latimes--2020-12-12--$130,000 for an 8-foot-by-8-foot shed? That's what L.A. is paying in a bid to house the homeless

In other cities , 64-square-foot aluminum and composite sheds are being used as quick and inexpensive emergency shelter for homeless people .
Not in Los Angeles .
Here , plans to employ the minimalist structures , known as “ tiny homes , ” have blossomed into expensive development projects with access roads , underground utilities and concrete foundations — and commensurate planning delays .
At the city ’ s first tiny home village , scheduled to open in January , each of the 39 closet-sized homes is costing $ 130,000 , about 10 times what some other cities are spending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open later .
Mayor Eric Garcetti announced the program in March , signaling that the concept of sheltering people in tiny homes , long neglected in Los Angeles , had emerged as a leading strategy in the city ’ s response to a federal lawsuit alleging it has done too little to get homeless people off the streets .
He told the court that the city had purchased 50 of the prefab structures as the first installment of a plan to shelter homeless people in villages of tiny homes around the city .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , have remained in storage in the port of San Pedro as officials pored over the design and put the project out to bid .
Total cost : $ 5.2 million .
The other tiny home projects , all scheduled to open in April , are projected to cost less , but on average the city is expecting to spend at least $ 82,000 per shelter if bids come in on budget , city records show .
The initial contract attracted only one bid , which came in about $ 430,000 over estimate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the size of a jail cell , or of a medium-sized backyard shed that can be purchased for a few hundred dollars .
Constructed of an aluminum frame with composite sheets for walls , they measure 8 feet , 6 inches by 7 feet , 6 inches — technically 63.75 square feet — and will have two retractable bunks each .
Food will be brought in and handed out at an eating area .
Showers and restrooms will be in separate trailers piped to the sewer .
For the duration of COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ single occupant .
However , the city is counting both beds in its tally to satisfy its commitment to U.S. District Judge David O. Carter to provide about 6,100 new shelter beds .
The tiny home program is facing criticism from participants in the lawsuit both for its cost and the skimpy quarters .
“ It seems unimaginable to me that two adults with their own lives can share that space reasonably , ” said Shayla Myers , an attorney for the Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles , which is intervening in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
For the parties who brought the case , a coalition of business owners and residents , cost is the bigger problem .
“ It ’ s such an example of why we ’ re in this mess in Los Angeles , ” said Elizabeth A. Mitchell , an attorney representing the group , the LA Alliance for Human Rights .
“ They do these massive projects that are so cost prohibitive , and they only provide beds for a few people while others are degrading in the streets.
” Los Angeles officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In a filing with the court , City Atty .
Mike Feuer argued that the actual cost is only $ 4,193 per person — one-tenth of the initial outlay — because the shelters are designed to last at least five years , and two people will occupy each cabin in a year before moving on to permanent housing — a goal of bridge housing that has proved overly optimistic in practice .
Feuer said the city did everything it could to reduce the cost , “ but not at the expense of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overall costs.
” The city has relaxed building code requirements for storm water runoff and parking , reduced the required ratio of bathrooms to bedrooms , and allowed tighter spacing of the structures , he said .
The city also shortened the development time by purchasing the structures without competitive bidding from a Washington state company called Pallet , which has supplied personal shelters equipped with heat and air conditioning to several other California cities .
Yet at about $ 8,600 each , the price tag for the individual shelters accounted for only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A breakdown provided by the Los Angeles Bureau of Engineering shows that the contract provides $ 1.5 million just to prepare the site .
It also includes $ 122,000 for underground utilities , $ 253,000 for concrete pads ( one for each shelter ) , $ 312,000 for an administrative office and staff restroom , $ 1.1 million for mechanical , electrical and fire alarms and $ 280,000 for permits and fees .
Additionally , the city has budgeted $ 651,000 to connect to the street sewer line and $ 546,000 in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Former Ventura and Santa Monica City Manager Rick Cole , who served two years as Garcetti ’ s deputy mayor for budget and innovation , said the city faced a paradox of “ nice to haves ” vs. “ need to haves.
” “ There is no ‘ waste ’ here , just a good and modest idea done the way the Pentagon would do it , ” Cole said in an email after reviewing an itemization of the costs for the Chandler tiny home project in North Hollywood .
The Pentagon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expensive overengineering .
Noting that site preparation includes demolition , clearing , grading , paving , walkways , landscaping , K-rails , fencing , security guard booth and design fees , he said the city could “ cut it in half and you ’ d have a noticeably less nice , but still serviceable development .
“ Someone has to make a decision on the trade-offs of whether you are going to have safe and decent housing with these features all built in for a few people or a stripped-down version for more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that have purchased shelters from the Washington company got their tiny home villages up and running more quickly and at far less cost by stripping the plans to the minimum .
On Jan.14 , the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors decided to set up a temporary shelter for a group of homeless people camped beside a county trail .
“ Pallet shelters are so easy to construct , to get on site , ” said Caroline Judy , director of general services .
“ Pallet was a great partner .
They brought out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homelessness , worked really well with our team .
We created a village in 11 days.
” The cost was $ 21,817 per cabin , Judy said .
Alarmed by a death on the city ’ s mini skid row , Riverside Mayor Rusty Bailey bought one shelter from Pallet , set it up in the parking lot next to the city ’ s homeless shelter and moved in .
“ I stayed in it until there was consensus and political will to create a larger village of these Pallet shelters in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ It was an adventure , ” he said .
“ It obviously informed my thinking.
” He found the space livable , providing a “ sense of ownership and security ” that doesn ’ t exist in congregate shelters and would be sacrificed with both bunks in use .
The City Council voted last Dec. 17 to purchase 30 shelters .
The village opened March 13 , at a total cost of $ 512,000 — just over $ 17,000 per shelter .
The structures were placed directly on the asphalt , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ screws and brackets fashioned by city workers .
Electricity is supplied by overhead conduit .
Bathrooms and showers are in trailers .
Staff offices and a dining area are in a double-wide trailer .
Except for couples , the two-bed units have only one occupant each and will stay that way even without COVID-19 restrictions .
Bailey said a sense of ownership and security contributes to the mental stability homeless people need to move forward .
Karen Morea , a 52-year-old hairdresser , shares her shelter with her dog , Jack-Jack .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the stuffed animals and mementos that adorn her home .
She said she ended up in Riverside after becoming homeless in Lake Havasu and being stranded in Norco by someone she took a ride with .
Sheriff ’ s deputies took her to Riverside , where she ended up on Massachusetts Avenue near the shelter , she said .
She tried the shelter but didn ’ t adapt to being closed in with other people .
“ I ’ m way claustrophobic , ” she said .
But she said she could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yeah , if they ’ ll have me .
It ’ s wonderful.
” Her neighbor , Carlos Beltran , 35 , keeps more spartan quarters with the second bunk latched up and only a few cleaning supplies on the floor .
He said he is working his way back to God after bad decisions left him with nothing but a broken-down car .
He now has a job and a working car and is hoping to get established with a religious community .
“ I just needed a little help , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other government agencies using the Pallet shelters .
They are installed quickly , at low cost , and are being used as singles , even if they have multiple beds .
For what it calls its Stability Site , the city of Tacoma , Wash. , purchased 58 shelters with two bunk beds each for four occupants .
But it ’ s only using one .
The city spent $ 700,000 to set it up , which works out to about $ 12,000 per shelter , less than one-tenth the cost of L.A. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the appeals to the Pallet shelter is for someone to have their own space , ” said Erica Azcueta , program manager for homelessness and household stability .
“ When we set up the Stability Site , some individuals had been homeless for a long time , over a decade .
Providing that single space for them really improves the likelihood of having them ready for permanent housing.
” In Santa Cruz , the nonprofit Housing Matters set up 10 shelters in a day in the parking lot of its two-acre campus that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , along with a dining hall and restrooms .
“ They delivered , ” said Tom Stagg , director of the program .
“ We stayed out of the way .
They got them set up.
” The two-bed option is not being used , either .
“ There are individuals in the community who have resisted interim shelter , ” Stagg said .
“ When they heard we had this option , half asked , ‘ How do I get in there ?
’ There ’ s a lot of advantages we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ several years ago , the idea of replacing homeless camps with villages of miniature shelters began as a nonprofit enterprise with citizen participation .
Sharon Lee , executive director of the Low Income Housing Institute , said she wanted to leverage Seattle ’ s law legalizing tent camping on public land .
Based on city code allowing structures of 120 square feet or less without permits , her organization provides designs and materials costing about $ 2,700 each to churches and volunteer groups whose members build the houses .
Combining public and private @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tiny homes in villages on public property , private property and church property around the Seattle area .
It costs from $ 300,000 to $ 500,000 to set up 40 or 50 homes , depending on the sewer connection , Lee said .
Portable toilets initially used have been replaced by permanent bathrooms and showers .
The villages function as communities , with residents all performing chores and , at some , taking part in self-governance .
Seattle ’ s citizen-driven model never got traction in Los Angeles .
When a self-styled homeless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people living on the streets , the city ruled the structures illegal and quickly stamped out the movement .

Karen Morea, 62, hugs her dog, Jack-Jack, inside her “tiny home” in a parking lot in Riverside. She has been there almost two months after living on the streets.
In other cities, 64-square-foot aluminum and composite sheds are being used as quick and inexpensive emergency shelter for homeless people.
Not in Los Angeles. Here, plans to employ the minimalist structures, known as “tiny homes,” have blossomed into expensive development projects with access roads, underground utilities and concrete foundations — and commensurate planning delays.
At the city’s first tiny home village, scheduled to open in January, each of the 39 closet-sized homes is costing $130,000, about 10 times what some other cities are spending. Five more villages are planned to open later.
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Mayor Eric Garcetti announced the program in March, signaling that the concept of sheltering people in tiny homes, long neglected in Los Angeles, had emerged as a leading strategy in the city’s response to a federal lawsuit alleging it has done too little to get homeless people off the streets.
He told the court that the city had purchased 50 of the prefab structures as the first installment of a plan to shelter homeless people in villages of tiny homes around the city.
A resident of a tiny home village walks to the common shower area. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
The 50 mini-shelters, delivered in May, have remained in storage in the port of San Pedro as officials pored over the design and put the project out to bid. Total cost: $5.2 million.
The other tiny home projects, all scheduled to open in April, are projected to cost less, but on average the city is expecting to spend at least $82,000 per shelter if bids come in on budget, city records show. The initial contract attracted only one bid, which came in about $430,000 over estimate.
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The cabins the city purchased are about the size of a jail cell, or of a medium-sized backyard shed that can be purchased for a few hundred dollars. Constructed of an aluminum frame with composite sheets for walls, they measure 8 feet, 6 inches by 7 feet, 6 inches — technically 63.75 square feet — and will have two retractable bunks each. Food will be brought in and handed out at an eating area. Showers and restrooms will be in separate trailers piped to the sewer.
For the duration of COVID-19 protocols they will be restricted to a single occupant. However, the city is counting both beds in its tally to satisfy its commitment to U.S. District Judge David O. Carter to provide about 6,100 new shelter beds.
The tiny home program is facing criticism from participants in the lawsuit both for its cost and the skimpy quarters.
Karen Morea walks back to her unit in the tiny home village in a parking lot adjacent to a Riverside shelter. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
“It seems unimaginable to me that two adults with their own lives can share that space reasonably,” said Shayla Myers, an attorney for the Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles, which is intervening in the lawsuit on behalf of homeless people.
For the parties who brought the case, a coalition of business owners and residents, cost is the bigger problem.
“It’s such an example of why we’re in this mess in Los Angeles,” said Elizabeth A. Mitchell, an attorney representing the group, the LA Alliance for Human Rights. “They do these massive projects that are so cost prohibitive, and they only provide beds for a few people while others are degrading in the streets.”
Los Angeles officials contend that the cost calculation is unfair. In a filing with the court, City Atty. Mike Feuer argued that the actual cost is only $4,193 per person — one-tenth of the initial outlay — because the shelters are designed to last at least five years, and two people will occupy each cabin in a year before moving on to permanent housing — a goal of bridge housing that has proved overly optimistic in practice.
City Atty. Mike Feuer says the city did everything it could to reduce the cost. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
Feuer said the city did everything it could to reduce the cost, “but not at the expense of safety and hygiene, or of greater overall costs.” The city has relaxed building code requirements for storm water runoff and parking, reduced the required ratio of bathrooms to bedrooms, and allowed tighter spacing of the structures, he said.
The city also shortened the development time by purchasing the structures without competitive bidding from a Washington state company called Pallet, which has supplied personal shelters equipped with heat and air conditioning to several other California cities.
Yet at about $8,600 each, the price tag for the individual shelters accounted for only a small fraction of the overall cost.
A breakdown provided by the Los Angeles Bureau of Engineering shows that the contract provides $1.5 million just to prepare the site.
It also includes $122,000 for underground utilities, $253,000 for concrete pads (one for each shelter), $312,000 for an administrative office and staff restroom, $1.1 million for mechanical, electrical and fire alarms and $280,000 for permits and fees.
Additionally, the city has budgeted $651,000 to connect to the street sewer line and $546,000 in design, project management and inspection costs.
Rick Cole, a former Ventura city manager, says the tiny home is a “good and modest idea done the way the Pentagon would to it.” (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Former Ventura and Santa Monica City Manager Rick Cole, who served two years as Garcetti’s deputy mayor for budget and innovation, said the city faced a paradox of “nice to haves” vs. “need to haves.”
“There is no ‘waste’ here, just a good and modest idea done the way the Pentagon would do it,” Cole said in an email after reviewing an itemization of the costs for the Chandler tiny home project in North Hollywood. The Pentagon, of course, is infamous for expensive overengineering.
Noting that site preparation includes demolition, clearing, grading, paving, walkways, landscaping, K-rails, fencing, security guard booth and design fees, he said the city could “cut it in half and you’d have a noticeably less nice, but still serviceable development.
“Someone has to make a decision on the trade-offs of whether you are going to have safe and decent housing with these features all built in for a few people or a stripped-down version for more people,” he said.
Others that have purchased shelters from the Washington company got their tiny home villages up and running more quickly and at far less cost by stripping the plans to the minimum.
On Jan.14, the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors decided to set up a temporary shelter for a group of homeless people camped beside a county trail.
“Pallet shelters are so easy to construct, to get on site,” said Caroline Judy, director of general services. “Pallet was a great partner. They brought out a team, many who had experienced homelessness, worked really well with our team. We created a village in 11 days.”
The cost was $21,817 per cabin, Judy said.
Alarmed by a death on the city’s mini skid row, Riverside Mayor Rusty Bailey bought one shelter from Pallet, set it up in the parking lot next to the city’s homeless shelter and moved in.
“I stayed in it until there was consensus and political will to create a larger village of these Pallet shelters in the same parking lot,” he said.
“It was an adventure,” he said. “It obviously informed my thinking.”
He found the space livable, providing a “sense of ownership and security” that doesn’t exist in congregate shelters and would be sacrificed with both bunks in use.
The City Council voted last Dec. 17 to purchase 30 shelters. The village opened March 13, at a total cost of $512,000 — just over $17,000 per shelter.
The structures were placed directly on the asphalt, leveled on wood blocks and secured with screws and brackets fashioned by city workers. Electricity is supplied by overhead conduit. Bathrooms and showers are in trailers. Staff offices and a dining area are in a double-wide trailer.
Except for couples, the two-bed units have only one occupant each and will stay that way even without COVID-19 restrictions.
Bailey said a sense of ownership and security contributes to the mental stability homeless people need to move forward.
Karen Morea stands outside her tiny home, where she has put up holiday decorations. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Karen Morea, a 52-year-old hairdresser, shares her shelter with her dog, Jack-Jack. She uses the extra bunk as a platform for the stuffed animals and mementos that adorn her home.
She said she ended up in Riverside after becoming homeless in Lake Havasu and being stranded in Norco by someone she took a ride with. Sheriff’s deputies took her to Riverside, where she ended up on Massachusetts Avenue near the shelter, she said.
She tried the shelter but didn’t adapt to being closed in with other people.
“I’m way claustrophobic,” she said. But she said she could stay in the Pallet shelter.
“Yeah, if they’ll have me. It’s wonderful.”
Her neighbor, Carlos Beltran, 35, keeps more spartan quarters with the second bunk latched up and only a few cleaning supplies on the floor.
He said he is working his way back to God after bad decisions left him with nothing but a broken-down car. He now has a job and a working car and is hoping to get established with a religious community.
Carlos Beltran stands outside his residence in the tiny home village in Riverside. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
“I just needed a little help,” he said.
Riverside is typical of other government agencies using the Pallet shelters. They are installed quickly, at low cost, and are being used as singles, even if they have multiple beds.
For what it calls its Stability Site, the city of Tacoma, Wash., purchased 58 shelters with two bunk beds each for four occupants. But it’s only using one. The city spent $700,000 to set it up, which works out to about $12,000 per shelter, less than one-tenth the cost of L.A.’s tiny homes.
“One of the appeals to the Pallet shelter is for someone to have their own space,” said Erica Azcueta, program manager for homelessness and household stability. “When we set up the Stability Site, some individuals had been homeless for a long time, over a decade. Providing that single space for them really improves the likelihood of having them ready for permanent housing.”
In Santa Cruz, the nonprofit Housing Matters set up 10 shelters in a day in the parking lot of its two-acre campus that includes a family shelter and transitional housing, along with a dining hall and restrooms.
“They delivered,” said Tom Stagg, director of the program. “We stayed out of the way. They got them set up.”
The two-bed option is not being used, either.
“There are individuals in the community who have resisted interim shelter,” Stagg said. “When they heard we had this option, half asked, ‘How do I get in there?’ There’s a lot of advantages we want to keep.”
Pioneered in Seattle several years ago, the idea of replacing homeless camps with villages of miniature shelters began as a nonprofit enterprise with citizen participation.
Sharon Lee, executive director of the Low Income Housing Institute, said she wanted to leverage Seattle’s law legalizing tent camping on public land. Based on city code allowing structures of 120 square feet or less without permits, her organization provides designs and materials costing about $2,700 each to churches and volunteer groups whose members build the houses.
Combining public and private funds, the nonprofit now manages 550 tiny homes in villages on public property, private property and church property around the Seattle area. It costs from $300,000 to $500,000 to set up 40 or 50 homes, depending on the sewer connection, Lee said. Portable toilets initially used have been replaced by permanent bathrooms and showers.
The villages function as communities, with residents all performing chores and, at some, taking part in self-governance.
Seattle’s citizen-driven model never got traction in Los Angeles.
When a self-styled homeless activist started delivering hand-made tiny homes to people living on the streets, the city ruled the structures illegal and quickly stamped out the movement.


latimes--2020-12-12--The push-and-pull drama over school reopenings reaches fever pitch in L.A. and Orange counties

The emotional push and pull over schools intensified Friday as advocates filed litigation to pry campuses open in Los Angeles , even as teachers in Orange County pleaded for them to shut down .
Amid an unprecedented surge in COVID-19 infections and many students faring poorly and failing multiple classes in online learning , it is becoming increasingly difficult to find a tolerable middle ground among school leaders , parents and teachers in the nine-month education crisis that has all but shut down campuses .
Days after the Los Angeles Unified School District announced it was closing all campuses for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s advocacy groups asked the state ’ s highest court to order a partial — but still substantial — reopening to serve the youngest students and those with special needs , such as students with disabilities and those learning English .
In contrast , many school districts in Orange County were able to reopen campuses in the fall when virus rates were subsiding .
But with the county ’ s emergency medical systems near meltdown , teacher union leaders have overwhelming called for a temporary but total campus shutdown , saying the risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from COVID-19 is simply too great .
“ We are not in a little bubble here , ” said Therese Sorey , head of the Irvine Teachers Assn .
“ The parents of our children work all over the place and our staff lives all over the place.
” In this dichotomy , advocates of each position can bring powerful evidence to bear .
Research is mounting that students have suffered serious harm from the loss of in-person instruction , and L.A. Unified , the nation ’ s second-largest school district , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gradually and cautiously toward restoring any campus-based services .
Its schools also serve communities that are hard hit by COVID-19 .
“ There is no question that severe learning loss has already occurred , is ongoing , and will lead to irreparable harm for these students , ” says the petition filed on behalf of the Alliance for Children ’ s Rights and the Learning Rights Law Center .
“ This slow-motion catastrophe — with potentially irreversible and life-long negative consequences for students — can and should be immediately addressed.
” The court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ L.A. schools Supt .
Austin Beutner to order a hard shutdown of all district campuses .
He described the public health situation as “ extraordinary and quite dangerous , ” with infection rates too high to allow for students and teachers to interact safely on campus , even with extensive safeguards in place .
Until that point , L.A. Unified had offered limited in-person tutoring and assessments for students with special needs , reaching less than 1 % of 465,000 students in kindergarten through 12th grade .
The litigants characterize L.A. Unified ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and illegal , citing education requirements that became law over the summer .
A spokeswoman for the school district declined to comment .
Legislation passed in June preserved funding for school districts at levels similar to the previous year , but also set broad guidelines intended to ensure that students would receive an appropriate education despite the pandemic .
Recognizing the limitations of online learning , lawmakers specified that instruction should be conducted in person “ to the greatest extent possible ” and also that the length of instruction in minutes had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now , county health guidelines have governed how much instruction is permitted during the pandemic and school districts have the authority to be more restrictive .
The litigation seeks to change that at L.A. Unified .
The advocacy groups seek to compel the district to provide as much in-person instruction as permitted under Los Angeles County public health guidelines .
Those directives allow for schools to offer instruction for students with special needs in groups of up to 12 .
And the total number of students on campus can equal up to 25 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enrollment .
The guidelines were established to help students in greatest need , including those with disabilities , English learners and those who are particularly struggling with distance learning .
In addition , schools can apply for waivers to bring back their youngest — transitional kindergarten through second-graders — who are least able to learn via Zoom and other online platforms .
“ While distance learning is a challenge for everyone … for some students , it is simply impossible , ” said Alex G. Romain , a partner at Milbank LLP , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the organizations in conjunction with two other law firms .
The state legislation also requires school districts to address learning loss whenever possible through in-person classroom-based instruction , and L.A. Unified has failed to do that , Romain said .
The lawsuit alleges that the school district could have taken steps to resume some in-person classes as early as September with safety protocols in place .
The school year began in mid-August and the district has previously said it began its one-on-one tutoring program in October .
Ariel Harman-Holmes , 40 , took @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stay home with her children ages 2 , 6 and 8 .
Her 8-year-old , who is autistic , struggles with the online format .
The internet glitches are distracting , and the Zoom classes can lead to a sensory overload .
She said she has tried to get him assessed and placed in a specialized program , but the process was delayed by school closures .
She said his writing has regressed .
“ He needs more than a screen , ” she said .
“ He can ’ t learn this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Sorey , of the Irvine Teachers Assn.
, fully agrees that students need to be in class in person , but not right now .
Her union joined with nearly every other teachers local in Orange County calling for a temporary shutdown of district campuses that have remained open during the surge .
District officials in Brea Olinda Unified announced a return to to full-time distance learning last Monday and the La Habra City School District made a similar call effective Dec. 3 and continuing through winter break , said Ian Hanigan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County Office of Education .
Other district leaders , including those in Irvine Unified , have insisted they can continue to operate safely .
Infections , they said , are not spreading within schools — even though schools have reported cases .
Since Aug. 16 , there have been 658 cases reported by schools , according to the county ’ s health department .
Over that period , campuses were gradually reopening , with the early grades typically returning sooner .
Sorey said parents are not necessarily reporting health information to districts , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get a full understanding of the prevalence of the infection at schools .
But they are telling teachers about risky activities , including birthday parties , family travel and club sports .
And some school systems , she said , have been more transparent in posting information than others .
Efforts also are underway at the state level to nudge campuses back into operation , but only when health conditions have improved .
A group of Democratic state legislators is advocating for schools to begin planning for in-person instruction next semester .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Francisco ) introduced a bill that would require educational agencies to establish in-person instruction soon after allowed to by public health authorities .
In a statement , Ting , who is a father of school-age children , said he is concerned about students who are falling behind because of “ our sole reliance on remote teaching.
” Low-income students at public schools are bearing the brunt of the closures , as some private schools have already reopened , worsening achievement gaps , he said .
“ Schools in other states and countries have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done so without major outbreaks .
California ought to follow that path , ” Ting said .

Teachers and supporters participate in an October car caravan protest in Compton over school safety. In Orange County this week, teacher unions called for a campus shutdown because of the surging coronavirus pandemic.
The emotional push and pull over schools intensified Friday as advocates filed litigation to pry campuses open in Los Angeles, even as teachers in Orange County pleaded for them to shut down.
Amid an unprecedented surge in COVID-19 infections and many students faring poorly and failing multiple classes in online learning, it is becoming increasingly difficult to find a tolerable middle ground among school leaders, parents and teachers in the nine-month education crisis that has all but shut down campuses.
Days after the Los Angeles Unified School District announced it was closing all campuses for limited in-person instruction, two children’s advocacy groups asked the state’s highest court to order a partial — but still substantial — reopening to serve the youngest students and those with special needs, such as students with disabilities and those learning English.
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In contrast, many school districts in Orange County were able to reopen campuses in the fall when virus rates were subsiding. But with the county’s emergency medical systems near meltdown, teacher union leaders have overwhelming called for a temporary but total campus shutdown, saying the risk to staff, students and their families from COVID-19 is simply too great.
“We are not in a little bubble here,” said Therese Sorey, head of the Irvine Teachers Assn. “The parents of our children work all over the place and our staff lives all over the place.”
In this dichotomy, advocates of each position can bring powerful evidence to bear.
Research is mounting that students have suffered serious harm from the loss of in-person instruction, and L.A. Unified, the nation’s second-largest school district, is among those systems that have moved most gradually and cautiously toward restoring any campus-based services. Its schools also serve communities that are hard hit by COVID-19.
“There is no question that severe learning loss has already occurred, is ongoing, and will lead to irreparable harm for these students,” says the petition filed on behalf of the Alliance for Children’s Rights and the Learning Rights Law Center. “This slow-motion catastrophe — with potentially irreversible and life-long negative consequences for students — can and should be immediately addressed.”
The court filing comes after a Monday decision by L.A. schools Supt. Austin Beutner to order a hard shutdown of all district campuses. He described the public health situation as “extraordinary and quite dangerous,” with infection rates too high to allow for students and teachers to interact safely on campus, even with extensive safeguards in place.
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Until that point, L.A. Unified had offered limited in-person tutoring and assessments for students with special needs, reaching less than 1% of 465,000 students in kindergarten through 12th grade.
The litigants characterize L.A. Unified’s dearth of in-person services as unacceptable and illegal, citing education requirements that became law over the summer.
A spokeswoman for the school district declined to comment.
Legislation passed in June preserved funding for school districts at levels similar to the previous year, but also set broad guidelines intended to ensure that students would receive an appropriate education despite the pandemic. Recognizing the limitations of online learning, lawmakers specified that instruction should be conducted in person “to the greatest extent possible” and also that the length of instruction in minutes had to meet state minimum standards.
Up till now, county health guidelines have governed how much instruction is permitted during the pandemic and school districts have the authority to be more restrictive. The litigation seeks to change that at L.A. Unified.
The advocacy groups seek to compel the district to provide as much in-person instruction as permitted under Los Angeles County public health guidelines.
Those directives allow for schools to offer instruction for students with special needs in groups of up to 12. And the total number of students on campus can equal up to 25% of a school’s total enrollment. The guidelines were established to help students in greatest need, including those with disabilities, English learners and those who are particularly struggling with distance learning.
In addition, schools can apply for waivers to bring back their youngest — transitional kindergarten through second-graders — who are least able to learn via Zoom and other online platforms.
“While distance learning is a challenge for everyone … for some students, it is simply impossible,” said Alex G. Romain, a partner at Milbank LLP, which filed the suit on behalf of the organizations in conjunction with two other law firms.
The state legislation also requires school districts to address learning loss whenever possible through in-person classroom-based instruction, and L.A. Unified has failed to do that, Romain said.
The lawsuit alleges that the school district could have taken steps to resume some in-person classes as early as September with safety protocols in place. The school year began in mid-August and the district has previously said it began its one-on-one tutoring program in October.
Ariel Harman-Holmes, 40, took time off work as a lawyer to stay home with her children ages 2, 6 and 8. Her 8-year-old, who is autistic, struggles with the online format. The internet glitches are distracting, and the Zoom classes can lead to a sensory overload. She said she has tried to get him assessed and placed in a specialized program, but the process was delayed by school closures. She said his writing has regressed.
“He needs more than a screen,” she said. “He can’t learn this way, he just can’t.”
Sorey, of the Irvine Teachers Assn., fully agrees that students need to be in class in person, but not right now.
Her union joined with nearly every other teachers local in Orange County calling for a temporary shutdown of district campuses that have remained open during the surge.
District officials in Brea Olinda Unified announced a return to to full-time distance learning last Monday and the La Habra City School District made a similar call effective Dec. 3 and continuing through winter break, said Ian Hanigan, chief communications officer for the Orange County Office of Education.
Other district leaders, including those in Irvine Unified, have insisted they can continue to operate safely. Infections, they said, are not spreading within schools — even though schools have reported cases.
Since Aug. 16, there have been 658 cases reported by schools, according to the county’s health department. Over that period, campuses were gradually reopening, with the early grades typically returning sooner.
Sorey said parents are not necessarily reporting health information to districts, so it’s been difficult to get a full understanding of the prevalence of the infection at schools. But they are telling teachers about risky activities, including birthday parties, family travel and club sports. And some school systems, she said, have been more transparent in posting information than others.
Efforts also are underway at the state level to nudge campuses back into operation, but only when health conditions have improved.
A group of Democratic state legislators is advocating for schools to begin planning for in-person instruction next semester. On Monday, Assemblyman Phil Ting (D-San Francisco) introduced a bill that would require educational agencies to establish in-person instruction soon after allowed to by public health authorities.
In a statement, Ting, who is a father of school-age children, said he is concerned about students who are falling behind because of “our sole reliance on remote teaching.” Low-income students at public schools are bearing the brunt of the closures, as some private schools have already reopened, worsening achievement gaps, he said.
“Schools in other states and countries have prioritized in-person learning during COVID-19 and have done so without major outbreaks. California ought to follow that path,” Ting said.


latimes--2020-12-13--With L.A. courts paralyzed by COVID-19, public defenders say caseloads are 'unconscionable'

The email set off alarm bells throughout the Los Angeles County public defender ’ s office .
In a message that reached roughly 1,200 lawyers and staff members , veteran public defender Ernesto Diaz pleaded for help with what he and some of his colleagues described as “ unconscionable caseloads.
” Felony attorneys were representing as many as 70 clients , more than double their normal workload , and some were so stressed out that they were becoming physically ill , he wrote .
“ I have heard from countless dedicated public defenders that they do not want to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the email .
“ This saddens me because , for many of them , this is the only job they ever wanted to do.
” Replies poured in from other public defenders echoing Diaz ’ s concerns , according to emails reviewed by The Times .
Some said they were so overworked they could not provide effective counsel to their clients .
Others expressed fear for their own safety , warning that the combination of high caseloads and what they consider lax court safety protocols during the pandemic could lead to more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a deputy public defender died of COVID-19 in May .
In recent weeks , The Times has spoken with a dozen public defenders and their union representatives , all of whom say workloads have doubled , and in some cases tripled , as the pandemic severely slows the operations of the nation ’ s largest court system .
Many spoke on the condition of anonymity , fearing retaliation from supervisors .
Diaz declined to be interviewed for this story .
A public defender in the downtown courthouse said most felony attorneys have as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ normal workload .
In Long Beach , a misdemeanor attorney who normally has about 100 clients had a caseload of nearly 300 by mid-November , the attorney said .
“ None of us can competently represent 300 people .
I have lost track of files and clients .
Bad things have happened because of that , ” the Long Beach public defender said .
“ I ’ m just one person .
You can ’ t give adequate representation to 300 or more people.
” Los Angeles County ’ s courts process more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social distancing is nearly impossible in the busy corridors and elevators of courthouses in downtown L.A. , Long Beach and Compton .
The courts briefly shut down in March , and jury trials were suspended for months amid fears that hearings could become de facto super-spreader events .
By September , there were at least 7,000 criminal cases in L.A. County that needed to be heard “ to satisfy defendants ’ statutory speedy trial rights , ” according to a general order issued by Presiding Judge Kevin Brazile .
Despite the panic over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — which last week submitted a letter to the L.A. County Board of Supervisors seeking remedies , including a cap on the number of cases individual attorneys should be allowed to carry — L.A. County ’ s chief public defender , Ricardo García , has expressed doubt about the scope of the problem .
While he acknowledged that caseloads are increasing in some courthouses , he said he needed more data to validate the complaints of a systemwide surge and warned that case counts might not represent a problem on their own .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ isn ’ t sufficient to really understand our workload .
Workload isn ’ t the issue at the end of the day .
Handling cases in a pandemic is truly difficult , ” he said .
“ Communicating with clients is difficult .
Working up investigations is difficult .
Appearing in court is difficult.
” The public defender ’ s office launched a case management system in late October to help track caseloads and identify acceptable workloads , according to García , who said there were “ discrepancies ” between the anecdotes reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he had collected .
He did not provide statistics to validate that claim .
The number of cases filed this year by the L.A. County district attorney ’ s office has fallen by 23 % compared with the same time frame in 2019 , records show .
But many public defenders say the systemwide backlog is still driving up their individual caseloads .
Nikhil Ramnaney , head of the union representing L.A. County public defenders , said the office ’ s upper management has done a poor job of tracking caseload data .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorneys ’ caseloads only after Diaz ’ s email went out , Ramnaney said .
And in its letter to the supervisors , the union alleged that internal records on individual caseloads were inaccurate .
“ How is it 2020 and we don ’ t have a meaningful way to track what caseloads are and how many cases we are taking in ?
” he asked .
“ People are screaming .
The ship is sinking.
” Beyond the case backlog , Ramnaney said the spread of the coronavirus inside the county ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
With clients frequently subject to quarantines , hearings have to be continued again and again while caseloads balloon with new clients entering the system .
A supervisor who spoke to The Times on condition of anonymity in order to discuss the matter candidly said the contents of Diaz ’ s email were largely accurate and scoffed at García ’ s dismissal of the severity of the workload problem .
The supervisor , who has been involved in conversations with other managers trying to verify complaints about high caseloads , said reports of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have come in from across the county .
“ Caseloads have doubled .
...
They literally don ’ t have enough time in the day .
There ’ s not enough hours to be able to manage that , ” the supervisor said .
“ These folks are going out on stress leave ; they ’ re going out on medical leave .
... That is taking a psychological and physical toll on employees.
” Several attorneys said they are struggling to meet the demands of their weekly court schedule and fear they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clients .
In an office that frequently represents mentally ill and homeless defendants , many attorneys said the caseload crush has left them unable to spend time petitioning for pretrial diversion or alternative sentencing on behalf of clients who might qualify for such services .
That type of work is simply too time-consuming with the current caseloads , one public defender said .
“ Honestly , I don ’ t think I ’ m effective right now , ” the attorney said .
“ Most people are surviving week to week .
Unless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ’ re not thinking about it.
” García said he has an “ open-door policy ” for attorneys in his office who are worried about the quality of counsel they are offering their clients .
“ I ’ m always concerned about the health and safety of my lawyers , but I have no question about the level of quality that my lawyers are giving their clients , ” he said .
“ They are the finest , client-centered , criminal defense firm in the nation.
” Some public defenders have pleaded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unavailable , ” meaning new clients would be referred to the alternate public defender ’ s office or other pool attorneys for a period of time .
Ramnaney and other attorneys say such a move is desperately needed to allow caseloads to shrink .
García , however , described that plan as a “ nuclear option ” that he would use only on a limited basis , if at all .
“ Going unavailable means essentially abandoning clients who are no longer able to avail themselves of the incredible resources [ of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ s a choice I ’ ll only make if I determine — again , with real data and in consultation with the highest leadership in my office — that it ’ s in the best interest of our clients and my attorneys.
” Sean Kennedy , the former head federal public defender for the Central District of California , said while he agreed with García ’ s assessment that caseload figures alone might not indicate that attorneys are overworked , the volume of cases described by L.A. County public defenders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worried when someone had caseloads that approached 35 serious felonies , ” he said .
“ So if someone has 70 , having been a line deputy for years before I did the bureaucratic gig ... that ’ s a lot.
” Kennedy warned that high caseloads are “ the gateway to assembly-line justice , ” meaning that some of the most disadvantaged clients in L.A. County might be represented by lawyers who barely have time to think about their cases outside the courtroom .
“ When caseloads get unreasonably high , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ representation becomes very focused on what is happening today in this courtroom , ” he said .
“ It ’ s not high-quality representation to deal with everything the day of the proceeding .
We need to investigate .
You need to research , write and file motions .
You need to be able to talk to your client in a confidential , nonreactive environment .
”

The Stanley Mosk Courthouse in downtown Los Angeles on March 21, two days after Gov. Gavin Newsom issued a statewide “stay at home” order to slow the spread of the coronavirus.
The email set off alarm bells throughout the Los Angeles County public defender’s office.
In a message that reached roughly 1,200 lawyers and staff members, veteran public defender Ernesto Diaz pleaded for help with what he and some of his colleagues described as “unconscionable caseloads.” Felony attorneys were representing as many as 70 clients, more than double their normal workload, and some were so stressed out that they were becoming physically ill, he wrote.
“I have heard from countless dedicated public defenders that they do not want to do this job anymore,” Diaz wrote in the email. “This saddens me because, for many of them, this is the only job they ever wanted to do.”
Advertisement
Replies poured in from other public defenders echoing Diaz’s concerns, according to emails reviewed by The Times. Some said they were so overworked they could not provide effective counsel to their clients. Others expressed fear for their own safety, warning that the combination of high caseloads and what they consider lax court safety protocols during the pandemic could lead to more of their colleagues falling ill, after a deputy public defender died of COVID-19 in May.
In recent weeks, The Times has spoken with a dozen public defenders and their union representatives, all of whom say workloads have doubled, and in some cases tripled, as the pandemic severely slows the operations of the nation’s largest court system. Many spoke on the condition of anonymity, fearing retaliation from supervisors. Diaz declined to be interviewed for this story.
A public defender in the downtown courthouse said most felony attorneys have as many as 50 clients, double their normal workload. A misdemeanor attorney who normally has about 100 clients had a caseload of nearly 300 by mid-November, the attorney said.
“None of us can competently represent 300 people. I have lost track of files and clients. Bad things have happened because of that,” the misdemeanor attorney said. “I’m just one person. You can’t give adequate representation to 300 or more people.”
Los Angeles County’s courts process more than 100,000 cases a year, and social distancing is nearly impossible in the busy corridors and elevators of courthouses in downtown L.A., Long Beach and Compton. The courts briefly shut down in March, and jury trials were suspended for months amid fears that hearings could become de facto super-spreader events. By September, there were at least 7,000 criminal cases in L.A. County that needed to be heard “to satisfy defendants’ statutory speedy trial rights,” according to a general order issued by Presiding Judge Kevin Brazile.
Despite the panic over caseloads from public defenders and their union — which last week submitted a letter to the L.A. County Board of Supervisors seeking remedies, including a cap on the number of cases individual attorneys should be allowed to carry — L.A. County’s chief public defender, Ricardo García, has expressed doubt about the scope of the problem.
While he acknowledged that caseloads are increasing in some courthouses, he said he needed more data to validate the complaints of a systemwide surge and warned that case counts might not represent a problem on their own.
“Looking at simple numbers like caseload isn’t sufficient to really understand our workload. Workload isn’t the issue at the end of the day. Handling cases in a pandemic is truly difficult,” he said. “Communicating with clients is difficult. Working up investigations is difficult. Appearing in court is difficult.”
The public defender’s office launched a case management system in late October to help track caseloads and identify acceptable workloads, according to García, who said there were “discrepancies” between the anecdotes reported to The Times and internal caseload data he had collected. He did not provide statistics to validate that claim.
The number of cases filed this year by the L.A. County district attorney’s office has fallen by 23% compared with the same time frame in 2019, records show. But many public defenders say the systemwide backlog is still driving up their individual caseloads.
Nikhil Ramnaney, head of the union representing L.A. County public defenders, said the office’s upper management has done a poor job of tracking caseload data. Managers began taking a census of individual attorneys’ caseloads only after Diaz’s email went out, Ramnaney said. And in its letter to the supervisors, the union alleged that internal records on individual caseloads were inaccurate.
“How is it 2020 and we don’t have a meaningful way to track what caseloads are and how many cases we are taking in?” he asked. “People are screaming. The ship is sinking.”
Advertisement
Beyond the case backlog, Ramnaney said the spread of the coronavirus inside the county’s jails has severely delayed pretrial hearings. With clients frequently subject to quarantines, hearings have to be continued again and again while caseloads balloon with new clients entering the system.
A supervisor who spoke to The Times on condition of anonymity in order to discuss the matter candidly said the contents of Diaz’s email were largely accurate and scoffed at García’s dismissal of the severity of the workload problem. The supervisor, who has been involved in conversations with other managers trying to verify complaints about high caseloads, said reports of felony attorneys carrying more than 50 cases have come in from across the county.
“Caseloads have doubled. ... They literally don’t have enough time in the day. There’s not enough hours to be able to manage that,” the supervisor said. “These folks are going out on stress leave; they’re going out on medical leave. ... That is taking a psychological and physical toll on employees.”
Several attorneys said they are struggling to meet the demands of their weekly court schedule and fear they are performing the bare minimum for their clients.
In an office that frequently represents mentally ill and homeless defendants, many attorneys said the caseload crush has left them unable to spend time petitioning for pretrial diversion or alternative sentencing on behalf of clients who might qualify for such services. That type of work is simply too time-consuming with the current caseloads, one public defender said.
“Honestly, I don’t think I’m effective right now,” the attorney said. “Most people are surviving week to week. Unless that case is set that week, you’re not thinking about it.”
García said he has an “open-door policy” for attorneys in his office who are worried about the quality of counsel they are offering their clients.
“I’m always concerned about the health and safety of my lawyers, but I have no question about the level of quality that my lawyers are giving their clients,” he said. “They are the finest, client-centered, criminal defense firm in the nation.”
Some public defenders have pleaded for the office to declare itself “unavailable,” meaning new clients would be referred to the alternate public defender’s office or other pool attorneys for a period of time. Ramnaney and other attorneys say such a move is desperately needed to allow caseloads to shrink.
García, however, described that plan as a “nuclear option” that he would use only on a limited basis, if at all.
“Going unavailable means essentially abandoning clients who are no longer able to avail themselves of the incredible resources [of this office],” he said. “It’s a choice I’ll only make if I determine — again, with real data and in consultation with the highest leadership in my office — that it’s in the best interest of our clients and my attorneys.”
Sean Kennedy, the former head federal public defender for the Central District of California, said while he agreed with García’s assessment that caseload figures alone might not indicate that attorneys are overworked, the volume of cases described by L.A. County public defenders is troubling.
“I was always worried when someone had caseloads that approached 35 serious felonies,” he said. “So if someone has 70, having been a line deputy for years before I did the bureaucratic gig ... that’s a lot.”
Kennedy warned that high caseloads are “the gateway to assembly-line justice,” meaning that some of the most disadvantaged clients in L.A. County might be represented by lawyers who barely have time to think about their cases outside the courtroom.
“When caseloads get unreasonably high, in my opinion, what happens is the representation becomes very focused on what is happening today in this courtroom,” he said. “It’s not high-quality representation to deal with everything the day of the proceeding. We need to investigate. You need to research, write and file motions. You need to be able to talk to your client in a confidential, nonreactive environment.”


latimes--2020-12-13--California needs a new top cop. Here's what Gov. Gavin Newsom will consider

The selection of California Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra for a post in the Cabinet of President-elect Joe Biden provides Gov .
Gavin Newsom a chance to make a plum appointment but also puts him under pressure from many of his progressive allies to pick a successor willing to overhaul a criminal justice system that is under attack for being overly punitive and discriminatory .
Biden announced Monday that he has picked Becerra to serve as Health and Human Services secretary .
If Becerra is confirmed by the U.S. Senate early next year , Newsom will appoint a new state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two years remaining on the current term .
Groups that have the governor ’ s ear are already talking about what they would like to see in the next attorney general , including someone who will take aggressive action on criminal justice reform , police accountability , gun control and the environment .
The appointment will be made while tensions are still simmering from nationwide protests and calls for a shakeup of the criminal justice system following the death in May of George Floyd , a Black man , while in police custody @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to appoint a person of color and someone who has shown leadership on changing the criminal justice system to be more accountable and transparent , issues that Becerra was sometimes criticized for lagging on .
“ People across this country understand that 40 years of a heavily punitive , disenfranchising system has not panned out , ” said Cristine Soto DeBerry , executive director of Prosecutors Alliance of California , a recently formed nonprofit advocating for criminal justice reform .
DeBerry , who worked as Newsom ’ s deputy chief of staff when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expects the governor to appoint an attorney general with a modern , progressive perspective on criminal justice — rejecting the tough-on-crime attitude that prevailed in California through the end of the 20th century .
The person Newsom picks could be modeled after newly elected Los Angeles County Dist .
Atty .
George Gascón ; Newsom appointed Gascón as San Francisco ’ s district attorney in 2011 in one of his last acts as mayor .
After taking office in Los Angeles this week , Gascón announced policy changes to end cash bail , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and show leniency to many low-level offenders .
While a representative of Gascon said he is committed to serving as D.A.
, others who may be considered to become attorney general , political experts say , include Contra Costa County District Atty .
Diana Becton , San Francisco City Attorney Dennis Herrera and Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg .
Newsom could look in the state Legislature at Democrats including Assembly members Lorena Gonzalez of San Diego , David Chiu of San Francisco and Rob Bonta of Alameda .
Others mentioned as possibilities include Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Khanna of Fremont and Adam Schiff of Burbank , although the tight margin of Democratic control in Congress could persuade Newsom not to appoint one of those lawmakers , experts say .
The attorney general is widely seen as the second-most powerful elected state official after the governor .
The person who serves in the office oversees more than 4,500 lawyers , investigators , sworn peace officers , and other employees of the California Department of Justice .
The attorney general defends the state in court , serves as legal counsel for state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and police agencies with criminal investigations , serves as a watchdog on police misconduct and provides forensic science services .
The push for criminal justice reform throughout the country will be one of the biggest challenges for the next attorney general , said Dan Schnur , a professor at the University of California Berkeley ’ s Institute of Governmental Studies .
“ It ’ s very likely that the Legislature is going to want to give the new attorney general greater responsibility for police oversight , ” Schnur said .
“ Becerra ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same challenge that he did : If you come out against police oversight , it looks like you are defending bad cops .
But it ’ s not clear that the Legislature is going to be in any more of a mood to fund that oversight next year than they were this year.
” As Republican President Trump gives way to Democrat Biden , the next attorney general will experience different challenges than Becerra , said Assemblyman Mark Stone ( D-Scotts Valley ) , chairman of the Assembly Judiciary Committee .
Becerra has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , suing the administration more than 100 times since Becerra ’ s 2017 appointment over issues including healthcare , immigration and the environment .
The budget for the state Department of Justice to handle federal litigation ballooned from $ 3.6 million in 2017 to $ 16 million last year .
“ With a changing federal administration , the new attorney general will not have to focus on fighting the federal government and can focus on protecting California consumers from predatory practices , and protecting the environment , ” Stone said .
State lawmakers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the last year for the attorney general to investigate many more cases of excessive police force in a state where local prosecutors often do not charge officers with crimes for causing serious injuries and deaths .
This year , state lawmakers passed a law requiring the attorney general to investigate any incident in which a law enforcement officer kills an unarmed civilian .
Becerra has declined some calls for investigations in the past , saying he did not have the resources to get involved in examining all controversial uses of force .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ next attorney general with an opportunity to redistribute resources to other priorities , officials say .
Activists said they would like to see the next attorney general do more on the issue of mass incarceration by working to eliminate determinate sentencing , three-strikes laws and sentence enhancements .
The attorney general also could help move the state toward ending cash bail despite voter rejection of the idea in Proposition 25 last month , as well as make public more data on law enforcement problems such as use of force , activists said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s top litigator .
They are the top cop .
But also they can be the state ’ s top justice reformer , ” said Jay Jordan , executive director at Californians for Safety and Justice , a group that advocates for criminal justice reform .
The next attorney general will also face the challenge of defending the state ’ s gun control laws against a barrage of lawsuits by the National Rifle Assn .
and other groups at a time when Trump ’ s judicial appointments have moved the courts to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hannah Shearer , litigation director for the Giffords Law Center , a group that supports tough gun laws .
“ The incoming attorney general needs to prioritize the just and effective implementation of California ’ s firearms laws , most importantly including the state ’ s firearm relinquishment law , ” Shearer said .
Environmental protection is also seen as an important issue for the next attorney general .
Becerra ’ s successor should focus more attention on strictly enforcing laws against polluters , said Dan Jacobson , state director of the group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ general will need to be California ’ s top climate cop , ” Jacobson said .
When Biden announced his pick of Becerra , a torrent of possible contenders to replace him as California ’ s attorney general flooded social media and lit up political circles in California and Washington .
Most of the speculation has been focused on well-known Democrats in Congress and the state Legislature , along with a number of county district attorneys in California and Bay Area politicians in Newsom ’ s political orbit while he served as San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dana Williamson , a Democratic strategist who served as then-Gov .
Jerry Brown ’ s Cabinet secretary and a political adviser to Becerra , said the guessing game usually has little bearing on a governor ’ s decision-making process .
Jordan said he would like the next attorney general to be a person of color and preferably a woman .
Becerra was the first Latino to serve as state attorney general when he was appointed in 2017 to fill a vacancy caused when Kamala Harris left the top law enforcement job after being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was the first woman and first Black and Indian American to serve as California attorney general .
Harris ’ election as vice president means the governor must also appoint someone to fill her Senate seat , and if he picks Secretary of State Alex Padilla for the Senate as some expect , there could be a third significant office to fill .
State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo ( D-Los Angeles ) , chair of the California Latino Legislative Caucus , said this week that she would like to see Newsom continue the trend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ There is an extraordinary field of talented and experienced Latinos and Latinas eager to take on the challenges of these positions , ” Durazo said , adding that “ it is time that California made history by breaking the glass ceiling on statewide office for Latina public servants.
” The opportunity to make three or more appointments to high-level positions is a boon for the first-term governor , said Parke Skelton , a Democratic political consultant .
“ It ’ s enviable in terms of the fact that he gets to put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to come , ” Skelton said .
Newsom ’ s decision also comes with political consequences since whomever he appoints will likely be with him on the ballot in the 2022 election .
“ These decisions are hard , ” Williamson added .
“ He wants someone who is fairly aligned with his policy goals .
But you then have to let them do their job .
The attorney general is an independent person and is going to do what they want to do .
”

California Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra has been chosen as the incoming U.S. Health and Human Services secretary by President-elect Joe Biden, setting up the need for Gov. Gavin Newsom to appoint his successor.
The selection of California Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra for a post in the Cabinet of President-elect Joe Biden provides Gov. Gavin Newsom a chance to make a plum appointment but also puts him under pressure from many of his progressive allies to pick a successor willing to overhaul a criminal justice system that is under attack for being overly punitive and discriminatory.
Biden announced Monday that he has picked Becerra to serve as Health and Human Services secretary. If Becerra is confirmed by the U.S. Senate early next year, Newsom will appoint a new state attorney general to serve out the nearly two years remaining on the current term.
Groups that have the governor’s ear are already talking about what they would like to see in the next attorney general, including someone who will take aggressive action on criminal justice reform, police accountability, gun control and the environment.
The appointment will be made while tensions are still simmering from nationwide protests and calls for a shakeup of the criminal justice system following the death in May of George Floyd, a Black man, while in police custody in Minneapolis.
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Newsom is under pressure to appoint a person of color and someone who has shown leadership on changing the criminal justice system to be more accountable and transparent, issues that Becerra was sometimes criticized for lagging on.
“People across this country understand that 40 years of a heavily punitive, disenfranchising system has not panned out,” said Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of Prosecutors Alliance of California, a recently formed nonprofit advocating for criminal justice reform.
DeBerry, who worked as Newsom’s deputy chief of staff when he was mayor of San Francisco, expects the governor to appoint an attorney general with a modern, progressive perspective on criminal justice — rejecting the tough-on-crime attitude that prevailed in California through the end of the 20th century.
The person Newsom picks could be modeled after newly elected Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. George Gascón; Newsom appointed Gascón as San Francisco’s district attorney in 2011 in one of his last acts as mayor. After taking office in Los Angeles this week, Gascón announced policy changes to end cash bail, ban prosecutors from seeking enhanced prison sentences and show leniency to many low-level offenders.
While a representative of Gascon said he is committed to serving as D.A., others who may be considered to become attorney general, political experts say, include Contra Costa County District Atty. Diana Becton, San Francisco City Attorney Dennis Herrera and Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg.
Newsom could look in the state Legislature at Democrats including Assembly members Lorena Gonzalez of San Diego, David Chiu of San Francisco and Rob Bonta of Alameda.
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Others mentioned as possibilities include Democratic Reps. Ted Lieu of Torrance, Ro Khanna of Fremont and Adam Schiff of Burbank, although the tight margin of Democratic control in Congress could persuade Newsom not to appoint one of those lawmakers, experts say.
The attorney general is widely seen as the second-most powerful elected state official after the governor. The person who serves in the office oversees more than 4,500 lawyers, investigators, sworn peace officers, and other employees of the California Department of Justice.
The attorney general defends the state in court, serves as legal counsel for state offices and agencies, helps local prosecutors and police agencies with criminal investigations, serves as a watchdog on police misconduct and provides forensic science services.
The push for criminal justice reform throughout the country will be one of the biggest challenges for the next attorney general, said Dan Schnur, a professor at the University of California Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies.
“It’s very likely that the Legislature is going to want to give the new attorney general greater responsibility for police oversight,” Schnur said. “Becerra’s successor is going to face the same challenge that he did: If you come out against police oversight, it looks like you are defending bad cops. But it’s not clear that the Legislature is going to be in any more of a mood to fund that oversight next year than they were this year.”
As Republican President Trump gives way to Democrat Biden, the next attorney general will experience different challenges than Becerra, said Assemblyman Mark Stone (D-Scotts Valley), chairman of the Assembly Judiciary Committee.
Becerra has been a constant antagonist to Trump policies, suing the administration more than 100 times since Becerra’s 2017 appointment over issues including healthcare, immigration and the environment. The budget for the state Department of Justice to handle federal litigation ballooned from $3.6 million in 2017 to $16 million last year.
“With a changing federal administration, the new attorney general will not have to focus on fighting the federal government and can focus on protecting California consumers from predatory practices, and protecting the environment,” Stone said.
State lawmakers and activists have stepped up the pressure in the last year for the attorney general to investigate many more cases of excessive police force in a state where local prosecutors often do not charge officers with crimes for causing serious injuries and deaths. This year, state lawmakers passed a law requiring the attorney general to investigate any incident in which a law enforcement officer kills an unarmed civilian.
Becerra has declined some calls for investigations in the past, saying he did not have the resources to get involved in examining all controversial uses of force.
Pivoting from the courtroom would provide the next attorney general with an opportunity to redistribute resources to other priorities, officials say. Activists said they would like to see the next attorney general do more on the issue of mass incarceration by working to eliminate determinate sentencing, three-strikes laws and sentence enhancements.
The attorney general also could help move the state toward ending cash bail despite voter rejection of the idea in Proposition 25 last month, as well as make public more data on law enforcement problems such as use of force, activists said.
The attorney general “is the state’s top litigator. They are the top cop. But also they can be the state’s top justice reformer,” said Jay Jordan, executive director at Californians for Safety and Justice, a group that advocates for criminal justice reform.
The next attorney general will also face the challenge of defending the state’s gun control laws against a barrage of lawsuits by the National Rifle Assn. and other groups at a time when Trump’s judicial appointments have moved the courts to the right on gun issues, said Hannah Shearer, litigation director for the Giffords Law Center, a group that supports tough gun laws.
“The incoming attorney general needs to prioritize the just and effective implementation of California’s firearms laws, most importantly including the state’s firearm relinquishment law,” Shearer said.
Environmental protection is also seen as an important issue for the next attorney general. Becerra’s successor should focus more attention on strictly enforcing laws against polluters, said Dan Jacobson, state director of the group Environment California.
“Our next attorney general will need to be California’s top climate cop,” Jacobson said.
When Biden announced his pick of Becerra, a torrent of possible contenders to replace him as California’s attorney general flooded social media and lit up political circles in California and Washington.
Most of the speculation has been focused on well-known Democrats in Congress and the state Legislature, along with a number of county district attorneys in California and Bay Area politicians in Newsom’s political orbit while he served as San Francisco mayor and now as governor.
Dana Williamson, a Democratic strategist who served as then-Gov. Jerry Brown’s Cabinet secretary and a political adviser to Becerra, said the guessing game usually has little bearing on a governor’s decision-making process.
Jordan said he would like the next attorney general to be a person of color and preferably a woman.
Becerra was the first Latino to serve as state attorney general when he was appointed in 2017 to fill a vacancy caused when Kamala Harris left the top law enforcement job after being elected to the U.S. Senate. Harris was the first woman and first Black and Indian American to serve as California attorney general.
Harris’ election as vice president means the governor must also appoint someone to fill her Senate seat, and if he picks Secretary of State Alex Padilla for the Senate as some expect, there could be a third significant office to fill.
State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), chair of the California Latino Legislative Caucus, said this week that she would like to see Newsom continue the trend of bringing diversity to statewide offices.
“There is an extraordinary field of talented and experienced Latinos and Latinas eager to take on the challenges of these positions,” Durazo said, adding that “it is time that California made history by breaking the glass ceiling on statewide office for Latina public servants.”
The opportunity to make three or more appointments to high-level positions is a boon for the first-term governor, said Parke Skelton, a Democratic political consultant. “It’s enviable in terms of the fact that he gets to put his stamp on California politics for years to come,” Skelton said.
Newsom’s decision also comes with political consequences since whomever he appoints will likely be with him on the ballot in the 2022 election.
“These decisions are hard,” Williamson added. “He wants someone who is fairly aligned with his policy goals. But you then have to let them do their job. The attorney general is an independent person and is going to do what they want to do.”