latimes--2020-11-01--Prop. 22: Everything you need to know about app-based economy measure

Proposition 22 asks voters to create a unique designation under state employment law for drivers who work for app-based companies , allowing them to remain independent contractors but also providing a set level of employment benefits .
Here is a quick guide to the proposition , which has set a new national record for ballot measure spending : At the center of this debate is the employment status of people who work for app-based businesses like Uber and Lyft .
imposed a strict test to decide whether self-employed workers should be considered employees .
Past state audits found at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industries were misclassified as independent contractors , resulting in an estimated loss of $ 7 billion in state payroll taxes .
An independent contractor , the justices wrote , must be a worker free from control and direction when carrying out tasks ; must be someone who conducts duties outside of the usual course of the company ’ s activities ; and must generally perform what the ruling described as “ an independently established trade , occupation or business.
” The court ruling presented a significant challenge to the ride-hailing and delivery companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as independent contractors .
The ballot measure would require the companies to provide an hourly wage for time spent driving equal to 120 % of either a local or statewide minimum wage .
It would not pay drivers for the time they spend waiting for an assignment .
It also requires that drivers receive a stipend for purchasing health insurance coverage when driving time averages at least 15 hours a week , a stipend that grows larger if average driving time rises to 25 hours a week .
If the ballot measure is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ companies would almost certainly be required to be classified as employees and be provided a wider array of more generous benefits .
Backers — led by big app firms — say drivers want Proposition 22 .
Opponents say not all drivers share that sentiment .
They have accused the companies of using the employment status of drivers to divert attention away from the effort to maximize profits .
A UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll of likely voters last week found 46 % said they would vote in favor of Proposition 22 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it .
The number of undecided voters fell by 13 percentage points since Berkeley ’ s mid-September poll as support and opposition grew in roughly equal amounts .
An eye-popping total of almost $ 220 million has been raised by both sides .
The “ yes ” side ’ s money-raising has dwarfed the opposition ’ s — $ 199 million to about $ 20 million as of late October .
In Prop .
22 , app-based companies ask voters to resolve what lawmakers would not Uber , Lyft , DoorDash workers on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t want to end up on the wrong side ’ What Prop .
22 ’ s defeat would mean for Uber and Lyft — and drivers It ’ s no wonder hundreds of millions have been spent on Prop .
22 .
A lot is at stake In Proposition 22 ’ s battle between the old economy and the new , taxi drivers look for hope Uber , Lyft push Prop .
22 message where you can ’ t escape it : your phone Uber and Lyft just made their campaign to @ @ @ @ @ @ @

A vehicle with Uber and Lyft stickers arrives at a press conference about voting no on Proposition 22, in solidarity with Uber and Lyft drivers, in the city of Orange on Oct. 16.
Proposition 22 asks voters to create a unique designation under state employment law for drivers who work for app-based companies, allowing them to remain independent contractors but also providing a set level of employment benefits.
Here is a quick guide to the proposition, which has set a new national record for ballot measure spending:
The details
At the center of this debate is the employment status of people who work for app-based businesses like Uber and Lyft.
A California Supreme Court ruling in 2018 imposed a strict test to decide whether self-employed workers should be considered employees . Past state audits found at least a half-million workers in a variety of industries were misclassified as independent contractors, resulting in an estimated loss of $7 billion in state payroll taxes.
Advertisement
An independent contractor, the justices wrote, must be a worker free from control and direction when carrying out tasks; must be someone who conducts duties outside of the usual course of the company’s activities; and must generally perform what the ruling described as “an independently established trade, occupation or business.”
The court ruling presented a significant challenge to the ride-hailing and delivery companies, whose drivers have always been identified as independent contractors.
The ballot measure would require the companies to provide an hourly wage for time spent driving equal to 120% of either a local or statewide minimum wage. It would not pay drivers for the time they spend waiting for an assignment. It also requires that drivers receive a stipend for purchasing health insurance coverage when driving time averages at least 15 hours a week, a stipend that grows larger if average driving time rises to 25 hours a week.
If the ballot measure is rejected by voters, drivers for the companies would almost certainly be required to be classified as employees and be provided a wider array of more generous benefits.
Backers — led by big app firms — say drivers want Proposition 22. Opponents say not all drivers share that sentiment. They have accused the companies of using the employment status of drivers to divert attention away from the effort to maximize profits.
State of the race
A UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll of likely voters last week found 46% said they would vote in favor of Proposition 22, while 42% would vote against it. The number of undecided voters fell by 13 percentage points since Berkeley’s mid-September poll as support and opposition grew in roughly equal amounts.
Advertisement
An eye-popping total of almost $220 million has been raised by both sides. The “yes” side’s money-raising has dwarfed the opposition’s — $199 million to about $20 million as of late October.
Reading list
In Prop. 22, app-based companies ask voters to resolve what lawmakers would not
Uber, Lyft, DoorDash workers on Prop. 22: ‘I don’t want to end up on the wrong side’
What Prop. 22’s defeat would mean for Uber and Lyft — and drivers
It’s no wonder hundreds of millions have been spent on Prop. 22. A lot is at stake
In Proposition 22’s battle between the old economy and the new, taxi drivers look for hope
Uber, Lyft push Prop. 22 message where you can’t escape it: your phone
Uber and Lyft just made their campaign to keep exploiting workers the costliest in history
Breaking down Prop. 22


latimes--2020-11-01--Voters waited for hours in Riverside County; glitch has been fixed, officials say

Some voters reported waiting for hours to cast a ballot in Riverside County on Saturday because of a technological glitch , which officials say has since been fixed .
The slowdown was caused by an issue with the voter registration “ look-up system , ” officials said .
When people arrive at a voting center to cast a ballot in person , staffers look them up in the system to check them in and then void the vote-by-mail ballot that was sent to their home , said Brooke Federico , public information officer for Riverside County .
At some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the volume of people seeking to check in at once caused the registration look-up system , effectively , to freeze , she said .
“ It wasn ’ t for the entire day , and it wasn ’ t at all locations , but there were intermittent delays where it was simply timing out and our teams at the voter assistance centers weren ’ t able to confirm an individual voter , ” she said .
Voters were urged to be patient and , in some locations , given provisional ballots , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media to report waiting for more than three hours to vote .
“ We do understand that there were significant delays for our voters at certain locations , ” Federico said .
The issue did not affect the ballot marking machines , which are not connected to the internet , she said .
A team of county officials and information technology experts worked with the system ’ s vendor , DFM Associates , to identify the issue , which was fixed Saturday afternoon , Federico said .
“ We were able to report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to process voters much faster yesterday afternoon , ” she said Sunday .
“ Today , we are also expecting that we will be able to process voters much faster with fewer delays.
” Many voting centers had opened by 9 a.m. Sunday and were reporting no problems , she said .
The delays affected only those who sought to vote in person Saturday .
People can also vote by returning their vote-by-mail ballot to a vote center , dropping it off at one of the 80 drop boxes around Riverside County or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Service .
All ballots postmarked by Nov. 3 and received by the registrar of voters by Nov. 20 will be counted , officials said .

Stickers are seen at a polling station on the UC Irvine campus in 2018.
Some voters reported waiting for hours to cast a ballot in Riverside County on Saturday because of a technological glitch, which officials say has since been fixed.
The slowdown was caused by an issue with the voter registration “look-up system,” officials said. When people arrive at a voting center to cast a ballot in person, staffers look them up in the system to check them in and then void the vote-by-mail ballot that was sent to their home, said Brooke Federico, a spokeswoman for Riverside County.
At some of the county’s 130 voting centers, the volume of people seeking to check in at once caused the registration look-up system, effectively, to freeze, she said.
“It wasn’t for the entire day, and it wasn’t at all locations, but there were intermittent delays where it was simply timing out and our teams at the voter assistance centers weren’t able to confirm an individual voter,” she said.
Voters were urged to be patient and, in some locations, given provisional ballots, she said. Some took to social media to report waiting for more than three hours to vote.
Advertisement
“We do understand that there were significant delays for our voters at certain locations,” Federico said.
The issue did not affect the ballot marking machines, which are not connected to the internet, she said.
A team of county officials and information technology experts worked with the system’s vendor, DFM Associates, to identify the issue, which was fixed Saturday afternoon, Federico said.
“We were able to report that our voter assistance centers were able to process voters much faster yesterday afternoon,” she said Sunday. “Today, we are also expecting that we will be able to process voters much faster with fewer delays.”
Many voting centers had opened by 9 a.m. Sunday and were reporting no problems, she said.
The delays affected only those who sought to vote in person Saturday. People can also vote by returning their vote-by-mail ballot to a vote center, dropping it off at one of the 80 drop boxes around Riverside County or mailing it through the U.S. Postal Service. All ballots postmarked by Nov. 3 and received by the registrar of voters by Nov. 20 will be counted, officials said.


latimes--2020-11-01--Prop. 15: Everything you need to know about California business tax overhaul

would loosen tax limits on commercial and industrial properties and spend the resulting revenues on local governments and schools .
Here is a quick rundown of the proposition : Since 1978 , all property taxes in California have been levied under the system adopted by voters with Proposition 13 .
The value of a property is based on its most recent purchase price , even if it last changed hands decades earlier and similar properties nearby sold more recently and are subject to higher taxes .
Proposition 13 limits the tax rate to 1 % of the assessed value amount @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 2 % a year .
The new ballot measure would keep all existing rules in place for residential properties .
But many commercial and industrial properties would be reassessed , with updated values that better reflect current real estate market conditions — resulting in more taxes paid by their owners .
Exemptions would be made for most business properties worth less than $ 3 million and land used for agriculture .
Large corporations , likely to see substantially higher property tax payments , are perhaps the most obvious target of Proposition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s impact will be far greater than advertised and insist that many of Proposition 15 ’ s supporters are also on record as hoping to someday revisit current property tax limitations for homeowners .
Supporters argue the change would mostly affect large corporations , removing the low-tax protections provided by Proposition 13 in 1978 while shielding California ’ s entrepreneurs and farmers .
The state of the race Polls have found Proposition 15 to be a tight race .
A poll by UC Berkeley ’ s Institute of Governmental Studies last week found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of likely voters — as it was in September .
The level of opposition , however , rose to 42 % .
Fewer than 1 in 10 voters in the poll , which was conducted between Oct. 16 and 21 , were undecided .
The Berkeley poll found evidence that a key accusation made by Proposition 15 opponents has gained traction with voters — namely , that the measure is a first step toward eventually rescinding Proposition 13 ’ s homeowner property tax limits .
The proposed constitutional amendment explicitly states it would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But 56 % of likely voters either somewhat or strongly agreed those changes could be on the horizon .
Proposition 15 promises cash for schools and local governments .
How much isn ’ t clear Which businesses would pay more property tax under Proposition 15 ?
It ’ s complicated What does Prop .
15 mean ?
California ’ s tax system needs to be overhauled

Proposition 15 would loosen tax limits on commercial and industrial properties and spend the resulting revenues on local governments and schools.
Proposition 15 would loosen tax limits on commercial and industrial properties and spend the resulting revenues on local governments and schools.
Here is a quick rundown of the proposition:
The details
Since 1978, all property taxes in California have been levied under the system adopted by voters with Proposition 13. The value of a property is based on its most recent purchase price, even if it last changed hands decades earlier and similar properties nearby sold more recently and are subject to higher taxes. Proposition 13 limits the tax rate to 1% of the assessed value amount and that estimate can increase by no more than 2% a year.
The new ballot measure would keep all existing rules in place for residential properties. But many commercial and industrial properties would be reassessed, with updated values that better reflect current real estate market conditions — resulting in more taxes paid by their owners. Exemptions would be made for most business properties worth less than $3 million and land used for agriculture. Large corporations, likely to see substantially higher property tax payments, are perhaps the most obvious target of Proposition 15.
Advertisement
Opponents contend the measure’s impact will be far greater than advertised and insist that many of Proposition 15’s supporters are also on record as hoping to someday revisit current property tax limitations for homeowners.
Supporters argue the change would mostly affect large corporations, removing the low-tax protections provided by Proposition 13 in 1978 while shielding California’s entrepreneurs and farmers.
The state of the race
Polls have found Proposition 15 to be a tight race. A poll by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies last week found support for Proposition 15 at 49% of likely voters — as it was in September. The level of opposition, however, rose to 42%. Fewer than 1 in 10 voters in the poll, which was conducted between Oct. 16 and 21, were undecided. The Berkeley poll found evidence that a key accusation made by Proposition 15 opponents has gained traction with voters — namely, that the measure is a first step toward eventually rescinding Proposition 13’s homeowner property tax limits. The proposed constitutional amendment explicitly states it would not change residential property tax rules. But 56% of likely voters either somewhat or strongly agreed those changes could be on the horizon.
Reading list
Proposition 15 promises cash for schools and local governments. How much isn’t clear
Which businesses would pay more property tax under Proposition 15? It’s complicated
Newsom endorses November ballot measure to limit Prop. 13 property tax rules
Advertisement
What does Prop. 15 mean?
Who’s opposing Proposition 15? Land developers and Big Business
Breaking down Prop. 15
California’s tax system needs to be overhauled


latimes--2020-11-01--O.C. bishop sues charity administrator who accused Catholic leader of wrongdoing

The Roman Catholic bishop of Orange County is suing a former charity administrator for libel , an escalation in the prelate ’ s dispute with influential church philanthropists who have complained to the Vatican about his firing of a nonprofit board .
Bishop Kevin Vann and the Diocese of Orange ’ s chief financial officer are seeking a retraction , financial compensation and punitive damages from the ex-administrator for an email in which they contend she gave a “ false narrative ” that suggested that charity funds might be used to cover clergy sex abuse claims .
The Superior Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ latest development in the bishop ’ s ongoing conflict with a group of high-dollar donors and other church insiders .
Vann terminated the group from the independent Orange Catholic Foundation board in June after they rebuffed his request for millions of dollars in emergency pandemic funding .
The board members reported the bishop to the Holy See for allegedly acting beyond his authority and violating state and church law , accusations the bishop denies .
The suit does not name any of the well-connected real estate developers , attorneys , corporate executives or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ misconduct accusations they made to church officials in Rome and Washington , D.C .
It focuses instead on an email written by an administrator ousted after the board firings .
In a July note with the subject line “ You can ’ t make this stuff up , ” Suzanne Nunn , a longtime philanthropy consultant who had served as the foundation ’ s interim executive director , gave 47 peers at Catholic dioceses and organizations around the country a behind-the-scenes account of the dust-up with the bishop .
She laid out Vann @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cover an $ 8-million shortfall related to COVID-19 , the directors ’ decision to reject the request based on their fiduciary duties and the subsequent firing of the entire board .
“ Is this considered a hostile takeover to distribute funds the diocese needs to cover debt ?
Lawsuits ?
Is this an overstep of authority ?
... No one knows ” Nunn wrote , adding , “ Does the Foundation Board have a fiduciary responsibility to fight this takeover to protect the donor intent and Foundation assets ?
... All rhetorical questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions are central to the suit brought by Vann and diocesan Chief Financial Officer Elizabeth Jensen .
They allege that since Nunn referred elsewhere in the note to molestation lawsuits , her queries amounted to an untrue and defamatory assertion that the church was seeking to seize the foundation money to cover those lawsuits rather than the purposes donors intended .
Paying for sex abuse claims is a sensitive topic .
A new state law lifted the statute of limitations for some abuse accusations , and Catholic dioceses along with other organizations are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that many benefactors do not want to finance .
An attorney for the bishop and Jensen wrote in the suit that the bishop and Jensen had contemplated “ what would happen if they turned the other cheek.
” “ If no one corrects the record , donors will not donate ... because donors will think their money will be used for illicit purposes .
In turn , the needy will suffer , ” wrote lawyer Todd Theodora .
The suit , which also accuses Nunn of intentional infliction of emotional distress , claims @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conscientious and ethical leader ” to secure future employment with other Catholic groups An attorney for Nunn did not return messages .
She declined an interview request .
Experts in libel law who reviewed Vann ’ s complaint said the bishop faced steep hurdles .
Under the California anti-SLAPP statute , a judge can dismiss a defamation suit if he determines it is a “ strategic lawsuit against public participation , ” meaning its intention is to intimidate or silence a citizen from speaking out about an issue of public interest .
Losing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the other side ’ s legal bills , which experts said often stretch to six figures .
Jeremy Rosen , a Beverly Hills attorney who specializes in free speech and religious freedom cases and has represented about 70 clients on both sides of defamation suits , said that short of the bishop producing additional evidence , “ the most likely outcome here is that this complaint will be dismissed on an anti-SLAPP motion.
” He said the suit illustrates the inherent difficulty of libel actions : “ Legally it is the hardest lawsuit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up owing a lot of money to the other side ... and it just brings more attention to the statements that were made about you than if you just let it go.
” Loyola Law professor Aaron Caplan , who teaches 1st Amendment law , said it would be “ a stretch ” to convince a judge that Nunn ’ s questions added up to the provable statement of facts required for libel .
“ I think it is a hard sell to say there was a statement of fact , but not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
San Francisco attorney Karl Olson , who has defended dozens of defamation suits against individuals and news organizations , said he doubted the suit would survive an anti-SLAPP challenge .
“ You have to question their strategy , ” said Olson , who has represented The Times .
“ They talk in their complaint that their mission is to help the needy ... but it seems like the only people helped by this are the lawyers who are presumably not needy.
” A diocesan spokeswoman did not respond to questions about who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Theodora , the bishop ’ s lead attorney , declined to say whether church money was being used to pay his legal bills or how much he was charging , citing attorney-client privilege .
At least one of his colleagues at the law firm Theodora Oringher , where he is chairman and chief executive , billed $ 895 per hour , according to a 2018 declaration that lawyer filed in another matter .
The bishop ’ s decision to jettison the foundation board continues to roil parts of the 1.3 million-member diocese @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Steve Dzida informed the foundation in September that he and his wife were cutting off contributions until the bishop took steps to ensure the charity was outside his control .
“ If the foundation is not run in that fashion , I don ’ t feel like that honors my intent as a donor ... .
When we supported this foundation we understood that these decisions would be made by a board of directors that was independent of the bishop , ” Dzida said .
He said he and wife were redirecting their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Santa Ana .

The suit by Bishop Kevin Vann, seen here at his 2012 installation, seeks a retraction and money from the former administrator of a church-affiliated charity.
The Roman Catholic bishop of Orange County is suing a former charity administrator for libel, an escalation in the prelate’s dispute with influential church philanthropists who have complained to the Vatican about his firing of a nonprofit board.
Bishop Kevin Vann and the Diocese of Orange’s chief financial officer are seeking a retraction, financial compensation and punitive damages from the ex-administrator for an email in which they contend she gave a “false narrative” that suggested that charity funds might be used to cover clergy sex abuse claims.
The Superior Court suit filed earlier this month is the latest development in the bishop’s ongoing conflict with a group of high-dollar donors and other church insiders. Vann terminated the group from the independent Orange Catholic Foundation board in June after they rebuffed his request for millions of dollars in emergency pandemic funding. The board members reported the bishop to the Holy See for allegedly acting beyond his authority and violating state and church law, accusations the bishop denies.
The suit does not name any of the well-connected real estate developers, attorneys, corporate executives or others tossed from the board or the misconduct accusations they made to church officials in Rome and Washington, D.C. It focuses instead on an email written by an administrator ousted after the board firings.
Advertisement
In a July note with the subject line “You can’t make this stuff up,” Suzanne Nunn, a longtime philanthropy consultant who had served as the foundation’s interim executive director, gave 47 peers at Catholic dioceses and organizations around the country a behind-the-scenes account of the dust-up with the bishop.
She laid out Vann’s March request for money to cover an $8-million shortfall related to COVID-19, the directors’ decision to reject the request based on their fiduciary duties and the subsequent firing of the entire board.
“Is this considered a hostile takeover to distribute funds the diocese needs to cover debt? Lawsuits? Is this an overstep of authority?... No one knows” Nunn wrote, adding, “Does the Foundation Board have a fiduciary responsibility to fight this takeover to protect the donor intent and Foundation assets?... All rhetorical questions, but something to consider.”
Those questions are central to the suit brought by Vann and diocesan Chief Financial Officer Elizabeth Jensen. They allege that since Nunn referred elsewhere in the note to molestation lawsuits, her queries amounted to an untrue and defamatory assertion that the church was seeking to seize the foundation money to cover those lawsuits rather than the purposes donors intended.
Paying for sex abuse claims is a sensitive topic. A new state law lifted the statute of limitations for some abuse accusations, and Catholic dioceses along with other organizations are bracing for an onslaught of costly litigation that many benefactors do not want to finance.
An attorney for the bishop and Jensen wrote in the suit that the bishop and Jensen had contemplated “what would happen if they turned the other cheek.”
“If no one corrects the record, donors will not donate ... because donors will think their money will be used for illicit purposes. In turn, the needy will suffer,” wrote lawyer Todd Theodora.
Advertisement
The suit, which also accuses Nunn of intentional infliction of emotional distress, claims she was portraying herself as a “conscientious and ethical leader” to secure future employment with other Catholic groups
An attorney for Nunn did not return messages. She declined an interview request.
Experts in libel law who reviewed Vann’s complaint said the bishop faced steep hurdles. Under the California anti-SLAPP statute, a judge can dismiss a defamation suit if he determines it is a “strategic lawsuit against public participation,” meaning its intention is to intimidate or silence a citizen from speaking out about an issue of public interest. Losing plaintiffs are then on the hook for the other side’s legal bills, which experts said often stretch to six figures.
Jeremy Rosen, a Beverly Hills attorney who specializes in free speech and religious freedom cases and has represented about 70 clients on both sides of defamation suits, said that short of the bishop producing additional evidence, “the most likely outcome here is that this complaint will be dismissed on an anti-SLAPP motion.”
He said the suit illustrates the inherent difficulty of libel actions: “Legally it is the hardest lawsuit to win, and you can end up owing a lot of money to the other side ... and it just brings more attention to the statements that were made about you than if you just let it go.”
Loyola Law professor Aaron Caplan, who teaches 1st Amendment law, said it would be “a stretch” to convince a judge that Nunn’s questions added up to the provable statement of facts required for libel.
“I think it is a hard sell to say there was a statement of fact, but not an impossible one,” he said.
San Francisco attorney Karl Olson, who has defended dozens of defamation suits against individuals and news organizations, said he doubted the suit would survive an anti-SLAPP challenge.
“You have to question their strategy,” said Olson, who has represented The Times. “They talk in their complaint that their mission is to help the needy ... but it seems like the only people helped by this are the lawyers who are presumably not needy.”
A diocesan spokeswoman did not respond to questions about who was footing the bill for the lawsuit. Theodora, the bishop’s lead attorney, declined to say whether church money was being used to pay his legal bills or how much he was charging, citing attorney-client privilege. At least one of his colleagues at the law firm Theodora Oringher, where he is chairman and chief executive, billed $895 per hour, according to a 2018 declaration that lawyer filed in another matter.
The bishop’s decision to jettison the foundation board continues to roil parts of the 1.3 million-member diocese.
Costa Mesa attorney and longtime donor Steve Dzida informed the foundation in September that he and his wife were cutting off contributions until the bishop took steps to ensure the charity was outside his control.
“If the foundation is not run in that fashion, I don’t feel like that honors my intent as a donor.... When we supported this foundation we understood that these decisions would be made by a board of directors that was independent of the bishop,” Dzida said.
He said he and wife were redirecting their donations to Catholic programs for the homeless in Santa Ana.


latimes--2020-11-01--Affirmative action divides Asian Americans, UC's largest overrepresented student group

Angela Li and Vivrd Prasanna have achieved the pinnacle of a public university education — she a senior at UCLA , he a freshman at UC Berkeley .
Both are children of immigrants , with Li ’ s parents from China and Prasanna ’ s from India .
They share values of hard work and high expectations .
Li checked out school textbooks during the summer to get a head start on fall classes and in high school took test prep courses with money her working-class parents saved by giving up family vacations .
Prasanna took college classes in data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But when it comes to Proposition 16 , the Tuesday ballot measure that would once again allow affirmative action in public education , contracting and hiring , the two UC students and their families sharply diverge .
Li supports the measure as a way to expand diversity in education — but her parents oppose it , suspicious that it will limit the enrollment of Asian Americans .
Prasanna opposes it as the wrong way to deal with root causes of educational inequity , while his parents are torn over their twin desires to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equal opportunity for their community .
Their diverse views reflect the complexity of the affirmative action issue among Asian Americans , who represent more than 50 ethnic subgroups with varying politics , histories in the United States and levels of income , education and English language ability .
Those differences play out in their views of Proposition 16 and concerns about their place at the University of California .
Asian Americans predominate at UC and are significantly overrepresented — making up 40.3 % of in-state freshmen last year compared with their 19.9 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for UC admission .
By comparison , Latinos made up 31.5 % of UC freshmen and 44.7 % of that qualified pool ; whites were 20.6 % at UC and 27 % of eligible students and Black freshmen were 4.5 % at UC and 4.2 % of those who met systemwide admission standards .
As a result , some Asian Americans are nervous that they would be squeezed out to make room for others if Proposition 16 passes and allows preferential admissions on the basis of race , ethnicity and sex .
Even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ action was legal in California , Asian Americans were overrepresented at UCLA and UC Berkeley and fought admission policies they believed sought to limit their enrollment at those campuses .
After Proposition 209 banned race-based preferential treatment , the gap between their high admission rates and those of other ethnic groups widened with their rigorous high school course loads , high GPAs and competitive test scores .
It ’ s not clear what would happen if affirmative action were restored .
UC regents support restoring affirmative action , saying it ’ s needed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ban quotas , which the U.S. Supreme Court already has nixed .
Board Chairman John A. Pérez has said that race would become one of more than a dozen factors currently evaluated in applications .
At UC Berkeley , Chancellor Carol Christ has said she favors expanding capacity to make more room for everyone .
UCLA Vice Provost for Enrollment Management Youlonda Copeland-Morgan told The Times last week that she didn ’ t know if Asian American enrollment would decline at UCLA but that the campus would continue to focus on outreach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as Hmong , Laotian , Vietnamese and Philippine students .
Last year , UCLA offered freshman seats to eight California Hmong students compared with 1,241 Chinese Americans , who were the single largest racial or ethnic group admitted after Mexican Americans and whites , according to UC data .
Some Asian Americans try to divine the future by looking to private California colleges , which were not bound by Proposition 209 ’ s ban on affirmative action at public campuses .
They are not encouraged : the top privates enroll smaller proportions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % at UC campuses , including 23 % at Stanford University , 21 % at USC and 16.3 % at Pomona College .
But experts say the impact of Proposition 16 will probably vary among Asian American subgroups .
“ You can ’ t paint Asian Americans with a broad brush , ” said Karthick Ramakrishnan , a UC Riverside professor of public policy and political science who founded AAPIData.com , which publishes demographic data and policy research on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders .
“ Some will benefit and others stand to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support Proposition 16 than oppose it — 35 % vs. 21 % with most of the rest undecided , according to a September survey of Asian American voters in California by AAPI Data and two other Asian American and Pacific Islander organizations .
But intriguing differences emerged in the survey .
Ethnic Chinese — who make up a maximum of 38 % of Asian American students admitted by UC , by far the largest subgroup — opposed the measure , 37 % to 30 % .
Among ethnic Philippine , Vietnamese , Japanese @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than opposition but topped out at 38 % with large numbers undecided at the time .
Voters of Indian descent were by far the most supportive of the affirmative action ballot measure , 58 % vs. 17 % .
The strong support among Indian Americans is all the more striking because their share among Asian American California freshmen has surged from 7.8 % in 1996 to 17.4 % in 2019 .
Indian Americans had one of the highest admission rates among their California ethnic Asian peers last fall , about 79 % .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Indian , Pakistani , Bangladeshi and Sri Lankan descent , made up the second-largest Asian American subgroup after ethnic Chinese .
If any subgroup numbers decline under Proposition 16 , Ramakrishnan said , it would probably be ethnic Chinese and Indian students because of their size .
Nonetheless , many Indian Americans support Proposition 16 — and other progressive political causes — reflecting both homeland and domestic realities , he said .
Their families have adapted to affirmative action in India , which is used to grant preferential access to many colleges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to race-based bias and discrimination as a darker-skinned minority in the United States , Ramakrishnan said .
Aidan Arasasingham , a South Asian high achiever and the son of Sri Lankan immigrants , is a UCLA senior in global studies and president of the UC Student Assn .
He supports Proposition 16 , as do the UC Student Assn .
and most of the UCLA Asian Pacific Coalition ’ s 19 member groups .
Arasasingham said all students , Asian Americans included , will be enriched by a more diverse campus — a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of more than 500 studies found that greater cross-racial interaction is associated with lower levels of prejudice ; other researchers have found that diversity spurs growth in cognitive skills , academic engagement and innovative problem solving , according to an October analysis by William C. Kidder for the Civil Rights Project at UCLA .
“ Students ... across campuses really strongly believe that diversity is an essential part of our experience , ” Arasasingham said .
“ When we graduate , we ’ re going to be in a world where we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t look like our own and it ’ s setting us up for failure if we don ’ t have an understanding of them.
” Some Asian Americans , however , say their personal experiences have soured them on affirmative action .
Ling Kong , a Silicon Valley design engineer and mother of two school-age children , said her ethnic Chinese family faced bias in their native Malaysia because preferential college access is given to Malays and Indians .
Her failure to get into local colleges there led her to study @ @ @ @ @ @ @ universities .
“ I don ’ t want my kids to be treated differently on the basis of race , ” she said .
Kong , who describes herself as a lifelong Democrat supportive of diversity and inclusion , said she opposes Proposition 16 because she doesn ’ t believe it will solve educational inequity .
Her experience on the Milpitas Unified School District ’ s community advisory board and her children ’ s school site council has shown her that affordable preschools and quality K-12 schools with adequate funding in all neighborhoods @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prop .
16 doesn ’ t address any of this , ” she said .
“ It ’ s just a quick fix and it won ’ t really help close the achievement gap or solve systemic inequity.
” For state Assemblyman Al Muratsuchi ( D-Rolling Hills Estates ) , the debate sparks a sense of deja vu .
As a UC Berkeley student in the 1980s , he joined protests over changes in campus admission policies , such as increasing the weight of verbal over math skills , that were seen by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their surging enrollment .
Reviews of such allegations at Berkeley and UCLA by faculty , state and federal authorities generally found that some admission policies had hurt Asian Americans but were not intentionally discriminatory .
Muratsuchi supports Proposition 16 but says he will watch to make sure that a de facto ceiling is not placed on Asian American enrollment if it passes .
In what is supposed to be a race-blind environment today , he said , UC data suggest different standards are used for Asian Americans , who were admitted into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scores up to 310 points higher than those for underrepresented minority students and up to 80 points higher than those for whites .
UC , however , is eliminating the use of standardized test scores in admissions decisions .
“ While I support the concept of affirmative action , we need to make sure there is transparency and accountability in how it is implemented so this complicated racial balancing act doesn ’ t result in discriminating against any racial groups , ” he said .

Angela Li and Vivrd Prasanna have achieved the pinnacle of a public university education — she a senior at UCLA, he a freshman at UC Berkeley. Both are children of immigrants, with Li’s parents from China and Prasanna’s from India.
They share values of hard work and high expectations. Li checked out school textbooks during the summer to get a head start on fall classes and in high school took test prep courses with money her working-class parents saved by giving up family vacations. Prasanna took college classes in data science as a high school student.
But when it comes to Proposition 16, the Tuesday ballot measure that would once again allow affirmative action in public education, contracting and hiring, the two UC students and their families sharply diverge.
Advertisement
Li supports the measure as a way to expand diversity in education — but her parents oppose it, suspicious that it will limit the enrollment of Asian Americans. Prasanna opposes it as the wrong way to deal with root causes of educational inequity, while his parents are torn over their twin desires to stand for civil rights and to ensure equal opportunity for their community.
Their diverse views reflect the complexity of the affirmative action issue among Asian Americans, who represent more than 50 ethnic subgroups with varying politics, histories in the United States and levels of income, education and English language ability. Those differences play out in their views of Proposition 16 and concerns about their place at the University of California.
Amy Ho, a UCLA student, supports Proposition 16, which would repeal the statewide ban on affirmative action. More Asian Americans support the measure than oppose it, but large numbers are undecided.
(Carolyn Cole/Los Angeles Times)
Asian Americans predominate at UC and are significantly overrepresented — making up 40.3% of in-state freshmen last year compared with their 19.9% share among California high school graduates eligible for UC admission. By comparison, Latinos made up 31.5% of UC freshmen and 44.7% of that qualified pool; whites were 20.6% at UC and 27% of eligible students and Black freshmen were 4.5% at UC and 4.2% of those who met systemwide admission standards.
As a result, some Asian Americans are nervous that they would be squeezed out to make room for others if Proposition 16 passes and allows preferential admissions on the basis of race, ethnicity and sex. Even back during the 1980s, when affirmative action was legal in California, Asian Americans were overrepresented at UCLA and UC Berkeley and fought admission policies they believed sought to limit their enrollment at those campuses.
Advertisement
After Proposition 209 banned race-based preferential treatment, the gap between their high admission rates and those of other ethnic groups widened with their rigorous high school course loads, high GPAs and competitive test scores.
It’s not clear what would happen if affirmative action were restored. UC regents support restoring affirmative action, saying it’s needed to fully diversify campuses but recently voted to ban quotas, which the U.S. Supreme Court already has nixed. Board Chairman John A. Pérez has said that race would become one of more than a dozen factors currently evaluated in applications.
At UC Berkeley, Chancellor Carol Christ has said she favors expanding capacity to make more room for everyone.
UCLA Vice Provost for Enrollment Management Youlonda Copeland-Morgan told The Times last week that she didn’t know if Asian American enrollment would decline at UCLA but that the campus would continue to focus on outreach to those from less represented communities, such as Hmong, Laotian, Vietnamese and Philippine students. Last year, UCLA offered freshman seats to eight California Hmong students compared with 1,241 Chinese Americans, who were the single largest racial or ethnic group admitted after Mexican Americans and whites, according to UC data.
Some Asian Americans try to divine the future by looking to private California colleges, which were not bound by Proposition 209’s ban on affirmative action at public campuses. They are not encouraged: the top privates enroll smaller proportions of Asian American undergraduates than the 33.5% at UC campuses, including 23% at Stanford University, 21% at USC and 16.3% at Pomona College.
But experts say the impact of Proposition 16 will probably vary among Asian American subgroups.
“You can’t paint Asian Americans with a broad brush,” said Karthick Ramakrishnan, a UC Riverside professor of public policy and political science who founded AAPIData.com, which publishes demographic data and policy research on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. “Some will benefit and others stand to lose.”
Overall, more Asian Americans support Proposition 16 than oppose it — 35% vs. 21% with most of the rest undecided, according to a September survey of Asian American voters in California by AAPI Data and two other Asian American and Pacific Islander organizations.
But intriguing differences emerged in the survey.
Ethnic Chinese — who make up a maximum of 38% of Asian American students admitted by UC, by far the largest subgroup — opposed the measure, 37% to 30%. Among ethnic Philippine, Vietnamese, Japanese and Korean voters, support was greater than opposition but topped out at 38% with large numbers undecided at the time.
Voters of Indian descent were by far the most supportive of the affirmative action ballot measure, 58% vs. 17%. The strong support among Indian Americans is all the more striking because their share among Asian American California freshmen has surged from 7.8% in 1996 to 17.4% in 2019.
Indian Americans had one of the highest admission rates among their California ethnic Asian peers last fall, about 79%. And South Asians, who include those of Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Sri Lankan descent, made up the second-largest Asian American subgroup after ethnic Chinese.
If any subgroup numbers decline under Proposition 16, Ramakrishnan said, it would probably be ethnic Chinese and Indian students because of their size. Nonetheless, many Indian Americans support Proposition 16 — and other progressive political causes — reflecting both homeland and domestic realities, he said. Their families have adapted to affirmative action in India, which is used to grant preferential access to many colleges based on caste, and are sensitive to race-based bias and discrimination as a darker-skinned minority in the United States, Ramakrishnan said.
Aidan Arasasingham, a South Asian high achiever and the son of Sri Lankan immigrants, is a UCLA senior in global studies and president of the UC Student Assn. He supports Proposition 16, as do the UC Student Assn. and most of the UCLA Asian Pacific Coalition’s 19 member groups. Arasasingham said all students, Asian Americans included, will be enriched by a more diverse campus — a point affirmed by research.
One synthesis of more than 500 studies found that greater cross-racial interaction is associated with lower levels of prejudice; other researchers have found that diversity spurs growth in cognitive skills, academic engagement and innovative problem solving, according to an October analysis by William C. Kidder for the Civil Rights Project at UCLA.
“Students ... across campuses really strongly believe that diversity is an essential part of our experience,” Arasasingham said. “When we graduate, we’re going to be in a world where we’re engaging and interacting with communities that don’t look like our own and it’s setting us up for failure if we don’t have an understanding of them.”
Some Asian Americans, however, say their personal experiences have soured them on affirmative action.
Ling Kong, a Silicon Valley design engineer and mother of two school-age children, said her ethnic Chinese family faced bias in their native Malaysia because preferential college access is given to Malays and indigenous groups. Her failure to get into local colleges there led her to study electrical engineering at Iowa and Arizona state universities.
“I don’t want my kids to be treated differently on the basis of race,” she said.
Kong, who describes herself as a lifelong Democrat supportive of diversity and inclusion, said she opposes Proposition 16 because she doesn’t believe it will solve educational inequity. Her experience on the Milpitas Unified School District’s community advisory board and her children’s school site council has shown her that affordable preschools and quality K-12 schools with adequate funding in all neighborhoods are needed, she said.
“Prop. 16 doesn’t address any of this,” she said. “It’s just a quick fix and it won’t really help close the achievement gap or solve systemic inequity.”
For state Assemblyman Al Muratsuchi (D-Torrance) , the debate sparks a sense of deja vu. As a UC Berkeley student in the 1980s, he joined protests over changes in campus admission policies, such as increasing the weight of verbal over math skills, that were seen by many Asian Americans as efforts to limit their surging enrollment. Reviews of such allegations at Berkeley and UCLA by faculty, state and federal authorities generally found that some admission policies had hurt Asian Americans but were not intentionally discriminatory.
Muratsuchi supports Proposition 16 but says he will watch to make sure that a de facto ceiling is not placed on Asian American enrollment if it passes. In what is supposed to be a race-blind environment today, he said, UC data suggest different standards are used for Asian Americans, who were admitted into the fall 2020 California freshman class with SAT scores up to 310 points higher than those for underrepresented minority students and up to 80 points higher than those for whites. UC, however, is eliminating the use of standardized test scores in admissions decisions.
“While I support the concept of affirmative action, we need to make sure there is transparency and accountability in how it is implemented so this complicated racial balancing act doesn’t result in discriminating against any racial groups,” he said.


latimes--2020-11-01--God, masks and Trump: What a coronavirus outbreak at a California church says about the election

The influence of Bethel Church can be felt all over this economically stressed Northern California city .
In the Redding police officers whose positions the megachurch funded .
The once-dying civic auditorium it keeps afloat .
The church elder on the Redding City Council .
Bethel can be felt in the trendy new coffee shops and restaurants where young , well-dressed people huddle at tables with open Bibles and nary a mask in sight .
It can be felt in parking lots and on sidewalks where believers approach strangers , asking to pray for and heal them .
In downtown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gilzene , a 25-year-old student at the church ’ s Bethel School of Supernatural Ministry , declared : “ We want to love the city well.
” It is a proclamation that is as disputed as it is acclaimed across Redding , a city of 92,000 where more than 10 % of the population attends the nondenominational Christian megachurch .
But anger toward Bethel Church intensified after members and students fueled such a major spike in coronavirus cases that Shasta County briefly fell backward to the most restrictive tier on California ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 300 COVID-19 cases have been reported by the church and its Bethel School of Supernatural Ministry ( or BSSM ) , an unaccredited school focused on prophecy and miracles .
It has been the largest cluster of cases in Shasta County .
The outbreak — which local officials blame on crowded living conditions for students and leadership publicly questioning the effectiveness of masks — has since been brought under control , with fewer than a dozen active cases .
But its effects linger .
“ The perception from that is they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Shasta County Supervisor Leonard Moty said .
“ What we tried to tell them is , if you really want to be part of the community , you have to do more to respect the community.
” The church sits at a nexus of faith , politics and celebrity .
It has provoked a debate not just on the influence of its famed pastors and high-profile members — who have written books , produced worship albums and have massive social media followings — but on how much it is channeling another leader 2,800 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ religious experts say Bethel ’ s actions are indicative of a growing wave in American religion that eschews teachings of traditional denominations and embraces fame and prosperity — and charismatic leaders — in tune with the conservatism of Trump .
It has been especially successful in drawing in young worshipers .
“ That would be true of Donald Trump as well ; he has somehow woven magic with these people , and they think he can give them something they want , ” said Richard Flory , senior director of research and evaluation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Civic Culture .
The church ’ s worship music label Bethel Music brought in $ 12 million in revenue in 2017 , and its Bethel Media raked in more than $ 4 million , according to tax returns .
Bethel also started Jesus Culture , a revivalist youth ministry with its own record label that hosts conferences around the world .
“ They make millions and millions and millions of dollars off the back of their congregation and their music , ” said Joshua Barbour , a former megachurch worship leader , based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ podcast about the inner workings of large churches .
Bethel ’ s pastors have embraced Trump .
Senior leader Bill Johnson endorsed him in an op-ed in The Christian Post , and senior associate leader and BSSM co-founder Kris Vallotton claimed to prophesy last year that God wanted him reelected .
In an email , Bethel spokesman Aaron Tesauro said the church “ does not promote or endorse any political candidates [ and ] have always believed that part of the Christian faith includes praying for those in leadership positions.
” It has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking to crack down on LGBTQ “ conversion therapy , ” which claims to “ heal ” people of homosexuality , and encouraged members to contact legislators .
Some former Bethel members say the church has grown more blatantly political in the era of Trump , who has appealed to the Christian right by vowing to repeal the Johnson Amendment , a 1954 law that bars tax-exempt organizations from engaging in political activity .
Amid the Bethel coronavirus outbreak , Valloton officiated an outdoor wedding for his grandson — with more than 100 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tiny Shasta County community of Shingletown .
Facing a swift backlash , he posted a video in which he cited Trump ’ s continuing “ having outdoor campaigns where he draws thousands of people.
” “ I am willing to sacrifice for my job , my students , my co-workers , my city ...
But I ’ m not willing to , like , give up my life , ” he said .
“ I ’ m not willing to stop living because there ’ s a pandemic.
” Johnson ’ s wife @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said in a now-deleted Instagram video that masks were “ people ’ s security blankets ” and that she refused to shop in a coastal town where she was asked to wear “ a stupid freaking mask that doesn ’ t work.
” Tesauro told The Times that Bethel has strictly enforced health measures , including halting indoor church services and requiring masks , social distancing and COVID-19 tests from all BSSM students and staff before classes started .
But it has been difficult , and confusing , he said , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employees from the public messages of a few prominent personalities , each with their own social media followings .
Individuals do not always speak for the broader institution , he said .
Among Bethel ’ s most high-profile attendees is singer Sean Feucht , a volunteer worship leader at the church and failed Republican congressional candidate who led a nationwide “ Let Us Worship ” tour in defiance of health mandates , drawing thousands of people to Christian music concerts , including at the National Mall .
Bethel Church formally distanced itself from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a crowded gathering at Redding ’ s Sundial Bridge this summer , saying the church did not sponsor or pay for them .
But to the public , the distinction was muddled .
Beni Johnson touted his tour on Instagram .
And Feucht , in an Instagram caption , called Bill Johnson “ a champion to us on this journey.
” Some “ Let Us Worship ” posts have been censored by Facebook as possibly linked to the baseless QAnon conspiracy theory that alleges Trump is battling a syndicate of Satan-worshiping pedophiles who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who has said the allegation is false , did not respond to a request for comment .
Founded as an Assemblies of God church in 1952 , Bethel split with the denomination in 2006 .
It now occupies a hilltop campus at the end of driveway lined by dozens of international flags representing the home countries of BSSM students .
The school is credited with singlehandedly increasing diversity in Redding , where 78 % of the population is white .
In church services , attendees have reported supernatural “ glory clouds , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the ceiling .
Last year , parishioners tried to resurrect Olive Heiligenthal , the 2-year-old daughter of a Bethel worship leader , after she died in her sleep .
Thousands of Instagram posts were shared with # WakeUpOlive .
“ It ’ s crazy to me because this doesn ’ t even feel like my city or my town that I grew up in , ” said Donna Zibull , who has lived in Redding for five decades .
Zibull ’ s grandson , Orian LeBlanc , died in 2014 after collapsing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bethel member ’ s home .
LeBlanc , who had asthma and an undiagnosed heart condition , was pronounced brain dead at a hospital .
But for four days , Zibull said , the church members came , uninvited , into his room in the intensive care unit .
They spoke in tongues , and one member said he could see God in the room .
Zibull and her daughter eventually asked hospital staff to remove them .
On a recent Sunday , 20-year-old Ashley Morse , a third-year BSSM student , sat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prayer House , working on a laptop .
Growing up in San Diego , her family listened to Bethel Music , and her mother eventually began listening to online sermons .
Morse ’ s older sister enrolled in the school , followed by Morse .
This year , her parents are first-year students .
“ Coming here has really , really , really helped me cultivate that relationship with Jesus that I didn ’ t really have before , ” she said .
“ I just grew so much ... and knowing what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he speaks to me .
Before , I kind of viewed him as kind of like an upset dad.
” Gilzene , the Bethel School of Supernatural Ministry student , wore a mask as she helped shoot a video of a dancer with fellow BSSM pupils .
The Toronto native — accustomed to more strict COVID rules in Canada — had planned to get her master ’ s degree in music but stumbled upon the school after listening to Bethel Music and attending worship conferences .
Gilzene lives with six other young women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in September .
Gilzene and her roommates , she said , self-isolated immediately .
While it ’ s difficult to control what people do in their personal lives , school leadership has consistently told students to take safety precautions on campus out of concern for the broader city , she said .
“ People can ’ t come into the building and see that , ” she said .
“ Speculation naturally happens .
It breaks my heart that it does , but I completely understand and empathize with it.
” Annelise Pierce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her family moved to Redding a decade ago from Uganda , where they did educational aid work with a Christian organization .
They had planned to return to the U.S. for a year or so for the sake of their young children , as Ebola began spreading in their town and rebel action grew more concerning .
Some friends recommended Bethel .
As a student , Pierce was disturbed by the feeling that you could not question pastors .
Vallaton , she said , seemed to be “ making it up on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that he woke up in the middle of the night craving a milkshake and that that was a message from God .
Among members , “ we met a lot of doctors and professors and really high-quality , thoughtful , intelligent people .
But also a ton of really young people searching desperately.
” Her family left the church as it grew more political , and she has since abandoned the Christian faith .
At a Redding Starbucks , she spoke quietly in a mask , looking around because , she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , an independent journalist , writes regularly about the church .
The 64-year-old lost her mother to suicide as a child .
She and her sisters were taken in by foster parents who attended Bethel , which was then still an Assemblies of God church .
Church members , she said , told her her mother was in hell .
When she and her twin sister were 12 , church elders laid their hands upon them trying to cast out demons because they had a form of dystonia , a disorder that causes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken away , and they were told that if they believed in God , they would stop having spasms .
Chamberlain , who left the church 42 years ago , said it ’ s not hard for to spot church members about town .
She plays a game she calls Bethel Bingo .
“ If you ’ re in a parking lot and see a crowd of young people , well-dressed , praying around a homeless guy , you go : Bethel !
” she said .
“ God help someone with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
”

The influence of Bethel Church can be felt all over this economically stressed Northern California city.
In the Redding police officers whose positions the megachurch funded. The once-dying civic auditorium it keeps afloat. The church elder on the Redding City Council.
Bethel can be felt in the trendy new coffee shops and restaurants where young, well-dressed people huddle at tables with open Bibles and nary a mask in sight. It can be felt in parking lots and on sidewalks where believers approach strangers, asking to pray for and heal them.
In downtown Redding on a recent afternoon, Chevon Gilzene, a 25-year-old student at the church’s Bethel School of Supernatural Ministry, declared: “We want to love the city well.”
It is a proclamation that is as disputed as it is acclaimed across Redding, a city of 92,000 where more than 10% of the population attends the nondenominational Christian megachurch.
But anger toward Bethel Church intensified after members and students fueled such a major spike in coronavirus cases that Shasta County briefly fell backward to the most restrictive tier on California’s reopening plan.
Pamphlets in the foyer of a prayer chapel at Bethel Church in Redding. Bethel wields major influence in the city, where more than 10% of the population attend the church. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
Advertisement
In recent weeks, more than 300 COVID-19 cases have been reported by the church and its Bethel School of Supernatural Ministry (or BSSM), an unaccredited school focused on prophecy and miracles. It has been the largest cluster of cases in Shasta County.
The outbreak — which local officials blame on crowded living conditions for students and leadership publicly questioning the effectiveness of masks — has since been brought under control, with fewer than a dozen active cases. But its effects linger.
“The perception from that is they don’t really care,” Shasta County Supervisor Leonard Moty said. “What we tried to tell them is, if you really want to be part of the community, you have to do more to respect the community.”
Doni Chamberlain is a former newspaper reporter who runs a community news website in Redding that often focuses on Bethel Church and its affiliated Bethel School of Supernatural Ministry. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
The church sits at a nexus of faith, politics and celebrity. It has provoked a debate not just on the influence of its famed pastors and high-profile members — who have written books, produced worship albums and have massive social media followings — but on how much it is channeling another leader 2,800 miles away: President Trump.
Some religious experts say Bethel’s actions are indicative of a growing wave in American religion that eschews teachings of traditional denominations and embraces fame and prosperity — and charismatic leaders — in tune with the conservatism of Trump. It has been especially successful in drawing in young worshipers.
“That would be true of Donald Trump as well; he has somehow woven magic with these people, and they think he can give them something they want,” said Richard Flory, senior director of research and evaluation at the USC Center for Religion and Civic Culture.
The church’s worship music label Bethel Music brought in $12 million in revenue in 2017, and its Bethel Media raked in more than $4 million, according to tax returns. Bethel also started Jesus Culture, a revivalist youth ministry with its own record label that hosts conferences around the world.
“They make millions and millions and millions of dollars off the back of their congregation and their music,” said Joshua Barbour, a former megachurch worship leader, based in Canada, who now hosts a podcast about the inner workings of large churches.
Bethel’s pastors have embraced Trump. Senior leader Bill Johnson endorsed him in an op-ed in The Christian Post, and senior associate leader and BSSM co-founder Kris Vallotton claimed to prophesy last year that God wanted him reelected.
In an email, Bethel spokesman Aaron Tesauro said the church “does not promote or endorse any political candidates [and] have always believed that part of the Christian faith includes praying for those in leadership positions.” It has, however, openly opposed California bills seeking to crack down on LGBTQ “conversion therapy,” which claims to “heal” people of homosexuality, and encouraged members to contact legislators.
Some former Bethel members say the church has grown more blatantly political in the era of Trump, who has appealed to the Christian right by vowing to repeal the Johnson Amendment, a 1954 law that bars tax-exempt organizations from engaging in political activity.
Amid the Bethel coronavirus outbreak, Valloton officiated an outdoor wedding for his grandson — with more than 100 guests and few masks — in the tiny Shasta County community of Shingletown. Facing a swift backlash, he posted a video in which he cited Trump’s continuing “having outdoor campaigns where he draws thousands of people.”
“I am willing to sacrifice for my job, my students, my co-workers, my city ... But I’m not willing to, like, give up my life,” he said. “I’m not willing to stop living because there’s a pandemic.”
Advertisement
Johnson’s wife, Beni, a Bethel senior leader, said in a now-deleted Instagram video that masks were “people’s security blankets” and that she refused to shop in a coastal town where she was asked to wear “a stupid freaking mask that doesn’t work.”
Tesauro told The Times that Bethel has strictly enforced health measures, including halting indoor church services and requiring masks, social distancing and COVID-19 tests from all BSSM students and staff before classes started.
But it has been difficult, and confusing, he said, to publicly separate Bethel and its nearly 800 employees from the public messages of a few prominent personalities, each with their own social media followings. Individuals do not always speak for the broader institution, he said.
People gather at the Sundial Bridge in Redding at dusk. Redding is a conservative stronghold and home to the Bethel Church and its affiliated School of Supernatural Ministry. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
Among Bethel’s most high-profile attendees is singer Sean Feucht, a volunteer worship leader at the church and failed Republican congressional candidate who led a nationwide “Let Us Worship” tour in defiance of health mandates, drawing thousands of people to Christian music concerts, including at the National Mall.
Bethel Church formally distanced itself from Feucht’s shows after he hosted a crowded gathering at Redding’s Sundial Bridge this summer, saying the church did not sponsor or pay for them. But to the public, the distinction was muddled. Beni Johnson touted his tour on Instagram. And Feucht, in an Instagram caption, called Bill Johnson “a champion to us on this journey.”
Some “Let Us Worship” posts have been censored by Facebook as possibly linked to the baseless QAnon conspiracy theory that alleges Trump is battling a syndicate of Satan-worshiping pedophiles who control the federal government.
Advertisement
Feucht, who has said the allegation is false, did not respond to a request for comment.
Founded as an Assemblies of God church in 1952, Bethel split with the denomination in 2006. It now occupies a hilltop campus at the end of driveway lined by dozens of international flags representing the home countries of BSSM students. The school is credited with singlehandedly increasing diversity in Redding, where 78% of the population is white.
In church services, attendees have reported supernatural “glory clouds,” in which feathers and gold dust fell from the ceiling. Last year, parishioners tried to resurrect Olive Heiligenthal, the 2-year-old daughter of a Bethel worship leader, after she died in her sleep. Thousands of Instagram posts were shared with #WakeUpOlive.
The exterior of a large building on the campus of Bethel School of Supernatural Ministry in Redding. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
“It’s crazy to me because this doesn’t even feel like my city or my town that I grew up in,” said Donna Zibull, who has lived in Redding for five decades.
Zibull’s grandson, Orian LeBlanc, died in 2014 after collapsing on the street in front of a Bethel member’s home. LeBlanc, who had asthma and an undiagnosed heart condition, was pronounced brain dead at a hospital.
But for four days, Zibull said, the church members came, uninvited, into his room in the intensive care unit. They spoke in tongues, and one member said he could see God in the room. Zibull and her daughter eventually asked hospital staff to remove them.
On a recent Sunday, 20-year-old Ashley Morse, a third-year BSSM student, sat alone in the church’s Alabaster Prayer House, working on a laptop. Growing up in San Diego, her family listened to Bethel Music, and her mother eventually began listening to online sermons. Morse’s older sister enrolled in the school, followed by Morse. This year, her parents are first-year students.
“Coming here has really, really, really helped me cultivate that relationship with Jesus that I didn’t really have before,” she said. “I just grew so much ... and knowing what his voice sounds like, knowing how he speaks to me. Before, I kind of viewed him as kind of like an upset dad.”
Gilzene, the Bethel School of Supernatural Ministry student, wore a mask as she helped shoot a video of a dancer with fellow BSSM pupils. The Toronto native — accustomed to more strict COVID rules in Canada — had planned to get her master’s degree in music but stumbled upon the school after listening to Bethel Music and attending worship conferences.
Gilzene lives with six other young women and contracted a mild case of COVID-19 in September. Gilzene and her roommates, she said, self-isolated immediately. While it’s difficult to control what people do in their personal lives, school leadership has consistently told students to take safety precautions on campus out of concern for the broader city, she said.
“People can’t come into the building and see that,” she said. “Speculation naturally happens. It breaks my heart that it does, but I completely understand and empathize with it.”
Advertisement
Traffic streams through Redding, a conservative stronghold and home to the Bethel Church and its affiliated School of Supernatural Ministry. Members of the church and school have fueled a major coronavirus outbreak in Redding, with nearly 300 cases reported. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
Annelise Pierce, a former BSSM student, and her family moved to Redding a decade ago from Uganda, where they did educational aid work with a Christian organization. They had planned to return to the U.S. for a year or so for the sake of their young children, as Ebola began spreading in their town and rebel action grew more concerning. Some friends recommended Bethel.
As a student, Pierce was disturbed by the feeling that you could not question pastors. Vallaton, she said, seemed to be “making it up on the fly,” claiming, for example, that he woke up in the middle of the night craving a milkshake and that that was a message from God.
Among members, “we met a lot of doctors and professors and really high-quality, thoughtful, intelligent people. But also a ton of really young people searching desperately.”
Her family left the church as it grew more political, and she has since abandoned the Christian faith. At a Redding Starbucks, she spoke quietly in a mask, looking around because, she said, members are everywhere.
Doni Chamberlain, an independent journalist, writes regularly about the church. The 64-year-old lost her mother to suicide as a child. She and her sisters were taken in by foster parents who attended Bethel, which was then still an Assemblies of God church.
Church members, she said, told her her mother was in hell. When she and her twin sister were 12, church elders laid their hands upon them trying to cast out demons because they had a form of dystonia, a disorder that causes spasms and convulsions. Their medication was taken away, and they were told that if they believed in God, they would stop having spasms.
Chamberlain, who left the church 42 years ago, said it’s not hard for to spot church members about town. She plays a game she calls Bethel Bingo.
“If you’re in a parking lot and see a crowd of young people, well-dressed, praying around a homeless guy, you go: Bethel!” she said. “God help someone with a crutch because they will converge upon you.”


latimes--2020-11-01--COVID-19 has made this the saddest Day of the Dead in Los Angeles

At midnight tonight , according to a deep vein of folklore in Mexico and parts of Latin America , the spirits of the dead come nearest to those of us who still bear the burden of living .
It is the eve of Nov. 2 , the Day of the Dead .
The living gather around offerings : candles , flowers , especially brilliant marigolds , and images of the departed .
The souls are drawn to the merriment .
Their memory , in effect , is revived .
Martha Jimenez of East Los Angeles usually loves putting up altars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s been dreading this day for weeks .
A florist , 66 , she is usually extra busy this time of year with orders at Alisol Flowers , her family ’ s modest discount gift business on East Cesar E. Chavez Avenue .
She has been making Day of the Dead altars all her life , since her childhood in Mexico , and is known for her altars in her East L.A. community .
This year is different .
This year , many altars — too many — will be for victims of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are so many , ” Jimenez said , gesturing to the neighborhood outside .
“ And so many from COVID.
” One of those victims is hers .
Pedro Robles Bravo , her brother , died of the virus at age 69 in Mexico .
Jimenez watched the funeral online .
To her , the experience wasn ’ t a full goodbye .
As Day of the Dead approached , Jimenez was hesitant .
“ If we put up the altar , it will almost be like accepting he is really gone , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week , her eyes welling with emotion .
“ I have to do it at some point.
” This is the saddest Day of the Dead in memory in Los Angeles .
All over the region , in people ’ s homes and in plazas and parks , altars have been prepared for tonight ’ s celebration .
Many Angelenos like Jimenez find themselves observing a Día de los Muertos in 2020 like none other in their lives : apart , and with so many dead .
More than 3,400 Latinos in L.A. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or their family members , have been lost to the virus — by far the largest share of the COVID-19 deaths tracked in the county through the end of October .
Day of the Dead in the 21st century is experienced as a phenomenon halfway between the intimacy of a sacred ritual and the vulgarity common in U.S. consumer culture .
The tradition , particularly in indigenous communities , is still practiced with utmost reverence to its roots , with careful observance of the elements required for an ofrenda : a pathway set @ @ @ @ @ @ @ photographs of the departed .
The co-option of Day of the Dead by market forces , as purists say , has also given us the rise of so-called Sexy Catrina costumes around Halloween , a nod to the early 20th century engravings by lithographer Jose Guadalupe Posada , images embedded so deeply into the broader culture that the style represented by the Posada works has become visually ubiquitous .
There ’ s also a Day of the Dead Barbie doll , a hot seller for Mattel .
Since the tradition crept into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ de los Muertos of Nov. 1 and 2 has become a full-blown community spectacle in Southern California .
But because of the pandemic , the seasonal fairs , festivals , and public walking displays of Day of the Dead ofrendas have been pared back significantly or gone entirely virtual this year to keep people safe .
The annual music and altar event at Hollywood Forever cemetery , one of the buzziest nights in town , is virtual today starting at noon , and will feature performances by members of Los Lobos .
( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hall , the annual ofrenda display has turned into a drive-through community altar for victims of COVID-19 .
Residents sent images of people lost to the virus to the office of City Councilwoman Monica Rodriguez .
“ My community is among those on the front lines that have been hardest hit , ” Rodriguez said in an interview .
“ It was important to continue with this tradition , particularly since the community has been so demoralized because of the pandemic.
” The most beloved celebration in Los Angeles takes place every year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Boyle Heights .
Betty Avila , executive director of Self Help , said there was no doubt that the venerated arts organization would hold an event — in some form — this year .
The customary art exhibit is now virtual , and the group is leading a drive-by caravan today for Día de los Muertos at Grand Park .
“ We ’ ve had to shift in every possible to really translate that experience , ” Avila said .
“ It ’ s a year where there ’ s been so much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a loss of economic stability , health , and this racial justice movement sparked by the murders of multiple Black people.
” The impact of the pandemic on all aspects of the lives of people of color is enormous , Avila said .
“ We ’ re still so deep in it , that we ’ ll continue to be processing this for next Día de Muertos , ” she said .
“ We ’ re still going to be unpacking this loss.
” Everything about the pandemic has been a nightmare for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ essential workers at farms , hospitals , kitchens , schools and at public utilities such as transportation , trash and recycling networks as well as the post office .
At the United Food and Commercial Workers Local 770 in Koreatown , union members have set up a large altar for fellow essential workers who have succumbed to the virus .
One of those is Cruz Garrido Ocampo , who worked at a poultry processing plant in Vernon , said his husband , Pedro Garrido .
Cruz died in August , while in his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mexico .
He was 57 .
His partner Pedro stood outside the union ’ s headquarters , recalling the man he met 30 years ago on a cruise ship .
The pair were active with L.A .
Pride and lived together in Boyle Heights .
They married in 2013 .
Pedro now has an altar for Cruz in their home , with a photograph of him , a candle alight “ day and night , ” and carnations , which were his departed ’ s favorite flowers .
“ It ’ s my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is how I can honor him , ” he said .
Artists and storytellers often use Day of the Dead tradition to highlight the lives of those who have died unjustly .
In that spirit , visual artist Consuelo Flores this year installed an ofrenda that honors the COVID-19 dead at Self-Help .
“ Whenever there are groups of people who have been murdered , or have died for whatever reason , I tend to want to call attention to those deaths and to honor the people who have died , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve done altars for the women of Juarez , for Ayotzinapa , for victims of the Grim Sleeper , for the Pulse shooting , and now the pandemic.
” The artist set out tropical plants in moss in the ground , and placed arrays of paper flowers attached to wooden branches , hanging upside down from wires .
And on those , she placed small reproductions of photos of Black or Latino people from across the country who have died in the pandemic .
Flores said this year ’ s Día de los @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the way it has altered all our lives , even in times of mourning .
“ Where there has not been that opportunity to attend a funeral , to have an end-of-life ceremony , ” she said , “ the altar for Day of the Dead becomes the sort of ritual that a lot of people are holding onto and really participating in , so they can have that closure.
” Martha Jimenez ’ s brother called her in late September to share the news : He had the coronavirus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ teacher in Guadalajara , Pedro Robles told his florist sister he had likely caught the virus from one of his students .
She asked if he had seen a doctor and he said , “ I am the doctor.
” Robles went to a hospital and never returned home .
Jimenez ’ s eyes welled slightly with tears , and she seemed to forcefully contain her emotions .
“ You look at him and say , ‘ It wasn ’ t his time.
’ ” Jimenez , along with her husband , Alfredo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been selling flowers and discount gifts from this tiny East L.A. shop for nearly thirty years .
The pandemic shutdowns forced her to close one of her other stores .
Jimenez stood in the dimness of Alisol Flowers , describing the COVID-related stories she ’ s heard from regular customers .
One woman told Jimenez she lost seven relatives to the virus .
“ Another customer told me she ’ s lost three people , one one week , one the next , and one the next , ” the florist said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finally put the altar together , just outside her shop .
She decorated it with a “ medical theme , ” in honor of her doctor brother in Guadalajara .
She said she wants to remind everyone who sees the altar that the pandemic is real , and deadly .
“ When I see someone who isn ’ t respecting others , who isn ’ t in a mask , it bothers , it really does , ” Jimenez said .
She tells unmasked neighbors about her brother Pedro .
“ He left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those of you who don ’ t take care of yourselves .
Do you know how many people it ’ s killed ?
” she said she asks others .
“ And it is taking people who are in good health , like my brother.
” Jimenez stops again to ponder the toll the pandemic has taken on her neighbors , her family , her community in East Los Angeles , the cultural heart of Mexican Los Angeles .
Her home .
“ It is so sad , ” the florist said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , overwhelmed .
“ And it is so serious .
”

At midnight tonight, according to a deep vein of folklore in Mexico and parts of Latin America, the spirits of the dead come nearest to those of us who still bear the burden of living.
It is the eve of Nov. 2, the Day of the Dead. The living gather around offerings: candles, flowers, especially brilliant marigolds, and images of the departed. The souls are drawn to the merriment. Their memory, in effect, is revived.
Martha Jimenez of East Los Angeles usually loves putting up altars for this tradition. But she’s been dreading this day for weeks.
A florist, 66, she is usually extra busy this time of year with orders at Alisol Flowers, her family’s modest discount gift business on East Cesar E. Chavez Avenue. She has been making Day of the Dead altars all her life, since her childhood in Mexico, and is known for her altars in her East L.A. community.
Advertisement
This year is different. This year, many altars — too many — will be for victims of COVID-19.
“The dead? There are so many,” Jimenez said, gesturing to the neighborhood outside. “And so many from COVID.”
One of those victims is hers. Pedro Robles Bravo, her brother, died of the virus at age 69 in Mexico. Jimenez watched the funeral online. To her, the experience wasn’t a full goodbye. As Day of the Dead approached, Jimenez was hesitant.
“If we put up the altar, it will almost be like accepting he is really gone,” she said inside her shop last week, her eyes welling with emotion. “I have to do it at some point.”
This is the saddest Day of the Dead in memory in Los Angeles.
Florist Martha Jimenez in her East L.A. shop, Alisol Discount & Flowers, with a photograph of her brother Pedro Robles, who died of COVID-19 on Oct. 8 in Mexico. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Advertisement
All over the region, in people’s homes and in plazas and parks, altars have been prepared for tonight’s celebration. Many Angelenos like Jimenez find themselves observing a Día de los Muertos in 2020 like none other in their lives: apart, and with so many dead.
More than 3,400 Latinos in L.A. County, many of them essential workers or their family members, have been lost to the virus — by far the largest share of the more than 7,000 COVID-19 deaths tracked in the county through the end of October.
Indigenous tradition
Day of the Dead in the 21st century is experienced as a phenomenon halfway between the intimacy of a sacred ritual and the vulgarity common in U.S. consumer culture.
The tradition, particularly in indigenous communities, is still practiced with utmost reverence to its roots, with careful observance of the elements required for an ofrenda: a pathway set by marigold or cempasuchil petals, and photographs of the departed.
A detail of the community altar at Grand Park in downtown Los Angeles. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
The co-option of Day of the Dead by market forces, as purists say, has also given us the rise of so-called Sexy Catrina costumes around Halloween, a nod to the early 20th century engravings by lithographer Jose Guadalupe Posada, images embedded so deeply into the broader culture that the style represented by the Posada works has become visually ubiquitous.
There’s also a Day of the Dead Barbie doll, a hot seller for Mattel.
Advertisement
Since the tradition crept into the mainstream in recent decades, the Día de los Muertos of Nov. 1 and 2 has become a full-blown community spectacle in Southern California.
Arnaldo Garcia at Hollywood Forever’s 20th annual Dia de los Muertos celebration in 2019. This year’s celebration will be streamed online. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
But because of the pandemic, the seasonal fairs, festivals, and public walking displays of Day of the Dead ofrendas have been pared back significantly or gone entirely virtual this year to keep people safe. The annual music and altar event at Hollywood Forever cemetery, one of the buzziest nights in town, is virtual today starting at noon, and will feature performances by members of Los Lobos. (Streaming is available here .)
At Pacoima City Hall, the annual ofrenda display has turned into a drive-through community altar for victims of COVID-19. Residents sent images of people lost to the virus to the office of City Councilwoman Monica Rodriguez.
“My community is among those on the front lines that have been hardest hit,” Rodriguez said in an interview. “It was important to continue with this tradition, particularly since the community has been so demoralized because of the pandemic.”
The most beloved celebration in Los Angeles takes place every year at Self Help Graphics & Art in Boyle Heights. Betty Avila, executive director of Self Help, said there was no doubt that the venerated arts organization would hold an event — in some form — this year. The customary art exhibit is now virtual, and the group is leading a drive-by caravan today for Día de los Muertos at Grand Park.
The community altar, designed by Ofelia Esparza and Rosanna Esparza, is seen at dusk. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times)
Advertisement
“We’ve had to shift in every possible to really translate that experience,” Avila said. “It’s a year where there’s been so much loss. A loss of life, a loss of economic stability, health, and this racial justice movement sparked by the murders of multiple Black people.”
The impact of the pandemic on all aspects of the lives of people of color is enormous, Avila said.
“We’re still so deep in it, that we’ll continue to be processing this for next Día de Muertos,” she said. “We’re still going to be unpacking this loss.”
Artist Marcos Lutyens, above, collaborated with Tilly Hinton on “The Rose River Memorial,” at Self Help Graphics & Art. Each rose represents a COVID death in Boyle Heights and unincorporated East L.A. The mural behind the roses is by Tlacolulokos. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times)
Toll on essential workers
Everything about the pandemic has been a nightmare for working-class Latinos and Black Americans , who fill the ranks of essential workers at farms, hospitals, kitchens, schools and at public utilities such as transportation, trash and recycling networks as well as the post office.
At the United Food and Commercial Workers Local 770 in Koreatown, union members have set up a large altar for fellow essential workers who have succumbed to the virus. One of those is Cruz Garrido Ocampo, who worked at a poultry processing plant in Vernon, said his husband, Pedro Garrido.
Advertisement
The community altar at UFCW Local 770 in Koreatown. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Cruz died in August, while in his hometown in the state of Guerrero, Mexico. He was 57. His partner Pedro stood outside the union’s headquarters, recalling the man he met 30 years ago on a cruise ship. The pair were active with L.A. Pride and lived together in Boyle Heights. They married in 2013.
“Thirty years, it’s a lifetime,” Pedro Garrido said, tearing up.
Pedro now has an altar for Cruz in their home, with a photograph of him, a candle alight “day and night,” and carnations, which were his departed’s favorite flowers. “It’s my first time participating in an altar. This is how I can honor him,” he said.
Artists and storytellers often use Day of the Dead tradition to highlight the lives of those who have died unjustly. In that spirit, visual artist Consuelo G. Flores this year installed an ofrenda that honors the COVID-19 dead at Self-Help.
“Whenever there are groups of people who have been murdered, or have died for whatever reason, I tend to want to call attention to those deaths and to honor the people who have died,” Flores said. “So I’ve done altars for the women of Juarez, for Ayotzinapa, for victims of the Grim Sleeper, for the Pulse shooting, and now the pandemic.”
Consuelo G. Flores next to an altar she designed for the Dia de los Muertos exhibition at Self Help Graphics & Art. “The Roots of All Resistance, 2020” is for Black and Latino COVID victims and has six sets of roots with 13 photos on each set. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times)
Advertisement
The artist set out tropical plants in moss in the ground, and placed arrays of paper flowers attached to wooden branches, hanging upside down from wires. And on those, she placed small reproductions of photos of Black or Latino people from across the country who have died in the pandemic.
Flores said this year’s Día de los Muertos will be more significant than ever, and the way it has altered all our lives, even in times of mourning.
“Where there has not been that opportunity to attend a funeral, to have an end-of-life ceremony,” she said, “the altar for Day of the Dead becomes the sort of ritual that a lot of people are holding onto and really participating in, so they can have that closure.”
A section of the community altar at UFCW Local 770, on Shatto Place in Koreatown. (Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times)
Saying farewell
Martha Jimenez’s brother called her in late September to share the news: He had the coronavirus. A prominent doctor and dedicated medical training teacher in Guadalajara, Pedro Robles told his florist sister he had likely caught the virus from one of his students. She asked if he had seen a doctor and he said, “I am the doctor.”
Robles went to a hospital and never returned home. Jimenez’s eyes welled slightly with tears, and she seemed to forcefully contain her emotions. “You look at him and say, ‘It wasn’t his time.’ ”
Jimenez, along with her husband, Alfredo Jimenez, and daughter Patty Moreno, has been selling flowers and discount gifts from this tiny East L.A. shop for nearly thirty years. The pandemic shutdowns forced her to close one of her other stores. Jimenez stood in the dimness of Alisol Flowers, describing the COVID-related stories she’s heard from regular customers. One woman told Jimenez she lost seven relatives to the virus. “Another customer told me she’s lost three people, one one week, one the next, and one the next,” the florist said.
Advertisement
Dancers with Azteca Aguilas del Tepeyac participate in a Dia de Los Muertos vigil and service presided over by Los Angeles Archbishop Jose Gomez at the Calvary Cemetery on Nov. 1. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
Late in the week, Jimenez finally put the altar together, just outside her shop. She decorated it with a “medical theme,” in honor of her doctor brother in Guadalajara.
She said she wants to remind everyone who sees the altar that the pandemic is real, and deadly.
“When I see someone who isn’t respecting others, who isn’t in a mask, it bothers, it really does,” Jimenez said. She tells unmasked neighbors about her brother Pedro.
“He left us because it is your fault, those of you who don’t take care of yourselves. Do you know how many people it’s killed?” she said she asks others. “And it is taking people who are in good health, like my brother.”
Jimenez stops again to ponder the toll the pandemic has taken on her neighbors, her family, her community in East Los Angeles, the cultural heart of Mexican Los Angeles. Her home.
“It is so sad,” the florist said, her eyes glassing over with light again, overwhelmed. “And it is so serious.”
Advertisement
Archbishop Jose Gomez presides over a Dia de los Muertos Vigil and Service at Calvary Cemetery in Los Angeles. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)
Regina Vega, president of Club Uriangato Oxnard, walks past the Catrina figures that her club created to be part of the Dia de los Muertos vigil and service at Calvary Cemetery in Los Angeles. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)