Pomona Police Department on Tuesday announced the retirement of K-9 Officer Sarge , a 7-year-old Belgian Malinois .
The department tweeted out a photo of Sarge ’ s retirement party Saturday , the day of his last official shift .
Sarge was purchased by the city of Pomona six years ago and trained by Cpl .
Joe Hernandez , an 18-year veteran and Inland Empire resident .
“ Canines have always been a passion of mine , and to be part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Hernandez , 38 .
The officer loved working with Sarge so much that he adopted his partner , who has already been living with the Hernandez family .
The Pomona City Council formally approved the retirement and adoption of Sarge at Monday ’ s regular meeting .
“ I spend a minimum of 10 hours a day with the dog , and when you do that , you build a strong bond and loyalty , ” Hernandez said .
“ I had first right of refusal , and it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Sarge spent six weeks in basic patrol school with Hernandez before earning advanced certifications in explosives , firearms , SWAT and patrol .
The dog was bred in Europe and initially trained by handlers who used Czech commands .
Hernandez has an understanding of those terms , but he also uses English while on patrol .
Over his six years on the force , Sarge was very active , with 54 “ finds , ” meaning he found the suspects , and they surrendered without incident .
Sarge , however , also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not give up easily , with some fleeing and others hiding .
One of Hernandez ’ s fondest memories from Sarge ’ s career came in 2018 , when a suspect rammed a Glendora Police Department ’ s K-9 vehicle .
The dog in that car , a bloodhound , and Sarge helped find the driver , who fled on foot and was hiding in the closet of a motor home .
“ What we ask these dogs to do , other officers would look at you twice , ” Hernandez said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and I trust Sarge more than I trust a lot of people .
”

The Pomona Police Department has announced the retirement of K-9 Officer Sarge, a 7-year-old Belgian Malinois. Sarge will live out his days with his partner, Cpl. Joe Hernandez, who officially adopted him Monday.
A six-year police career filled with plenty of collars will now include a happy homecoming, too.
The Pomona Police Department on Tuesday announced the retirement of K-9 Officer Sarge, a 7-year-old Belgian Malinois. The department tweeted out a photo of Sarge’s retirement party Saturday, the day of his last official shift.
Sarge was purchased by the city of Pomona six years ago and trained by Cpl. Joe Hernandez, an 18-year veteran and Inland Empire resident.
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“Canines have always been a passion of mine, and to be part of the K-9 unit is very adventurous,” said Hernandez, 38.
The officer loved working with Sarge so much that he adopted his partner, who has already been living with the Hernandez family. The Pomona City Council formally approved the retirement and adoption of Sarge at Monday’s regular meeting.
“I spend a minimum of 10 hours a day with the dog, and when you do that, you build a strong bond and loyalty,” Hernandez said. “I had first right of refusal, and it was an easy choice to bring Sarge home.”
Sarge spent six weeks in basic patrol school with Hernandez before earning advanced certifications in explosives, firearms, SWAT and patrol.
Thank you for your service, Sarge! We hope your compensation package includes a lifetime of belly rubs and biscuits! — Sunnyvale DPS (@SunnyvaleDPS) October 20, 2020
The dog was bred in Europe and initially trained by handlers who used Czech commands. Hernandez has an understanding of those terms, but he also uses English while on patrol.
Over his six years on the force, Sarge was very active, with 54 “finds,” meaning he found the suspects, and they surrendered without incident. Sarge, however, also tallied 21 apprehensions in which suspects did not give up easily, with some fleeing and others hiding.
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One of Hernandez’s fondest memories from Sarge’s career came in 2018, when a suspect rammed a Glendora Police Department’s K-9 vehicle. The dog in that car, a bloodhound, and Sarge helped find the driver, who fled on foot and was hiding in the closet of a motor home.
“What we ask these dogs to do, other officers would look at you twice,” Hernandez said. “They’re fearless and loyal, and I trust Sarge more than I trust a lot of people.”


latimes--2020-10-20--Man pleads guilty to stabbing his 3 sons to death

A Los Angeles father pleaded guilty Tuesday to stabbing his three sons to death inside the family ’ s car five years ago .
Luiz Fuentes , 38 , entered his plea in a downtown courtroom and was immediately sentenced to 78 years to life in prison by Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Lisa B. Lench .
As part of the plea , Fuentes admitted to using a knife to kill his boys , ages 11 , 9 and 8 , according to the L.A. County district attorney ’ s office .
On the morning of Sept. 9 , 2015 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the father ’ s SUV , which was parked outside a South L.A. furniture warehouse .
Fuentes was in the front seat , bloodied by self-inflicted stab wounds .
In the months before the boys were killed , they lived with Fuentes in his SUV , according to a review of nearly 700 pages of child protection case records released to The Times after the slayings .
The records detailed child protection workers ’ dealings with Fuentes and portray the financial pressure and grief he faced after the boys ’ mother died in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county had received anonymous calls that accused Fuentes of abusing the boys .
The Department of Children and Family Services substantiated one accusation , a 2010 incident in which Fuentes beat his then-5-year-old son with a belt .
“ I made a mistake , ” he told caseworkers at the time , according to records .

A Los Angeles father pleaded guilty Tuesday to stabbing his three sons to death inside the family’s car five years ago.
Luiz Fuentes, 38, entered his plea in a downtown courtroom and was immediately sentenced to 78 years to life in prison by Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Lisa B. Lench.
As part of the plea, Fuentes admitted to using a knife to kill his boys, ages 11, 9 and 8, according to the L.A. County district attorney’s office.
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On the morning of Sept. 9, 2015, the three children were found in the father’s SUV, which was parked outside a South L.A. furniture warehouse. Fuentes was in the front seat, bloodied by self-inflicted stab wounds.
In the months before the boys were killed, they lived with Fuentes in his SUV, according to a review of nearly 700 pages of child protection case records released to The Times after the slayings.
The records detailed child protection workers’ dealings with Fuentes and portray the financial pressure and grief he faced after the boys’ mother died in 2008.
Over the years, the county had received anonymous calls that accused Fuentes of abusing the boys. The Department of Children and Family Services substantiated one accusation, a 2010 incident in which Fuentes beat his then-5-year-old son with a belt.
“I made a mistake,” he told caseworkers at the time, according to records.


latimes--2020-10-20--Garcetti advisor Rick Jacobs to 'take a leave' amid sexual misconduct allegations

Rick Jacobs , a top political advisor to Mayor Eric Garcetti , said Tuesday night he will “ take a leave ” from his work with Garcetti amid allegations of sexual misconduct .
“ For the past seventeen years , I have dedicated myself to advocacy and public service .
I do not want this to be a distraction .
Therefore , I will take a leave from my non-profit work and my volunteer political work with the mayor , ” Jacobs said in an emailed statement .
A Los Angeles police officer who had been a bodyguard for Garcetti @ @ @ @ @ @ @ harassment by Jacobs .
On Monday , in a first-person article posted online , journalist Yashar Ali accused Jacobs of sexual misconduct .
Jacobs has denied the police officer ’ s allegations , which were made at a time when tensions were high between the police union and the mayor .
Jacobs has not responded for comment about Ali ’ s accusations .
“ I take seriously all allegations of harassment .
Rick Jacobs has stepped away from his non-profit and volunteer political work , ” Garcetti said in a statement to The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a political consultant to the mayor and longtime friends with Garcetti and his wife , Amy Wakeland .
He headed the California operation of Howard Dean ’ s 2004 presidential bid , a campaign that Wakeland also worked on .
He earned a top spot in City Hall — deputy chief of staff — after raising money to support Garcetti ’ s 2013 political run before stepping down in 2016 .
He serves on the board of the Mayor ’ s Fund for Los Angeles and is the nonprofit ’ s treasurer .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ founded with the mayor to spur economic development across the country .

Rick Jacobs, center, shown in 2016, when he served as deputy chief of staff to Mayor Eric Garcetti.
Rick Jacobs, a top political advisor to Mayor Eric Garcetti, said Tuesday night he will “take a leave” from his work with Garcetti amid allegations of sexual misconduct.
“For the past seventeen years, I have dedicated myself to advocacy and public service. I do not want this to be a distraction. Therefore, I will take a leave from my non-profit work and my volunteer political work with the mayor,” Jacobs said in an emailed statement.
A Los Angeles police officer who had been a bodyguard for Garcetti filed a lawsuit this summer alleging sexual harassment by Jacobs. On Monday, in a first-person article posted online, journalist Yashar Ali accused Jacobs of sexual misconduct.
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Jacobs has denied the police officer’s allegations, which were made at a time when tensions were high between the police union and the mayor. Jacobs has not responded for comment about Ali’s accusations.
“I take seriously all allegations of harassment. Rick Jacobs has stepped away from his non-profit and volunteer political work,” Garcetti said in a statement to The Times Tuesday night.
Jacobs is both a political consultant to the mayor and longtime friends with Garcetti and his wife, Amy Wakeland. He headed the California operation of Howard Dean’s 2004 presidential bid, a campaign that Wakeland also worked on.
He earned a top spot in City Hall — deputy chief of staff — after raising money to support Garcetti’s 2013 political run before stepping down in 2016.
He serves on the board of the Mayor’s Fund for Los Angeles and is the nonprofit’s treasurer. He also runs a nonprofit that he founded with the mayor to spur economic development across the country.


latimes--2020-10-20--How California will deal with voters who refuse to wear a mask on election day

Voters who show up in Los Angeles County without a face mask will be escorted to an outdoor area , where a poll worker will hand them a ballot .
In Orange County , they will be put in a booth away from other voters .
San Bernardino and Riverside counties will offer face shields to the voters around an unmasked person .
Nowhere in California will a voter who refuses to wear a mask be turned away , election officials said .
In the final weeks before one of the most contentious presidential elections in recent history , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , more than a million Californians have already voted by mail .
A polling station , with its potentially long lines , indoor setting and voting booths occupied by one person after another , poses a health risk , despite workers constantly wiping down surfaces and offering masks to anyone who forgot theirs .
But some people will still show up on Nov. 3 , whether to witness the historic moment or to ensure their votes are cast amid worries about mail delivery and ballot counting delays .
Poll workers have been instructed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even those who insist on proceeding without a mask .
Like so much else this year , mask-wearing has become politically hazardous terrain , a mandatory public safety measure to some and an offensive government overreach to others .
Anxious to avoid dramas like those involving irate , maskless supermarket customers that have been shared countless times on social media , state election officials have issued detailed guidelines for keeping voters safe while minimizing confrontation .
In the absence of masks , social distancing is the primary way to avoid coronavirus spread , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alex Padilla ’ s office to county election officials , last revised on Aug. 27 .
The maskless person should be assured that he or she will still be allowed to cast a ballot and taken to a booth with plenty of space around it .
Poll workers should be trained in de-escalation techniques such as using a calm voice and body language that convey respect for the person ’ s right to vote .
“ Intense conversation and shouting ” could further endanger others by spraying droplets , the guidelines note .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ utmost importance , ” the guidelines say .
“ Even voters neglectful of important health and safety precautions must be allowed to vote if they enter a voting location.
” Welcoming unmasked people into polling stations is a notable departure from state rules requiring face coverings in all indoor public spaces , such as stores , buses and hospitals .
Those rules can be superseded by guidelines such as the ones from the secretary of state .
The constitutional right to vote is not absolute .
In some states , felons are prohibited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has recently upheld legislation in some states requiring a photo ID to vote — arguably a more onerous hurdle than wearing a mask , said Jonathan Adler , a law professor at Case Western Reserve University .
Restricting in-person voting for public health reasons would probably be legal , as long as other options , such as mail-in ballots , are available , Adler said .
Turning away unmasked voters would be analogous to other polling place bans like those on guns or campaign advertising , said Rick Hasen , a UC Irvine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have decided not to tangle with voting rights , despite the risk that unmasked people could transmit the coronavirus to poll workers and fellow voters .
Sam Mahood , a spokesman for the secretary of state ’ s office , said the guidelines for county election officials are intended to ensure safety while allowing everyone to vote in-person .
“ The Secretary of State ’ s office views voting as a foundational constitutional right for citizens , ” Mahood said in a statement .
Annabelle de St. Maurice , co-chief infection prevention officer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of voting will be the time spent in line .
She recommends that people consider alternative methods like mail-in or early voting .
“ The highest risk will be waiting in line because you ’ ll potentially be clustered around people for a long time , ” De St. Maurice said .
“ The average time someone spends at a voting booth is pretty short , so that would be a brief interaction and should be low risk.
” Problems could occur if many unmasked voters show up at once and there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them , she said .
When voters go to the polls on Nov. 3 , they will probably see tape on the ground for social distancing , booths with ample space between them and hand sanitizer at every turn .
In addition to neighborhood polling stations , they can vote at sports arenas such as Dodger Stadium and Staples Center .
The Honda Center in Anaheim will have a drive-through voting option .
County election officials have come up with various plans for dealing with unmasked voters , whether it is helping them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protective gear for people nearby .
In San Diego County , voters who refuse to wear a mask will be moved to a socially distanced outdoor booth reserved for nonmask wearers , said Registrar of Voters Michael Vu .
San Bernardino County Registrar Bob Page said poll workers will focus on the safety of voters near an unmasked voter by social distancing and providing face shields .
“ If there ’ s an ability to spread out more , we ’ ll take advantage of that , ” Page said .
In Orange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of lockdown orders have ballooned during the pandemic , voting centers will be open for an extra day beyond the state-recommended four days , Registrar of Voters Neal Kelley said .
The county has prepared 300,000 each of disposable masks and pens for polling stations , in addition to adding more ballot drop boxes , prioritizing larger polling sites and placing unmasked voters in socially distanced booths .
But Kelley expects in-person turnout to be low .
He said that in the March primary , 80 % of Orange County voters turned in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mail .
“ I don ’ t think there ’ s any reason to believe we won ’ t see 8 or 9 out of 10 voters do the same for the November election , ” Kelley said .
Still , some voters , like Christian Rothery of Anaheim , plan to cast their ballots in person .
Rothery enjoys the “ whole ceremony ” of going to the polls on election day and is worried about recent mail delivery issues .
He views in-person voting as no riskier than running errands during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wear a mask and expects that most people will wear masks , as they do at the grocery store , and believes election officials will take precautions .
After months of staying at home during the coronavirus lockdown , Rothery said that voting in person will be especially meaningful this year .
“ It ’ s a bit of normalcy , ” said Rothery , 46 , a finance manager who will vote for the Democratic presidential candidate , Joe Biden .
Anna Timm , a 31-year-old from Orange who works at Disneyland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a county drop box .
“ It ’ s the best of both worlds , ” said Timm , who will vote for Biden .
“ You can take your time and you can vote in your pajamas.
” Besides , Timm will be busy on election day .
She volunteered to be a poll worker after hearing there was a shortage .
She is not concerned about dealing with unmasked voters .
“ I already have a lot of customer service experience , including stressful situations and even responding to various @ @ @ @ @ @ @ theme parks , so between that and our … training , I feel pretty prepared , ” she said .
Temple City resident Carrie Chan , 44 , said she planned on wearing a mask to vote in person .
The paralegal planned on voting for President Trump at a polling center out of her distrust for mail-in voting .
“ We live in America where we have the freedom of choice .
I don ’ t think we should mandate what people do , ” Chan said .
“ I ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but that ’ s not something we can force others to do .
”

An Orange County election worker demonstrates casting a ballot at the Honda Center in Anaheim, where voters can opt to walk in or drive through starting Oct. 30.
Voters who show up in Los Angeles County without a face mask will be escorted to an outdoor area, where a poll worker will hand them a ballot.
In Orange County, they will be put in a booth away from other voters.
San Bernardino and Riverside counties will offer face shields to the voters around an unmasked person.
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Nowhere in California will a voter who refuses to wear a mask be turned away, election officials said.
In the final weeks before one of the most contentious presidential elections in recent history, as the country grapples with a once-in-a-lifetime pandemic, more than a million Californians have already voted by mail.
A polling station, with its potentially long lines, indoor setting and voting booths occupied by one person after another, poses a health risk, despite workers constantly wiping down surfaces and offering masks to anyone who forgot theirs.
But some people will still show up on Nov. 3, whether to witness the historic moment or to ensure their votes are cast amid worries about mail delivery and ballot counting delays. Poll workers have been instructed to help everyone cast a ballot — even those who insist on proceeding without a mask.
Like so much else this year, mask-wearing has become politically hazardous terrain, a mandatory public safety measure to some and an offensive government overreach to others.
Advertisement
Anxious to avoid dramas like those involving irate, maskless supermarket customers that have been shared countless times on social media, state election officials have issued detailed guidelines for keeping voters safe while minimizing confrontation.
In Orange County, voting centers will be open for an extra day beyond the state-recommended four days. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
In the absence of masks, social distancing is the primary way to avoid coronavirus spread, note the guidelines from Secretary of State Alex Padilla’s office to county election officials, last revised on Aug. 27. The maskless person should be assured that he or she will still be allowed to cast a ballot and taken to a booth with plenty of space around it.
Poll workers should be trained in de-escalation techniques such as using a calm voice and body language that convey respect for the person’s right to vote. “Intense conversation and shouting” could further endanger others by spraying droplets, the guidelines note.
“The right to vote is of utmost importance,” the guidelines say. “Even voters neglectful of important health and safety precautions must be allowed to vote if they enter a voting location.”
Welcoming unmasked people into polling stations is a notable departure from state rules requiring face coverings in all indoor public spaces, such as stores, buses and hospitals. Those rules can be superseded by guidelines such as the ones from the secretary of state.
The constitutional right to vote is not absolute. In some states, felons are prohibited from voting. The U.S. Supreme Court has recently upheld legislation in some states requiring a photo ID to vote — arguably a more onerous hurdle than wearing a mask, said Jonathan Adler, a law professor at Case Western Reserve University.
Restricting in-person voting for public health reasons would probably be legal, as long as other options, such as mail-in ballots, are available, Adler said.
Turning away unmasked voters would be analogous to other polling place bans like those on guns or campaign advertising, said Rick Hasen, a UC Irvine law professor.
But California election officials have decided not to tangle with voting rights, despite the risk that unmasked people could transmit the coronavirus to poll workers and fellow voters.
Sam Mahood, a spokesman for the secretary of state’s office, said the guidelines for county election officials are intended to ensure safety while allowing everyone to vote in-person.
“The Secretary of State’s office views voting as a foundational constitutional right for citizens,” Mahood said in a statement.
In Orange County, as elsewhere in the state, voters who refuse to wear a mask will still be able to cast a ballot. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Annabelle de St. Maurice, co-chief infection prevention officer at UCLA Health, said the riskiest part of voting will be the time spent in line. She recommends that people consider alternative methods like mail-in or early voting.
“The highest risk will be waiting in line because you’ll potentially be clustered around people for a long time,” De St. Maurice said. “The average time someone spends at a voting booth is pretty short, so that would be a brief interaction and should be low risk.”
Problems could occur if many unmasked voters show up at once and there are not enough poll workers to assist them, she said.
When voters go to the polls on Nov. 3, they will probably see tape on the ground for social distancing, booths with ample space between them and hand sanitizer at every turn. In addition to neighborhood polling stations, they can vote at sports arenas such as Dodger Stadium and Staples Center. The Honda Center in Anaheim will have a drive-through voting option.
County election officials have come up with various plans for dealing with unmasked voters, whether it is helping them cast their ballots outdoors or providing extra protective gear for people nearby.
In San Diego County, voters who refuse to wear a mask will be moved to a socially distanced outdoor booth reserved for nonmask wearers, said Registrar of Voters Michael Vu.
San Bernardino County Registrar Bob Page said poll workers will focus on the safety of voters near an unmasked voter by social distancing and providing face shields.
“If there’s an ability to spread out more, we’ll take advantage of that,” Page said.
Riverside County will follow a similar plan, registrar Rebecca Spencer said.
In Orange County, where mask debates and defiance of lockdown orders have ballooned during the pandemic, voting centers will be open for an extra day beyond the state-recommended four days, Registrar of Voters Neal Kelley said.
The county has prepared 300,000 each of disposable masks and pens for polling stations, in addition to adding more ballot drop boxes, prioritizing larger polling sites and placing unmasked voters in socially distanced booths.
But Kelley expects in-person turnout to be low. He said that in the March primary, 80% of Orange County voters turned in a ballot they had received in the mail.
“I don’t think there’s any reason to believe we won’t see 8 or 9 out of 10 voters do the same for the November election,” Kelley said.
The polling place at the Honda Center in Anaheim, which opens Oct. 30, includes a drive-through option. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Still, some voters, like Christian Rothery of Anaheim, plan to cast their ballots in person.
Rothery enjoys the “whole ceremony” of going to the polls on election day and is worried about recent mail delivery issues.
He views in-person voting as no riskier than running errands during the pandemic. He said he will wear a mask and expects that most people will wear masks, as they do at the grocery store, and believes election officials will take precautions.
After months of staying at home during the coronavirus lockdown, Rothery said that voting in person will be especially meaningful this year.
“It’s a bit of normalcy,” said Rothery, 46, a finance manager who will vote for the Democratic presidential candidate, Joe Biden.
Anna Timm, a 31-year-old from Orange who works at Disneyland, said she will deposit her ballot in a county drop box.
“It’s the best of both worlds,” said Timm, who will vote for Biden. “You can take your time and you can vote in your pajamas.”
Besides, Timm will be busy on election day. She volunteered to be a poll worker after hearing there was a shortage.
She is not concerned about dealing with unmasked voters.
“I already have a lot of customer service experience, including stressful situations and even responding to various emergencies, from years of working in theme parks, so between that and our … training, I feel pretty prepared,” she said.
Temple City resident Carrie Chan, 44, said she planned on wearing a mask to vote in person. The paralegal planned on voting for President Trump at a polling center out of her distrust for mail-in voting.
“We live in America where we have the freedom of choice. I don’t think we should mandate what people do,” Chan said. “I’ll wear my mask and keep my distance, but that’s not something we can force others to do.”


latimes--2020-10-21--L.A. County to ease some coronavirus rules, though a wide reopening remains elusive

Although Los Angeles County remains rooted in the most restrictive tier of California ’ s coronavirus reopening road map , officials this week announced plans to relax some requirements on businesses to bring the county ’ s standards in line with wider state guidelines .
The changes — expected this week — will allow family entertainment centers to open outdoors ; eliminate a requirement that customers at wineries and breweries make reservations ; and remove the food requirement for wineries .
“ I hope this provides much-needed relief and respite for residents who are looking for some activities outside of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chairwoman of the L.A. County Board of Supervisors , said during a briefing Wednesday .
“ These updates will also bring more employees back to work , ” she said — a pivotal development in a region where the unemployment rate has been estimated at 16 % .
Barger also said county schools are in line to welcome back more students for in-person instruction .
According to the supervisor , schools have been allowed to bring up to 10 % of students back on campus at a time if the students have special @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or who are learning English .
“ We will now increase to 25 % capacity for high-needs students so more children and youth can have access to their teachers and the on-site support systems that are so critical for their growth and for their education , ” Barger said .
It is unclear when that change will go into effect .
But as L.A. County remains in Tier 1 of the state ’ s four-tier reopening plan — also called the purple tier , which indicates widespread risk of community coronavirus transmission — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The county ’ s spot in the state ’ s most stringent tier also prevents wider economic reopenings .
Under the purple category , many businesses and public facilities either can not operate indoors or can do so only at a strictly limited capacity .
Counties land in the purple tier if they have more than seven new coronavirus cases per 100,000 people per day or a test positivity rate of more than 8 % .
As of Wednesday , L.A. County ’ s case rate remained above the threshold required to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I think many of us are discouraged that we haven ’ t yet reduced our case rate enough to move to Tier 2 , ” L.A. County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said Wednesday .
“ I do want to note that we do have the tools in hand to drive transmission rates down in our communities .
Not only do we want to eventually progress into less restrictive tiers , but we want to be able to continue to keep businesses and institutions open.
” Ferrer announced 33 new COVID-19 deaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toll to 6,944 , as well as 510 new cases for a total of 290,486 .
But she cautioned that “ some significant technical issues with data reporting systems ” have led to delays in case reporting , so the latest daily case figure is likely an undercount .
Ferrer said the county has made significant progress in driving down its daily numbers of new cases , hospitalizations and deaths since those metrics peaked during a statewide surge over the summer .
That progress is fragile , though , and could easily evaporate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the county has seen a slight uptick in its daily number of reported cases , “ and this is a cause for some worry.
” “ As we head into a season with many holidays , and as we all celebrate the victories of our amazing sports teams , we can be very tempted to relax our diligence , ” she said .
“ But unfortunately , if we do , it will only result in more cases .
And that makes it difficult for us to move forward in our recovery , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and even death.
” For evidence of that , she said , residents need look no further than elsewhere in the United States , where some areas are contending with significant surges in coronavirus cases .
“ You just have to look around the country to note how hard we all have to work to just not get ourselves into a lot of trouble , ” Ferrer said .
“ Because the more things are opened up , the more we interact with each other , and that means the more protections we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those interactions.
” Health officials continue to emphasize the importance of an oft-recited list of precautions people should take to help stymie the spread of the coronavirus : regular hand-washing , wearing face coverings in public , maintaining physical distance from those you don ’ t live with , and staying home when you ’ re sick .
Ferrer acknowledged that “ it is hard to be months into a pandemic that we all hoped would be over by now ” and still be reciting the same mantra .
But she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make progress , we have to double down and use the tools that we have .
”

Although Los Angeles County remains rooted in the most restrictive tier of California’s coronavirus reopening road map, officials this week announced plans to relax some requirements on businesses to bring the county’s standards in line with wider state guidelines.
The changes — expected this week — will allow family entertainment centers to open outdoors; eliminate a requirement that customers at wineries and breweries make reservations; and remove the food requirement for wineries.
“I hope this provides much-needed relief and respite for residents who are looking for some activities outside of their homes,” Kathryn Barger, chairwoman of the L.A. County Board of Supervisors, said during a briefing Wednesday.
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“These updates will also bring more employees back to work,” she said — a pivotal development in a region where the unemployment rate has been estimated at 16%.
California L.A. County to reopen breweries, wineries and card rooms outdoors The Board of Supervisors voted 3 to 2 to approve a motion allowing additional sectors of the economy to reopen after months of closures amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
Barger also said county schools are in line to welcome back more students for in-person instruction.
According to the supervisor, schools have been allowed to bring up to 10% of students back on campus at a time if the students have special needs, such as those with disabilities or who are learning English.
“We will now increase to 25% capacity for high-needs students so more children and youth can have access to their teachers and the on-site support systems that are so critical for their growth and for their education,” Barger said.
It is unclear when that change will go into effect. But as L.A. County remains in Tier 1 of the state’s four-tier reopening plan — also called the purple tier, which indicates widespread risk of community coronavirus transmission — campuses cannot reopen for all students.
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The county’s spot in the state’s most stringent tier also prevents wider economic reopenings. Under the purple category, many businesses and public facilities either cannot operate indoors or can do so only at a strictly limited capacity.
Counties land in the purple tier if they have more than seven new coronavirus cases per 100,000 people per day or a test positivity rate of more than 8%.
As of Wednesday, L.A. County’s case rate remained above the threshold required to move down into the red tier.
“I think many of us are discouraged that we haven’t yet reduced our case rate enough to move to Tier 2,” L.A. County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said Wednesday. “I do want to note that we do have the tools in hand to drive transmission rates down in our communities. Not only do we want to eventually progress into less restrictive tiers, but we want to be able to continue to keep businesses and institutions open.”
Ferrer announced 33 new COVID-19 deaths in the county, raising the total toll to 6,944, as well as 510 new cases for a total of 290,486.
But she cautioned that “some significant technical issues with data reporting systems” have led to delays in case reporting, so the latest daily case figure is likely an undercount.
California Young adults still driving COVID-19 cases in L.A. County Officials stressed that the disease can strike any age group and that personal decisions on adhering to prevention measures will dictate when the county can further lift restrictions on businesses and public facilities.
Ferrer said the county has made significant progress in driving down its daily numbers of new cases, hospitalizations and deaths since those metrics peaked during a statewide surge over the summer.
That progress is fragile, though, and could easily evaporate. Since mid-September, Ferrer said, the county has seen a slight uptick in its daily number of reported cases, “and this is a cause for some worry.”
“As we head into a season with many holidays, and as we all celebrate the victories of our amazing sports teams, we can be very tempted to relax our diligence,” she said. “But unfortunately, if we do, it will only result in more cases. And that makes it difficult for us to move forward in our recovery, and it also leads to unnecessary illness and even death.”
For evidence of that, she said, residents need look no further than elsewhere in the United States, where some areas are contending with significant surges in coronavirus cases.
“You just have to look around the country to note how hard we all have to work to just not get ourselves into a lot of trouble,” Ferrer said. “Because the more things are opened up, the more we interact with each other, and that means the more protections we have to take with every single one of those interactions.”
Health officials continue to emphasize the importance of an oft-recited list of precautions people should take to help stymie the spread of the coronavirus: regular hand-washing, wearing face coverings in public, maintaining physical distance from those you don’t live with, and staying home when you’re sick.
Ferrer acknowledged that “it is hard to be months into a pandemic that we all hoped would be over by now” and still be reciting the same mantra.
But she said: “In order to continue to make progress, we have to double down and use the tools that we have.”


latimes--2020-10-21--Judge rejects California attorney general's effort to investigate GOP ballot boxes

A Sacramento judge refused Wednesday to order the California Republican Party to disclose information about its ballot drop box program to state officials , rejecting an argument by Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra that the investigation was essential to ensuring ballots are being properly handled .
The decision by Judge David Brown does not prevent Becerra and Secretary of State Alex Padilla from returning to court over the matter but marks a significant victory for GOP officials who have insisted their ballot collection campaign is following state election law .
A one-page form signed by Brown says there is “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the state in the Republican Party ’ s refusal to comply with a subpoena seeking information about voters whose ballots have been collected and the locations of the private drop boxes in communities across the state .
“ The California Republican Party will continue to help Californians vote safely and securely by continuing to gather ballots in trusted places , and deliver them promptly according to law , ” Hector Barajas , a party spokesman , said in a written statement .
Republican leaders have sparred with Becerra and Padilla , both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the GOP program that relies on California ’ s ballot collection law , which states that a voter may “ designate a person ” to return their completed ballot to an elections office .
The 2016 law does not limit the number of ballots a person can gather from voters — a longtime point of contention for Republicans , who have sued Gov .
Gavin Newsom and other state officials over a practice they deride as “ ballot harvesting.
” But this year , Republican Party leaders chose to embrace the collection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boxes , which were deployed without any notification to elections officials .
Earlier this month , social media postings showed some of the containers with signs wrongly marking them “ authorized ” or “ official.
” Becerra ’ s court filing alleged the GOP effort “ caused confusion among voters , prompted complaints from county elections officials alarmed about their use , and raised serious concerns about whether the appropriate chain of custody was being observed for ballots deposited ” in the boxes .
State and local Republican officials blamed the signs on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were quickly taken off the drop boxes , arguing that , without the erroneous signs , there is nothing about their effort to cause concern .
They have accused Becerra and Padilla of failing to scrutinize the ballot collection activities of Democrats and Democratic-leaning groups , many of which began conducting those efforts in 2018 .
A spokesman for Padilla said on Tuesday that other ballot collection efforts in the state are being examined as complaints are filed , but declined to elaborate .
The GOP drop box program included deliveries of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Los Angeles , Orange and Fresno counties .
Boxes were also placed at party headquarters locations .
Last week , the pastor of Freedom ’ s Way Baptist Church in Castaic told L.A. County elections officials that the box the church had been using was no longer on the property and provided an email confirming that information from the deputy executive director of the state GOP .
Republican officials have refused to provide information about how many private drop boxes are in use or how many ballots have been collected .
State law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a county elections office within three days of collection .

Information from a ballot collection program organized by the California Republican Party does not have to be turned over to state officials under a decision from a Sacramento judge on Wednesday.
A Sacramento judge refused Wednesday to order the California Republican Party to disclose information about its ballot drop box program to state officials, rejecting an argument by Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra that the investigation was essential to ensuring ballots are being properly handled.
The decision by Judge David I. Brown does not prevent Becerra and Secretary of State Alex Padilla from returning to court over the matter but marks a significant victory for GOP officials who have insisted their ballot collection campaign is following state election law.
A one-page form signed by Brown says there is “no immediate harm or irreparable injury” to the state in the Republican Party’s refusal to comply with a subpoena seeking information about voters whose ballots have been collected and the locations of the private drop boxes in communities across the state.
“The California Republican Party will continue to help Californians vote safely and securely by continuing to gather ballots in trusted places, and deliver them promptly according to law,” Hector Barajas, a party spokesman, said in a written statement.
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Republican leaders have sparred with Becerra and Padilla, both Democrats, for the last two weeks over the GOP program that relies on California’s ballot collection law, which states that a voter may “designate a person” to return their completed ballot to an elections office. The 2016 law does not limit the number of ballots a person can gather from voters — a longtime point of contention for Republicans, who have sued Gov. Gavin Newsom and other state officials over a practice they deride as “ballot harvesting.”
But this year, Republican Party leaders chose to embrace the collection process by using their own ballot drop boxes, which were deployed without any notification to elections officials. This month, social media postings showed some of the containers with signs wrongly marking them “authorized” or “official.”
Becerra’s court filing alleged the GOP effort “caused confusion among voters, prompted complaints from county elections officials alarmed about their use, and raised serious concerns about whether the appropriate chain of custody was being observed for ballots deposited” in the boxes.
State and local Republican officials blamed the signs on “overzealous” volunteers and said they were quickly taken off the drop boxes, arguing that, without the erroneous signs, there is nothing about their effort to cause concern. They have accused Becerra and Padilla of failing to scrutinize the ballot collection activities of Democrats and Democratic-leaning groups, many of which began conducting those efforts in 2018.
A spokesman for Padilla said Tuesday that other ballot collection efforts in the state are being examined as complaints are filed, but he declined to elaborate.
The GOP drop box program included deliveries of the receptacles to churches and private businesses in Los Angeles, Orange and Fresno counties. Boxes were also placed at party headquarters locations. Last week, the pastor of Freedom’s Way Baptist Church in Castaic told L.A. County elections officials that the box the church had been using was no longer on the property and provided an email confirming that information from the deputy executive director of the state GOP.
Republican officials have refused to provide information about how many private drop boxes are in use or how many ballots have been collected. State law requires those ballots to be delivered to a county elections office within three days of collection.


latimes--2020-10-21--Nearly 25 years after Boyle Heights teen's slaying, DNA leads to arrest

Nearly 25 years after a Boyle Heights teenager was brutally beaten and sexually assaulted , authorities say they have identified the man who killed her and dumped her body in a ravine .
The partially clothed body of Gladys Arellano was discovered Jan. 30 , 1996 , in Topanga Canyon .
An autopsy concluded the 17-year-old had been sexually assaulted , beaten and strangled .
On Monday , prosecutors charged Jose Luis Garcia , 42 , with murder in the girl ’ s death .
He was 19 when the crime occurred .
Elizabeth Arellano , Gladys ’ sister , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case still seem unbelievable .
“ It was quite surreal , and now at this moment , it still feels — I don ’ t know if this is really happening or not — but I look forward to justice , ” Arellano said during a news conference in downtown Los Angeles at the county Hall of Justice .
When Gladys ’ body was found , DNA taken as evidence was uploaded into state and federal databases .
No match to her killer was identified at the time , and the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about 15,000 unsolved cold case homicides in Los Angeles County , according to sheriff ’ s Lt. Hugo Reynaga , and investigators got a break in Gladys ’ case last year .
On Nov. 10 , Garcia was arrested by Los Angeles police on suspicion of domestic assault .
During his booking , Garcia ’ s DNA was collected and uploaded into a state database .
It matched the sample from the 1996 slaying , and Los Angeles County sheriff ’ s detectives in the homicide bureau ’ s unsolved cases unit were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Purcell and Shaun McCarthy questioned Garcia about Gladys ’ death at his Fontana home .
The two lived “ in near proximity ” when the girl went missing , Reynaga said , although it was not immediately clear whether there was some other connection between them .
When detectives questioned Garcia earlier this year , they collected an additional DNA sample to submit for forensic testing .
Because of the coronavirus pandemic , however , processing was delayed , Reynaga said .
In July or August , while Garcia ’ s latest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ detectives learned he had moved to Dallas .
Last month , after his DNA again matched the 1996 case , he was arrested in Texas by federal law enforcement officials .
Garcia was extradited to California last week and was arraigned Monday .
He is being held in lieu of $ 1-million bail .
“ I definitely felt anger now that we have a face and a name ... , ” Arellano said of her sister ’ s killing .
Samantha Moreno , Gladys ’ niece and goddaughter , said her aunt had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beautiful and intelligent .
She would have turned 42 this Saturday , Moreno said .
“ Recognizing her life is important , ” Moreno said at the briefing .
“ Beautiful souls from Boyle Heights should never be forgotten .
Acts of violence against women should never be forgotten.
” Another 1996 cold case recently caught a break using DNA evidence , with the August arrest of a suspect in the brutal rape and death of a 67-year-old woman in her Covina assisted-living home .
Sheriff ’ s deputies assisted local law enforcement @ @ @ @

Los Angeles Sheriff Alex Villanueva and Elizabeth Arellano, the sister of Gladys Arellano, walk past a poster of the 17-year-old homicide victim on Wednesday during an announcement about an arrest in the 1996 case.
Nearly 25 years after a Boyle Heights teenager was brutally beaten and sexually assaulted, authorities say they have identified the man who killed her and dumped her body in a ravine.
The partially clothed body of Gladys Arellano was discovered Jan. 30, 1996, in Topanga Canyon. An autopsy concluded the 17-year-old had been sexually assaulted, beaten and strangled.
On Monday, prosecutors charged Jose Luis Garcia, 42, with murder in the girl’s death. He was 19 when the crime occurred.
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Elizabeth Arellano, Gladys’ sister, said Wednesday that the latest developments in the case still seem unbelievable.
“It was quite surreal, and now at this moment, it still feels — I don’t know if this is really happening or not — but I look forward to justice,” Arellano said during a news conference in downtown Los Angeles at the county Hall of Justice.
When Gladys’ body was found, DNA taken as evidence was uploaded into state and federal databases. No match to her killer was identified at the time, and the case remained unsolved for decades.
There are about 15,000 unsolved cold case homicides in Los Angeles County, according to sheriff’s Lt. Hugo Reynaga, and investigators got a break in Gladys’ case last year.
On Nov. 10, Garcia was arrested by Los Angeles police on suspicion of domestic assault. During his booking, Garcia’s DNA was collected and uploaded into a state database. It matched the sample from the 1996 slaying, and Los Angeles County sheriff’s detectives in the homicide bureau’s unsolved cases unit were alerted.
In February, Dets. Joe Purcell and Shaun McCarthy questioned Garcia about Gladys’ death at his Fontana home. The two lived “in near proximity” when the girl went missing, Reynaga said, although it was not immediately clear whether there was some other connection between them.
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When detectives questioned Garcia earlier this year, they collected an additional DNA sample to submit for forensic testing. Because of the coronavirus pandemic, however, processing was delayed, Reynaga said.
In July or August, while Garcia’s latest DNA sample was still being handled, detectives learned he had moved to Dallas. Last month, after his DNA again matched the 1996 case, he was arrested in Texas by federal law enforcement officials.
Garcia was extradited to California last week and was arraigned Monday. He is being held in lieu of $1-million bail.
“I definitely felt anger now that we have a face and a name ...,” Arellano said of her sister’s killing.
Samantha Moreno, Gladys’ niece and goddaughter, said her aunt had “a radiant smile” and was beautiful and intelligent. She would have turned 42 this Saturday, Moreno said.
“Recognizing her life is important,” Moreno said at the briefing. “Beautiful souls from Boyle Heights should never be forgotten. Acts of violence against women should never be forgotten.”
Another 1996 cold case recently caught a break using DNA evidence, with the August arrest of a suspect in the brutal rape and death of a 67-year-old woman in her Covina assisted-living home. Sheriff’s deputies assisted local law enforcement in the investigation.