latimes--2020-06-28--L.A. Councilman Jose Huizar criticized for dragging Mexican baby Jesus into FBI scandal

The Los Angeles councilman logged into Instagram in the early morning darkness before FBI agents descended on his Boyle Heights home .
Jose Huizar didn ’ t post an angry manifesto or confident selfie or plea for support in his time of need .
Instead , the soon-to-be-arrested politician posted an image of the big-hatted baby Jesus known as Santo Niño de Atocha .
The patron saint of the wrongly accused .
Alas , dragging Mexican baby Jesus into his drama did not go well for the councilman , who stands accused of felony racketeering in a massive scandal that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The audacity to use this symbol when people have needed him to live , to survive in the face of real struggle , ” said Nancy Meza , a 33-year-old Boyle Heights resident .
She and others have publicly criticized Huizar for years for what she says is his role in the gentrification of the historic neighborhood .
“ Fool didn ’ t even spend a night in jail.
” Clad in a blue robe and brown cloak , with a walking stick and a breadbasket in his hands , sandals on his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this patron saint of pilgrims is the humble boy king of Catholic icons that populate the Southern California landscape .
He ’ s not as well known among non-Catholics as the Virgin of Guadalupe .
And he doesn ’ t match up to the flashiness of peers such as the Bolivian Virgin of Copacabana — which sports a golden crown bigger than her head — or Our Lady of La Vang , whose Vietnamese believers have erected elaborate shrines to her in parishes across Orange County over the past generation .
Instead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dates back centuries to Spain , where the town of Atocha is , but now has its biggest following in the Mexican state of Zacatecas — has slowly spread across the Southland for over 100 years .
His favored domain isn ’ t public but private : as refrigerator magnets and small statues kept at home , on prayer cards stuffed inside wallets or glove compartments .
Often the Santo Niño ’ s most ostentatious manifestation is in the form of a car decal .
Now , he ’ s an unlikely part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political corruption scandals in decades .
Huizar didn ’ t respond to a request for comment to explain his June 23 Instagram post , although the embattled politician had every reason to invoke the Santo Niño .
He ’ s a native of Zacatecas , where a visit to his shrine in the town of Plateros is a rite of passage for the hundreds of thousands of zacatecanos and their descendants who call Southern California home .
And the Santo Niño happens to be the patron saint of prisoners too .
The icon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what they feel is a double betrayal : a political downfall that has brought shame on the zacatecanos diaspora , yes , but also the use of their homeland ’ s most cherished symbol .
A ceaseless stream of zacatecanos to Southern California since the Mexican Revolution has made the Santo Niño ’ s presence like that of palm trees : unassuming but ubiquitous .
“ He represents home , but also a type of a second chance and opportunity , ” said Juan Javier Pescador , a history professor at Michigan State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Santo Niño ’ s history .
“ This isn ’ t a saint that was welcomed by the clergy or hierarchy .
It traveled through the domestic space , through families and especially women .
They ’ re the ones who activated the cult.
” Manuel Figueroa , 55 , born in the Zacatecas city of Fresnillo , featured an antique poster and statue of the Santo Niño at his now-closed Highland Park barbershop .
Non-Mexican customers were so drawn to them — so vaguely familiar yet foreign — that they christened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which Figueroa took in stride .
“ He ’ s the ambassador of Zacatecas , ” said Figueroa .
“ He represents who we are : hard workers and immigrants .
It was a shame to see Jose use him the way he did.
” L.A. Taco editor Javier Cabral is the son of two Zacatecas natives , and his mother always invokes the Santo Niño ’ s name whenever he travels .
“ I think that at the point [ Huizar ] knew he was going down , might as well surrender @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ But still !
People feel like , ‘ Why drag el Santo Niño into your mess ?
’ ” The Santo Niño ’ s trajectory from regional saint to political pawn reflects in many ways the story of zacatecanos in Southern California .
He was introduced to Zacatecas in the 1600s via the arms of Our Lady of Atocha , a Black Madonna statue prayed to by Spaniards during the Reconquista , the military campaigns that ended the Moor ’ s centuries-long occupation of the Iberian Peninsula .
Our Lady of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whose silver deposits were among the largest in the world but which the Spanish empire quickly plundered .
Mexican Catholics instead grew to prefer the Santo Niño , around whom legends began to form : how he fed prisoners and saved minors and answered miracles .
As the centuries went on , he left the embrace of his mother , lost his original orb and scepter and turned into the singular image beloved today .
His shrine — filled with thousands of testimonials of prayers answered — became one of the most popular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Virgin of Guadalupe in Mexico City and the Virgin of San Juan de los Lagos in the state of Jalisco .
But the Santo Niño was also carried to el Norte — first to New Mexico , where a chapel is dedicated to him in the village of Chimayó , then across the rest of the U.S. Southwest by miners and railroad workers who adopted him as a patron saint .
Although Catholic churches in Southern California have sold tchotchkes with Santo Niño ’ s image and held novenas in his name @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t happen until 1998 , when a copy of the original Santo Niño brought from Plateros was displayed at Nuestra Señora Reina de Los Ángeles Church near Olvera Street , universally known among local Catholics as La Placita .
Over 100,000 people came to view it , an event heavily covered by the Spanish-language media at the time and completely ignored by the English-language press .
Catholic bishops have leaned on Santo Niño ’ s drawing power ever since .
In Santa Paula , Our Lady of Guadalupe Church has hosted the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ annual summer visit is currently delayed until October because of the coronavirus .
At Holy Sepulcher Cemetery in Orange , a monument to Santo Niño was erected in 2002 and stands on a pillar bearing the name of deceased Latinos , not all of them zacatecanos .
“ He became a transnational talisman , ” said Adrian Felix , a UC Riverside ethnic studies professor who specializes in the zacatecano diaspora and is from Jerez , the same municipio that Huizar hails from .
“ He transcended Zacatecas , and is now a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s that folklore that Huizar tried to tap into with his Instagram post , argued Felix .
Instead , he came off as “ a politico reverting to cultural politics to curry favor with his paisanos in gestures that felt hollow.
” At La Placita , which keeps a well-worn statue of Santo Niño in an outdoor grotto alongside statues of St. Michael and the Virgin Mary , 58-year-old Cypress Park resident Ignacio Peña felt the same .
“ No tiene vergüenza , ” he said before attending La Placita ’ s 10:30 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Inside the church gift store , Andrea Rodriguez threaded a new rosary as the first customers of the day strolled in .
She had only magnets and scapulars of Santo Niño in stock ; her statues and prayer cards were sold out .
The 36-year-old South Gate resident , a native of Michoacan , wasn ’ t familiar with Huizar ’ s post .
But she frowned when told about it .
“ It ’ s a lack of respect , ” Rodriguez said in Spanish , as she fired up a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place .
“ God loves the bad guys like the good ones , but also not so much.
” Still , you didn ’ t expect a politician facing the possibility of prison time to invoke St. Jude , did you ?
He ’ s the patron saint of lost causes .

A figurine of Santo Niño de Atocha, left, a big-hatted baby Jesus known as the patron saint of the wrongly accused, sits in a display window of a botánica on Cesar Chavez Boulevard in Boyle Heights.
The Los Angeles councilman logged into Instagram in the early morning darkness before FBI agents descended on his Boyle Heights home.
Jose Huizar didn’t post an angry manifesto or confident selfie or plea for support in his time of need. Instead, the soon-to-be-arrested politician posted an image of the big-hatted baby Jesus known as Santo Niño de Atocha.
The patron saint of the wrongly accused.
Alas, dragging Mexican baby Jesus into his drama did not go well for the councilman, who stands accused of felony racketeering in a massive scandal that has roiled L.A. City Hall.
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“The audacity to use this symbol when people have needed him to live, to survive in the face of real struggle,” said Nancy Meza, a 33-year-old Boyle Heights resident. She and others have publicly criticized Huizar for years for what she says is his role in the gentrification of the historic neighborhood. “Fool didn’t even spend a night in jail.”
Clad in a blue robe and brown cloak, with a walking stick and a breadbasket in his hands, sandals on his feet, and wearing a winsome smile, this patron saint of pilgrims is the humble boy king of Catholic icons that populate the Southern California landscape.
He’s not as well known among non-Catholics as the Virgin of Guadalupe. And he doesn’t match up to the flashiness of peers such as the Bolivian Virgin of Copacabana — which sports a golden crown bigger than her head — or Our Lady of La Vang, whose Vietnamese believers have erected elaborate shrines to her in parishes across Orange County over the past generation.
Instead, the Santo Niño — whose devotion dates back centuries to Spain, where the town of Atocha is, but now has its biggest following in the Mexican state of Zacatecas — has slowly spread across the Southland for over 100 years.
His favored domain isn’t public but private: as refrigerator magnets and small statues kept at home, on prayer cards stuffed inside wallets or glove compartments. Often the Santo Niño’s most ostentatious manifestation is in the form of a car decal.
Now, he’s an unlikely part of one of the biggest Los Angeles political corruption scandals in decades.
Advertisement
Huizar didn’t respond to a request for comment to explain his June 23 Instagram post, although the embattled politician had every reason to invoke the Santo Niño. He’s a native of Zacatecas, where a visit to his shrine in the town of Plateros is a rite of passage for the hundreds of thousands of zacatecanos and their descendants who call Southern California home.
And the Santo Niño happens to be the patron saint of prisoners too.
The icon’s faithful are blasting Huizar for what they feel is a double betrayal: a political downfall that has brought shame on the zacatecanos diaspora, yes, but also the use of their homeland’s most cherished symbol.
A ceaseless stream of zacatecanos to Southern California since the Mexican Revolution has made the Santo Niño’s presence like that of palm trees: unassuming but ubiquitous.
“He represents home, but also a type of a second chance and opportunity,” said Juan Javier Pescador, a history professor at Michigan State and author of a 2009 book on the Santo Niño’s history. “This isn’t a saint that was welcomed by the clergy or hierarchy. It traveled through the domestic space, through families and especially women. They’re the ones who activated the cult.”
Before his arrest on allegations of felony racketeering, Los Angeles City Councilman Jose Huizar posted an image of Santo Niño on his Instagram page. The backlash was swift. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
Manuel Figueroa, 55, born in the Zacatecas city of Fresnillo, featured an antique poster and statue of the Santo Niño at his now-closed Highland Park barbershop. Non-Mexican customers were so drawn to them — so vaguely familiar yet foreign — that they christened the figure “Atocha Baby,” which Figueroa took in stride.
“He’s the ambassador of Zacatecas,” said Figueroa. “He represents who we are: hard workers and immigrants. It was a shame to see Jose use him the way he did.”
L.A. Taco editor Javier Cabral is the son of two Zacatecas natives, and his mother always invokes the Santo Niño’s name whenever he travels.
“I think that at the point [Huizar] knew he was going down, might as well surrender to baby Jesus,” Cabral said. “But still! People feel like, ‘Why drag el Santo Niño into your mess?’”
The Santo Niño de Atocha is featured on a wooden plaque features at the Santuario de Chimayó in New Mexico. (Gustavo Arellano / Los Angeles Times)
The Santo Niño’s trajectory from regional saint to political pawn reflects in many ways the story of zacatecanos in Southern California.
He was introduced to Zacatecas in the 1600s via the arms of Our Lady of Atocha, a Black Madonna statue prayed to by Spaniards during the Reconquista, the military campaigns that ended the Moor’s centuries-long occupation of the Iberian Peninsula.
Our Lady of Atocha represented colonial might in a state whose silver deposits were among the largest in the world but which the Spanish empire quickly plundered.
Mexican Catholics instead grew to prefer the Santo Niño, around whom legends began to form: how he fed prisoners and saved minors and answered miracles. As the centuries went on, he left the embrace of his mother, lost his original orb and scepter and turned into the singular image beloved today.
His shrine — filled with thousands of testimonials of prayers answered — became one of the most popular in Mexico, behind those built for the Virgin of Guadalupe in Mexico City and the Virgin of San Juan de los Lagos in the state of Jalisco. But the Santo Niño was also carried to el Norte — first to New Mexico, where a chapel is dedicated to him in the village of Chimayó, then across the rest of the U.S. Southwest by miners and railroad workers who adopted him as a patron saint.
Although Catholic churches in Southern California have sold tchotchkes with Santo Niño’s image and held novenas in his name for decades, an official embrace didn’t happen until 1998, when a copy of the original Santo Niño brought from Plateros was displayed at Nuestra Señora Reina de Los Ángeles Church near Olvera Street, universally known among local Catholics as La Placita.
Over 100,000 people came to view it, an event heavily covered by the Spanish-language media at the time and completely ignored by the English-language press.
Catholic bishops have leaned on Santo Niño’s drawing power ever since. In Santa Paula, Our Lady of Guadalupe Church has hosted the Plateros replica since 2006, although it annual summer visit is currently delayed until October because of the coronavirus. At Holy Sepulcher Cemetery in Orange, a monument to Santo Niño was erected in 2002 and stands on a pillar bearing the name of deceased Latinos, not all of them zacatecanos.
A statue of the Santo Niño de Atocha was erected in 2002 at Holy Sepulcher Cemetery in Orange and bears the name of deceased Latinos. (Gustavo Arellano / Los Angeles Times)
“He became a transnational talisman,” said Adrian Felix, a UC Riverside ethnic studies professor who specializes in the zacatecano diaspora and is from Jerez, the same municipio that Huizar hails from. “He transcended Zacatecas, and is now a part of migrant mythology.”
It’s that folklore that Huizar tried to tap into with his Instagram post, argued Felix. Instead, he came off as “a politico reverting to cultural politics to curry favor with his paisanos in gestures that felt hollow.”
At La Placita, which keeps a well-worn statue of Santo Niño in an outdoor grotto alongside statues of St. Michael and the Virgin Mary, 58-year-old Cypress Park resident Ignacio Peña felt the same.
“No tiene vergüenza,” he said before attending La Placita’s 10:30 morning Mass. He has no shame.
Inside the church gift store, Andrea Rodriguez threaded a new rosary as the first customers of the day strolled in. She had only magnets and scapulars of Santo Niño in stock; her statues and prayer cards were sold out.
The 36-year-old South Gate resident, a native of Michoacan, wasn’t familiar with Huizar’s post. But she frowned when told about it.
“It’s a lack of respect,” Rodriguez said in Spanish, as she fired up a Bic lighter to melt a knot into place. “God loves the bad guys like the good ones, but also not so much.”
Still, you didn’t expect a politician facing the possibility of prison time to invoke St. Jude, did you? He’s the patron saint of lost causes.


latimes--2020-06-28--An inside look at the Golden State Killer suspect's behavior

Waiting out the COVID-19 pandemic from an RV parked several hours east of Reno , Jim Huddle can ’ t escape the presence of his brother-in-law .
There is the memory of Joe DeAngelo , relishing his late-night horror movies , clenching his teeth with excitement when the gore started ; in a forced whisper , he ’ d rasp , “ Look at that !
” There is the shock of watching DeAngelo pull a gun from the trunk of his car to scare off two men during a parking lot altercation .
And there is the creeping suspicion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from a hiding place in the garage that he claimed were melted coins from South Africa .
Now , many years later , Huddle , 69 , can ’ t help but wonder whether they had a darker provenance .
“ We were like brothers .
He introduced me as his brother , ” he told The Times .
“ It ’ s kind of a weird thing that someone could be so nice and so evil at the same time.
” On Monday , if everything goes as expected , Joseph James @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guilty to 26 criminal charges stemming from 13 murders and 13 rapes .
He also will be asked to admit as many as 62 additional crimes related to rapes and other attacks on scores of children , women and men across 10 counties through the 1970s and 1980s .
Prosecutors have agreed not to seek the death penalty for the former Auburn police officer .
The tightly scripted legal proceeding will unfold on a stage in a ballroom at the same Sacramento university from which DeAngelo graduated in 1972 with a degree in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trail detectives believe he traveled to hunt his first victims .
The spacious setting was picked because it allows the physical distancing required to guard against the spread of COVID-19 .
Masks will be required , but those worn by DeAngelo and his lawyers will be clear so the audience can see his face , projected onto two screens on the wall .
One court official , speaking anonymously , said the hearing looks “ designed as a reality show.
” Prosecutors say the plea would avoid criminal proceedings that could take years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million .
But the arrangement also means there will be no grand reveal beyond what prosecutors include in their opening remarks .
Evidence against DeAngelo remains sealed , leaving victims with only the declaration that a family DNA match linked DeAngelo to crimes that terrorized entire towns .
For now at least , Huddle , a retired Radio Shack clerk and produce inspector , is one of the few people who was inside DeAngelo ’ s circle who might offer some clues as to the “ why ” and the “ how ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of prolonged violence .
He is one of the few people with a family connection breaking their silence around a man hunted and eventually marketed as the Golden State Killer .
His slim , self-published book is set for release the day after DeAngelo ’ s scheduled plea , titled “ Killers Keep Secrets.
” Huddle said timing is coincidental ; publication was set months before the surprise plea deal was reached .
Huddle met DeAngelo in the summer of 1971 , when his sister , Sharon , brought DeAngelo home to meet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just a year out of high school .
DeAngelo was 25 , a Navy veteran of Vietnam pursuing a criminal justice degree .
Jim Huddle offered to let his sister ’ s boyfriend move in with him .
Just weeks earlier , DeAngelo told him another woman had broken off their wedding engagement .
Even as he pursued a relationship with his sister , Huddle said , DeAngelo continued to obsess over Bonnie Colwell .
“ He would say , ‘ Yeah , that Bonnie , she broke my heart , ’ and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life.
’ Apparently it tore him up so much he couldn ’ t love Sharon like he loved her , ” Huddle said in an interview with The Times .
Huddle never knew that Bonnie rejected DeAngelo because of what she described as a pattern of abusive treatment , including pulling a gun on her to force her to marry him .
He also was unaware that nine years later , rape victims described a weeping , unstable attacker who sometimes cried , “ I hate you , Bonnie !
” DeAngelo married @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a police officer in tiny Exeter , Calif. , shortly before a series of bedroom ransackings began in neighboring Visalia .
The manic nightly break-ins culminated in the 1975 attempted bedroom abduction of a young teen while her family slept , and the murder of the girl ’ s father when he interrupted the attack .
The brothers-in-law shot guns and raced dirt bikes and motorcycles .
DeAngelo hated having his picture taken .
He tended to fabricate stories that made him look important .
He described the day DeAngelo opened his wife @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and pulled out a cloth bundle .
Wrapped within a towel were pancake-sized patties of melted gold and a small , hand-cast gold bar .
Huddle said DeAngelo told him he had melted down South African Krugerrands , bought by making high-interest loans to fellow sailors during the war in Vietnam .
Huddle said he now suspects the gold was cast from the coins and jewelry DeAngelo is accused of stealing from hundreds of victims .
Investigators have never recovered what they said were a killer ’ s trophies .
Over the course @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to share deep feelings , Huddle said .
DeAngelo came across as “ plastic ” and “ fake.
” “ He was never a real heartwarming person , ” Huddle said .
After being fired as an Auburn police officer for shoplifting at a hardware store , an angry DeAngelo told him he wanted to kill his former police chief , Huddle said .
“ I mean , my God , you ’ re just talking crazy , ” Huddle recalled telling his brother-in-law .
He said he warned DeAngelo : “ You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with that .
’ Cause they ’ re gon na always be looking for the guy who did that.
” After DeAngelo lost his job in Auburn , the East Area rapes in Central California stopped , and a series of rape-related murders in Southern California began .
The crime shift coincided with Sharon Huddle ’ s hiring by the National Labor Relations Board in Los Angeles .
She and her husband rented a house in Long Beach , Jim Huddle confirmed , while documents obtained by The Times show DeAngelo collected payments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retraining .
He began a second career as a diesel mechanic .
Both men had daughters near the same age , and DeAngelo would take the girls out at night to play in the darkness of a closed park .
Sometimes , he ’ d watch horror films with the girls until daybreak .
“ He was like , ‘ Oh , it won ’ t bother them , Jim , ’ ” Huddle said .
Victims of the man raping scores of women in the Sacramento suburbs in the late 1970s described @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clenched teeth .
Huddle has a photograph from the period , one of his daughters perched on the lap of DeAngelo in his new suburban home at Citrus Heights .
A photo of his wife nursing their new baby hangs on the wall behind them .
It was spring 1983 when , after 50 rapes and 12 increasingly bloody murders , the chain of crimes suddenly stopped .
Five years later , there would be a final rape attack and the killing of a teenage girl at home alone .
DeAngelo called Huddle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Dad ” and came around to check on them even after Sharon moved out in 1990 with their three daughters .
She finally divorced DeAngelo in 2019 , securing his house and his monthly Teamsters pension under an otherwise confidential settlement .
Aside from a brief statement expressing sympathy for victims , Sharon Huddle has steadfastly refused to comment .
With his self-published book , paid for out of pocket , Huddle is part of the widening commercial orbit around the notorious serial-killer case .
On a much larger and lucrative scale @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , HBO is to begin a six-part dramatization of late crime writer Michelle McNamara ’ s efforts to unmask the cold-case criminal she rebranded as the Golden State Killer .
Her book “ I ’ ll Be Gone in the Dark ” was released two months before DeAngelo was arrested .
The HBO series of the same name draws from three dozen banker boxes of evidence files the writer carted off from an Orange County police evidence room and tape recordings she made of confidants , but the focus is primarily on McNamara @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aback .
The sister of murder victim Janelle Cruz publicly shared a copy of HBO ’ s note warning her of “ graphic imagery and information ” while saying “ it has been so meaningful to connect with you.
” “ I didn ’ t even speak to them about this , ” Michelle Cruz posted on Twitter .
Jennifer Carole was distressed , while watching HBO ’ s preview , to see the naked , bloody bodies of her father and stepmother — Lyman and Charlene Smith — and the shattered pieces @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their skulls .
The crime-scene photos were among open investigation files McNamara obtained from police .
“ I ’ m deeply disturbed anyone outside law enforcement had access to these files , ” Carole said .
The HBO production also came with nondisclosure agreements with crime victims , paid interviews and catering of a garden party that is the stage for the finale of the series .
Kris Pedretti , 15 when she was raped and tormented in 1976 by someone who was then called the East Area Rapist , said the two-year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ myriad news stories , podcasts — including one by The Times — cable news shows , books , true crime conventions and other spinoffs has been overwhelming .
“ My emotions right now , through this live reality show ... can be compared to a roller coaster , ” Pedretti said .
“ As soon as the balance returns from the last DeAngelo news , a new roller coaster appears , each time with more tight turns and steep slopes.
” Some of the families of the victims have found a public voice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ father from ever discussing her rape , has started a private Facebook group for sexual assault survivors .
Carole documents the progression of the case through a blog and a podcast , and said her 400 followers share her ambition to look beyond crime as entertainment .
Former Air Force officer Jane Carson was the first of the East Area rape victims to speak publicly and wrote a book describing her rape and encouraging rape victims to report their attacks and seek support and counseling .
Carson voiced anxiety about the plea hearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cameras and the large hall ; about sitting masked and far apart from her fellow survivors , in order to see DeAngelo admit to her 1976 rape .
“ I just wish it were in a much smaller setting and a much more personal setting , because I want to hear him admit to every one of his crimes , ” she said .
“ It ’ s going to be such a circus .
I just wish it were over .
”

Joseph James DeAngelo at home in 1983 with a niece, during a five-year break in murders by the Golden State Killer. During this period, past rape victims received taunting phone calls: “Remember me?”
Waiting out the COVID-19 pandemic from an RV parked several hours east of Reno, Jim Huddle can’t escape the presence of his brother-in-law.
There is the memory of Joe DeAngelo, relishing his late-night horror movies, clenching his teeth with excitement when the gore started; in a forced whisper, he’d rasp, “Look at that!”
There is the shock of watching DeAngelo pull a gun from the trunk of his car to scare off two men during a parking lot altercation.
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And there is the creeping suspicion over flattened bars of gold DeAngelo pulled from a hiding place in the garage that he claimed were melted coins from South Africa.
Now, many years later, Huddle, 69, can’t help but wonder whether they had a darker provenance.
“We were like brothers. He introduced me as his brother,” he told The Times. “It’s kind of a weird thing that someone could be so nice and so evil at the same time.”
Man in the Window: An investigative series and podcast from the L.A. Times To an early love interest, Joe DeAngelo was energetic and worldly. Now, nearly 50 years later, he stands accused of an extended spasm of violence -- home invasions, rapes, murders -- in the 1970s and ‘80s.
On Monday, if everything goes as expected, Joseph James DeAngelo Jr., 74, will plead guilty to 26 criminal charges stemming from 13 murders and 13 rapes. He also will be asked to admit as many as 62 additional crimes related to rapes and other attacks on scores of children, women and men across 10 counties through the 1970s and 1980s.
Prosecutors have agreed not to seek the death penalty for the former Auburn police officer.
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The tightly scripted legal proceeding will unfold on a stage in a ballroom at the same Sacramento university from which DeAngelo graduated in 1972 with a degree in criminal justice, along the same river trail detectives believe he traveled to hunt his first victims. The spacious setting was picked because it allows the physical distancing required to guard against the spread of COVID-19. Masks will be required, but those worn by DeAngelo and his lawyers will be clear so the audience can see his face, projected onto two screens on the wall.
One court official, speaking anonymously, said the hearing looks “designed as a reality show.”
Prosecutors say the plea would avoid criminal proceedings that could take years and cost taxpayers more than $20 million.
But the arrangement also means there will be no grand reveal beyond what prosecutors include in their opening remarks. Evidence against DeAngelo remains sealed, leaving victims with only the declaration that a family DNA match linked DeAngelo to crimes that terrorized entire towns.
California Full coverage: ‘Man in the Window’ To an early love interest, Joe DeAngelo was energetic and worldly. Now, nearly 50 years later, he stands accused of an extended spasm of violence — home invasions, rapes, murders — in the 1970s and ’80s.
For now at least, Huddle, a retired Radio Shack clerk and produce inspector, is one of the few people who was inside DeAngelo’s circle who might offer some clues as to the “why” and the “how” behind one man’s alleged explosion of prolonged violence. He is one of the few people with a family connection breaking their silence around a man hunted and eventually marketed as the Golden State Killer.
His slim, self-published book is set for release the day after DeAngelo’s scheduled plea, titled “Killers Keep Secrets.” Huddle said timing is coincidental; publication was set months before the surprise plea deal was reached.
Huddle met DeAngelo in the summer of 1971, when his sister, Sharon, brought DeAngelo home to meet her family. Sharon was 17 and just a year out of high school. DeAngelo was 25, a Navy veteran of Vietnam pursuing a criminal justice degree. Jim Huddle offered to let his sister’s boyfriend move in with him. Just weeks earlier, DeAngelo told him another woman had broken off their wedding engagement.
Even as he pursued a relationship with his sister, Huddle said, DeAngelo continued to obsess over Bonnie Colwell. “He would say, ‘Yeah, that Bonnie, she broke my heart,’ and ‘She was the love of my life.’ Apparently it tore him up so much he couldn’t love Sharon like he loved her,” Huddle said in an interview with The Times.
Huddle never knew that Bonnie rejected DeAngelo because of what she described as a pattern of abusive treatment, including pulling a gun on her to force her to marry him. He also was unaware that nine years later, rape victims described a weeping, unstable attacker who sometimes cried, “I hate you, Bonnie!”
DeAngelo married Sharon Huddle in 1973 while working as a police officer in tiny Exeter, Calif., shortly before a series of bedroom ransackings began in neighboring Visalia. The manic nightly break-ins culminated in the 1975 attempted bedroom abduction of a young teen while her family slept, and the murder of the girl’s father when he interrupted the attack.
The brothers-in-law shot guns and raced dirt bikes and motorcycles. DeAngelo hated having his picture taken. He tended to fabricate stories that made him look important.
He described the day DeAngelo opened his wife’s antique stove in the garage and pulled out a cloth bundle. Wrapped within a towel were pancake-sized patties of melted gold and a small, hand-cast gold bar. Huddle said DeAngelo told him he had melted down South African Krugerrands, bought by making high-interest loans to fellow sailors during the war in Vietnam.
Huddle said he now suspects the gold was cast from the coins and jewelry DeAngelo is accused of stealing from hundreds of victims. Investigators have never recovered what they said were a killer’s trophies.
Over the course of 40 years, DeAngelo never seemed to share deep feelings, Huddle said. DeAngelo came across as “plastic” and “fake.”
“He was never a real heartwarming person,” Huddle said.
After being fired as an Auburn police officer for shoplifting at a hardware store, an angry DeAngelo told him he wanted to kill his former police chief, Huddle said.
“I mean, my God, you’re just talking crazy,” Huddle recalled telling his brother-in-law. He said he warned DeAngelo: “You’re not going to get away with that. ’Cause they’re gonna always be looking for the guy who did that.”
After DeAngelo lost his job in Auburn, the East Area rapes in Central California stopped, and a series of rape-related murders in Southern California began.
The crime shift coincided with Sharon Huddle’s hiring by the National Labor Relations Board in Los Angeles. She and her husband rented a house in Long Beach, Jim Huddle confirmed, while documents obtained by The Times show DeAngelo collected payments from the state of California for job retraining. He began a second career as a diesel mechanic.
Both men had daughters near the same age, and DeAngelo would take the girls out at night to play in the darkness of a closed park. Sometimes, he’d watch horror films with the girls until daybreak. “He was like, ‘Oh, it won’t bother them, Jim,’” Huddle said.
Victims of the man raping scores of women in the Sacramento suburbs in the late 1970s described hearing a similar gravelly whisper forced between clenched teeth.
Huddle has a photograph from the period, one of his daughters perched on the lap of DeAngelo in his new suburban home at Citrus Heights. A photo of his wife nursing their new baby hangs on the wall behind them.
It was spring 1983 when, after 50 rapes and 12 increasingly bloody murders, the chain of crimes suddenly stopped. Five years later, there would be a final rape attack and the killing of a teenage girl at home alone.
DeAngelo called Huddle’s parents “Mom” and “Dad” and came around to check on them even after Sharon moved out in 1990 with their three daughters. She finally divorced DeAngelo in 2019, securing his house and his monthly Teamsters pension under an otherwise confidential settlement. Aside from a brief statement expressing sympathy for victims, Sharon Huddle has steadfastly refused to comment.
With his self-published book, paid for out of pocket, Huddle is part of the widening commercial orbit around the notorious serial-killer case.
On a much larger and lucrative scale, the night before the plea hearing, HBO is to begin a six-part dramatization of late crime writer Michelle McNamara’s efforts to unmask the cold-case criminal she rebranded as the Golden State Killer. Her book “I’ll Be Gone in the Dark” was released two months before DeAngelo was arrested.
The HBO series of the same name draws from three dozen banker boxes of evidence files the writer carted off from an Orange County police evidence room and tape recordings she made of confidants, but the focus is primarily on McNamara.
Some of the victims are taken aback. The sister of murder victim Janelle Cruz publicly shared a copy of HBO’s note warning her of “graphic imagery and information” while saying “it has been so meaningful to connect with you.”
“I didn’t even speak to them about this,” Michelle Cruz posted on Twitter.
I didn’t even speak to them about this...smh https://t.co/BS3L6d61Ok pic.twitter.com/6u6e3d7db7 — Golden State Killer (@JanelleSister) June 23, 2020
Jennifer Carole was distressed, while watching HBO’s preview, to see the naked, bloody bodies of her father and stepmother — Lyman and Charlene Smith — and the shattered pieces of the fireplace log used to crush their skulls.
The crime-scene photos were among open investigation files McNamara obtained from police.
“I’m deeply disturbed anyone outside law enforcement had access to these files,” Carole said.
The HBO production also came with nondisclosure agreements with crime victims, paid interviews and catering of a garden party that is the stage for the finale of the series.
Kris Pedretti, 15 when she was raped and tormented in 1976 by someone who was then called the East Area Rapist, said the two-year parade of arrest, criminal hearings and myriad news stories, podcasts — including one by The Times — cable news shows, books, true crime conventions and other spinoffs has been overwhelming.
“My emotions right now, through this live reality show ... can be compared to a roller coaster,” Pedretti said. “As soon as the balance returns from the last DeAngelo news, a new roller coaster appears, each time with more tight turns and steep slopes.”
Some of the families of the victims have found a public voice. Pedretti, once prevented by her father from ever discussing her rape, has started a private Facebook group for sexual assault survivors.
Carole documents the progression of the case through a blog and a podcast, and said her 400 followers share her ambition to look beyond crime as entertainment.
Former Air Force officer Jane Carson was the first of the East Area rape victims to speak publicly and wrote a book describing her rape and encouraging rape victims to report their attacks and seek support and counseling.
Carson voiced anxiety about the plea hearing Monday — about the banks of media cameras and the large hall; about sitting masked and far apart from her fellow survivors, in order to see DeAngelo admit to her 1976 rape.
“I just wish it were in a much smaller setting and a much more personal setting, because I want to hear him admit to every one of his crimes,” she said. “It’s going to be such a circus. I just wish it were over.”


latimes--2020-06-27--Gunman who opened fire at Walmart facility was a former employee

A man who opened fire at a Walmart distribution center in Red Bluff Saturday was a former employee , sheriff ’ s officials said .
Tehama County Assistant Sheriff Phil Johnston said the shooter was a 31-year-old male .
He allegedly opened fire at the center , killing one and wounding four .
“ He entered the building and started firing at random targets , ” Johnston said , adding Lane also hit at least one person with his car .
There was also a fire at the scene , but authorities were trying to determine what caused it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a shootout with police that involved multiple rounds , he said .
The dead victim was identified as Martin Haro-Lozano , 45 , of Orland .
There also was a fire at the site , and the suspect appears to have rammed a vehicle into the building , dispatchers said .
About 200 workers were inside the facility , some of whom locked themselves in a room , employees at the center told KHSL-TV Channel 12 in Chico .
The suspect had been shot in the chest by about 3:45 p.m. , dispatchers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , an employee at the facility ’ s receiving center , said he heard what sounded like semiautomatic weapon fire .
“ It went on and on — I don ’ t even know how many times he fired , ” Thammakhanty said .
“ I just know it was a lot.
” Thammakhanty and others started running for their lives , and he saw people lying on the ground as he went , he said .

The location of a shooting at a Walmart distribution center south of Red Bluff, Calif., on Saturday.
A man who opened fire at a Walmart distribution center in Red Bluff Saturday was a former employee, sheriff’s officials said.
Tehama County Assistant Sheriff Phil Johnston said the shooter was a 31-year-old male. He allegedly opened fire at the center, killing one and wounding four.
“He entered the building and started firing at random targets,” Johnston said, adding Lane also hit at least one person with his car. There was also a fire at the scene, but authorities were trying to determine what caused it.
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He was later killed by authorities in a shootout with police that involved multiple rounds, he said.
The dead victim was identified as Martin Haro-Lozano, 45, of Orland.
There also was a fire at the site, and the suspect appears to have rammed a vehicle into the building, dispatchers said. About 200 workers were inside the facility, some of whom locked themselves in a room, employees at the center told KHSL-TV Channel 12 in Chico.
The suspect had been shot in the chest by about 3:45 p.m., dispatchers told the Record Searchlight.
Scott Thammakhanty, an employee at the facility’s receiving center, said he heard what sounded like semiautomatic weapon fire.
“It went on and on — I don’t even know how many times he fired,” Thammakhanty said. “I just know it was a lot.”
Thammakhanty and others started running for their lives, and he saw people lying on the ground as he went, he said.


latimes--2020-06-29--UCLA end-of-life program adapts during pandemic to help dying patients and their families

As her mother lay dying in a Southern California hospital in early May , Elishia Breed was home in Oregon , 800 miles away , separated by not only the distance but also by the cruelty of the coronavirus .
Because of the pandemic , it wasn ’ t safe to visit her mom , Patti Breed-Rabitoy , who had entered a hospital alone , days earlier , with a high fever and other symptoms that were confirmed to be caused by COVID-19 .
Breed-Rabitoy , 69 , had suffered from lung and kidney disease for years but remained a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of her husband , Dan Rabitoy , and three grown children .
She was a longtime church deacon and youth leader in Reseda , a fan of garage sales , bingo games and antique dolls .
Then came COVID-19 , probably contracted in late April following one of her thrice-weekly dialysis sessions .
Now she lay sedated and on a ventilator , her life ebbing , with no family by her side .
“ I had seen these things on TV , and I would pray for those people and say , ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re going through , ’ ” said Breed , 44 .
“ And now I was living it.
” A single mom of two young boys , she was wrenched with guilt at not being with her mother .
“ You always picture you ’ re going to be right by your parent ’ s side , ” she said .
Unlike many families of dying COVID-19 patients , Breed and her family were able to find some comfort in her mother ’ s final hours because of the 3 Wishes Project @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to meet the demands of the coronavirus crisis .
In the U.S. , where more than 120,000 people have died of COVID-19 , it ’ s part of a wider push for palliative care during the pandemic .
At 5 p.m. on May 10 , Mother ’ s Day , before Breed-Rabitoy ’ s life support was removed , more than a dozen family members from multiple cities and states gathered on a Zoom call to say goodbye .
John Denver ’ s “ Rocky Mountain High , ” one of her soft-rock @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Online , a chaplain prayed .
Breed-Rabitoy had been deeply sedated for more than a week , since a terrible night when she struggled to breathe and asked doctors to place her on the ventilator .
Confusion abounded , Breed said .
Could her mom still hear in that state ?
Two nights in a row , Breed asked nurses to prop a phone near her mom ’ s ear .
“ I prayed with her .
I sang her favorite songs .
I read her the Bible , ” she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that her mother was too sick to recover .
If they removed the ventilator , it would be to allow her to die .
That ’ s when hospital staffers described the 3 Wishes program and asked whether the family had any personal requests for her last moments .
They decided on the music and the family Zoom call .
Dan Rabitoy requested that a nurse hold his wife ’ s hand as she died .
After it was over , family members received keychains stamped with her fingerprint and a copy of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her heart .
“ I ’ m grateful to have these keepsakes , ” Breed said .
“ All these things have been healing.
” The project was developed in Canada but co-launched at UCLA Health in 2017 by Dr. Thanh Neville , an intensive care physician who serves as 3 Wishes ’ medical director .
It aims to make the end of life more dignified and personalized by fulfilling small requests for dying patients and their families in the ICU .
Before COVID-19 , the program had granted nearly 1,600 wishes for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in person .
The deathbed scenarios have varied , from music and aromatherapy at the bedside to meeting a patient ’ s request for one last mai tai cocktail .
“ We ’ ve done weddings and mariachi bands and opera singers and 20 to 30 family members who could come in and celebrate , ” said Neville , 41 .
“ And none of this is possible anymore.
” COVID-19 has “ changed everything , ” said Neville , a researcher who focuses on improving ICU care for the dying .
Also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spring tending to seriously ill COVID-19 patients .
Since March , her hospital system has seen more than two dozen COVID-19 deaths .
In the beginning , visitors were strictly prohibited .
Now , some may come — but many don ’ t .
“ I would still say the majority of COVID patients die without families at their bedside , ” Neville said .
“ There are a lot of reasons why they can ’ t come in .
Some are sick or old or they have small kids .
A lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take that risk and bring it home.
” It has been hard to keep 3 Wishes going during a time when in-person memorials and celebrations are banned and infection control remains the primary focus .
Neville even had to change the way the fingerprint keychains were made .
Now , they ’ re treated with germicidal irradiation , the same method that lets healthcare workers reuse N95 masks .
The 3 Wishes Project is offered when death is imminent : Patients are enrolled after a decision has been made to withdraw life-sustaining technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ greater than 95 % .
The program was created to help patients , caregivers and clinicians navigate the dying process in a less clinical , more humane way .
Wishes needn ’ t be limited to three , and they can be articulated by patients , family members or hospital staffers .
The program is based on palliative care tenets that focus on the humanity of the patient amid intensive medical care , said Dr. Rodney Tucker , president of the American Academy of Hospice and Palliative Medicine .
Seemingly small acts that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ efficiency-driven environment of the ICU , which can be dehumanizing .
They ’ re at the core of care that has been shown to ease both angst for the dying and grief for those who loved them .
“ It helps the family that ’ s left behind cope more successfully with the loss , ” Tucker said .
Such efforts also remind providers of the humanity of their practice , which can help them cope with the stress of witnessing death daily , especially during something as extraordinary as a pandemic , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Neville and colleagues last year found that 3 Wishes is a “ transferrable , affordable , sustainable program ” that benefits patients , families , clinicians and their institutions .
They calculated that the mean cost of a single wish , funded by grants and donations , was $ 5.19 .
Genevieve Arriola , 36 , has been a critical care nurse for eight years .
When the pandemic struck , she found herself juggling medical care and emotional support more than ever .
She took care of Breed-Rabitoy for three days straight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dying woman ’ s family .
“ This was a very delicate situation for someone who is married to her for over 20 years and a daughter who was miles away in Oregon and couldn ’ t see her mom , ” she said .
She was also the nurse who held Breed-Rabitoy ’ s hand as she died .
“ I pretty much felt honored to be that person , ” Arriola said .
“ I couldn ’ t let her be alone .
If no one can be there , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s death , Breed is grappling with the loss .
The last time she saw her mom was March 16 , at a McDonald ’ s off Interstate 5 near Grants Pass , Ore .
The pair met for less than 30 minutes before Breed-Rabitoy headed south down the interstate , her long-planned family visit cut short by concerns about COVID-19 .
She had just learned that the local dialysis center was closed to outside patients , and she was worried about growing reports of infection and death .
“ She told me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is coming after me , ’ ” Breed recalled .
Now , the keepsakes from 3 Wishes are placed where Breed can see them every day .
“ It added such a level of love and dignity we weren ’ t expecting , ” she said .
“ It made the process of losing a loved one to COVID-19 so much more bearable.
” Kaiser Health News is a nonprofit news service covering health issues .
It is an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation that is not affiliated with Kaiser @ @

Patti Breed-Rabitoy, with husband Dan Rabitoy, had coped with lung and kidney disease for years. She died of COVID-19 with no family by her side, but more than a dozen gathered on a Zoom call to say goodbye.
As her mother lay dying in a Southern California hospital in early May, Elishia Breed was home in Oregon, 800 miles away, separated by not only the distance but also by the cruelty of the coronavirus.
Because of the pandemic, it wasn’t safe to visit her mom, Patti Breed-Rabitoy, who had entered a hospital alone, days earlier, with a high fever and other symptoms that were confirmed to be caused by COVID-19.
Breed-Rabitoy, 69, had suffered from lung and kidney disease for years but remained a vital, bubbly presence in the lives of her husband, Dan Rabitoy, and three grown children. She was a longtime church deacon and youth leader in Reseda, a fan of garage sales, bingo games and antique dolls. Then came COVID-19, probably contracted in late April following one of her thrice-weekly dialysis sessions. Now she lay sedated and on a ventilator, her life ebbing, with no family by her side.
“I had seen these things on TV, and I would pray for those people and say, ‘I can’t imagine what they’re going through,’” said Breed, 44. “And now I was living it.”
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A single mom of two young boys, she was wrenched with guilt at not being with her mother. “You always picture you’re going to be right by your parent’s side,” she said.
Unlike many families of dying COVID-19 patients, Breed and her family were able to find some comfort in her mother’s final hours because of the 3 Wishes Project, a UCLA Health end-of-life program repurposed to meet the demands of the coronavirus crisis. In the U.S., where more than 120,000 people have died of COVID-19, it’s part of a wider push for palliative care during the pandemic.
At 5 p.m. on May 10, Mother’s Day, before Breed-Rabitoy’s life support was removed, more than a dozen family members from multiple cities and states gathered on a Zoom call to say goodbye. John Denver’s “Rocky Mountain High,” one of her soft-rock ’70s favorites, played on speakers. Online, a chaplain prayed.
Breed-Rabitoy had been deeply sedated for more than a week, since a terrible night when she struggled to breathe and asked doctors to place her on the ventilator. Confusion abounded, Breed said. Could her mom still hear in that state? Two nights in a row, Breed asked nurses to prop a phone near her mom’s ear.
“I prayed with her. I sang her favorite songs. I read her the Bible,” she said.
Finally, a nurse gently explained that her mother was too sick to recover. If they removed the ventilator, it would be to allow her to die.
Advertisement
That’s when hospital staffers described the 3 Wishes program and asked whether the family had any personal requests for her last moments. They decided on the music and the family Zoom call. Dan Rabitoy requested that a nurse hold his wife’s hand as she died.
After it was over, family members received keychains stamped with her fingerprint and a copy of the electrocardiogram of the last beats of her heart.
“I’m grateful to have these keepsakes,” Breed said. “All these things have been healing.”
The project was developed in Canada but co-launched at UCLA Health in 2017 by Dr. Thanh Neville, an intensive care physician who serves as 3 Wishes’ medical director. It aims to make the end of life more dignified and personalized by fulfilling small requests for dying patients and their families in the ICU.
Before COVID-19, the program had granted nearly 1,600 wishes for more than 450 patients, nearly all in person. The deathbed scenarios have varied, from music and aromatherapy at the bedside to meeting a patient’s request for one last mai tai cocktail.
“We’ve done weddings and mariachi bands and opera singers and 20 to 30 family members who could come in and celebrate,” said Neville, 41. “And none of this is possible anymore.”
COVID-19 has “changed everything,” said Neville, a researcher who focuses on improving ICU care for the dying. Also a clinician, she spent weeks this spring tending to seriously ill COVID-19 patients. Since March, her hospital system has seen more than two dozen COVID-19 deaths.
In the beginning, visitors were strictly prohibited. Now, some may come — but many don’t.
“I would still say the majority of COVID patients die without families at their bedside,” Neville said. “There are a lot of reasons why they can’t come in. Some are sick or old or they have small kids. A lot of people don’t want to take that risk and bring it home.”
It has been hard to keep 3 Wishes going during a time when in-person memorials and celebrations are banned and infection control remains the primary focus. Neville even had to change the way the fingerprint keychains were made. Now, they’re treated with germicidal irradiation, the same method that lets healthcare workers reuse N95 masks.
The 3 Wishes Project is offered when death is imminent: Patients are enrolled after a decision has been made to withdraw life-sustaining technology or if the chance of death is greater than 95%. The program was created to help patients, caregivers and clinicians navigate the dying process in a less clinical, more humane way. Wishes needn’t be limited to three, and they can be articulated by patients, family members or hospital staffers.
The program is based on palliative care tenets that focus on the humanity of the patient amid intensive medical care, said Dr. Rodney Tucker, president of the American Academy of Hospice and Palliative Medicine. Seemingly small acts that honor an individual life help counter the efficiency-driven environment of the ICU, which can be dehumanizing. They’re at the core of care that has been shown to ease both angst for the dying and grief for those who loved them. “It helps the family that’s left behind cope more successfully with the loss,” Tucker said.
Such efforts also remind providers of the humanity of their practice, which can help them cope with the stress of witnessing death daily, especially during something as extraordinary as a pandemic, he said.
A study published by Neville and colleagues last year found that 3 Wishes is a “transferrable, affordable, sustainable program” that benefits patients, families, clinicians and their institutions. They calculated that the mean cost of a single wish, funded by grants and donations, was $5.19.
Genevieve Arriola, 36, has been a critical care nurse for eight years. When the pandemic struck, she found herself juggling medical care and emotional support more than ever. She took care of Breed-Rabitoy for three days straight, all the while communicating with the dying woman’s family.
“This was a very delicate situation for someone who is married to her for over 20 years and a daughter who was miles away in Oregon and couldn’t see her mom,” she said.
She was also the nurse who held Breed-Rabitoy’s hand as she died.
“I pretty much felt honored to be that person,” Arriola said. “I couldn’t let her be alone. If no one can be there, I can.”
Weeks after her mother’s death, Breed is grappling with the loss. The last time she saw her mom was March 16, at a McDonald’s off Interstate 5 near Grants Pass, Ore.
The pair met for less than 30 minutes before Breed-Rabitoy headed south down the interstate, her long-planned family visit cut short by concerns about COVID-19. She had just learned that the local dialysis center was closed to outside patients, and she was worried about growing reports of infection and death. “She told me, ‘I feel like this disease is coming after me,’” Breed recalled.
Now, the keepsakes from 3 Wishes are placed where Breed can see them every day.
“It added such a level of love and dignity we weren’t expecting,” she said. “It made the process of losing a loved one to COVID-19 so much more bearable.”
Kaiser Health News is a nonprofit news service covering health issues. It is an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation that is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.


latimes--2020-06-29--Online or in the classroom, teachers and students must show up every day, new rules say

When it comes to education , the new state budget goes beyond providing $ 70.5 billion in funding for K-12 schools — it sets fundamental accountability rules for a new era of distance learning in California by requiring teachers to take online attendance and document student learning .
The budget bill , which Gov .
Gavin Newsom is expected to sign , anticipates that schools will continue to rely heavily on online instruction when campuses reopen in the fall .
It also implicitly acknowledges the deep learning losses of the last semester , especially among students from low-income families , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students online .
The new directives establish minimum teaching parameters for distance learning while protecting teachers against immediate layoffs .
“ Educators and teacher unions have won fairly steady funding from Sacramento to reopen schools this fall , ” said UC Berkeley education professor Bruce Fuller .
“ Now the imperative is to deliver a rich blend of online and face-to-face instruction.
” Fuller said the emphasis on documentation reflects concern by state leaders that “ tens of thousands of kids simply unplugged in the spring , then fell further behind.
” Whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rules reimpose the state ’ s minimum daily instructional minutes requirement of 180 for kindergarten , 230 minutes for grades 1 through 3 , and 240 minutes for grades 4 through 12 .
Distance learning can be documented with student work as well as time online .
Schools also must develop procedures for reengaging students absent from distance learning for more than three school days in a school week .
Schools are allowed to develop alternate plans , with input from parents , for achieving these mandates when necessary .
When the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the remainder of the school year , the state told educators to continue teaching by any form necessary and possible — and schools statewide scrambled to distribute computers , internet hot spots and hastily assembled paper packets .
Recognizing this burden , state officials set aside fundamental and familiar rules such as taking attendance and providing a requisite number of minutes of teaching each day .
School district leaders and charter school operators frequently followed suit — emphasizing compassion over rigor and recognizing that schooling could not simply be switched instantly and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face time over a screen .
There ’ s also been concern that some teachers simply were unable to get up to speed with online learning that required quick acquisition of new skills , leaving a void in daily instruction .
A survey of parents by a local advocacy group found significant levels of dissatisfaction with the amount of instruction offered in the Los Angeles Unified School District after campuses closed .
Parents reported that 40 % of their children received live instruction daily and 1 in 3 students had interactive contact with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to Speak Up .
Moreover , Black and Latino students were up to three times more likely than white students to have participated in live classes once a week or less .
Also , Black and Latino students were up to seven times more likely than white students to have never interacted with teachers .
English learners and students with disabilities also received less interaction with teachers , according to responding parents .
“ It ’ s unacceptable that the kids that need the most help received the least amount of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Braude , Speak Up ’ s chief executive .
The group surveyed its contact list of about 4,000 parents across the district , receiving more than 400 responses .
While not a scientific sample , the survey encompassed geographic and ethnic diversity , although white families were overrepresented and Latinos , who are 3 of every 4 district students , were underrepresented .
The survey was conducted June 10 to 24 , at the end of the school year .
Parents in the survey and in an online news conference Friday overwhelmingly cited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but they also prioritized improvements in the quality and quantity of online instruction .
While recognizing shortcomings , L.A. schools Supt .
Austin Beutner has repeatedly praised district teachers and staff for doing so much right so quickly , especially given the unknowns attached to distance learning .
“ It ’ s not reasonable for students or educators , nor is it sound educational practice , for teachers and students to spend six hours a day in online , two-way communication , ” Beutner said in late March .
“ And families @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this crisis may not be able to spend all day trying to help their children do schoolwork.
” San Pedro High School English teacher Maya Suzuki Daniels found a need for flexibility on both the teaching and learning side during the last semester .
Students wanted live video sessions but were more likely to join them in the evenings because of jobs or siblings to care for .
Others fared better with a video they could pause and rewind .
In addition , Suzuki Daniels and her husband had to juggle their own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ son Silas , who is approaching his first birthday .
“ The four-hour workday that UTLA negotiated was absolutely essential , ” said Suzuki Daniels , who loves teaching .
“ I thought I was going to have to quit.
” A flexible work schedule is likely to remain crucial for her , she said .
The new rules are expected to address the uneven learning and attendance problems of the last semester , especially now that school systems have had several months to develop distance learning , said Assemblywoman Christy Smith ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make sure that we establish a bare minimum standard that we are backing up with resources , ” Smith said .
“ We know how costly this is going to be for districts to rise to this challenge.
” Assemblyman Patrick O ’ Donnell ( D-Long Beach ) said he had persistent concerns that school districts may need more flexibility than the new rules allow .
In the overnight rush to establish online learning , the largest charter school group in L.A. , Alliance College-Ready Schools , did not require live , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specific number of working hours for teachers .
But administrators estimated that teachers would need about 18 to 30 hours a week to do what was minimally necessary .
“ We could not ask teachers and kids to log in at 10 a.m. , ” said Nathalie Benoit , Alliance ’ s vice president for marketing and communications .
“ Teachers also have kids at home .
And we don ’ t know what the situation is at home for students.
” Alliance did take a form of daily attendance by asking students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their emotional well-being and whether they needed help .
Anthony Martinez , superintendent of Montebello Unified , said that his district , like many , didn ’ t take attendance after mid-March .
Students , he said , were in crisis and many lacked the computers or internet access that would allow them to do assigned work , he said .
“ It was important to reach out to our students on a ‘ How are you doing ?
’ level , versus attendance and classwork , ” he said .
L.A. Unified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that specified 20 hours of teacher work time per week .
It wasn ’ t enough , said Speak Up ’ s Braude : “ We have to set much stronger minimum standards for daily live online instruction this fall .
Three hours a day should be the bare minimum.
” Parent Elizabeth Gomez said her seventh-grade son with Down syndrome received no instruction at all this spring .
His teacher at an L.A. Unified middle school attempted only one live video class , and then gave up .
And her son ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with no return number or email .
She acknowledged that teaching students with limited verbal skills is challenging but said more effort should have been undertaken .
“ It ’ s been very frustrating for us , ” Gomez said .
Raquel Toscano has two children at Maywood Center for Enriched Studies , which she called “ a great school.
” Even so , she said , the instruction was uneven .
Sharnell Blevins , a Hamilton High School parent , said the district set expectations too low for teachers and students .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ where we are that we ’ ll actually shoot for excellence , ” she said .
“ What we received in the spring wasn ’ t enough.
” But Marlowe Jefferson , a rising eighth-grader at Lawrence Middle School in Chatsworth , said her six teachers worked effectively and creatively , even though each teacher used Zoom with her class only about one hour per week .
She can ’ t wait to get back to campus , but “ I think I learned everything I needed to learn , ” she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distanced rugby practice .

Observing physical distance, first-grade teacher Caitlin Hicks gives an air hug to Sid Solomon, 6, as she meets students one final time in June, when students pick up schoolwork left behind after Center Street Elementary in El Segundo closed in March.
When it comes to education, the new state budget goes beyond providing $70.5 billion in funding for K-12 schools — it sets fundamental accountability rules for a new era of distance learning in California by requiring teachers to take online attendance and document student learning.
The budget bill, which Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to sign, anticipates that schools will continue to rely heavily on online instruction when campuses reopen in the fall. It also implicitly acknowledges the deep learning losses of the last semester, especially among students from low-income families, when school systems struggled to get all students online.
The new directives establish minimum teaching parameters for distance learning while protecting teachers against immediate layoffs.
“Educators and teacher unions have won fairly steady funding from Sacramento to reopen schools this fall,” said UC Berkeley education professor Bruce Fuller. “Now the imperative is to deliver a rich blend of online and face-to-face instruction.”
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Fuller said the emphasis on documentation reflects concern by state leaders that “tens of thousands of kids simply unplugged in the spring, then fell further behind.”
Whether schooling is online or in person, the rules reimpose the state’s minimum daily instructional minutes requirement of 180 for kindergarten, 230 minutes for grades 1 through 3, and 240 minutes for grades 4 through 12. Distance learning can be documented with student work as well as time online.
Schools also must develop procedures for reengaging students absent from distance learning for more than three school days in a school week. Schools are allowed to develop alternate plans, with input from parents, for achieving these mandates when necessary.
When the pandemic forced campuses to close in March for the remainder of the school year, the state told educators to continue teaching by any form necessary and possible — and schools statewide scrambled to distribute computers, internet hot spots and hastily assembled paper packets.
Recognizing this burden, state officials set aside fundamental and familiar rules such as taking attendance and providing a requisite number of minutes of teaching each day. School district leaders and charter school operators frequently followed suit — emphasizing compassion over rigor and recognizing that schooling could not simply be switched instantly and seamlessly from a face-to-face classroom experience to face time over a screen.
There’s also been concern that some teachers simply were unable to get up to speed with online learning that required quick acquisition of new skills, leaving a void in daily instruction.
A survey of parents by a local advocacy group found significant levels of dissatisfaction with the amount of instruction offered in the Los Angeles Unified School District after campuses closed.
Parents reported that 40% of their children received live instruction daily and 1 in 3 students had interactive contact with a teacher once a week or less, according to Speak Up. Moreover, Black and Latino students were up to three times more likely than white students to have participated in live classes once a week or less.
Also, Black and Latino students were up to seven times more likely than white students to have never interacted with teachers. English learners and students with disabilities also received less interaction with teachers, according to responding parents.
“It’s unacceptable that the kids that need the most help received the least amount of instruction this spring,” said Katie Braude, Speak Up’s chief executive.
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The group surveyed its contact list of about 4,000 parents across the district, receiving more than 400 responses. While not a scientific sample, the survey encompassed geographic and ethnic diversity, although white families were overrepresented and Latinos, who are 3 of every 4 district students, were underrepresented. The survey was conducted June 10 to 24, at the end of the school year.
Parents in the survey and in an online news conference Friday overwhelmingly cited health and safety as their top concern, but they also prioritized improvements in the quality and quantity of online instruction.
While recognizing shortcomings, L.A. schools Supt. Austin Beutner has repeatedly praised district teachers and staff for doing so much right so quickly, especially given the unknowns attached to distance learning.
“It’s not reasonable for students or educators, nor is it sound educational practice, for teachers and students to spend six hours a day in online, two-way communication,” Beutner said in late March. “And families who are struggling to get by in this crisis may not be able to spend all day trying to help their children do schoolwork.”
San Pedro High School English teacher Maya Suzuki Daniels found a need for flexibility on both the teaching and learning side during the last semester. Students wanted live video sessions but were more likely to join them in the evenings because of jobs or siblings to care for. Others fared better with a video they could pause and rewind. In addition, Suzuki Daniels and her husband had to juggle their own work as well as care for their son Silas, who is approaching his first birthday.
“The four-hour workday that UTLA negotiated was absolutely essential,” said Suzuki Daniels, who loves teaching. “I thought I was going to have to quit.”
A flexible work schedule is likely to remain crucial for her, she said.
The new rules are expected to address the uneven learning and attendance problems of the last semester, especially now that school systems have had several months to develop distance learning, said Assemblywoman Christy Smith (D-Santa Clarita).
“We wanted to make sure that we establish a bare minimum standard that we are backing up with resources,” Smith said. “We know how costly this is going to be for districts to rise to this challenge.”
Assemblyman Patrick O’Donnell (D-Long Beach) said he had persistent concerns that school districts may need more flexibility than the new rules allow.
In the overnight rush to establish online learning, the largest charter school group in L.A., Alliance College-Ready Schools, did not require live, interactive teaching and did not mandate a specific number of working hours for teachers. But administrators estimated that teachers would need about 18 to 30 hours a week to do what was minimally necessary.
“We could not ask teachers and kids to log in at 10 a.m.,” said Nathalie Benoit, Alliance’s vice president for marketing and communications. “Teachers also have kids at home. And we don’t know what the situation is at home for students.”
Alliance did take a form of daily attendance by asking students to respond every day to questions about their emotional well-being and whether they needed help.
Anthony Martinez, superintendent of Montebello Unified, said that his district, like many, didn’t take attendance after mid-March. Students, he said, were in crisis and many lacked the computers or internet access that would allow them to do assigned work, he said.
“It was important to reach out to our students on a ‘How are you doing?’ level, versus attendance and classwork,” he said.
L.A. Unified brokered a deal with the teachers union that specified 20 hours of teacher work time per week.
It wasn’t enough, said Speak Up’s Braude: “We have to set much stronger minimum standards for daily live online instruction this fall. Three hours a day should be the bare minimum.”
Parent Elizabeth Gomez said her seventh-grade son with Down syndrome received no instruction at all this spring. His teacher at an L.A. Unified middle school attempted only one live video class, and then gave up. And her son’s district-provided speech therapist left one voicemail with no return number or email.
She acknowledged that teaching students with limited verbal skills is challenging but said more effort should have been undertaken.
“It’s been very frustrating for us,” Gomez said.
Raquel Toscano has two children at Maywood Center for Enriched Studies, which she called “a great school.” Even so, she said, the instruction was uneven.
Sharnell Blevins, a Hamilton High School parent, said the district set expectations too low for teachers and students.
“I hope now that we understand where we are that we’ll actually shoot for excellence,” she said. “What we received in the spring wasn’t enough.”
But Marlowe Jefferson, a rising eighth-grader at Lawrence Middle School in Chatsworth, said her six teachers worked effectively and creatively, even though each teacher used Zoom with her class only about one hour per week.
She can’t wait to get back to campus, but “I think I learned everything I needed to learn,” she said, before heading off to a socially distanced rugby practice.
Times staff writer Sonali Kohli contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-06-29--California's mask order tests the limits of Newsom's executive power

Gov .
Gavin Newsom ’ s order June 18 requiring all Californians to wear face masks came as welcome news to those in the state concerned by the recent surge in COVID-19 cases .
Nevada City Mayor Reinette Senum instead greeted the mandate with a message of defiance .
“ Our governor does NOT have that unilateral power to make such orders , ” Senum said in a Facebook post , joining sheriffs in Orange , Riverside , Sacramento and Fresno counties who have said they will refuse to enforce Newsom ’ s decree .
“ What he should have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go through the legislative process , ” Senum said .
“ There was no public discussion , no room for public discourse.
” Since shortly after the outbreak began , Newsom has faced criticism from some over his ample use of executive authority during the COVID-19 pandemic .
He has been peppered with legal challenges over a range of issues related to the pandemic , including the ban on in-person church services and declaring gun shops as essential businesses , with a number of cases still pending .
But the Newsom administration ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face coverings while in public — with limited exceptions — appears to be on solid legal ground , according to some state constitutional experts .
The governor has widespread power to respond during a state of emergency such as a pandemic , as does state Public Health Officer Sonia Angell , said Stephen M. Duvernay , a senior research fellow at Berkeley Law ’ s California Constitution Center .
After consulting with the state ’ s top public health officials and senior advisors in his administration , Newsom approved their recommendations to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mask mandate .
Newsom ’ s stay-at-home order , signed March 19 , requires “ all Californians to heed the state public health directives from the Department of Public Health.
” “ The Emergency Services Act authorizes a governor to assign the Department of Public Health duties concerned with mitigating the effects of an emergency like the current pandemic , ” Duvernay said .
“ And DPH has independent statutory authority to take measures necessary to prevent the spread of a disease.
” To combat a contagious , infectious or communicable disease @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are necessary to ascertain the nature of the disease and prevent its spread , ” according to the state health and safety code .
“ The Department of Public Health would appear to have sufficient authority to direct the public to wear masks in order to prevent the pandemic ’ s spread , ” said former state appellate court Judge Daniel M. Kolkey , who served as Republican Gov .
Pete Wilson ’ s legal affairs secretary and later as an advisor to Gov .
Arnold Schwarzenegger .
Under California law , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are enforceable by county sheriffs and other local police agencies , and people who fail to comply can be charged with a misdemeanor .
Newsom has repeatedly said he hopes to use the power of persuasion and education to make Californians heed the order to wear masks and abide by other state-mandated coronavirus-related restrictions , but he vowed to take action if necessary .
Newsom did just that on Sunday , when he ordered bars , brewpubs and nightclubs to immediately close in seven California counties because of an alarming increase in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration also recommended eight other counties take action on their own to close those types of businesses .
“ Our approach at the state level has to be guided by enforcement at the local level first , but we have made it clear ... that we have tools at the state level , ” Newsom said .
Opposition to the mask order continues to stir .
Members of the group Freedom Angels , anti-vaccine activists who have protested against the governor ’ s coronavirus actions , have accused Newsom of abusing his power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” the group posted on Facebook .
San Francisco attorney Harmeet Dhillon expects a judge to ultimately decide whether Newsom ’ s mask order is proper .
Dhillon has filed more than a dozen lawsuits on behalf of individual clients and her nonprofit , the Center for American Liberty , challenging the governor ’ s executive actions during the COVID-19 pandemic .
She criticized Newsom ’ s mask order , which includes a requirement that Californians wear face coverings outdoors if they can not socially distance from others .
That ’ s government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ isn ’ t sufficient evidence to show that the virus is easily spread outdoors .
Dhillon said she has asked both the state and counties for the scientific basis for their mask orders and has not received an adequate response .
“ Of course , the governor has powers , ” said Dhillon , who represents California on the Republican National Committee .
“ The problem is the orders that are overly broad , that are vague , that pick winners and losers .
Which the governor did from Day One.
” Kolkey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Newsom ’ s executive actions during the pandemic , which he issued under his expanded powers during the state of emergency , remains unclear .
That includes Newsom ’ s executive order to expand the rights of workers classified as “ essential ” to file workers ’ compensation claims , Kolkey said .
Newsom also signed an executive order requiring major food companies to provide two weeks of supplemental paid sick leave for full-time workers who contract COVID-19 or are exposed to it .
Kolkey said he believes that those orders amounted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is solely within the purview of the Legislature , and that the California Constitution expressly prohibits persons in one branch of government from exercising the powers of the other two branches .
That ’ s the case even though the Legislature has passed laws granting the governor enormous power during times of emergency , including the right to suspend statutes and regulations , the authority to exercise the police power vested in the state and the right to make and rescind orders and regulations to carry out these powers .
The Legislature “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during an emergency and transfer it to the governor , ” Kolkey said .
The Newsom administration said that , under California ’ s Emergency Services Act , the governor has substantial authority during a state of emergency , including , the legislation states , “ complete authority over all agencies of the state government and the right to exercise within the area designated all police power vested in the state by the Constitution and laws of the state of California.
” “ Multiple courts considering the question , including California state courts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States Supreme Court , considering an executive order Gov .
Newsom issued , have confirmed the governor ’ s broad authority to take necessary steps to protect public health during the pandemic , ” Kate Folmar , spokesperson for the state Health and Human Services Agency , said in an email .
The courts have thus far been somewhat deferential to the governor ’ s executive actions during the public health crisis .
In late May , the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld Newsom ’ s ban on in-person church services @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Newsom administration has since allowed church services to resume in most counties , as long as they abide by state-imposed safeguards .
“ We ’ re dealing here with a highly contagious and often fatal disease for which there presently is no known cure .
In the words of Justice Robert Jackson , if a ' [ c ] ourt does not temper its doctrinaire logic with a little practical wisdom , it will convert the constitutional Bill of Rights into a suicide pact , ’ ” the majority wrote .
However @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earlier this month blocked Newsom ’ s executive order to impose new election rules on counties wishing to limit in-person voting in November to lessen the spread of the virus .
Judge Perry Parker called the order “ an impermissible use of legislative powers in violation of the California Constitution and the laws of the state of California.
” An appeals court subsequently removed Parker ’ s restraining order .
Meanwhile , the Legislature is set to take action on a bill changing election rules for this fall .

Gov. Gavin Newsom’s order June 18 requiring all Californians to wear face masks came as welcome news to those in the state concerned by the recent surge in COVID-19 cases. Nevada City Mayor Reinette Senum instead greeted the mandate with a message of defiance.
“Our governor does NOT have that unilateral power to make such orders,” Senum said in a Facebook post, joining sheriffs in Orange, Riverside, Sacramento and Fresno counties who have said they will refuse to enforce Newsom’s decree.
“What he should have done is done the right thing — go through the legislative process,” Senum said. “There was no public discussion, no room for public discourse.”
Since shortly after the outbreak began, Newsom has faced criticism from some over his ample use of executive authority during the COVID-19 pandemic. He has been peppered with legal challenges over a range of issues related to the pandemic, including the ban on in-person church services and declaring gun shops as essential businesses, with a number of cases still pending.
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But the Newsom administration’s directive ordering all Californians to wear face coverings while in public — with limited exceptions — appears to be on solid legal ground, according to some state constitutional experts.
The governor has widespread power to respond during a state of emergency such as a pandemic, as does state Public Health Officer Sonia Angell, said Stephen M. Duvernay, a senior research fellow at Berkeley Law’s California Constitution Center.
After consulting with the state’s top public health officials and senior advisors in his administration, Newsom approved their recommendations to have the state Department of Public Health implement the mask mandate. Newsom’s stay-at-home order, signed March 19, requires “all Californians to heed the state public health directives from the Department of Public Health.”
“The Emergency Services Act authorizes a governor to assign the Department of Public Health duties concerned with mitigating the effects of an emergency like the current pandemic,” Duvernay said. “And DPH has independent statutory authority to take measures necessary to prevent the spread of a disease.”
To combat a contagious, infectious or communicable disease, Angell can “take measures as are necessary to ascertain the nature of the disease and prevent its spread,” according to the state health and safety code.
“The Department of Public Health would appear to have sufficient authority to direct the public to wear masks in order to prevent the pandemic’s spread,” said former state appellate court Judge Daniel M. Kolkey, who served as Republican Gov. Pete Wilson’s legal affairs secretary and later as an advisor to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.
Under California law, the state public health officer’s orders are enforceable by county sheriffs and other local police agencies, and people who fail to comply can be charged with a misdemeanor.
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Newsom has repeatedly said he hopes to use the power of persuasion and education to make Californians heed the order to wear masks and abide by other state-mandated coronavirus-related restrictions, but he vowed to take action if necessary.
Newsom did just that on Sunday, when he ordered bars, brewpubs and nightclubs to immediately close in seven California counties because of an alarming increase in the spread of the coronavirus. The Newsom administration also recommended eight other counties take action on their own to close those types of businesses.
“Our approach at the state level has to be guided by enforcement at the local level first, but we have made it clear ... that we have tools at the state level,” Newsom said.
Opposition to the mask order continues to stir. Members of the group Freedom Angels, anti-vaccine activists who have protested against the governor’s coronavirus actions, have accused Newsom of abusing his power.
“Welcome to Prison Planet,” the group posted on Facebook.
San Francisco attorney Harmeet Dhillon expects a judge to ultimately decide whether Newsom’s mask order is proper. Dhillon has filed more than a dozen lawsuits on behalf of individual clients and her nonprofit, the Center for American Liberty, challenging the governor’s executive actions during the COVID-19 pandemic.
She criticized Newsom’s mask order, which includes a requirement that Californians wear face coverings outdoors if they cannot socially distance from others. That’s government overreach, she argued, since there isn’t sufficient evidence to show that the virus is easily spread outdoors. Dhillon said she has asked both the state and counties for the scientific basis for their mask orders and has not received an adequate response.
California L.A. County faces ‘critical moment’ as coronavirus cases keep surging Los Angeles County public health officials on Saturday reported a continued rise in new coronavirus cases and hospitalizations, saying the increase came at “a critical moment” in the county’s reopening.
“Of course, the governor has powers,” said Dhillon, who represents California on the Republican National Committee. “The problem is the orders that are overly broad, that are vague, that pick winners and losers. Which the governor did from Day One.”
Kolkey agrees that the legality of some of Newsom’s executive actions during the pandemic, which he issued under his expanded powers during the state of emergency, remains unclear.
That includes Newsom’s executive order to expand the rights of workers classified as “essential” to file workers’ compensation claims, Kolkey said. Newsom also signed an executive order requiring major food companies to provide two weeks of supplemental paid sick leave for full-time workers who contract COVID-19 or are exposed to it.
Kolkey said he believes that those orders amounted to the creation of new laws, which is solely within the purview of the Legislature, and that the California Constitution expressly prohibits persons in one branch of government from exercising the powers of the other two branches.
That’s the case even though the Legislature has passed laws granting the governor enormous power during times of emergency, including the right to suspend statutes and regulations, the authority to exercise the police power vested in the state and the right to make and rescind orders and regulations to carry out these powers.
The Legislature “cannot abdicate its power to legislate during an emergency and transfer it to the governor,” Kolkey said.
The Newsom administration said that, under California’s Emergency Services Act, the governor has substantial authority during a state of emergency, including, the legislation states, “complete authority over all agencies of the state government and the right to exercise within the area designated all police power vested in the state by the Constitution and laws of the state of California.”
“Multiple courts considering the question, including California state courts, federal courts in California and the United States Supreme Court, considering an executive order Gov. Newsom issued, have confirmed the governor’s broad authority to take necessary steps to protect public health during the pandemic,” Kate Folmar, spokesperson for the state Health and Human Services Agency, said in an email.
The courts have thus far been somewhat deferential to the governor’s executive actions during the public health crisis.
In late May, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld Newsom’s ban on in-person church services as part of his stay-at-home order. The Newsom administration has since allowed church services to resume in most counties, as long as they abide by state-imposed safeguards.
“We’re dealing here with a highly contagious and often fatal disease for which there presently is no known cure. In the words of Justice Robert Jackson, if a ‘[c]ourt does not temper its doctrinaire logic with a little practical wisdom, it will convert the constitutional Bill of Rights into a suicide pact,’” the majority wrote.
However, a Sutter County Superior Court judge earlier this month blocked Newsom’s executive order to impose new election rules on counties wishing to limit in-person voting in November to lessen the spread of the virus.
Judge Perry Parker called the order “an impermissible use of legislative powers in violation of the California Constitution and the laws of the state of California.”
An appeals court subsequently removed Parker’s restraining order. Meanwhile, the Legislature is set to take action on a bill changing election rules for this fall.
Times staff writer Taryn Luna contributed to this report.