latimes--2020-01-19--Family skeptical about integrity of San Diego State investigation into student's death

San Diego State freshman Dylan Hernandez was determined to do well on a midterm exam in early November , telling one of his sisters he planned to stay sober at a fraternity party the night before the test .
It did not turn out that way .
In the kind of tragedy that has been plaguing American universities , Hernandez ended up drinking to the point where his blood alcohol level was nearly three times the legal limit , according to a newly obtained university police report .
The document says the 19-year-old Hernandez , who was pledging , left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fraternity brother who guided him to his dorm .
The teen later fell at least six feet from his top bunk , fractured his skull and died .
The incident unfolded on Nov. 6 and 7 and has raised serious questions at the college about underage drinking , hazing , the possible destruction of evidence , and what additional safeguards the school could have taken .
Family members also have concerns about the integrity of the department ’ s investigation .
The bulk of the investigation was completed less than three weeks after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a copy of the report provided to the San Diego Union-Tribune by George Kindley , the attorney representing the Hernandez family .
Kindley says the family was puzzled by the report because the investigation did not appear to be complete .
Under the report ’ s recommendations , police said “ case suspended pending additional evidence or information.
” The report also suggests that campus police did not interview anybody from the Phi Gamma Delta fraternity , including about a dozen specific members who likely attended and had videos or images from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Union-Tribune shows a young man getting spanked with a paddle .
Another shows a man who had been slapped on the back so hard or so often that he had hand-shaped welts on his back .
Yet another shows a man who appears to be passed out on the floor , facedown in vomit .
The department also chose not to pursue search warrants to review cellphone records and social media records of students , despite possessing chat messages between suspected fraternity members instructing one another to delete possibly incriminating material and to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ golden , ” one member wrote .
“ The university and the police department made a promise that they were going to investigate the drinking and the hazing that they knew happened that night , ” said 22-year-old Julia Hernandez , one of Dylan ’ s two sisters .
“ When my dad spoke to them recently they said they have not interviewed anyone [ who was ] at the party , they have not gone to the [ fraternity ] house , they have not retained any information from the fraternity or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eyes , the investigation isn ’ t complete.
” The report ’ s initial conclusion on Nov. 27 was that there was not enough evidence to pursue criminal charges , including felony hazing .
Neither the university police department nor the District Attorney ’ s Office would answer specific questions about the case since the investigation is ongoing .
On Friday , police issued a public statement that says , in part , “ As this is an ongoing investigation , detectives will continue to examine all aspects and details of the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be provided as the investigation progresses.
” They also asked anyone with information about the incident to contact campus police .
By the time Hernandez headed home from the fraternity party at about midnight , his blood alcohol level was about 0.23 % , nearly triple the legal driving limit of 0.08 , according to a blood test and the college ’ s police report .
This estimate assumed Hernandez had stopped drinking about 11:30 p.m. and was based in part on the rate alcohol generally dissipates from the body .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tenochca Residence Hall by his newly appointed fraternity mentor who then handed Hernandez off to a young woman he knew , according to the report .
With her help , the teen made his way to his room and into bed .
According to his roommate , Hernandez fell out of his top bunk about 4:30 a.m. on Nov. 7 .
The roommate told police he and Hernandez laughed about it , but that Hernandez complained at the time of a headache .
The roommate heard Hernandez mentioning his headache again around 7 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sent a Snapchat message to the young woman who helped Hernandez to his room the night before saying that Hernandez was making a “ weird snoring sound.
” When she went to check on him about 8:45 a.m. she found him foaming at the mouth .
Hernandez was rushed to the hospital .
According to his autopsy , the teen fractured his skull when he fell from his bed , suffering a brain bleed that ultimately led to his death .
He was pronounced brain dead on Nov. 8 at about 3:30 p.m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what may have happened at the fraternity party , family members feel strongly that Hernandez ’ s bed was not outfitted with the proper safety features .
“ Dylan died from blunt force trauma , ” Julia Hernandez said .
“ These bunk beds are dangerously high .
If he was on a normal bed or a bunk bed that had higher railings ... he would probably still be with us today.
” According to the campus police report , one investigator noted that the teen ’ s safety railing “ only extended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mattress .
The investigator said if Hernandez had been lying on top of his blankets instead of under them , it would have been “ relatively easy to roll over the rail.
” Members of Hernandez ’ s fraternity soon learned he had been hospitalized , according to messages from the teen ’ s phone .
In a Snapchat group titled “ Phi Gam or Die Fam , ” fraternity members encouraged one another to delete messages and videos that may contain incriminating evidence .
Investigators wrote in the report that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phone and a list of fraternity members from Phi Gamma to identify a dozen people in the chat .
Investigators used information gleaned from the videos , messages and interviews with family members and Hernandez ’ s dorm mates to identify more than a dozen students who likely attended or had knowledge of what happened at the party , including any possible hazing , underage drinking or drug use .
The department didn ’ t seek search warrants for Snapchat and phone records they knew existed , although they did prepare to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to cellphone carriers and social media companies asking that they preserve certain records , but they stopped short of requesting them , according to the report .
“ After consultation with the district attorney ’ s office , we determined we did not have sufficient evidence , at least at this time , to establish probable cause to obtain a warrant , ” the police report read .
A spokesman for the District Attorney ’ s Office declined comment because of the open investigation .
University officials also declined further comment .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ To support the integrity of the University Police investigation , the report has not been released to the president , other members of the campus administration or to members of our team within Strategic Communications and Public Affairs.
” In the wake of Hernandez ’ s death , San Diego State President Adela de la Torre created two task forces , one which will explore the use and misuse of alcohol by students , and the other looking at student health and safety .
Both committees are scheduled to issue reports and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ write for the San Diego Union-Tribune

San Diego State freshman Dylan Hernandez was determined to do well on a midterm exam in early November, telling one of his sisters he planned to stay sober at a fraternity party the night before the test.
It did not turn out that way.
In the kind of tragedy that has been plaguing American universities, Hernandez ended up drinking to the point where his blood alcohol level was nearly three times the legal limit, according to a newly obtained university police report.
The document says the 19-year-old Hernandez, who was pledging, left the party with a Phi Gamma Delta fraternity brother who guided him to his dorm. The teen later fell at least six feet from his top bunk, fractured his skull and died.
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The incident unfolded on Nov. 6 and 7 and has raised serious questions at the college about underage drinking, hazing, the possible destruction of evidence, and what additional safeguards the school could have taken.
Family members also have concerns about the integrity of the department’s investigation.
The bulk of the investigation was completed less than three weeks after Dylan’s death, according to a copy of the report provided to the San Diego Union-Tribune by George Kindley, the attorney representing the Hernandez family.
Kindley says the family was puzzled by the report because the investigation did not appear to be complete. Under the report’s recommendations, police said “case suspended pending additional evidence or information.”
The report also suggests that campus police did not interview anybody from the Phi Gamma Delta fraternity, including about a dozen specific members who likely attended and had videos or images from the party.
One video shared with the Union-Tribune shows a young man getting spanked with a paddle. Another shows a man who had been slapped on the back so hard or so often that he had hand-shaped welts on his back. Yet another shows a man who appears to be passed out on the floor, facedown in vomit.
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The department also chose not to pursue search warrants to review cellphone records and social media records of students, despite possessing chat messages between suspected fraternity members instructing one another to delete possibly incriminating material and to stay quiet. “Remember silence is golden,” one member wrote.
“The university and the police department made a promise that they were going to investigate the drinking and the hazing that they knew happened that night,” said 22-year-old Julia Hernandez, one of Dylan’s two sisters.
“When my dad spoke to them recently they said they have not interviewed anyone [who was] at the party, they have not gone to the [fraternity] house, they have not retained any information from the fraternity or its members, so, in our eyes, the investigation isn’t complete.”
The report’s initial conclusion on Nov. 27 was that there was not enough evidence to pursue criminal charges, including felony hazing. Neither the university police department nor the District Attorney’s Office would answer specific questions about the case since the investigation is ongoing.
On Friday, police issued a public statement that says, in part, “As this is an ongoing investigation, detectives will continue to examine all aspects and details of the case. ... Further updates about the case will be provided as the investigation progresses.” They also asked anyone with information about the incident to contact campus police.
By the time Hernandez headed home from the fraternity party at about midnight, his blood alcohol level was about 0.23%, nearly triple the legal driving limit of 0.08, according to a blood test and the college’s police report. This estimate assumed Hernandez had stopped drinking about 11:30 p.m. and was based in part on the rate alcohol generally dissipates from the body.
He was guided back to his dorm at Tenochca Residence Hall by his newly appointed fraternity mentor who then handed Hernandez off to a young woman he knew, according to the report. With her help, the teen made his way to his room and into bed.
According to his roommate, Hernandez fell out of his top bunk about 4:30 a.m. on Nov. 7. The roommate told police he and Hernandez laughed about it, but that Hernandez complained at the time of a headache. The roommate heard Hernandez mentioning his headache again around 7 a.m.
Around 8 a.m., the roommate sent a Snapchat message to the young woman who helped Hernandez to his room the night before saying that Hernandez was making a “weird snoring sound.” When she went to check on him about 8:45 a.m. she found him foaming at the mouth.
Hernandez was rushed to the hospital. According to his autopsy, the teen fractured his skull when he fell from his bed, suffering a brain bleed that ultimately led to his death.
He was pronounced brain dead on Nov. 8 at about 3:30 p.m.
In addition to their concerns about what may have happened at the fraternity party, family members feel strongly that Hernandez’s bed was not outfitted with the proper safety features.
“Dylan died from blunt force trauma,” Julia Hernandez said. “These bunk beds are dangerously high. If he was on a normal bed or a bunk bed that had higher railings ... he would probably still be with us today.”
According to the campus police report, one investigator noted that the teen’s safety railing “only extended about 3 to 4 inches” above the mattress. The investigator said if Hernandez had been lying on top of his blankets instead of under them, it would have been “relatively easy to roll over the rail.”
Members of Hernandez’s fraternity soon learned he had been hospitalized, according to messages from the teen’s phone. In a Snapchat group titled “Phi Gam or Die Fam,” fraternity members encouraged one another to delete messages and videos that may contain incriminating evidence. Investigators wrote in the report that they used contact information from Hernandez’s phone and a list of fraternity members from Phi Gamma to identify a dozen people in the chat.
Investigators used information gleaned from the videos, messages and interviews with family members and Hernandez’s dorm mates to identify more than a dozen students who likely attended or had knowledge of what happened at the party, including any possible hazing, underage drinking or drug use.
The department didn’t seek search warrants for Snapchat and phone records they knew existed, although they did prepare to do so. The department sent several letters to cellphone carriers and social media companies asking that they preserve certain records, but they stopped short of requesting them, according to the report.
“After consultation with the district attorney’s office, we determined we did not have sufficient evidence, at least at this time, to establish probable cause to obtain a warrant,” the police report read.
A spokesman for the District Attorney’s Office declined comment because of the open investigation. University officials also declined further comment.
The university issued a statement Friday saying, “To support the integrity of the University Police investigation, the report has not been released to the president, other members of the campus administration or to members of our team within Strategic Communications and Public Affairs.”
In the wake of Hernandez’s death, San Diego State President Adela de la Torre created two task forces, one which will explore the use and misuse of alcohol by students, and the other looking at student health and safety. Both committees are scheduled to issue reports and recommendations this year.
Robbins and Winkley write for the San Diego Union-Tribune


latimes--2020-01-19--Suspect in killing of MMA gym owner dies after fight with fellow inmate, officials say

An inmate at the Theo Lacy Facility in Orange died Saturday from injuries he suffered during a fight with another @ @ @ @ @ Orange County Sheriff ’ s Department announced .
Kirk Vernell Price , 57 , had @ @ @ @ @ , 2019 , and died about 4 p.m. Saturday , the Sheriff ’ s Department @ @ @ @ @ jailed since March 2016 , when he was accused of shooting and killing Fahness Lutalo @ @ @ @ @ martial arts trainer , inside the gym Lutalo owned in Tustin .
He had pleaded @ @ @ @ @ of murder and was in the midst of a jury trial , court records state @ @ @ @ @ fight that resulted in Price ’ s death wasn ’ t immediately available .
Authorities @ @ @ @ @ inmate who was allegedly involved .
The death is being investigated by the Orange County @ @ @ @ @ and also will be reviewed by the Sheriff ’ s Department .

An inmate at the Theo Lacy Facility in Orange died Saturday from injuries he suffered during a fight with another inmate last month, the Orange County Sheriff’s Department announced.
Kirk Vernell Price, 57, had been hospitalized since Dec. 27, 2019, and died about 4 p.m. Saturday, the Sheriff’s Department said.
Price had been jailed since March 2016, when he was accused of shooting and killing Fahness Lutalo, a boxing and mixed martial arts trainer, inside the gym Lutalo owned in Tustin.
He had pleaded not guilty to a charge of murder and was in the midst of a jury trial, court records state.
Additional information about the fight that resulted in Price’s death wasn’t immediately available. Authorities did not name the other inmate who was allegedly involved.
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The death is being investigated by the Orange County district attorney’s office and also will be reviewed by the Sheriff’s Department.


latimes--2020-01-19--Woman stabbed to death in Arlington Heights; 2nd woman in custody

A woman was fatally stabbed in Arlington Heights early Sunday , and another woman was taken into custody in connection @ @ @ @ @ Angeles police said .
The victim , described only as a woman in her early @ @ @ @ @ the 4000 block of West Pico Boulevard at about 12:30 a.m. , said Officer Rosario @ @ @ @ @ .
The stabbing victim was taken to a local hospital , where she died .
@ @ @ @ @ to the hospital for an unspecified medical emergency , said Nicholas Prange , a spokesman @ @ @ @ @ Department .
That person was listed in fair condition .
Another woman in her early @ @ @ @ @ on suspicion of stabbing the woman who died , Cervantes said .
Neither the suspect @ @ @ @ @ .
Multiple television stations reported that the stabbing took place inside the Catch One nightclub @ @ @ @ @ , but police could not confirm the reports .
Video footage of the scene showed @ @ @ @ @ police tape outside the club as a stretcher was loaded into an ambulance .

A woman was fatally stabbed in Arlington Heights early Sunday, and another woman was taken into custody in connection with her death, Los Angeles police said.
The victim, described only as a woman in her early 20s, was stabbed in the 4000 block of West Pico Boulevard at about 12:30 a.m., said Officer Rosario Cervantes, an LAPD spokeswoman. The stabbing victim was taken to a local hospital, where she died.
Paramedics also transported another person to the hospital for an unspecified medical emergency, said Nicholas Prange, a spokesman for the Los Angeles Fire Department. That person was listed in fair condition.
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Another woman in her early 20s was taken into custody on suspicion of stabbing the woman who died, Cervantes said. Neither the suspect nor the victim was identified.
Multiple television stations reported that the stabbing took place inside the Catch One nightclub at 4067 W. Pico Blvd., but police could not confirm the reports. Video footage of the scene showed a large crowd standing behind police tape outside the club as a stretcher was loaded into an ambulance.


latimes--2020-01-19--Owners of electric cars get a break on the gas tax. It's costing California $32 million

As most Californians reach deeper into their pockets to pay higher gas taxes for road repairs , electric vehicle owners have been getting a free pass .
Many will continue to benefit under a little-known provision of the law , costing the state tens of millions of dollars annually and drawing objections from taxpayer advocates who say all who use the roads should pay their fair share .
With some provisions of Senate Bill 1 taking effect later this year , the tax breaks have reignited a debate from 2017 , when the Legislature and then-Gov .
Jerry Brown raised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and implemented an annual $ 100 fee for some zero-emission vehicles , effective July 1 , 2020 , to help pay for repairs to state roads and bridges .
The contentious law — which led to a failed repeal effort and the recall of a state senator who voted for the legislation — exempts all 100 % electric and hydrogen-fueled cars with model years before 2020 , amounting to more than $ 32 million in lost transportation revenues each year .
Lawmakers who approved the measure , including several who have benefited from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ greater good in encouraging more people to drive cars that don ’ t pollute at a time when climate change is a deep concern .
But that reasoning has not swayed Jon Coupal , president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn.
, which opposed Senate Bill 1 .
Coupal said many California workers would not get a tax break because they could not afford an electric car , which can run from $ 36,000 to more than $ 124,000 .
“ It ’ s reflective of policies that favor the elite and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he said .
“ There are a lot of tradespeople who don ’ t drive electric cars .
They drive gas-powered pickup trucks , and they are being punished by the highest gas prices in America.
” The annual $ 100 “ road improvement fee ” on zero-emission vehicles from SB1 was touted as a way to ensure that owners of the vehicles had skin in the game when it came to fixing the state ‘ s aging transportation infrastructure .
But implementation of the fee was delayed after until July @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only to vehicles of model year 2020 or later .
Some 320,000 zero-emission vehicles older than the current model year are registered with the DMV , including cars owned by at least eight legislators , four of whom were co-authors of the bill .
Legislators say there is an important goal at stake .
Brown set a target of having 5 million zero-emission vehicles on the roads by 2030 , but with so few operating so far , some question whether the goal can be reached in time .
That concern colored the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic legislators insisted the gas tax increase was needed to address an estimated $ 78-billion backlog of repairs to the state ’ s crumbling system of roads and bridges .
The measure signed by Brown raised the gas and diesel taxes and vehicle registration fees to bring in an estimated $ 5.2 billion annually to improve roads and mass transit .
But taxing vehicles that don ’ t use gas has proved politically challenging .
State leaders have spent years trying to encourage Californians to buy electric cars , offering subsidies worth up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including access to high-occupancy-vehicle lanes for single-passenger ZEVs .
The exemption was part of a compromise aimed at avoiding opposition to SB 1 by environmental groups and like-minded legislators who wanted protections for zero-emission cars as part of efforts to combat climate change , said state Sen. Jim Beall ( D-San Jose ) , the author of the bill .
“ There are two important principles , ” said Beall , who is chairman of the Senate Transportation Committee .
“ The first is that everyone who uses our roads should pay for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we need to continue supporting our efforts to address climate change .
The ZEV provision reflects a compromise which honors both.
” Groups that urged lawmakers to provide tax breaks to zero-emission cars included Sierra Club California and Plug In America , a Los Angeles advocacy group for electric cars .
The tax waiver on pre-2020 vehicles will help reach the state goal to boost zero-emission vehicles on California roads , said Joel Levin , Plug In America ’ s executive director , who noted that he would have preferred a longer delay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ There is a public benefit to having EVs on the road because they help to clean up the air , so the state wants to incent [ ivize ] people to drive EVs , ” Levin said .
“ When you are charging a fee , that is a little bit of a discouragement to driving those vehicles.
” Levin said a move to charge the $ 100 annual fee to current electric car owners after giving them a government subsidy would be inconsistent .
“ You are giving money with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the other , ” he said , adding that his group “ philosophically understand [ s ] that you need to take care of the roads and that EVs should be part of that discussion.
” The California League of Conservation Voters also would have opposed SB 1 if tax breaks for electric cars had not been included , said Chief Executive Officer Mary Creasman .
The group ended up neutral on the bill but later defended it by opposing a 2018 ballot measure that sought to repeal the gas tax .
Creasman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough to increase the number of electric vehicles on the road and that taxing the existing cars would not have helped .
“ It ’ s a huge problem , and it ’ s one our biggest focuses as an organization , because as we know climate change is here and over 40 % of carbon emissions comes from the transportation sector , ” she said .
Supporters of SB 1 deny that electric car owners are getting a free ride .
They note that owners of zero-emission vehicles exempt from the $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fees charged to all car owners , including another levy in SB 1 that goes to road repairs .
Though Beall does not own a zero-emissions vehicle , several co-authors of the bill do .
Assembly Speaker Pro Tempore Kevin Mullin of South San Francisco drives a Chevy Bolt he bought in 2018 , and state Sens .
Jerry Hill ( D-San Mateo ) and Bill Dodd ( D-Napa ) bought Teslas in 2017 and 2018 , respectively .
Mullin and Dodd noted they purchased their ZEVs after the bill was approved .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and vehicle emissions account for the lion ’ s share of carbon going into the atmosphere , ” Dodd said .
“ As someone who drives 30,000 miles a year , representing six counties and 22 cities , I feel it is incumbent on me to model the change we need.
” Another supporter of the bill , Sen. Ben Allen ( D-Santa Monica ) , and his wife own a Nissan Leaf they bought in 2016 , according to spokeswoman Allison Towle .
“ Sen .
Allen spent his political capital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , not a tax break ” for his family ’ s car , Towle said .
Hill said there was an argument to be made for existing owners of electric vehicles paying the $ 100 fee and he was willing to do so , but the exemption was kept in the bill at the insistence of then-Gov .
Brown .
In a 2017 public hearing with Brown , Hill acknowledged that he had an electric car , and he questioned not immediately charging the $ 100 fee .
“ They are using the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ referring to electric car owners , adding they were “ wearing out the roads as we go.
” Brown told Hill and other legislators that putting off the fee was justified at a time when too few zero-emission vehicles were on the road .
“ We want to give as much of a boost as we can , ” Brown said at the hearing .
“ We do think they should pay , but we are so in our infancy in zero-emission cars , it ’ s really just a way of trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ couple of years longer.
” In the end , Hill voted for the bill , calling the overall package “ reasonable.
” In addition to delaying the fee until after July 1 for models from years 2020 and later , it also waived the fee for the first purchase of those cars , meaning many will not pay it until 2021 .
SB 1 was opposed by most Republican lawmakers , including Assemblyman Vince Fong of Bakersfield , who offered an alternative proposal without tax increases .
Fong , who drives a gas-powered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frustrated that many electric car owners were not paying the new road improvement fee .
“ Sacramento picking winners and losers — that was the whole debate on SB 1 , ” said Fong , who is vice chairman of the Assembly Transportation Committee .
“ I think ZEV owners need to be part of the solution ” of fixing roads .

A Tesla recharges at a station in 2017. California has waived a new fee for electric cars purchased before 2020, meaning less money for road repairs.
As most Californians reach deeper into their pockets to pay higher gas taxes for road repairs, electric vehicle owners have been getting a free pass. Many will continue to benefit under a little-known provision of the law, costing the state tens of millions of dollars annually and drawing objections from taxpayer advocates who say all who use the roads should pay their fair share.
With some provisions of Senate Bill 1 taking effect later this year, the tax breaks have reignited a debate from 2017, when the Legislature and then-Gov. Jerry Brown raised gas taxes by 17.6 cents per gallon and implemented an annual $100 fee for some zero-emission vehicles, effective July 1, 2020, to help pay for repairs to state roads and bridges.
The contentious law — which led to a failed repeal effort and the recall of a state senator who voted for the legislation — exempts all 100% electric and hydrogen-fueled cars with model years before 2020, amounting to more than $32 million in lost transportation revenues each year.
Lawmakers who approved the measure, including several who have benefited from the exemption, say they see a greater good in encouraging more people to drive cars that don’t pollute at a time when climate change is a deep concern.
Advertisement
But that reasoning has not swayed Jon Coupal, president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn., which opposed Senate Bill 1. Coupal said many California workers would not get a tax break because they could not afford an electric car, which can run from $36,000 to more than $124,000.
“It’s reflective of policies that favor the elite and the wealthy in California relative to working-class Californians,” he said. “There are a lot of tradespeople who don’t drive electric cars. They drive gas-powered pickup trucks, and they are being punished by the highest gas prices in America.”
The annual $100 “road improvement fee” on zero-emission vehicles from SB1 was touted as a way to ensure that owners of the vehicles had skin in the game when it came to fixing the state‘s aging transportation infrastructure. But implementation of the fee was delayed after until July 1, 2020, and it applies only to vehicles of model year 2020 or later.
Some 320,000 zero-emission vehicles older than the current model year are registered with the DMV, including cars owned by at least eight legislators, four of whom were co-authors of the bill.
“Hypocrisy in politics? I’m shocked,” Coupal quipped.
Legislators say there is an important goal at stake. Brown set a target of having 5 million zero-emission vehicles on the roads by 2030, but with so few operating so far, some question whether the goal can be reached in time.
That concern colored the legislative debate over SB 1, as Democratic legislators insisted the gas tax increase was needed to address an estimated $78-billion backlog of repairs to the state’s crumbling system of roads and bridges.
The measure signed by Brown raised the gas and diesel taxes and vehicle registration fees to bring in an estimated $5.2 billion annually to improve roads and mass transit.
But taxing vehicles that don’t use gas has proved politically challenging. State leaders have spent years trying to encourage Californians to buy electric cars, offering subsidies worth up to $5,000 and other incentives, including access to high-occupancy-vehicle lanes for single-passenger ZEVs.
Advertisement
The exemption was part of a compromise aimed at avoiding opposition to SB 1 by environmental groups and like-minded legislators who wanted protections for zero-emission cars as part of efforts to combat climate change, said state Sen. Jim Beall (D-San Jose), the author of the bill.
“There are two important principles,” said Beall, who is chairman of the Senate Transportation Committee. “The first is that everyone who uses our roads should pay for their upkeep. The second is that we need to continue supporting our efforts to address climate change. The ZEV provision reflects a compromise which honors both.”
Groups that urged lawmakers to provide tax breaks to zero-emission cars included Sierra Club California and Plug In America, a Los Angeles advocacy group for electric cars. The tax waiver on pre-2020 vehicles will help reach the state goal to boost zero-emission vehicles on California roads, said Joel Levin, Plug In America’s executive director, who noted that he would have preferred a longer delay for the fees on new electric cars.
“There is a public benefit to having EVs on the road because they help to clean up the air, so the state wants to incent[ivize] people to drive EVs,” Levin said. “When you are charging a fee, that is a little bit of a discouragement to driving those vehicles.”
Levin said a move to charge the $100 annual fee to current electric car owners after giving them a government subsidy would be inconsistent.
“You are giving money with one hand and taking away money with the other,” he said, adding that his group “philosophically understand[s] that you need to take care of the roads and that EVs should be part of that discussion.”
The California League of Conservation Voters also would have opposed SB 1 if tax breaks for electric cars had not been included, said Chief Executive Officer Mary Creasman. The group ended up neutral on the bill but later defended it by opposing a 2018 ballot measure that sought to repeal the gas tax.
Creasman said state officials weren’t doing enough to increase the number of electric vehicles on the road and that taxing the existing cars would not have helped.
“It’s a huge problem, and it’s one our biggest focuses as an organization, because as we know climate change is here and over 40% of carbon emissions comes from the transportation sector,” she said.
Supporters of SB 1 deny that electric car owners are getting a free ride. They note that owners of zero-emission vehicles exempt from the $100 fee still pay annual vehicle registration fees charged to all car owners, including another levy in SB 1 that goes to road repairs.
Though Beall does not own a zero-emissions vehicle, several co-authors of the bill do. Assembly Speaker Pro Tempore Kevin Mullin of South San Francisco drives a Chevy Bolt he bought in 2018, and state Sens. Jerry Hill (D-San Mateo) and Bill Dodd (D-Napa) bought Teslas in 2017 and 2018, respectively.
Mullin and Dodd noted they purchased their ZEVs after the bill was approved.
“Climate change is an existential threat, and vehicle emissions account for the lion’s share of carbon going into the atmosphere,” Dodd said. “As someone who drives 30,000 miles a year, representing six counties and 22 cities, I feel it is incumbent on me to model the change we need.”
Another supporter of the bill, Sen. Ben Allen (D-Santa Monica), and his wife own a Nissan Leaf they bought in 2016, according to spokeswoman Allison Towle.
“Sen. Allen spent his political capital fighting for transit funding in SB 1, not a tax break” for his family’s car, Towle said.
Hill said there was an argument to be made for existing owners of electric vehicles paying the $100 fee and he was willing to do so, but the exemption was kept in the bill at the insistence of then-Gov. Brown. In a 2017 public hearing with Brown, Hill acknowledged that he had an electric car, and he questioned not immediately charging the $100 fee.
“They are using the roads,” Hill told Brown, referring to electric car owners, adding they were “wearing out the roads as we go.”
Brown told Hill and other legislators that putting off the fee was justified at a time when too few zero-emission vehicles were on the road.
“We want to give as much of a boost as we can,” Brown said at the hearing. “We do think they should pay, but we are so in our infancy in zero-emission cars, it’s really just a way of trying to provide a little subsidy for a couple of years longer.”
In the end, Hill voted for the bill, calling the overall package “reasonable.”
In addition to delaying the fee until after July 1 for models from years 2020 and later, it also waived the fee for the first purchase of those cars, meaning many will not pay it until 2021.
SB 1 was opposed by most Republican lawmakers, including Assemblyman Vince Fong of Bakersfield, who offered an alternative proposal without tax increases. Fong, who drives a gas-powered car, said the public would be frustrated that many electric car owners were not paying the new road improvement fee.
“Sacramento picking winners and losers — that was the whole debate on SB 1,” said Fong, who is vice chairman of the Assembly Transportation Committee. “I think ZEV owners need to be part of the solution” of fixing roads.


latimes--2020-01-19--Weinstein trial is a milestone for #MeToo and a moment of wrenching truth for survivors

For the past two years , Louise Godbold has been living in a state of heightened tension .
In interview after interview , the former commercial producer has shared what she said happened to her 29 years ago in an empty New York meeting room with Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein , and then again at the Beverley Hills Hotel .
Each retelling surfaced feelings of anxiety and numbness , and at times she questioned whether sharing her story was worth it .
Even a friend accused her of making Weinstein a scapegoat for a movement , # MeToo , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This month Godbold plans to watch as Weinstein is tried in Manhattan on five sex crime charges from two separate incidents in 2006 and 2013 .
She is one of more than 80 other women who have accused Weinstein of sexual misconduct .
Last week , L.A. County prosecutors filed four additional sexual assault charges against Weinstein , who has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing .
“ He has to be convicted , ” said Godbold , a Los Angeles resident who has spent the last 20 years helping trauma survivors through various social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s no morals , there ’ s no justice.
” The Weinstein revelations were the catalyst for # MeToo , a movement that gave an unprecedented voice to survivors of sexual assault and harassment and provoked a cultural reckoning that had bubbled beneath the surface for decades .
The allegations are now set to culminate in a trial that is undoubtedly a landmark case for women ’ s rights .
But despite the potential for a life sentence , advocates contend that the trial is just one milestone in a long crusade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ survivors such as Godbold , a conviction could mark a turning point and help heal their trauma .
An acquittal could confirm their worst fears : That society at large is still not ready to listen .
“ It would be devastating if he were to get off , ” Godbold said .
“ It would be a complete affront to every woman and every sexual assault survivor.
” If Weinstein is convicted on the rape and sexual assault charges , the verdict could give fuel to the # MeToo movement , advocates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too risky to put themselves through a grueling and potentially humiliating process might be emboldened to pursue justice .
The movement fomented a shift in the debate over sexual misconduct that has become much bigger than the mogul himself and the individual stories of those he is accused of harming .
Despite this platform , very few survivors see justice served .
Out of every 13 cases will get referred to a prosecutor and seven will lead to a felony conviction , according to the Rape , Abuse and Incest National Network .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that predators everywhere will be held accountable and that speaking up can bring about real change , ” said the Silence Breakers , a group comprised of Weinstein ’ s accusers , in a statement Friday .
“ We refuse to be silenced and will continue to speak out until this unrepentant abuser is brought to justice.
” Godbold , who stands among the Silence Breakers , alleges that Weinstein gave her a tour of his Tribeca offices when she was seeking an internship at Miramax in the early 1990s .
The producer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grabbed her hand and put it on his crotch , Godbold said .
Weinstein later apologized and invited her to a meeting at the Beverly Hills Hotel , where she said he took off his clothes and asked for a massage .
Allegations of misconduct made by Weinstein ’ s accusers — which range from aggressive romantic overtures to repeated rape — mirror the darkest moments of many survivors , experts say .
Though some will avoid watching the trial unfold for fear of being retraumatized , others will follow it closely , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others might perceive their own stories of abuse .
“ The belief that reports aren ’ t going to be taken seriously could be confirmed or unconfirmed by this process , ” said Emily Dworkin , a psychologist and professor at the University of Washington who studies the mental health effects of sexual assault .
To be sure , the Weinstein trial signals a measure of accountability in a long-standing culture of disbelief — and in the case of Weinstein and other wealthy men , hefty settlements that silence accusers and bar them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the trial should not be seen as a neat ending that illustrates the success or failure of the # MeToo movement , but rather a continuum of it , advocates say .
“ It would be really great if # MeToo was a ladder and we reached a new rung .
But that ’ s not how movements work , ” said Fatima Goss Graves , president and CEO at the National Women ’ s Law Center and co-founder of the Time ’ s Up Legal Defense Fund .
“ In my mind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scratch the surface.
” Even a conviction could lead to some form of backlash for # MeToo , experts say .
“ There ’ s a risk that men in power will say , ‘ See , the justice system works .
We don ’ t need to change it , ’ ” said Juliet Williams , a gender studies professor at UCLA .
The term “ sexual harassment ” wasn ’ t coined until the mid-1970s when the term ’ s creator , journalist Lin Farley , taught a course at Cornell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of her female students told stories of being fired or forced to quit a job because they had rejected a boss ’ sexual overtures .
“ I thought that we needed to have a name for what this phenomenon was , ” Farley said during an “ On the Media ” interview in 2017 .
“ We all needed to be talking about the same thing.
” The term didn ’ t achieve mainstream recognition until 1991 , when Anita Hill testified before Congress about the sexual harassment she said she had experienced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court nominee Clarence Thomas .
Hill faced intense questioning about her accusations against Thomas from a panel of all-male senators , chaired by presidential candidate Joe Biden .
If Thomas ’ behavior was so bad , one senator asked , why hadn ’ t Hill stopped it ?
Thomas , who denied the allegations , was confirmed to the U.S. Supreme Court .
History seemed to repeat itself in September 2018 , when Christine Blasey Ford testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that Judge Brett Kavanaugh had sexually assaulted her some 36 years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school , an allegation he denies .
President Trump , who has also been accused of sexual assault , mocked Ford ’ s testimony .
Kavanaugh was confirmed by the Senate days later .
It was a major blow to feminists and survivors , many of whom were retraumatized by the ordeal .
Social mores that favored the accused appeared to remain stubbornly intact .
Yet some progress followed each of these events , historians of the gender equality movement contend .
In the five years after Hill ’ s testimony , sexual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Opportunity Commission more than doubled .
More women ran for Congress , and many cited Hill and how she was treated as motivation .
In the # MeToo era , those who speak out about being assaulted can count on a vocal community — at least online — to support them .
And it is more likely that they will be believed .
An NPR-PBS-Marist poll found that 45 % of respondents thought Ford was telling the truth , while 33 % trusted Kavanaugh .
A similar survey in 1991 found that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over Hill .
Many of Weinstein ’ s accusers are women of privilege , including a number of high-profile actresses , and some advocates question whether the stories would have gripped the public ’ s attention if that hadn ’ t been the case .
Kel O ’ Hara , a fellow at the social justice nonprofit Equal Rights Advocates who is working to expand support for LGBTQ student survivors of gender-based violence and harassment , said the Weinstein trial demonstrates “ how bad things have to be in order to build a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really says something that it took almost 100 women , most with power , to come forward at once to make anything happen .
We should celebrate the moment for what it is , but we should also think about how hard it is for people who will never get to this point , ” O ’ Hara said , adding that the marginalized and impoverished are more likely to experience the criminal justice system as an agent of inequity rather than a steward of fairness .
Sexual harassment is a problem that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ connected by their shared experience , even if their worlds are vastly different .
Mily Treviño-Sauceda , the co-founder of Alianza Nacional de Campesinas , a group that advocates for the rights of female farmworkers , noted that some of the women she works with will see their own traumas in the testimonies of Weinstein ’ s accusers .
Farmworkers are much more likely to be victims of gender discrimination and sexual harassment .
Most do not report sexual misconduct for fear of losing their jobs , or because they are undocumented and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they contact the authorities .
“ If those women lose and they have those kind of privileges , ” Treviño-Sauceda said , “ what is the statement for women who don ’ t have that ?
” Even women with power who testify at sexual assault trials that yield convictions still face victim blaming , the practice of questioning what a victim could have done differently to prevent a crime .
In the 2018 retrial of Bill Cosby , for example , the actor ’ s defense attorneys characterized one of his accusers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She wanted to be a star , ” defense attorney Kathleen Bliss said of Heidi Thomas , who said Cosby drugged her and tried to force her into oral sex in 1984 .
“ She ’ s living the dream now.
” Despite the public shaming of his accusers , Cosby was found guilty of three counts of aggravated indecent assault and was sentenced to three to 10 years in state prison — a boon for the # MeToo movement .
In a recent interview with the Los Angeles Times , Hill noted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just an issue of individual behavior.
” “ It ’ s a problem of systems , it ’ s a problem with culture , which have to come together to support this kind of behavior , ” she said .
“ In that sense , the work is beginning to happen .
And the Weinstein trial is evidence that the systems are coming together to address the problem instead of simply supporting it.
” Hill now leads the Hollywood Commission , an organization formed in response to # MeToo that aims to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A professor of social policy and law , Hill said that the criminal justice system should be seen as the “ last resort ” for addressing these issues .
It is still too early to say whether the movement will make an enduring impression on the law , policy and the justice system , which tend to lag behind even major cultural shifts , said Williams , the gender studies professor .
The civil rights and gay rights movements serve as lessons ; decades of outcry and grass-roots organizing preceded meaningful institutional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a lasting impact , ” Williams said , “ we will have to come up with demands and reforms that have a much , much broader reach.
” But the Weinstein trial will undoubtedly offer clues , she added , to just how much work is left to be done .

Louise Godbold, a trauma specialist who has accused Harvey Weinstein of sexual misconduct, speaks to the media outside the court on Jan. 6 in New York City.
For the past two years, Louise Godbold has been living in a state of heightened tension.
In interview after interview, the former commercial producer has shared what she said happened to her 29 years ago in an empty New York meeting room with Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein, and then again at the Beverley Hills Hotel. Each retelling surfaced feelings of anxiety and numbness, and at times she questioned whether sharing her story was worth it. Even a friend accused her of making Weinstein a scapegoat for a movement, #MeToo, that they believed had gone too far.
This month Godbold plans to watch as Weinstein is tried in Manhattan on five sex crime charges from two separate incidents in 2006 and 2013. She is one of more than 80 other women who have accused Weinstein of sexual misconduct. Last week, L.A. County prosecutors filed four additional sexual assault charges against Weinstein, who has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing.
Advertisement
“He has to be convicted,” said Godbold, a Los Angeles resident who has spent the last 20 years helping trauma survivors through various social programs. “If not, there’s no morals, there’s no justice.”
The Weinstein revelations were the catalyst for #MeToo, a movement that gave an unprecedented voice to survivors of sexual assault and harassment and provoked a cultural reckoning that had bubbled beneath the surface for decades. The allegations are now set to culminate in a trial that is undoubtedly a landmark case for women’s rights. But despite the potential for a life sentence, advocates contend that the trial is just one milestone in a long crusade for systemic, lasting change.
For survivors such as Godbold, a conviction could mark a turning point and help heal their trauma. An acquittal could confirm their worst fears: That society at large is still not ready to listen.
“It would be devastating if he were to get off,” Godbold said. “It would be a complete affront to every woman and every sexual assault survivor.”
If Weinstein is convicted on the rape and sexual assault charges, the verdict could give fuel to the #MeToo movement, advocates say. Survivors who once felt it too risky to put themselves through a grueling and potentially humiliating process might be emboldened to pursue justice.
The movement fomented a shift in the debate over sexual misconduct that has become much bigger than the mogul himself and the individual stories of those he is accused of harming. Despite this platform, very few survivors see justice served. Out of every 1,000 instances of rape, 13 cases will get referred to a prosecutor and seven will lead to a felony conviction, according to the Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network.
Advertisement
“This trial is critical to show that predators everywhere will be held accountable and that speaking up can bring about real change,” said the Silence Breakers, a group comprised of Weinstein’s accusers, in a statement Friday. “We refuse to be silenced and will continue to speak out until this unrepentant abuser is brought to justice.”
Godbold, who stands among the Silence Breakers, alleges that Weinstein gave her a tour of his Tribeca offices when she was seeking an internship at Miramax in the early 1990s. The producer cornered her in a conference room, grabbed her hand and put it on his crotch, Godbold said. Weinstein later apologized and invited her to a meeting at the Beverly Hills Hotel, where she said he took off his clothes and asked for a massage.
Allegations of misconduct made by Weinstein’s accusers — which range from aggressive romantic overtures to repeated rape — mirror the darkest moments of many survivors, experts say.
Though some will avoid watching the trial unfold for fear of being retraumatized, others will follow it closely, viewing it as a reflection of how others might perceive their own stories of abuse.
“The belief that reports aren’t going to be taken seriously could be confirmed or unconfirmed by this process,” said Emily Dworkin, a psychologist and professor at the University of Washington who studies the mental health effects of sexual assault.
To be sure, the Weinstein trial signals a measure of accountability in a long-standing culture of disbelief — and in the case of Weinstein and other wealthy men, hefty settlements that silence accusers and bar them from pursuing legal action. Still, the trial should not be seen as a neat ending that illustrates the success or failure of the #MeToo movement, but rather a continuum of it, advocates say.
“It would be really great if #MeToo was a ladder and we reached a new rung. But that’s not how movements work,” said Fatima Goss Graves, president and CEO at the National Women’s Law Center and co-founder of the Time’s Up Legal Defense Fund. “In my mind, we have really only begun to scratch the surface.”
Even a conviction could lead to some form of backlash for #MeToo, experts say. “There’s a risk that men in power will say, ‘See, the justice system works. We don’t need to change it,’” said Juliet Williams, a gender studies professor at UCLA.
History shows the incremental nature of progress.
The term “sexual harassment” wasn’t coined until the mid-1970s when the term’s creator, journalist Lin Farley, taught a course at Cornell University on women and work. Many of her female students told stories of being fired or forced to quit a job because they had rejected a boss’ sexual overtures.
“I thought that we needed to have a name for what this phenomenon was,” Farley said during an “On the Media” interview in 2017. “We all needed to be talking about the same thing.”
The term didn’t achieve mainstream recognition until 1991, when Anita Hill testified before Congress about the sexual harassment she said she had experienced while working as an aide for then-Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas.
Hill faced intense questioning about her accusations against Thomas from a panel of all-male senators, chaired by presidential candidate Joe Biden. If Thomas’ behavior was so bad, one senator asked, why hadn’t Hill stopped it?
Thomas, who denied the allegations, was confirmed to the U.S. Supreme Court.
History seemed to repeat itself in September 2018, when Christine Blasey Ford testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that Judge Brett Kavanaugh had sexually assaulted her some 36 years ago when they were each in high school, an allegation he denies. President Trump, who has also been accused of sexual assault, mocked Ford’s testimony. Kavanaugh was confirmed by the Senate days later.
It was a major blow to feminists and survivors, many of whom were retraumatized by the ordeal. Social mores that favored the accused appeared to remain stubbornly intact.
Yet some progress followed each of these events, historians of the gender equality movement contend. In the five years after Hill’s testimony, sexual harassment complaints filed to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission more than doubled. More women ran for Congress, and many cited Hill and how she was treated as motivation.
In the #MeToo era, those who speak out about being assaulted can count on a vocal community — at least online — to support them. And it is more likely that they will be believed. An NPR-PBS-Marist poll found that 45% of respondents thought Ford was telling the truth, while 33% trusted Kavanaugh. A similar survey in 1991 found that the majority of the public sided with Thomas over Hill.
Many of Weinstein’s accusers are women of privilege, including a number of high-profile actresses, and some advocates question whether the stories would have gripped the public’s attention if that hadn’t been the case.
Kel O’Hara, a fellow at the social justice nonprofit Equal Rights Advocates who is working to expand support for LGBTQ student survivors of gender-based violence and harassment, said the Weinstein trial demonstrates “how bad things have to be in order to build a criminal case.”
“I think it really says something that it took almost 100 women, most with power, to come forward at once to make anything happen. We should celebrate the moment for what it is, but we should also think about how hard it is for people who will never get to this point,” O’Hara said, adding that the marginalized and impoverished are more likely to experience the criminal justice system as an agent of inequity rather than a steward of fairness.
Sexual harassment is a problem that pervades every industry, and survivors are connected by their shared experience, even if their worlds are vastly different. Mily Treviño-Sauceda, the co-founder of Alianza Nacional de Campesinas, a group that advocates for the rights of female farmworkers, noted that some of the women she works with will see their own traumas in the testimonies of Weinstein’s accusers.
Farmworkers are much more likely to be victims of gender discrimination and sexual harassment. Most do not report sexual misconduct for fear of losing their jobs, or because they are undocumented and worry they’ll be deported if they contact the authorities.
“If those women lose and they have those kind of privileges,” Treviño-Sauceda said, “what is the statement for women who don’t have that?”
Even women with power who testify at sexual assault trials that yield convictions still face victim blaming, the practice of questioning what a victim could have done differently to prevent a crime. In the 2018 retrial of Bill Cosby, for example, the actor’s defense attorneys characterized one of his accusers as a promiscuous social climber.
“She wanted to be a star,” defense attorney Kathleen Bliss said of Heidi Thomas, who said Cosby drugged her and tried to force her into oral sex in 1984. “She’s living the dream now.”
Despite the public shaming of his accusers, Cosby was found guilty of three counts of aggravated indecent assault and was sentenced to three to 10 years in state prison — a boon for the #MeToo movement.
In a recent interview with the Los Angeles Times, Hill noted that sexual harassment and abuse is “not just an issue of individual behavior.”
“It’s a problem of systems, it’s a problem with culture, which have to come together to support this kind of behavior,” she said. “In that sense, the work is beginning to happen. And the Weinstein trial is evidence that the systems are coming together to address the problem instead of simply supporting it.”
Hill now leads the Hollywood Commission, an organization formed in response to #MeToo that aims to eradicate sexual harassment in the entertainment industry. A professor of social policy and law, Hill said that the criminal justice system should be seen as the “last resort” for addressing these issues.
It is still too early to say whether the movement will make an enduring impression on the law, policy and the justice system, which tend to lag behind even major cultural shifts, said Williams, the gender studies professor. The civil rights and gay rights movements serve as lessons; decades of outcry and grass-roots organizing preceded meaningful institutional change.
“For #MeToo to have a lasting impact,” Williams said, “we will have to come up with demands and reforms that have a much, much broader reach.”
But the Weinstein trial will undoubtedly offer clues, she added, to just how much work is left to be done.


latimes--2020-01-19--Column: A female mayor denounces the harassment she receives. Hours later, a man is arrested at her

Column: A female mayor denounces the harassment she receives. Hours later, a man is arrested at her office

If you are a woman who is so bold as to inhabit a vaguely public stage , chances are high that you will be called a lot of things that can ’ t be printed in a family newspaper .
And then some .
It ’ s a truism that unfortunately appears to transcend industry or geography .
Exist in public , and will nitpick your looks , rate your sexual desirability in relation to your ability to do your job , and probably make threats vague and specific — regardless of whether you ’ re a , the or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Central Coast region of California .
San Luis Obispo Mayor Heidi Harmon was fed up when she last Monday morning to call out the constant harassment she received .
“ The amount of cruelty , rudeness , threats , sexism , stalking , body shaming , rude/threatening comments towards my children , etc .
I receive are unbelievable , ” she wrote .
Harmon , who was elected in 2016 , felt torn between her ability to use social media for constructive good and the toxic online sludge that often came her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Harmon published her Facebook post , a man was arrested at City Hall for trying to force his way into the mayor ’ s office .
The that the man — who has “ a strange romantic fixation on the mayor ” — knocked a city staffer to the ground before being restrained by the city manager .
But Harmon , who was fortunately not at City Hall at the time of the incident , is far from alone in her experiences .
A recent study published in the academic journal found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ greater levels of physical violence and psychological abuse than those in the general U.S. workforce , with social media being the most common channel for that abuse .
Female mayors were not only much more likely to face some form of violence or abuse , but they were also more likely to experience abuse of a sexualized nature .
“ Women are facing more of this kind of abuse and violence , and more types of it , ” Sue Thomas , a research scientist and co-author of the study , told me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mayors face are likely heightened by the executive nature of their job .
When Thomas expanded her research to include state senators across the U.S. , she found that legislators faced the same kind of psychological abuse and physical violence as mayors did .
But that study , which is not yet published , showed that while gender differences were still present , they were not as pronounced .
The results were unsurprising to her : Mayors have more focus on them and tend to be seen as more responsible for the actions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislative position , you ’ re one of many .
But among state senators , female committee chairs experience more violence than women who are not committee chairs .
“ Meaning , as you hold more power and responsibility , the more types of abuse and violence you may face , ” Thomas explained .
The thread that links the two studies , Thomas said , is the extent to which an individual holds responsibility or is seen as having power .
Mayor Harmon also used the word “ power ” when she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At the time , she was introducing a male public figure whose work she admired at a local event .
Power , in her estimation , was the thing that man was trying to take away from her when he grabbed the microphone and said , “ Wow , how great it must be to live in a town with a kissable mayor ” after she stepped off the stage .
His words were “ theoretically complimentary , ” but they reduced her to an object .
In her view , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but also every other woman in the theater that night .
All of whom were instantly reminded that they could win elections , lead cities and still remain “ essentially objects , as far as the men are concerned.
” Harmon was careful to draw a distinction between “ differing opinions , ” which she welcomes , and “ abuse , ” most of which appears online .
Speaking over the phone , Harmon told me she was particularly troubled to see an Instagram comment appear after last Monday ’ s incident @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be sexually assaulted.
” “ It ’ s completely devastating to see that even in the light of serious threats against me that people would still comment in that way , ” she said , referencing the arrest of the man at her office .
Some of the abuse she receives is explicitly gendered and , at times , even graphically sexual — like a local anonymous Instagram account that recently reposted a photo Harmon had shared of herself with a bloodied knee from a bike accident with added text suggesting that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engaged in a sex act with the governor .
But in Harmon ’ s view , even many of the non-explicitly gendered attacks — like the people who call her “ trailer trash ” because she lives in a mobile home , or those who mock her because she worked as a house cleaner while raising her now grown children — are still “ rooted in misogyny.
” Much of it comes via social media , but Harmon said she also often experienced comments from men — her constituents — that were of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even just focused on my looks as a general category ” while out in public , doing her job .
In those instances , she often feels torn about how to proceed .
How do you call someone out for inappropriate comments while also trying to build consensus and focus on the meaningful work you ’ re trying to accomplish for your city ?
“ It puts me in a really tough position , ” she said .
Harmon said that she had replayed the “ kissable mayor ” incident over in her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ especially in light of recent events .
Each time , she would wonder what she would do differently had it happened now .
“ I think I would have walked back on stage , asked him nicely for the microphone back and just named it , ” she mused .
She would tell him why it wasn ’ t OK , and why it was a misogynist comment , she said .
“ I am not here to be kissed , ” she continued .
“ I ’ m here to lead this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people in this community .
”

If you are a woman who is so bold as to inhabit a vaguely public stage, chances are high that you will be called a lot of things that can’t be printed in a family newspaper. And then some.
It’s a truism that unfortunately appears to transcend industry or geography. Exist in public, and eventually an online mob will nitpick your looks, rate your sexual desirability in relation to your ability to do your job, and probably make threats vague and specific — regardless of whether you’re a female journalist , the founder of an indie game studio or trying to run a small city in the Central Coast region of California.
San Luis Obispo Mayor Heidi Harmon was fed up when she finally took to Facebook last Monday morning to call out the constant harassment she received.
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“The amount of cruelty, rudeness, threats, sexism, stalking, body shaming, rude/threatening comments towards my children, etc. I receive are unbelievable,” she wrote. Harmon, who was elected in 2016, felt torn between her ability to use social media for constructive good and the toxic online sludge that often came her way there.
A few hours after Harmon published her Facebook post, a man was arrested at City Hall for trying to force his way into the mayor’s office. The San Luis Obispo Tribune reported that the man — who has “a strange romantic fixation on the mayor” — knocked a city staffer to the ground before being restrained by the city manager.
But Harmon, who was fortunately not at City Hall at the time of the incident, is far from alone in her experiences.
A recent study published in the academic journal State and Local Government Review found that mayors — women and men — face greater levels of physical violence and psychological abuse than those in the general U.S. workforce, with social media being the most common channel for that abuse.
Female mayors were not only much more likely to face some form of violence or abuse, but they were also more likely to experience abuse of a sexualized nature.
“Women are facing more of this kind of abuse and violence, and more types of it,” Sue Thomas, a research scientist and co-author of the study, told me.
Advertisement
The abuse and violence that female mayors face are likely heightened by the executive nature of their job. When Thomas expanded her research to include state senators across the U.S., she found that legislators faced the same kind of psychological abuse and physical violence as mayors did. But that study, which is not yet published, showed that while gender differences were still present, they were not as pronounced.
The results were unsurprising to her: Mayors have more focus on them and tend to be seen as more responsible for the actions taken by a city. In a legislative position, you’re one of many.
But among state senators, female committee chairs experience more violence than women who are not committee chairs. “Meaning, as you hold more power and responsibility, the more types of abuse and violence you may face,” Thomas explained.
The thread that links the two studies, Thomas said, is the extent to which an individual holds responsibility or is seen as having power.
Mayor Harmon also used the word “power” when she described an incident early in her mayorship. At the time, she was introducing a male public figure whose work she admired at a local event.
Power, in her estimation, was the thing that man was trying to take away from her when he grabbed the microphone and said, “Wow, how great it must be to live in a town with a kissable mayor” after she stepped off the stage.
His words were “theoretically complimentary,” but they reduced her to an object. In her view, the comment didn’t just disempower her, but also every other woman in the theater that night. All of whom were instantly reminded that they could win elections, lead cities and still remain “essentially objects, as far as the men are concerned.”
Harmon was careful to draw a distinction between “differing opinions,” which she welcomes, and “abuse,” most of which appears online.
Speaking over the phone, Harmon told me she was particularly troubled to see an Instagram comment appear after last Monday’s incident at City Hall saying she “deserved to be sexually assaulted.”
“It’s completely devastating to see that even in the light of serious threats against me that people would still comment in that way,” she said, referencing the arrest of the man at her office.
Some of the abuse she receives is explicitly gendered and, at times, even graphically sexual — like a local anonymous Instagram account that recently reposted a photo Harmon had shared of herself with a bloodied knee from a bike accident with added text suggesting that she’d received the injury while engaged in a sex act with the governor.
But in Harmon’s view, even many of the non-explicitly gendered attacks — like the people who call her “trailer trash” because she lives in a mobile home, or those who mock her because she worked as a house cleaner while raising her now grown children — are still “rooted in misogyny.”
Much of it comes via social media, but Harmon said she also often experienced comments from men — her constituents — that were of an “inappropriately sexual nature, or even just focused on my looks as a general category” while out in public, doing her job.
In those instances, she often feels torn about how to proceed. How do you call someone out for inappropriate comments while also trying to build consensus and focus on the meaningful work you’re trying to accomplish for your city? “It puts me in a really tough position,” she said.
Harmon said that she had replayed the “kissable mayor” incident over in her head many times since it happened, especially in light of recent events. Each time, she would wonder what she would do differently had it happened now.
“I think I would have walked back on stage, asked him nicely for the microphone back and just named it,” she mused. She would tell him why it wasn’t OK, and why it was a misogynist comment, she said.
“I am not here to be kissed,” she continued. “I’m here to lead this city and to create policy for the people in this community.”


latimes--2020-01-20--Free tuition at California public colleges helped the state prosper. There's no reason it can't agai

Free tuition at California public colleges helped the state prosper. There's no reason it can't again

It wouldn ’ t be “ free college ” for all — no one anywhere is proposing that — but a state university diploma could become more affordable for many California students .
Under a new law , full-time community college students are already excused from paying course fees of $ 46 per unit .
That ’ s good for both their freshman and sophomore years .
The next logical step is for those students to receive two more years of tuition-free education if they transfer to a California state university .
Bottom line : California residents could obtain a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years without paying a dime in course fees or tuition .
Of course , they ’ d still have to fork out thousands for room , board and books .
So there ’ d be no “ free college.
” The state currently is paying $ 85 million for the community college fee waivers .
Exempting community college transfers from two years of CSU tuition would cost an additional $ 300 million-plus .
The state can ’ t afford it ?
Rubbish .
Generations of California students — mine included — attended the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community colleges tuition-free .
It wasn ’ t until the 1970s and 1980s that tuition and course fees began creeping on campuses .
Why ’ d that happen ?
The state switched priorities and began spending its money or other stuff : enhanced welfare and healthcare for the poor , prisons and — especially — K-12 schools to compensate for property tax losses after Proposition 13 was passed in 1978 .
Assemblyman Miguel Santiago ( D-Los Angeles ) , who spearheaded the legislation to provide community college fee waivers , has just introduced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offer two tuition-free years at CSU for community college transfers .
To be eligible for free tuition , a transfer would need to have obtained a community college degree and taken 18 units toward a major .
“ These students are absolutely prepared to be successful , ” Santiago told me .
“ They should be able to get a [ CSU ] degree in two years .
...
They have to make a commitment .
They can ’ t be goofing around.
” A bill blurb reads that the measure “ will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in four-year institutions following community college , help more students graduate with less debt and will grow the number of workers with undergraduate degrees needed to compete in the global economy.
” Why didn ’ t he include UC in his bill ?
Because most community college graduates transfer to CSU , Santiago said .
“ This is a starting point.
” Santiago , 46 , attended Moorpark College , then transferred to UCLA for his bachelor ’ s degree .
He served on the L.A. Community College District board before being elected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ annual tuition at a Cal State school is roughly $ 7,300 , including campus fees .
That ’ s a relative bargain .
UC tuition , with fees , is around $ 14,000 .
Private university tuition can be triple or quadruple that of UC ’ s .
For poor and lower middle-income students , there ’ s lots of financial help : state Cal Grants , federal Pell Grants and campus “ institutional aid.
” Many financially pressed students get their tuitions waived .
That ’ s good .
What isn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make up for it by paying higher tuition .
One-third of the paying students ’ tuition goes to replace the poorer kids ’ tab .
It ’ s good public policy to exempt poor kids from tuition .
But the entire public should pay for it through the state general fund .
Critics of free tuition for all — including some presidential candidates — object to students getting a “ free ride.
” But nobody is advocating for a complete freebie .
Tuition represents only 25 % to 30 % of the cost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expenses range from $ 10,600 annually at Cal State Fresno to about $ 18,000 at San Diego State , .
Total costs — tuition , housing , meals , books , parking — vary from roughly $ 25,000 at Cal State Stanislaus to nearly $ 30,000 at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo .
Free tuition has become a major issue in the presidential campaign .
Democrats are divided .
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders kicked it off by advocating free tuition for every public university student when he ran for president in 2016 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ she ’ d pay for it by imposing a “ wealth tax ” on people worth more than $ 50 million .
In last week ’ s Democratic debate , Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar mischaracterized their positions as advocating “ free college for all.
” Pete Buttigieg , the moderate former mayor of South Bend , Ind.
, put it this way : “ We ’ ve got to be making sure that we target our tax dollars where they will make the biggest difference .
And I don ’ t think subsidizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pay absolutely zero tuition at public colleges is the best use of those scarce taxpayer dollars.
” But our public libraries are free to everyone .
So are public K-12 schools .
At public parks and beaches , rich and poor alike pay the same fees — when there are any .
I asked Santiago why he was OK with providing free tuition for wealthy students .
“ No .
1 , rich kids aren ’ t going from high school to community college to Cal State , ” he replied .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say some are .
It ’ s an anomaly .
It would probably cost more to weed them out than we ’ d save.
” But his bill will be a hard sell to other legislators and Gov .
Gavin Newsom .
They ’ ve all got their own pet spending projects .
“ I ’ ve been there before , ” Santiago said .
“ People said that about the community college fees .
This will get the conversation going.
” Free tuition at California public colleges once helped the state prosper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supplying a skilled workforce .
There ’ s no reason it couldn ’ t again .

Under a new bill, California residents could obtain a CSU bachelor’s degree after four years without paying a dime in course fees or tuition.
It wouldn’t be “free college” for all — no one anywhere is proposing that — but a state university diploma could become more affordable for many California students.
Under a new law, full-time community college students are already excused from paying course fees of $46 per unit. That’s good for both their freshman and sophomore years. The next logical step is for those students to receive two more years of tuition-free education if they transfer to a California state university.
Bottom line: California residents could obtain a CSU bachelor’s degree after four years without paying a dime in course fees or tuition. Of course, they’d still have to fork out thousands for room, board and books. So there’d be no “free college.”
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The state currently is paying $85 million for the community college fee waivers. Exempting community college transfers from two years of CSU tuition would cost an additional $300 million-plus.
The state can’t afford it? Rubbish. Generations of California students — mine included — attended the University of California, state universities and community colleges tuition-free. It wasn’t until the 1970s and 1980s that tuition and course fees began creeping on campuses.
Why’d that happen? The state switched priorities and began spending its money or other stuff: enhanced welfare and healthcare for the poor, prisons and — especially — K-12 schools to compensate for property tax losses after Proposition 13 was passed in 1978.
Assemblyman Miguel Santiago (D-Los Angeles), who spearheaded the legislation to provide community college fee waivers, has just introduced a bill, AB 1862, to offer two tuition-free years at CSU for community college transfers.
To be eligible for free tuition, a transfer would need to have obtained a community college degree and taken 18 units toward a major.
“These students are absolutely prepared to be successful,” Santiago told me. “They should be able to get a [CSU] degree in two years. ... They have to make a commitment. They can’t be goofing around.”
A bill blurb reads that the measure “will encourage and incentivize more students to enroll in four-year institutions following community college, help more students graduate with less debt and will grow the number of workers with undergraduate degrees needed to compete in the global economy.”
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Why didn’t he include UC in his bill? Because most community college graduates transfer to CSU, Santiago said. “This is a starting point.”
Santiago, 46, attended Moorpark College, then transferred to UCLA for his bachelor’s degree. He served on the L.A. Community College District board before being elected to the Assembly in 2014.
Current annual tuition at a Cal State school is roughly $7,300, including campus fees. That’s a relative bargain. UC tuition, with fees, is around $14,000. Private university tuition can be triple or quadruple that of UC’s.
For poor and lower middle-income students, there’s lots of financial help: state Cal Grants, federal Pell Grants and campus “institutional aid.”
Many financially pressed students get their tuitions waived. That’s good. What isn’t good is that the other students make up for it by paying higher tuition. One-third of the paying students’ tuition goes to replace the poorer kids’ tab.
It’s good public policy to exempt poor kids from tuition. But the entire public should pay for it through the state general fund.
Critics of free tuition for all — including some presidential candidates — object to students getting a “free ride.” But nobody is advocating for a complete freebie. Tuition represents only 25% to 30% of the cost of attending a CSU school. Housing expenses range from $10,600 annually at Cal State Fresno to about $18,000 at San Diego State,.
Total costs — tuition, housing, meals, books, parking — vary from roughly $25,000 at Cal State Stanislaus to nearly $30,000 at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo.
Free tuition has become a major issue in the presidential campaign. Democrats are divided.
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders kicked it off by advocating free tuition for every public university student when he ran for president in 2016. Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren agrees, saying she’d pay for it by imposing a “wealth tax” on people worth more than $50 million.
In last week’s Democratic debate, Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar mischaracterized their positions as advocating “free college for all.”
Pete Buttigieg, the moderate former mayor of South Bend, Ind., put it this way:
“We’ve got to be making sure that we target our tax dollars where they will make the biggest difference. And I don’t think subsidizing the children of millionaires and billionaires to pay absolutely zero tuition at public colleges is the best use of those scarce taxpayer dollars.”
But our public libraries are free to everyone. So are public K-12 schools. At public parks and beaches, rich and poor alike pay the same fees — when there are any.
I asked Santiago why he was OK with providing free tuition for wealthy students.
“No. 1, rich kids aren’t going from high school to community college to Cal State,” he replied. “No. 2, let’s say some are. It’s an anomaly. It would probably cost more to weed them out than we’d save.”
But his bill will be a hard sell to other legislators and Gov. Gavin Newsom. They’ve all got their own pet spending projects.
“I’ve been there before,” Santiago said. “People said that about the community college fees. This will get the conversation going.”
Free tuition at California public colleges once helped the state prosper by making a BA more affordable and supplying a skilled workforce. There’s no reason it couldn’t again.


latimes--2020-01-20--Public service, celebrations mark Martin Luther King Jr. holiday in L.A.

For those who want to serve or celebrate on Monday ’ s King holiday , there are options across Los Angeles , including school and park cleanups and a parade .
The annual Kingdom Day Parade will start at 10 a.m. at Western Avenue and Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard .
The parade route runs down MLK Boulevard to Crenshaw Boulevard.
, where it turns left and then ends at Vernon Avenue .
The grand marshal is Keke Palmer of ABC ’ s “ GMA3 : Strahan , Sara & Keke.
” ABC7 Eyewitness News anchors Michelle Tuzee and Leslie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year ’ s parade , whose theme is “ Equality for All Humanity , Our Next Step.
” After the parade , there will be a festival in Leimert Park with booths , food and music open until 5 p.m. For another take on the meaning of the day , there will be a dialogue at the Unitarian Universalist Community Church of Santa Monica in Forbes Hall .
The theme is “ Confronting Structural Racism in Traditionally White Spaces.
” The goal , according to organizers , is to “ examine structural racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including a reflection upon issues of fragility , microaggressions and responsibility.
” The discussion will conclude with “ sharing strategies for working toward reconciliation and justice.
” In Long Beach , more than 500 volunteers are expected to complete 20 service projects across the city in an event sponsored by the Port of Long Beach , Habitat for Humanity , the City of Long Beach and various organizations .
Participants are invited to assemble at Seaside Park , near 14th Street and Chestnut Avenue , for a kickoff rally and celebratory remembrance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be a pancake breakfast before the short program .
“ We want all volunteers to attend to confirm their volunteer project site information and we will send you to your site by 9 a.m. , ” organizers have advised .
The projects include : a cleanup of Seaside Park ; a spruce up and organizing of a clothing bank for Long Beach City College students ; landscaping at Willow Springs Park , and yard work for the elderly .
In Hollywood , from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. , the nonprofit Big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men , boys and girls of all ages and sizes .
New and gently used work clothes , casual clothes , warm clothes and coats and athletic wear are needed .
New socks and underwear are appreciated , too , as are donations for the purchase of those items .
Volunteers will help sort , count , fold and pack donated clothing .
Last year , these efforts resulted in the distribution of more than 50,000 articles of clothing .
There also will be breakfast , arts and crafts projects throughout the morning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The address is : 6111 Melrose Ave .

For those who want to serve or celebrate on Monday’s King holiday, there are options across Los Angeles, including school and park cleanups and a parade.
The annual Kingdom Day Parade will start at 10 a.m. at Western Avenue and Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard. The parade route runs down MLK Boulevard to Crenshaw Boulevard., where it turns left and then ends at Vernon Avenue. The grand marshal is Keke Palmer of ABC’s “GMA3: Strahan, Sara & Keke.”
ABC7 Eyewitness News anchors Michelle Tuzee and Leslie Sykes will serve as hosts of this year’s parade, whose theme is “Equality for All Humanity, Our Next Step.” After the parade, there will be a festival in Leimert Park with booths, food and music open until 5 p.m.
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For another take on the meaning of the day, there will be a dialogue at the Unitarian Universalist Community Church of Santa Monica in Forbes Hall. The theme is “Confronting Structural Racism in Traditionally White Spaces.” The goal, according to organizers, is to “examine structural racism through the lens of whiteness and privilege, including a reflection upon issues of fragility, microaggressions and responsibility.” The discussion will conclude with “sharing strategies for working toward reconciliation and justice.”
In Long Beach, more than 500 volunteers are expected to complete 20 service projects across the city in an event sponsored by the Port of Long Beach, Habitat for Humanity, the City of Long Beach and various organizations.
Participants are invited to assemble at Seaside Park, near 14th Street and Chestnut Avenue, for a kickoff rally and celebratory remembrance at King at 8 a.m. There will be a pancake breakfast before the short program.
“We want all volunteers to attend to confirm their volunteer project site information and we will send you to your site by 9 a.m.,” organizers have advised.
The projects include: a cleanup of Seaside Park; a spruce up and organizing of a clothing bank for Long Beach City College students; landscaping at Willow Springs Park, and yard work for the elderly.
In Hollywood, from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m., the nonprofit Big Sunday will collect clothes for women, men, boys and girls of all ages and sizes. New and gently used work clothes, casual clothes, warm clothes and coats and athletic wear are needed. New socks and underwear are appreciated, too, as are donations for the purchase of those items.
Volunteers will help sort, count, fold and pack donated clothing. Last year, these efforts resulted in the distribution of more than 50,000 articles of clothing.
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There also will be breakfast, arts and crafts projects throughout the morning and entertainment from the Blue Breeze Band. The address is: 6111 Melrose Ave.


latimes--2020-01-20--L.A. councilman corrects city website about college degree

Until recently , the city website for Los Angeles City Councilman John Lee described him as a graduate of Cal State Northridge , one of several schools he attended in the San Fernando Valley .
But Lee stopped short of getting his degree , according to a CSUN spokeswoman .
Lee confirmed last week that he was short of the needed credits to graduate , saying in a statement that after the Northridge earthquake hit and disrupted classes , “ life happened , time got away from me , and I have not yet been able to finish that last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the best of his knowledge , he had not represented or referred to himself as a CSUN graduate .
Lee said the biography on his website was posted by a staffer who “ unknowingly changed the language she found ” in an internal document describing his background , “ which stated I had attended local schools.
” The wording on his website has since been altered .
Lee was quoted in a Los Angeles Daily News article about a CSUN event roughly 4½ years ago , saying , “ It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from CSUN — that led me to a life of community service.
” Lee said he did not remember making those remarks but had never sought a correction because he hadn ’ t previously read the Daily News article .
During his campaign , “ I have always been and continue to be extremely careful to ensure that no campaign materials state that I graduated from CSUN , ” the councilman said .
Lee won a special election last year for a seat representing the northwestern stretches of the San Fernando Valley , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hills and Porter Ranch .
He is now facing a rematch against Loraine Lundquist , a CSUN educator and astrophysicist who is running for the seat again this March .
Lundquist campaign consultant Calvin Abbasi said in a statement that “ there is nothing wrong with not having a degree — but there is something seriously wrong with lying about it.
” “ His excuses are just not believable , ” Abbasi said .
Lee campaign senior strategist Pat Dennis responded by saying that Lundquist “ has nothing new to offer on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and misleading attacks.
” Lee said that when classes were rescheduled after the disruption of the Northridge earthquake , he had a scheduling conflict between his job and a remaining course .
The councilman said he later enrolled in a class to get his needed credits but was unable to complete it because his mother needed help from him .
Lee said her Koreatown business had shut down in the aftermath of the unrest that roiled the city in 1992 , after officers were acquitted in the beating of black motorist Rodney King @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by then-Councilman Joel Wachs and , in the years since , had “ not had a chance to take that last general education course .
”

Until recently, the city website for Los Angeles City Councilman John Lee described him as a graduate of Cal State Northridge, one of several schools he attended in the San Fernando Valley.
But Lee stopped short of getting his degree, according to a CSUN spokeswoman. Lee confirmed last week that he was short of the needed credits to graduate, saying in a statement that after the Northridge earthquake hit and disrupted classes, “life happened, time got away from me, and I have not yet been able to finish that last class.”
The councilman said that, to the best of his knowledge, he had not represented or referred to himself as a CSUN graduate.
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Lee said the biography on his website was posted by a staffer who “unknowingly changed the language she found” in an internal document describing his background, “which stated I had attended local schools.” The wording on his website has since been altered.
Lee was quoted in a Los Angeles Daily News article about a CSUN event roughly 4½ years ago, saying, “It’s events like this — and I graduated from CSUN — that led me to a life of community service.”
Lee said he did not remember making those remarks but had never sought a correction because he hadn’t previously read the Daily News article.
During his campaign, “I have always been and continue to be extremely careful to ensure that no campaign materials state that I graduated from CSUN,” the councilman said.
Lee won a special election last year for a seat representing the northwestern stretches of the San Fernando Valley, including the neighborhoods of Chatsworth, Granada Hills and Porter Ranch. He is now facing a rematch against Loraine Lundquist, a CSUN educator and astrophysicist who is running for the seat again this March.
Lundquist campaign consultant Calvin Abbasi said in a statement that “there is nothing wrong with not having a degree — but there is something seriously wrong with lying about it.”
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“His excuses are just not believable,” Abbasi said.
Lee campaign senior strategist Pat Dennis responded by saying that Lundquist “has nothing new to offer on the issues and instead is focusing on ridiculous and misleading attacks.”
Lee said that when classes were rescheduled after the disruption of the Northridge earthquake, he had a scheduling conflict between his job and a remaining course.
The councilman said he later enrolled in a class to get his needed credits but was unable to complete it because his mother needed help from him. Lee said her Koreatown business had shut down in the aftermath of the unrest that roiled the city in 1992, after officers were acquitted in the beating of black motorist Rodney King.
Lee said he was soon hired by then-Councilman Joel Wachs and, in the years since, had “not had a chance to take that last general education course.”