latimes--2020-11-10--In liberal California, Black Lives Matter protests in some towns meet with 'scary' backlash

Pastor Nelson Rabell-González knew that “ livable , lovable Lodi , ” as locals call it , had a problem when men carrying a noose and baseball bats with American flags attached shouted racial slurs at him in September as he helped lead a peaceful protest in this San Joaquin Valley town .
What surprised him was that to some , the problem was him .
“ I feel like I am in Alabama prior to the civil rights [ movement ] , ” said Rabell-González , an Afro-Caribbean Lutheran minister who in past months has planned some of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place in this agricultural outpost made famous by a Creedence Clearwater Revival song about a man stuck where he ‘ s not appreciated .
“ We are bringing them into the ’ 60s , this town.
” Though large protests have filled streets in Los Angeles and other cities since a Minneapolis policeman killed George Floyd in May , freshly minted organizers such as Rabell-González are pushing for change in rural communities , often confronting challenges their urban counterparts never encounter .
In Northern California towns such as Nevada City , Fortuna and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staged events in places where public dissent is uncommon and sometimes unwelcome — resulting in attacks , online doxxing and harassment .
Lacking in numbers , these activists also lack anonymity .
In Lodi , everyone has figured out who the new organizers are — a school teacher , a bus driver , a farmworker , a recent high school graduate — and the blowback has been severe : death threats ; calls to have them fired from jobs ; conspiracy theories about their motives and personal lives .
“ As allies in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Kat Ellis , an elementary teacher who helped Rabell-González start an organization called A New Lodi to advocate for progressive causes .
“ This city would like to think they can fear-monger people.
” Ellis said that after helping to organize recent events , she was targeted both online and in person , with people calling her a pedophile because her social media profile expressed support for the LGBTQ+ community .
The QAnon conspiracy theory favored by some right-wing groups associates the plus symbol with a secret code for a fake network @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the government .
Her school district received complaints , demanding she be fired , she said .
Her husband ’ s employer put him on paid leave after customers threatened to pull their business .
“ It was wildfire , ” Ellis said .
“ My husband and I would be walking around and people would stop and whisper.
” Lodi has transitioned into a prestigious wine region with a Mediterranean climate perfect for Zinfandels , and it aspires to rival Napa and Sonoma by pulling tourists east across Highway 12 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the river delta and into its flat , dry fields now dotted with about 85 wineries .
In 2018 , Wine Enthusiast magazine named fifth-generation Lodi vintner Adam Mettler of Michael David Winery , owner of popular labels including Inkblot and Earthquake , as its winemaker of the year , bringing acclaim to vineyards once best known for pink-red Tokay table grapes .
But Lodi also has a darker reputation , said city council member JoAnne Mounce , a third-generation Lodian .
“ Back in the 1950s we were not a community that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Though Mounce doesn ’ t think it ’ s “ the same place it was , ” she said “ there are folks in Lodi who have been marginalized for a very long time.
” Near the turn of the century , Lodi was rumored to be a “ sundown town , ” where people of color were not welcome after dark .
Just after Martin Luther King Jr. Day in 1998 , a cross was burned in front of the local high school and its Black principal targeted with spray-painted insults .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ greenbelt ” of agricultural lands that some contend is purposefully preserved as a buffer to nearby Stockton , one of the most diverse cities in California , with high rates of homelessness and poverty .
Less than 2 % of Lodi ’ s 65,000 residents — 1,300 people — are Black , according to census data .
“ They say , ‘ Oh , we haven ’ t had a George Floyd incident here , ” said Rabell-González .
“ Yeah , you kept Black people out.
” Rabell-González and other criminal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s death , including the September march in Lodi ’ s quaint downtown , which they discussed ahead of time with police .
They were met by counter-demonstrators who outnumbered them 3 to 1 .
One local counter-protester , his face obscured by a red bandanna and a hat , ran a power saw as marchers went by .
Though its chain was removed , “ that is intimidating , ” said Sierra Brucia , Lodi ’ s police chief .
“ Our officers were out there and they were hearing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lynching , ” Brucia said .
“ It was vulgar.
” Before the rally , the internet spread false rumors that violent BLM demonstrators would flood in from nearby Sacramento , intent on destruction , including burning the downtown .
Warnings about violence similar to Portland were rampant online , and Lodi 911 dispatchers were inundated for days about alleged caches of rocks hidden by protesters who planned vandalism .
Though police assured residents these were landscaping stones that had been there all along , self-styled local “ patriots ” insisted they would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overrun .
“ Everybody associated with Black Lives Matter is a domestic terrorist , ” said one local who came out that day and asked not to be identified because he worries he will be “ targeted ” by activists .
“ That is why we were there , to make sure the Democratic failures that happened in Portland didn ’ t happen in Lodi.
” Vine Sanchez , 18 , a recent high school graduate who helped plan the protest , called it a “ very scary and surreal experience.
” Sanchez @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first , asking Leia Schenk , an organizer from Sacramento , to take the lead , but he received death threats online before the event anyway .
Still , he wasn ’ t prepared for what happened .
“ We had people screaming , ‘ I ’ m going to kill you .
If the police weren ’ t here I ’ d f— you up , ’ ” he said .
When the rally was over , Sanchez said the counter-protesters surrounded his vehicle as he tried to leave .
Schenk said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protest I have been to as an advocate and a leader , and I have been all over the country .
They spit at me , they lunged at me , they did it all.
” Nearly two months later , the town is grappling with what the incident means for the city and its future .
Like much of California and the country in the wake of a divisive election and a year of racial upheaval , Lodi is left wondering how to move forward while anger , hurt and distrust continue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said that community has “ quieted down , ” and he is “ hopeful ” because two people of color are predicted to win City Council seats once final tallies are counted in the recent election — one in the low-income district currently held by Mounce .
But for now , Lodi is split between those who contend their fear of protesters was warranted by current events , including property damage after protests in Sacramento and the Bay Area , and those who believe a reckoning over race is long overdue here .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , some indifferent , some uncertain , many convinced that outsiders are the crux of the dissent and wishing the whole mess would blow over .
“ If you are from a large community and you come to a small , quiet wine county , there are going to be some differences , ” Mounce said .
Sanchez , the young organizer , does not believe the counter-protesters are representative of most locals — and thinks some of them may have come from out of town .
“ The majority of people aren @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said .
Others aren ’ t as sure .
Bobbi Owens , 21 , received so many threats after trying to plan a protest that her parents stepped in to help , in hopes their presence would shield her from harm while still enabling her to speak out .
Owens ’ mother , Mickey Ditmore , who is Latina , said she never understood her daughter ’ s view that Lodi was “ oppressive ” until this experience .
“ I think because I was raised here , I ’ m just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Ditmore said .
The response to their organizing “ has really started opening up a lot of doors and allowing me to see what she has always been trying to say , ” she added .
Though the last few months have brought activism to the forefront , the town was not devoid of it before .
Nearly 40 % of the population is Latino , many Mexican farmworkers .
Bertha Castro Valdez , a school district employee whose parents were farmworkers , has been advocating for the Hispanic community for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one family at a time .
“ Now I feel like I am not by myself fighting , ” she said .
The recent protests , she thinks , though centered on Black lives , have helped expose racial disparities in Lodi so longstanding and entrenched that they can be hard to see , even for those they affect .
“ It ’ s so racist , this town , even the Hispanic community has become racist , ” said Castro Valdez .
“ Those who become professionals forget the community .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They pretend they are from Texas .
They don ’ t want to be from Mexico.
” Castro Valdez said that many in the Hispanic community here are afraid to call police or don ’ t believe it will result in help .
“ There is always that , ‘ Oh , we don ’ t have an officer who speaks your language , ’ ” she said .
“ There are two sides of the story and so they only listen to one.
” Brucia , the police chief , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and his agency has already put in place several progressive policies including de-escalation training .
But , he said , “ I ’ ll be the first to admit that I don ’ t truly understand all the intricacies of the BLM matters .
I ’ m a white police chief .
I am never going to have a full understanding of that lived experience.
” Lissa Barragán , a farmworker also involved in Rabell-González ’ s group , said she has experienced bias firsthand .
Her oldest son , she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members when he was about 16 .
Desperate to protect him at a time when gang activity was rampant in her neighborhood , she called police multiple times over months to report the aggressors , she said , who were trying to force him to join though intimidation .
But Barragán said police did nothing — until her son bought a weapon to defend himself .
She says that while being chased by gang members , her son fired a gun and was subsequently arrested .
She sold her jewelry to pay for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convicted and deported to Mexico when he was released .
She has not seen him in two years .
She believes if police would have intervened when she asked , her son ’ s life may have turned out differently .
“ What was the reason to call the police if no one would respond ?
” she asked .
“ Lodi is a hard place to live .
”

Pastor Nelson Rabell-González of St. Paul Lutheran Church is at the forefront of A New Lodi, an organization working to change what he says is the racist history of the San Joaquin town.
Pastor Nelson Rabell-González knew that “livable, lovable Lodi,” as locals call it, had a problem when men carrying a noose and baseball bats with American flags attached shouted racial slurs at him in September as he helped lead a peaceful protest in this San Joaquin Valley town.
What surprised him was that to some, the problem was him.
“I feel like I am in Alabama prior to the civil rights [movement],” said Rabell-González, an Afro-Caribbean Lutheran minister who in past months has planned some of the first racial justice marches to ever take place in this agricultural outpost made famous by a Creedence Clearwater Revival song about a man stuck where he’s not appreciated. “We are bringing them into the ’60s, this town.”
Though large protests have filled streets in Los Angeles and other cities since a Minneapolis policeman killed George Floyd in May, freshly minted organizers such as Rabell-González are pushing for change in rural communities, often confronting challenges their urban counterparts never encounter.
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In Northern California towns such as Nevada City, Fortuna and Quincy, small numbers of protesters have staged events in places where public dissent is uncommon and sometimes unwelcome — resulting in attacks, online doxxing and harassment.
Lacking in numbers, these activists also lack anonymity. In Lodi, everyone has figured out who the new organizers are — a school teacher, a bus driver, a farmworker, a recent high school graduate — and the blowback has been severe: death threats; calls to have them fired from jobs; conspiracy theories about their motives and personal lives.
Kat Ellis and her husband say they’ve faced harassment online and in town for helping to organize racial justice rallies. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
“As allies in this town you get attacked,” said Kat Ellis, an elementary teacher who helped Rabell-González start an organization called A New Lodi to advocate for progressive causes. “This city would like to think they can fear-monger people.”
Ellis said that after taking part in recent events, she was targeted both online and in person, with people calling her a pedophile because her social media profile expressed support for the LGBTQ+ community. The QAnon conspiracy theory favored by some right-wing groups associates the plus symbol with a secret code for a fake network of Democratic child abusers intent on taking over the government.
Her school district received complaints, demanding she be fired, she said. Her husband’s employer put him on paid leave after customers threatened to pull their business.
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“It was wildfire,” Ellis said. “My husband and I would be walking around and people would stop and whisper.”
Lodi has transitioned into a prestigious wine region with a Mediterranean climate perfect for Zinfandels, and it aspires to rival Napa and Sonoma by pulling tourists east across Highway 12, out of the coastal hills, through the river delta and into its flat, dry fields now dotted with about 85 wineries. In 2018, Wine Enthusiast magazine named fifth-generation Lodi vintner Adam Mettler of Michael David Winery, owner of popular labels including Inkblot and Earthquake, as its winemaker of the year, bringing acclaim to vineyards once best known for pink-red Tokay table grapes.
But Lodi also has a darker reputation, said city council member JoAnne Mounce, a third-generation Lodian. “Back in the 1950s we were not a community that welcomed diversity,” she said.
Though Mounce doesn’t think it’s “the same place it was,” she said “there are folks in Lodi who have been marginalized for a very long time.”
Near the turn of the century, Lodi was rumored to be a “sundown town,” where people of color were not welcome after dark. Just after Martin Luther King Jr. Day in 1998, a cross was burned in front of the local high school and its Black principal targeted with spray-painted insults.
Today the city is surrounded by a “greenbelt” of agricultural lands that some contend is purposefully preserved as a buffer to nearby Stockton, one of the most diverse cities in California, with high rates of homelessness and poverty. Less than 2% of Lodi’s 65,000 residents — 1,300 people — are Black, according to census data.
“They say, ‘Oh, we haven’t had a George Floyd incident here,” said Rabell-González. “Yeah, you kept Black people out.”
Rabell-González and other criminal justice advocates began organizing shortly after Floyd’s death, including the September march in Lodi’s quaint downtown, which they discussed ahead of time with police. They were met by counter-demonstrators who outnumbered them 3 to 1.
One local counter-protester, his face obscured by a red bandanna and a hat, ran a power saw as marchers went by. Though its chain was removed, “that is intimidating,” said Sierra Brucia, Lodi’s police chief.
“Our officers were out there and they were hearing the N-word and they were hearing references to lynching,” Brucia said. “It was vulgar.”
Before the rally, the internet spread false rumors that violent BLM demonstrators would flood in from nearby Sacramento, intent on destruction, including burning the downtown. Warnings about violence similar to Portland were rampant online, and Lodi 911 dispatchers were inundated for days about alleged caches of rocks hidden by protesters who planned vandalism.
Though police assured residents these were landscaping stones that had been there all along, self-styled local “patriots” insisted they would be present in case law enforcement was overrun.
“Everybody associated with Black Lives Matter is a domestic terrorist,” said one local who came out that day and asked not to be identified because he worries he will be “targeted” by activists. “That is why we were there, to make sure the Democratic failures that happened in Portland didn’t happen in Lodi.”
Vine Sanchez, 18, a recent high school graduate who helped plan the protest, called it a “very scary and surreal experience.” Sanchez tried to keep his identity secret at first, asking Leia Schenk, an organizer from Sacramento, to take the lead, but he received death threats online before the event anyway. Still, he wasn’t prepared for what happened.
“We had people screaming, ‘I’m going to kill you. If the police weren’t here I’d f— you up,’” he said. When the rally was over, Sanchez said the counter-protesters surrounded his vehicle as he tried to leave.
Schenk said, “That was the most tense protest I have been to as an advocate and a leader, and I have been all over the country. They spit at me, they lunged at me, they did it all.”
Nearly two months later, the town is grappling with what the incident means for the city and its future. Like much of California and the country in the wake of a divisive election and a year of racial upheaval, Lodi is left wondering how to move forward while anger, hurt and distrust continue to define its public discourse.
Rabell-González said that community has “quieted down,” and he is “hopeful” because two people of color are predicted to win City Council seats once final tallies are counted in the recent election — one in the low-income district currently held by Mounce.
But for now, Lodi is split between those who contend their fear of protesters was warranted by current events, including property damage after protests in Sacramento and the Bay Area, and those who believe a reckoning over race is long overdue here. In between are the majority of residents, some indifferent, some uncertain, many convinced that outsiders are the crux of the dissent and wishing the whole mess would blow over.
“If you are from a large community and you come to a small, quiet wine county, there are going to be some differences,” Mounce said.
Sanchez, the young organizer, does not believe the counter-protesters are representative of most locals — and thinks some of them may have come from out of town.
“The majority of people aren’t hateful like that,” he said.
The entire Ditmore family joined A New Lodi after Bobbi, in the middle, received threats for attempting to organize a racial justice rally in Lodi. From the left: Mickey; Tyler, 17; Bobbi, 21; and Jarred. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Others aren’t as sure. Bobbi Owens, 21, received so many threats after trying to plan a protest that her parents stepped in to help, in hopes their presence would shield her from harm while still enabling her to speak out. Owens’ mother, Mickey Ditmore, who is Latina, said she never understood her daughter’s view that Lodi was “oppressive” until this experience.
“I think because I was raised here, I’m just like, it is what it is,” Ditmore said.
The response to their organizing “has really started opening up a lot of doors and allowing me to see what she has always been trying to say,” she added.
Though the last few months have brought activism to the forefront, the town was not devoid of it before. Nearly 40% of the population is Latino, many Mexican farmworkers. Bertha Castro Valdez, a school district employee whose parents were farmworkers, has been advocating for the Hispanic community for years, as she puts it, one family at a time.
Bertha Castro Valdez believes Latinos face persistent discrimination in Lodi and is working with racial justice advocates to bring attention to the issue. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
“Now I feel like I am not by myself fighting,” she said. The recent protests, she thinks, though centered on Black lives, have helped expose racial disparities in Lodi so longstanding and entrenched that they can be hard to see, even for those they affect.
“It’s so racist, this town, even the Hispanic community has become racist,” said Castro Valdez. “Those who become professionals forget the community. This is what this town does to you. They pretend they are from Texas. They don’t want to be from Mexico.”
Castro Valdez said that many in the Hispanic community here are afraid to call police or don’t believe it will result in help. “There is always that, ‘Oh, we don’t have an officer who speaks your language,’” she said. “There are two sides of the story and so they only listen to one.”
Brucia, the police chief, said 11 of his 71 officers speak Spanish, and his agency has already put in place several progressive policies including de-escalation training.
But, he said, “I’ll be the first to admit that I don’t truly understand all the intricacies of the BLM matters. I’m a white police chief. I am never going to have a full understanding of that lived experience.”
Farmworker Lissa Barragan gets emotional when speaking about her son’s deportation after a crime conviction related to his attempt to avoid joining a gang in Lodi. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Lissa Barragán, a farmworker also involved in Rabell-González’s group, said she has experienced bias firsthand. Her oldest son, she said, began to be targeted by gang members when he was about 16. Desperate to protect him at a time when gang activity was rampant in her neighborhood, she called police multiple times over months to report the aggressors, she said, who were trying to force him to join though intimidation.
But Barragán said police did nothing — until her son bought a weapon to defend himself. She says that while being chased by gang members, her son fired a gun and was subsequently arrested. She sold her jewelry to pay for his legal defense, but he was convicted and deported to Mexico when he was released.
She has not seen him in two years. She believes if police would have intervened when she asked, her son’s life may have turned out differently.
“What was the reason to call the police if no one would respond?” she asked. “Lodi is a hard place to live.”


latimes--2020-11-09--Hillside home burns in Eagle Rock, but no threat of wildfire, authorities say

A home perched on a hillside in Eagle Rock erupted in flames Monday evening , but fire authorities said the @ @ @ @ @ becoming a wildfire .
Firefighters were alerted at 5:44 p.m. to the blaze at 1109 @ @ @ @ @ said Brian Humphrey , a spokesman for the Los Angeles Fire Department .
The 111-year-old @ @ @ @ @ flames and has since collapsed , Humphrey said .
It was unclear if anyone was @ @ @ @ @ fire broke out , Humphrey said .
No injuries have been reported .
Some vegetation @ @ @ @ @ , but crews contained the blaze and it poses no threat of escalating to a @ @ @ @ @ More than 100 firefighters were at the scene Monday night , and a Fire Department @ @ @ @ @ monitoring for wind-borne embers .

A home perched on a hillside in Eagle Rock erupted in flames Monday evening, but fire authorities said the blaze poses no threat of becoming a wildfire.
Firefighters were alerted at 5:44 p.m. to the blaze at 1109 W. Oak Grove Drive, said Brian Humphrey, a spokesman for the Los Angeles Fire Department.
The 111-year-old home was quickly engulfed in flames and has since collapsed, Humphrey said.
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It was unclear if anyone was inside the home when the fire broke out, Humphrey said. No injuries have been reported.
Some vegetation on the property caught fire, but crews contained the blaze and it poses no threat of escalating to a wildfire, Humphrey said.
More than 100 firefighters were at the scene Monday night, and a Fire Department helicopter was circling overhead, monitoring for wind-borne embers.


latimes--2020-11-09--Photos: Las Virgenes kids are among first in L.A. to return to school during pandemic

Kindergarten teacher Ursula Dysthe watches as students submit homework at Lupine Hill Elementary School in Calabasas .
It was one @ @ @ @ @ to reopen in L.A. County under a waiver .

Kindergarten teacher Ursula Dysthe watches as students submit homework at Lupin Hill Elementary School in Calabasas. It was one of the first elementary schools to reopen in L.A. County under a waiver.
(Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)


latimes--2020-11-10--L.A. medical examiner launches rare independent review of deputy shooting of Andres Guardado

Los Angeles County coroner ’ s officials said Tuesday that they will conduct an independent inquest into the shooting death of an 18-year-old Gardena man at the hands of sheriff ’ s deputies that sparked large-scale protests this year .
The county Department of Medical Examiner-Coroner released autopsy findings in July that showed Andres Guardado was shot in the back five times after he was chased by Sheriff ’ s Deputies Miguel Vega and Chris Hernandez in Gardena on June 18 .
But the inquest , the first of its kind in nearly 30 years , will allow the coroner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ present documents to an independent hearing officer who “ will make findings related to the cause and manner of death , ” according to a statement issued by the agency .
Retired Superior Court Judge Candace Cooper will act as the hearing officer , officials said .
“ The Department of Medical Examiner-Coroner is committed to transparency and providing the residents of Los Angeles County an independent assessment of its findings in this case , ” Chief Medical Examiner-Coroner Jonathan Lucas said in a statement .
“ An inquest ensures that our residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the evidence and findings of our office and of the cause and manner of death of Mr. Guardado.
” The move marks the second time the coroner ’ s office has taken an unusual step in reviewing the shooting .
When Lucas made the autopsy findings public in July , the decision infuriated county Sheriff Alex Villanueva , who had placed a “ security hold ” on the findings to block them from public view .
But a private autopsy made public by Guardado ’ s family — which has repeatedly accused the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the man — reached the same conclusion days earlier , and Lucas decided to make the autopsy findings public in the interest of transparency .
Villanueva ’ s handling of the shooting and attempts to block information from being made public are among a laundry list of criticisms he has faced in recent months , leading the county Board of Supervisors to narrowly approve a motion Tuesday to explore options that could lead to his removal from office .
Calls and emails to the coroner ’ s office , the Sheriff ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorney ’ s office seeking comment were not immediately returned Tuesday .
Guardado was shot and killed after Vega and Hernandez saw him speaking to someone in a car blocking the entrance to an auto body shop on West Redondo Beach Boulevard in Gardena , the Sheriff ’ s Department has said .
Authorities allege Guardado “ produced a handgun ” and ran away .
Vega and Hernandez gave chase , and Vega shot and killed Guardado in an alley .
Vega ’ s attorney , Adam Marangell , has said that Guardado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ placed the weapon he was allegedly holding on the ground .
But , Marangell said , Guardado reached for the weapon as Vega tried to handcuff him .
Guardado ’ s death sparked large-scale protests against the Sheriff ’ s Department and deputies from the Compton station , which has been racked with allegations of excessive force and being a home to problematic deputy gangs in recent years .
A whistleblower deputy suing the county also came forward this year and identified Vega and Hernandez as prospective members of the Executioners , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ station .
Their attorneys have said those allegations are false .
The decision on whether to charge the deputies will be among the first major tests faced by incoming Dist .
Atty .
George Gascón , who defeated Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey in a contentious election last week and will take office next month .
Gascón has promised to reopen a number of controversial shooting cases involving law enforcement officers that Lacey declined to prosecute .
Gascón has been supported by many of the activists who protested Guardado ’ s killing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hold law enforcement accountable in similar cases .

A photo of 18-year-old Andres Guardado is displayed by his 22-year-old sister, Jennifer, during a rally near a memorial site in Gardena.
Los Angeles County coroner’s officials said Tuesday that they will conduct an independent inquest into the shooting death of an 18-year-old man at the hands of sheriff’s deputies that sparked large-scale protests this year.
The county Department of Medical Examiner-Coroner released autopsy findings in July that showed Andres Guardado was shot in the back five times after he was chased by Sheriff’s Deputies Miguel Vega and Chris Hernandez in Gardena on June 18.
But the inquest, the first of its kind in nearly 30 years, will allow the coroner’s office to subpoena witnesses and present documents to an independent hearing officer who “will make findings related to the cause and manner of death,” according to a statement issued by the agency.
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Retired Superior Court Judge Candace Cooper will act as the hearing officer, officials said.
“The Department of Medical Examiner-Coroner is committed to transparency and providing the residents of Los Angeles County an independent assessment of its findings in this case,” Chief Medical Examiner-Coroner Jonathan Lucas said in a statement. “An inquest ensures that our residents will have an independent review of all the evidence and findings of our office and of the cause and manner of death of Mr. Guardado.”
The move marks the second time the coroner’s office has taken an unusual step in reviewing the shooting.
When Lucas made the autopsy findings public in July, the decision infuriated county Sheriff Alex Villanueva, who had placed a “security hold” on the findings to block them from public view. But a private autopsy made public by Guardado’s family — which has repeatedly accused the Sheriff’s Department of unjustly killing the man — reached the same conclusion days earlier, and Lucas decided to make the autopsy findings public in the interest of transparency.
Villanueva’s handling of the shooting and attempts to block information from being made public are among a laundry list of criticisms he has faced in recent months, leading the county Board of Supervisors to narrowly approve a motion Tuesday to explore options that could lead to his removal from office.
Villanueva, however, has said he is supportive of the inquest, which was recommended by the Board of Supervisors earlier this year.
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Villanueva “is committed to transparency. As such, he previously recommended and invites the process of a medical examiner’s inquest,” the Sheriff’s Department said in a statement Tuesday. “This process can be beneficial in bringing to light facts to the public. Medical examiner inquests are conducted to determine manner and cause of death.”
Guardado was shot and killed after Vega and Hernandez saw him speaking to someone in a car blocking the entrance to an auto body shop on West Redondo Beach Boulevard in Gardena, the Sheriff’s Department has said. Authorities allege Guardado “produced a handgun” and ran away. Vega and Hernandez gave chase, and Vega shot and killed Guardado in an alley.
Vega’s attorney, Adam Marangell, has said that Guardado stopped, obeyed commands to surrender and placed the weapon he was allegedly holding on the ground. But, Marangell said, Guardado reached for the weapon as Vega tried to handcuff him.
Guardado’s death sparked large-scale protests against the Sheriff’s Department and deputies from the Compton station, which has been racked with allegations of excessive force and being a home to problematic deputy gangs in recent years. A whistleblower deputy suing the county also came forward this year and identified Vega and Hernandez as prospective members of the Executioners, a deputy gang he has said controls Compton station. Their attorneys have said those allegations are false.
Although the medical examiner’s office determined the cause and manner of Guardado’s death earlier, the inquest is a “public quasi-judicial inquiry where witnesses may be called and documents may be subpoenaed in order to inquire into the cause, manner and circumstances of death,” said Sarah Ardalani, a spokeswoman for the office.
The decision on whether to charge the deputies will be among the first major tests faced by incoming Dist. Atty. George Gascón, who defeated Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey in a contentious election last week and will take office next month.
Gascón has promised to reopen a number of controversial shooting cases involving law enforcement officers that Lacey declined to prosecute. Gascón has been supported by many of the activists who protested Guardado’s killing based on the pledge that he will hold law enforcement accountable in similar cases.
Times staff writer Nicole Santa Cruz contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-11-10--Ex-Torrance police officer to plead guilty to federal charges of illegal gun dealing as a straw buye

Ex-Torrance police officer to plead guilty to federal charges of illegal gun dealing as a straw buyer

A former Torrance police officer has agreed to plead guilty to federal charges that he acted as an illegal firearms dealer and used his police credentials to buy for others guns only cops can purchase , officials said Tuesday .
Lindley Alan Hupp , 32 , was charged with being an unlicensed firearms dealer , as well as certifying he was the actual purchaser of a handgun , when , in fact , he was buying the gun for another person , federal prosecutors said .
As part of a plea agreement , the Long Beach resident agreed to plead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the business of dealing in firearms without a license and making a false statement in a federal firearm licensee ’ s records during the purchase of a firearm .
Under the agreement , federal prosecutors will recommend a prison sentence of not more than 18 months .
That recommendation is not binding on the sentencing judge , who could impose a term of up to 15 years in prison .
Hupp sold at least 48 firearms during an 8½-year period while employed by the Torrance Police Department , according to court records @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2011 while serving as an auxiliary police officer with the Pasadena Police Department , records show .
Hupp becomes the latest police officer caught by authorities using his badge to make a profit from weapons not available to the public .
The Bureau of Alcohol , Tobacco , Firearms and Explosives , which has cracked down on the illegal gun trade by cops , investigated the case with the FBI .
A Pasadena police lieutenant was convicted of similar firearms charges last year , admitting to selling at least 108 firearms .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of firearms Californians can not purchase without a badge .
Hupp admitted that 36 of 48 firearms he “ sold while employed at the TPD were ‘ off roster ’ firearms ; that is , firearms that Hupp ’ s non-law enforcement customers could not have purchased directly from a licensed firearms dealer.
” Hupp admitted “ repeatedly exploiting the privilege ” by reselling off-roster weapons soon after acquiring them .
According to the deal , Hupp resold nearly half of the 36 off-roster guns within 30 days of having initially purchased @ @ @ @ @ @ @ material false statement on a Bureau of Alcohol , Tobacco , Firearms and Explosives form when he purchased a Glock 9mm handgun in November 2015 .
Hupp , as part of the plea , agreed to surrender to local law enforcement 42 firearms currently in his possession .

A former Torrance police officer has agreed to plead guilty to federal charges that he acted as an illegal firearms dealer and used his police credentials to buy for others guns only cops can purchase, officials said Tuesday.
Lindley Alan Hupp, 32, was charged with being an unlicensed firearms dealer, as well as certifying he was the actual purchaser of a handgun, when, in fact, he was buying the gun for another person, federal prosecutors said.
As part of a plea agreement, the Long Beach resident agreed to plead guilty to two felony offenses — engaging in the business of dealing in firearms without a license and making a false statement in a federal firearm licensee’s records during the purchase of a firearm. Under the agreement, federal prosecutors will recommend a prison sentence of not more than 18 months.
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That recommendation is not binding on the sentencing judge, who could impose a term of up to 15 years in prison.
Hupp sold at least 48 firearms during an 8½-year period while employed by the Torrance Police Department, according to court records. Hupp sold two additional guns in 2011 while serving as an auxiliary police officer with the Pasadena Police Department, records show.
Hupp becomes the latest police officer caught by authorities using his badge to make a profit from weapons not available to the public. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, which has cracked down on the illegal gun trade by cops, investigated the case with the FBI.
A Pasadena police lieutenant was convicted of similar firearms charges last year, admitting to selling at least 108 firearms. The case revealed a lucrative business in the kind of firearms Californians cannot purchase without a badge.
Hupp admitted that 36 of 48 firearms he “sold while employed at the TPD were ‘off roster’ firearms; that is, firearms that Hupp’s non-law enforcement customers could not have purchased directly from a licensed firearms dealer.”
Hupp admitted “repeatedly exploiting the privilege” by reselling off-roster weapons soon after acquiring them. According to the deal, Hupp resold nearly half of the 36 off-roster guns within 30 days of having initially purchased them.
Hupp also admitted making a material false statement on a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives form when he purchased a Glock 9mm handgun in November 2015.
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Hupp, as part of the plea, agreed to surrender to local law enforcement 42 firearms currently in his possession.


latimes--2020-11-10--First openly gay justice confirmed to serve on the California Supreme Court

Martin Jenkins , appointed by Gov .
Gavin Newsom , won unanimous confirmation Tuesday to the California Supreme Court , becoming its first openly gay member and the fifth Black justice in the court ’ s history .
A three-member judicial appointments commission confirmed Jenkins , 66 , after an hourlong hearing .
The State Bar of California issued a report finding Jenkins exceptionally well qualified , the association ’ s highest rating .
The bar committee that did the evaluation described him as brilliant , even-tempered and compassionate .
Jenkins , considered a moderate , will become the fifth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He has extensive judicial experience .
Republican governors appointed him to state court positions , from the Alameda County Municipal Court to the 1st District San Francisco-based state Court of Appeal .
Jenkins , a lifelong Democrat , also served on the federal trial bench in San Francisco after being appointed by President Clinton .
Jenkins retired from the intermediate court of appeal in 2019 and went to work as Newsom ’ s judicial appointments secretary , where he was vetting candidates for the court vacancy that Newsom eventually asked him to fill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Appointments that it took him nearly four days to accept Newsom ’ s offer .
“ Ultimately , being a man of faith , I felt this was a was a calling , ” Jenkins said .
“ I ’ ve never once , never once , refused a call to service.
” Jenkins attended a Catholic elementary school in San Francisco and received a Jesuit education from Santa Clara University and the University of San Francisco law school .
He briefly played football for the Seattle Seahawks before law school .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ began coming out as gay about five years ago .
During the hearing , retired Court of Appeal Justice William R. McGuiness said Jenkins had a journey of “ acceptance and authenticity and living his truth and about being African American and gay.
” “ Martin Jenkins knows and will not forget what it means to struggle and to be an outsider , ” he said .
Retired U.S. District Judge Thelton Henderson , a Carter appointee who served alongside Jenkins on the San Francisco-based federal court , said judges there lauded him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we felt , if not the hardest-working man in the judiciary , certainly was the hardest-working man on our court , ” said Henderson .
Jenkins ’ father was a city employee who worked as a clerk and janitor .
The judge said he helped his dad clean offices .
His mother was a nurse who stayed home to care for her family .
After obtaining his law degree , Jenkins became a deputy district attorney in Alameda County and later went on to work at the U.S. Department of Justice ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecuted white supremacists for hate crimes .
He returned from Washington , D.C. , to California when his mother became ill , and after a stint working for Pacific Bell , he started his judicial career .
After his confirmation , Jenkins praised friends and colleagues and introduced his family .
Finally , he mentioned his partner , Sydney Shand , a Southern California real estate broker .
Pausing and removing his glasses to wipe his eyes , Jenkins said he had friends with wonderful , supportive relationships and figured for years that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ in part , because of the struggle I had with accepting who I was.
” “ Now , ” he said , “ I understand what people who are loving , caring relationships really have .
I ’ ve experienced it .
Thank you , Sydney.
” Jenkins will be the second member of the current court to live in Los Angeles County .
The three members of the commission that confirmed him are Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye , Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra and Justice J. Anthony Kline of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fills a vacancy left by the August retirement of Justice Ming W. Chin , who served more than two decades on the state high court and whose term ends in 2022 .
After that , Jenkins will stand unopposed for confirmation by voters on the statewide ballot .
Associate justices earn $ 261,949 a year .

Martin Jenkins has been confirmed to a seat on the California Supreme Court.
Martin Jenkins, appointed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, won unanimous confirmation Tuesday to the California Supreme Court, becoming its first openly gay member and the fifth Black justice in the court’s history.
A three-member judicial appointments commission confirmed Jenkins, 66, after an hourlong hearing. The State Bar of California issued a report finding Jenkins exceptionally well qualified, the association’s highest rating. The bar committee that did the evaluation described him as brilliant, even-tempered and compassionate.
Jenkins, considered a moderate, will become the fifth Democratic appointee on the seven-member court. He has extensive judicial experience. Republican governors appointed him to state court positions, from the Alameda County Municipal Court to the 1st District San Francisco-based state Court of Appeal.
Jenkins, a lifelong Democrat, also served on the federal trial bench in San Francisco after being appointed by President Clinton.
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Jenkins retired from the intermediate court of appeal in 2019 and went to work as Newsom’s judicial appointments secretary, where he was vetting candidates for the court vacancy that Newsom eventually asked him to fill. Jenkins told the Commission on Judicial Appointments that it took him nearly four days to accept Newsom’s offer.
“Ultimately, being a man of faith, I felt this was a was a calling,” Jenkins said. “I’ve never once, never once, refused a call to service.”
Jenkins attended a Catholic elementary school in San Francisco and received a Jesuit education from Santa Clara University and the University of San Francisco law school. He briefly played football for the Seattle Seahawks before law school. He said in a previous interview that he began coming out as gay about five years ago.
During the hearing, retired Court of Appeal Justice William R. McGuiness said Jenkins had a journey of “acceptance and authenticity and living his truth and about being African American and gay.”
“Martin Jenkins knows and will not forget what it means to struggle and to be an outsider,” he said.
Retired U.S. District Judge Thelton Henderson, a Carter appointee who served alongside Jenkins on the San Francisco-based federal court, said judges there lauded him for his tireless dedication.
“Marty, we felt, if not the hardest-working man in the judiciary, certainly was the hardest-working man on our court,” said Henderson.
Jenkins’ father was a city employee who worked as a clerk and janitor. The judge said he helped his dad clean offices. His mother was a nurse who stayed home to care for her family.
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After obtaining his law degree, Jenkins became a deputy district attorney in Alameda County and later went on to work at the U.S. Department of Justice’s civil rights division, where he prosecuted white supremacists for hate crimes. He returned from Washington, D.C., to California when his mother became ill, and after a stint working for Pacific Bell, he started his judicial career.
After his confirmation, Jenkins praised friends and colleagues and introduced his family. Finally, he mentioned his partner, Sydney Shand, a Southern California real estate broker.
Pausing and removing his glasses to wipe his eyes, Jenkins said he had friends with wonderful, supportive relationships and figured for years that was one gift that might elude him, “in part, because of the struggle I had with accepting who I was.”
“Now,” he said, “I understand what people who are [in] loving, caring relationships really have. I’ve experienced it. Thank you, Sydney.”
Jenkins will be the second member of the current court to live in Los Angeles County. The three members of the commission that confirmed him are Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye, Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra and Justice J. Anthony Kline of the 1st District Court of Appeal.
Jenkins fills a vacancy left by the August retirement of Justice Ming W. Chin, who served more than two decades on the state high court and whose term ends in 2022. After that, Jenkins will stand unopposed for confirmation by voters on the statewide ballot. Associate justices earn $261,949 a year.


latimes--2020-11-10--Coast Guard inspectors told to take a good look at lithium-ion batteries after Conception dive boat

Coast Guard inspectors told to take a good look at lithium-ion batteries after Conception dive boat fire

After federal investigators pointed to the charging of lithium-ion batteries as a possible cause of the fire that killed 34 people aboard the Conception dive boat , the U.S. Coast Guard is now directing its inspectors to look more closely at how the batteries are used , charged and stored aboard small vessels .
According to a policy letter issued on Oct. 30 , Coast Guard inspectors should look for potentially hazardous conditions such as batteries not being stored in cool , dry places away from combustible material , or batteries being charged using multiple extension cords , also known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ verify that crew members know how to extinguish small lithium-ion battery fires .
The letter follows a notice that the Coast Guard sent to boat owners in the wake of the Conception fire on Labor Day 2019 that warned of the dangers of lithium-ion batteries .
And it comes weeks after the National Transportation Safety Board determined that the fire aboard the Conception began in the back of a middle deck salon where lithium-ion batteries were being charged .
The board did not determine whether it was the batteries , the boat ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ source that ignited the blaze .
A member of the crew did recall seeing sparks when plugging in his cell phone before going to bed hours before the fire .
NTSB Chairman Robert Sumwalt said regardless of the source of the fire , those killed probably could have escaped if there had been early detection of the blaze .
The board found the owner , Truth Aquatics , failed to have effective oversight of the vessel and did not operate a required roving watch that likely would have detected the fire sooner and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sweeping changes to small vessel oversight by the Coast Guard , including better smoke detection systems and emergency exits that lead to different areas of the boat .
The Coast Guard , in its new policy , acknowledged that the federal aviation industry had adopted widespread restrictions on lithium-ion batteries long ago .
During a hearing last month , several NTSB board members questioned how the Coast Guard had ignored the issue for so long .
A Times investigation last year found the Coast Guard had been slow to act on concerns about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inspections of vessels , marine inspectors are now advised to assess the storage , charging and use of such batteries , and to ensure the batteries are stored in a dry and cool location away from combustibles .
The charging of batteries should take place in regular occupied spaces with continuous monitoring , such as smoke detectors .
On the Conception , investigators said witnesses reported a spider web of charging , as divers connected all kinds of lithium-ion batteries to a series of power strips .
The investigation also revealed that in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fire had ignited on another vessel in the Truth Aquatics fleet when a lithium-ion battery overheated and had to be tossed overboard .
Ken Kurtis , a respected dive industry expert and owner of Reef Seekers Dive Co. , said the new Coast Guard policy failed to address the fact that inspections of the boats are conducted without the passengers who bring the batteries on board .
He wonders whether the inspections will make boats any safer .
Marine inspectors are now also required to examine batteries present during their inspections for signs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advises that batteries and chargers for an electronic device be purchased only from the device manufacturer or an authorized reseller .
NTSB investigators noted that many of the batteries involved in fires are substandard knock-offs .
Crews are now required to know how to extinguish a lithium-ion battery fire , and vessels must carry dry chemical fire extinguishers or a smothering agent .
During the safety briefing , passengers are to be informed of safe charging locations and proper storage of the batteries .
The new guidelines for inspectors aren ’ t designed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used to power some vessels .

After federal investigators pointed to the charging of lithium-ion batteries as a possible cause of the fire that killed 34 people aboard the Conception dive boat, the U.S. Coast Guard is now directing its inspectors to look more closely at how the batteries are used, charged and stored aboard small vessels.
According to a policy letter issued on Oct. 30, Coast Guard inspectors should look for potentially hazardous conditions such as batteries not being stored in cool, dry places away from combustible material, or batteries being charged using multiple extension cords, also known as daisy chains. Inspectors also should verify that crew members know how to extinguish small lithium-ion battery fires.
The letter follows a notice that the Coast Guard sent to boat owners in the wake of the Conception fire on Labor Day 2019 that warned of the dangers of lithium-ion batteries. And it comes weeks after the National Transportation Safety Board determined that the fire aboard the Conception began in the back of a middle deck salon where lithium-ion batteries were being charged.
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The board did not determine whether it was the batteries, the boat’s electrical system or an unattended fire source that ignited the blaze. A member of the crew did recall seeing sparks when plugging in his cell phone before going to bed hours before the fire.
NTSB Chairman Robert Sumwalt said regardless of the source of the fire, those killed probably could have escaped if there had been early detection of the blaze. The board found the owner, Truth Aquatics, failed to have effective oversight of the vessel and did not operate a required roving watch that likely would have detected the fire sooner and could have saved lives. It recommended sweeping changes to small vessel oversight by the Coast Guard, including better smoke detection systems and emergency exits that lead to different areas of the boat.
The Coast Guard, in its new policy, acknowledged that the federal aviation industry had adopted widespread restrictions on lithium-ion batteries long ago. During a hearing last month, several NTSB board members questioned how the Coast Guard had ignored the issue for so long. A Times investigation last year found the Coast Guard had been slow to act on concerns about such batteries on vessels.
During routine inspections of vessels, marine inspectors are now advised to assess the storage, charging and use of such batteries, and to ensure the batteries are stored in a dry and cool location away from combustibles. The charging of batteries should take place in regular occupied spaces with continuous monitoring, such as smoke detectors.
On the Conception, investigators said witnesses reported a spider web of charging, as divers connected all kinds of lithium-ion batteries to a series of power strips. The investigation also revealed that in the year before the fire, a fire had ignited on another vessel in the Truth Aquatics fleet when a lithium-ion battery overheated and had to be tossed overboard.
Ken Kurtis, a respected dive industry expert and owner of Reef Seekers Dive Co., said the new Coast Guard policy failed to address the fact that inspections of the boats are conducted without the passengers who bring the batteries on board. He wonders whether the inspections will make boats any safer.
Marine inspectors are now also required to examine batteries present during their inspections for signs of damage. The new guidance also advises that batteries and chargers for an electronic device be purchased only from the device manufacturer or an authorized reseller. NTSB investigators noted that many of the batteries involved in fires are substandard knock-offs.
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Crews are now required to know how to extinguish a lithium-ion battery fire, and vessels must carry dry chemical fire extinguishers or a smothering agent. During the safety briefing, passengers are to be informed of safe charging locations and proper storage of the batteries. The new guidelines for inspectors aren’t designed to address large-scale lithium-ion batteries that are used to power some vessels.


latimes--2020-11-10--Biden has a new moniker in sign language. Some say it looks like a gang sign

Deaf Americans are picking a new name for President-elect Joe Biden , shorthand that would replace B-I-D-E-N in colloquial American Sign Language .
But many have taken to social media this week to denounce the top contender , saying it looks like a gang sign .
“ We BIPOC completely disagree with that [ sign ] , ” American Sign Language influencer and TikTok star Nakia Smith signed in a video on Monday , using the acronym for Black , Indigenous and people of color .
`` [ The sign ] feels so unsafe for us.
” The contested sign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — is meant to evoke the President-elect ’ s signature Ray-Ban sunglasses .
But Smith and others say it resembles a “ C ” sign used by members of the Crips gang in some American cities and could be dangerous for signers of color and embarrassing to the the incoming administration .
The “ sign name for Biden don ’ t look good for him , ” she wrote in response to a comments on Instagram .
“ He said he got our back [ as Black Americans ] so we ain ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look stupid.
” ASL sign names are often bestowed by friends or family in childhood .
But the process of naming a prominent hearing person , like choosing the shorthand for a social media service or novel disease , can lead to disagreement .
“ The deaf community tends to come together to create new signs when our society experiences changes , ” said Michael Agyin , a deaf activist in L.A. and the founder of the Compton ASL Club .
“ Just as a sign for the coronavirus came about , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Presidential sign names typically follow one of three major conventions : initials , physical appearance or reputation .
Presidents John F. Kennedy and Franklin D. Roosevelt fall squarely into the first category , as do Barack Obama and Abraham Lincoln , though the latter two add a physical flourish : Obama ’ s “ B ” flutters out in the shape of a flag , while Lincoln ’ s “ L ” springs up from the forehead like a top hat .
On the opposite end of the spectrum is the popular sign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no lexical relationship to the president ’ s name in English but deftly evokes his iconic comb-over .
“ The sign name can go both ways , either positive or negative , ” Agyin said .
“ There can be other signs , but it won ’ t be dominant.
” To wit : Presidents Bill Clinton and Richard Nixon were both rechristened with sign names that evoked their political scandals .
Since Watergate , the sign for Nixon has combined the hand shape for “ N ” with the motion for “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name for Clinton has incorporated the word for “ affair ” since his 1998 impeachment .
Yet despite his long life in the public eye , Biden has yet to inspire a single , common moniker .
“ One reason Biden ’ s sign name is tricky is that he has no strong visual characteristics that make him stand out , ” Agyin said .
“ I mean , Biden has been around in politics for 47 years , and this is the first time he ’ s actually getting a sign name.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ controversy , signers have so far failed to unify around an alternative .
An initial-based name has been criticized for looking too much like Obama ’ s .
Another , evoking Biden ’ s slicked-back hair , likewise failed to launch .
Some have floated signs evoking Biden ’ s crooked smile , which Agyin and others hope may catch on .
But whatever the community chooses , the president-elect should cherish his new name , the activist said .
“ Biden should be proud and honored he ’ s getting a new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Because he ’ s adding new sign language vocabulary , and that ’ s definitely awesome .
”

The deaf community has been unable to unify around a single American Sign Language name for President-elect Joe Biden.
Deaf Americans are picking a new name for President-elect Joe Biden, shorthand that would replace B-I-D-E-N in colloquial American Sign Language. But many have taken to social media this week to denounce the top contender, saying it looks like a gang sign.
“We BIPOC completely disagree with that [sign],” American Sign Language influencer and TikTok star Nakia Smith signed in a video on Monday, using the acronym for Black, Indigenous and people of color. “[The sign] feels so unsafe for us.”
The contested sign — one of a handful under consideration — is meant to evoke the President-elect’s signature Ray-Ban sunglasses. But Smith and others say it resembles a “C” sign used by members of the Crips gang in some American cities and could be dangerous for signers of color and embarrassing to the the incoming administration.
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The “sign name for Biden don’t look good for him,” she wrote in response to a comments on Instagram. “He said he got our back [as Black Americans] so we ain’t [trying to] make him look stupid.”
ASL sign names are often bestowed by friends or family in childhood. But the process of naming a prominent hearing person, like choosing the shorthand for a social media service or novel disease, can lead to disagreement.
“The deaf community tends to come together to create new signs when our society experiences changes,” said Michael Agyin, a deaf activist in L.A. and the founder of the Compton ASL Club. “Just as a sign for the coronavirus came about, the same applies to the new president.”
A sign language interpreter during a speech by Joe Biden on July 28 at the William Hicks Anderson Community Center in Wilmington, Del. (Mark Makela / Getty Images)
Presidential sign names typically follow one of three major conventions: initials, physical appearance or reputation.
Presidents John F. Kennedy and Franklin D. Roosevelt fall squarely into the first category, as do Barack Obama and Abraham Lincoln, though the latter two add a physical flourish: Obama’s “B” flutters out in the shape of a flag, while Lincoln’s “L” springs up from the forehead like a top hat.
On the opposite end of the spectrum is the popular sign name for Donald Trump, which bears no lexical relationship to the president’s name in English but deftly evokes his iconic comb-over.
“The sign name can go both ways, either positive or negative,” Agyin said. “There can be other signs, but it won’t be dominant.”
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To wit: Presidents Bill Clinton and Richard Nixon were both rechristened with sign names that evoked their political scandals. Since Watergate, the sign for Nixon has combined the hand shape for “N” with the motion for “liar,” while a popular sign name for Clinton has incorporated the word for “affair” since his 1998 impeachment.
Yet despite his long life in the public eye, Biden has yet to inspire a single, common moniker.
“One reason Biden’s sign name is tricky is that he has no strong visual characteristics that make him stand out,” Agyin said. “I mean, Biden has been around in politics for 47 years, and this is the first time he’s actually getting a sign name.”
While the sunglasses sign has stirred controversy, signers have so far failed to unify around an alternative. An initial-based name has been criticized for looking too much like Obama’s. Another, evoking Biden’s slicked-back hair, likewise failed to launch.
Some have floated signs evoking Biden’s crooked smile, which Agyin and others hope may catch on. But whatever the community chooses, the president-elect should cherish his new name, the activist said.
“Biden should be proud and honored he’s getting a new sign name,” Agyin said. “Because he’s adding new sign language vocabulary, and that’s definitely awesome.”


latimes--2020-11-10--Dispute over crops may have led Fresno farmer to kill his brother

Jerry Vulich looked at the expanse of grapevines on his Fresno County farm and thought he could do better .
He started bulldozing the vines so he could plant almonds .
Days later , he was dead , shot by his younger brother , Norman , according to authorities — possibly in a dispute over the grapevines .
Jerry , who at 68 was more than 10 years older than Norman , oversaw the farm about 10 miles outside Fresno , which had been in the family for decades .
His younger brother lived in a house on the property @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had decided to replace 20 to 30 acres of grapes with nuts , said Ty Kharazi , an attorney for Jerry ’ s wife , Sharon Vulich , and daughters Nicole Vulich-Miller and Crystal Vulich .
The grapes were becoming too expensive to maintain , according to Kharazi , while nuts would mean much cheaper labor costs .
Norman , who Kharazi said had a history of being “ belligerent ” with his brother , allegedly took issue with changing the crop .
“ There are some witnesses , I don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Norman threaten Jerry days before , ” Kharazi said .
“ ’ If you touch these grapevines , I ’ m going to kill you ’ — words to that effect.
” Jerry had bulldozed two rows of grapes in preparation for a new bed of almonds a few days before his murder , Kharazi said .
Around 8:30 a.m. on Oct. 23 , Fresno County sheriff ’ s deputies responded to reports of a possible shooting .
They found Norman Vulich walking down the road near West Manning and South West Avenues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Jerry Vulich was lying on the ground behind a barn , shot to death .
“ He could talk but just [ didn ’ t ] make a lot of sense , ” Botti said .
“ We asked him direct questions , and you don ’ t get a straight answer .
It ’ s about something obscure.
” Norman Vulich was charged with his brother ’ s murder .
Four days later , Jerry Vulich ’ s wife and daughters filed a wrongful death suit seeking to void Norman ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he lived .
Without Jerry as the breadwinner , Sharon Vulich plans to sell at least some of the farm and live off the proceeds , the lawsuit said .
“ Norman ’ s action in shooting and killing Jerry Vulich was not in self-defense and he has no other defense for his conduct , ” the family ’ s lawsuit read .
It was unclear whether Norman Vulich had an attorney .
He remains in jail with bail set at $ 1.5 million , according to court records .

Fresno County sheriff’s deputies arrested Norman Vulich, 57, on Oct. 23 on suspicion of killing his older brother, Jerry.
Jerry Vulich looked at the expanse of grapevines on his Fresno County farm and thought he could do better.
He started bulldozing the vines so he could plant almonds.
Days later, he was dead, shot by his younger brother, Norman, according to authorities — possibly in a dispute over the grapevines.
Jerry, who at 68 was more than 10 years older than Norman, oversaw the farm about 10 miles outside Fresno, which had been in the family for decades. His younger brother lived in a house on the property, according to court documents.
Jerry had decided to replace 20 to 30 acres of grapes with nuts, said Ty Kharazi, an attorney for Jerry’s wife, Sharon Vulich, and daughters Nicole Vulich-Miller and Crystal Vulich.
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The grapes were becoming too expensive to maintain, according to Kharazi, while nuts would mean much cheaper labor costs.
Norman, who Kharazi said had a history of being “belligerent” with his brother, allegedly took issue with changing the crop.
“There are some witnesses, I don’t know who they are, who heard Norman threaten Jerry days before,” Kharazi said. “’If you touch these grapevines, I’m going to kill you’ — words to that effect.”
Jerry had bulldozed two rows of grapes in preparation for a new bed of almonds a few days before his murder, Kharazi said.
Around 8:30 a.m. on Oct. 23, Fresno County sheriff’s deputies responded to reports of a possible shooting. They found Norman Vulich walking down the road near West Manning and South West Avenues amid a flat green landscape of crops.
Jerry Vulich was lying on the ground behind a barn, shot to death.
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Norman Vulich seemed incoherent, said sheriff’s spokesman Tony Botti.
“He could talk but just [didn’t] make a lot of sense,” Botti said. “We asked him direct questions, and you don’t get a straight answer. It’s about something obscure.”
Norman Vulich was charged with his brother’s murder. Four days later, Jerry Vulich’s wife and daughters filed a wrongful death suit seeking to void Norman’s lifetime interest in the house where he lived.
Without Jerry as the breadwinner, Sharon Vulich plans to sell at least some of the farm and live off the proceeds, the lawsuit said.
“Norman’s action in shooting and killing Jerry Vulich was not in self-defense and he has no other defense for his conduct,” the family’s lawsuit read.
It was unclear whether Norman Vulich had an attorney. He remains in jail with bail set at $1.5 million, according to court records.


latimes--2020-11-10--L.A. Metro CEO Phil Washington will run Biden's transition team for transportation

President-elect Joe Biden has tapped a familiar California figure to run his transportation transition team .
Phil Washington , the chief executive of Los Angeles County ’ s transit agency , will oversee a panel of experts tasked with advising Biden on the direction of federal transportation policy and agencies , including Amtrak and the U.S. Department of Transportation .
Washington has led the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority through the planning and early construction of one of the country ’ s most ambitious rail building booms , with five projects currently under construction and nearly a dozen other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ground in coming decades .
Much of the construction is being funded by revenue from Measure M , approved by more than 71 % of voters in 2016 .
The sales tax increase , one of the largest local transportation funding efforts in American history , will raise an estimated $ 120 billion for transit and highway projects over its first four decades .
The measure is seen as a model for other cities looking to kick-start a transit system expansion , in part because federal grants for major transit projects typically arrive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some of the money already .
Riders were already leaving L.A. 's sprawling bus network when Washington arrived in 2015 , and the decline has continued during his tenure .
The number of trips on buses fell more than 25 % from the recent peak in 2009 to last year , before another sharp drop-off in ridership during the COVID-19 pandemic .
Metro is also embarking on two studies for ambitious and politically tricky concepts : whether to eliminate fares on the transit system and whether to charge fees to drivers to reduce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ congestion pricing.
” Washington , a U.S. Army veteran , grew up in Chicago and previously worked as the general manager of Denver ’ s transportation agency .
He declined an interview request , saying he could not “ speak to the press on behalf of the transition.
” Mayor Eric Garcetti , who led the search that brought Washington to Metro , has been discussed as a potential Cabinet appointee , perhaps as Transportation secretary , in the Biden administration .
Last month , Garcetti told The Times that “ it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he will still be in L.A. in 2022 , when his term as mayor expires .
Other members of Biden ’ s transportation transition team include Polly Trottenberg , the commissioner of the New York City Department of Transportation , and Therese McMillan , previously Metro ’ s chief planning officer , who runs the Bay Area ’ s nine-county transportation planning agency .
In a post published Tuesday morning , Metro spokesman Steve Hymon wrote that the names of several Metro board members and officials had been “ tossed around ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seat that will soon be vacated by Vice President-elect Kamala Harris .
“ My crystal ball is currently in the shop and I ’ m not going to add to speculation , ” he wrote .
“ But I will say this : a lot of the work we ’ re doing at Metro continues to be closely watched around the country .
It ’ s definitely great to see California — with almost 12 % of the nation ’ s population — regain some seats at the proverbial table .
”

Phil Washington, who heads L.A. Metro, will oversee a panel of experts who will advise President-elect Joe Biden on the direction of federal transportation policy and agencies.
President-elect Joe Biden has tapped a familiar California figure to run his transportation transition team.
Phil Washington, the chief executive of Los Angeles County’s transit agency, will oversee a panel of experts tasked with advising Biden on the direction of federal transportation policy and agencies, including Amtrak and the U.S. Department of Transportation.
Washington has led the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority through the planning and early construction of one of the country’s most ambitious rail building booms, with five projects currently under construction and nearly a dozen other rail and bus projects slated to break ground in coming decades.
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Much of the construction is being funded by revenue from Measure M, approved by more than 71% of voters in 2016. The sales tax increase, one of the largest local transportation funding efforts in American history, will raise an estimated $120 billion for transit and highway projects over its first four decades.
The measure is seen as a model for other cities looking to kick-start a transit system expansion, in part because federal grants for major transit projects typically arrive only after a local government has secured some of the money already.
Riders were already leaving L.A.’s sprawling bus network when Washington arrived in 2015, and the decline has continued during his tenure. The number of trips on buses fell more than 25% from the recent peak in 2009 to last year, before another sharp drop-off in ridership during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Metro is also embarking on two studies for ambitious and politically tricky concepts: whether to eliminate fares on the transit system and whether to charge fees to drivers to reduce traffic congestion, a scheme known as “congestion pricing.”
Washington, a U.S. Army veteran, grew up in Chicago and previously worked as the general manager of Denver’s transportation agency. He declined an interview request, saying he could not “speak to the press on behalf of the transition.”
Mayor Eric Garcetti, who led the search that brought Washington to Metro, has been discussed as a potential Cabinet appointee, perhaps as Transportation secretary, in the Biden administration.
Last month, Garcetti told The Times that “it’s more likely than not” that he will still be in L.A. in 2022, when his term as mayor expires.
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Other members of Biden’s transportation transition team include Polly Trottenberg, the commissioner of the New York City Department of Transportation, and Therese McMillan, previously Metro’s chief planning officer, who runs the Bay Area’s nine-county transportation planning agency.
In a post published Tuesday morning, Metro spokesman Steve Hymon wrote that the names of several Metro board members and officials had been “tossed around” for Cabinet posts or the U.S. Senate seat that will soon be vacated by Vice President-elect Kamala Harris.
“My crystal ball is currently in the shop and I’m not going to add to speculation,” he wrote. “But I will say this: a lot of the work we’re doing at Metro continues to be closely watched around the country. It’s definitely great to see California — with almost 12% of the nation’s population — regain some seats at the proverbial table.”


latimes--2020-11-10--L.A. County approves program for workers to form public health councils to curb coronavirus spread

Los Angeles County supervisors have unanimously approved a program in which workers from certain sectors will form public health councils to help ensure that employers follow coronavirus safety guidelines — an effort to expand the county ’ s enforcement of health orders and address the pandemic ’ s toll on essential workers .
The motion , which passed Tuesday morning , will pair councils in the food and apparel manufacturing , warehousing and storage , and restaurant sectors with third-party organizations that will educate workers on health orders and help them report violations .
The board also directed the county @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from retaliation , responding to concerns that low-wage workers are often reluctant to express safety issues because they fear being fired .
“ Every worker has the right to feel safe in their workplace and to voice concerns without fear of losing their job , ” Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas , who authored the motion with Supervisor Sheila Kuehl , said in a statement .
“ The Public Health Councils and proposed anti-retaliation ordinance will protect thousands of workers and provide the tools desperately needed to curb workplace infections during the pandemic.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new surge of infections at levels seen during the summer , with social gatherings a particular area of concern .
Health officials announced at least 2,000 new infections every day from last Thursday through Sunday .
Before the uptick , the last time the county had surpassed 2,000 daily cases without the data being inflated by a backlog was Aug. 15 , according to The Times ’ tracker .
The plan to implement the public health councils , outlined in a Nov. 5 report to supervisors from Department of Public Health director Barbara @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by business leaders by narrowing its initial focus to certain industry sectors .
Within these areas , chosen largely based on workplace outbreak data , the county may prioritize outreach to businesses in geographic regions with high case counts , as well as to those with histories of violations .
Third-party organizations , such as nonprofits and unions , will be certified by the county to train councils on coronavirus health protocols .
Employers are encouraged but not required to pay workers for their time participating on the councils , to allow councils @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party organizations reach out to interested workers , according to the motion .
The program will have a year-long budget projected at about $ 5 million .
Labor groups applauded the idea but said it should be applied more broadly across industries .
The motion faced sharp opposition from business leaders , who said it would unnecessarily burden employers already struggling to overcome the pandemic .
Rob Nothoff , policy director for the L.A. County Federation of Labor , called the public health councils “ a great step forward ” that he wants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sector as well .
“ When workers are engaged , the public is safer , ” he said .
“ Workers are at the front line to understand and to see what ’ s being followed and solutions to better address it .
When they have a hand in shaping that process and participating in that process , we ’ re all better off.
” He expressed concern that workers may be reluctant to participate if they have to do so on their own time .
“ Our take is , you can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later , ” he said .
“ We have seen immense economic pain because we are not able to move forward because our cases continue to go up.
” Marissa Nuncio , director of the Garment Worker Center , said the public health councils are critical for the garment industry , which has seen one of the worst outbreaks among businesses in the county , and that the pandemic has exacerbated long-standing poor working conditions including cramped facilities and inadequate ventilation .
“ We need to see workers really engaged in what their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life and death , ” she said .
Some advocates have pointed to Overhill Farms , a frozen-foods processor in Vernon , as a model for how workers and employers can address safety issues together .
The company , which was fined by the state for coronavirus health violations , formed a safety committee in which workers and company representatives have met weekly .
Some of these workers have said they ’ ve seen progress in enforcement of social distancing and that they feel safer .
“ When workers are empowered , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Rachel Torres , deputy political and civil rights director at United Food and Commercial Workers Local 770 , which represents several hundred Overhill employees .
“ Now that they have this regular interaction with their employer , they can talk things through and make sure it ’ s working.
” The motion has been opposed by the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce , which has said it should not be broadly applied to industry sectors .
In a Nov. 9 letter to Supervisor Kathryn Barger , the Los Angeles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , encouraged the county to defer the establishment of public health councils , stating that it has “ chosen to apply a fundamentally flawed process to target business owners with increased County scrutiny and frequently changing regulations at the most challenging time.
” It expressed concern about the proposed anti-retaliation ordinance , saying that efforts to pass another worker protection law are unnecessary , and requested that the county impose penalties for false claims of violations .
Sarah Wiltfong , BizFed ’ s policy manager , said the public health councils should only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We don ’ t know if they are necessary across the board , especially if the business is in compliance , ” she said .
“ It seems to add several different layers to trying to get businesses in compliance as opposed to working with the Department of Public Health directly.
” The Board of Supervisors directed the Department of Public Health to report back in six months on the initiative ’ s progress .

A woman has her temperature checked before entering Los Angeles Apparel for a health and safety training session in July.
Los Angeles County supervisors have unanimously approved a program in which workers from certain sectors will form public health councils to help ensure that employers follow coronavirus safety guidelines — an effort to expand the county’s enforcement of health orders and address the pandemic’s toll on essential workers.
The motion, which passed Tuesday morning, will pair councils in the food and apparel manufacturing, warehousing and storage, and restaurant sectors with third-party organizations that will educate workers on health orders and help them report violations.
The board also directed the county to prepare an ordinance to protect workers from retaliation, responding to concerns that low-wage workers are often reluctant to express safety issues because they fear being fired.
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“Every worker has the right to feel safe in their workplace and to voice concerns without fear of losing their job,” Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas, who authored the motion with Supervisor Sheila Kuehl, said in a statement. “The Public Health Councils and proposed anti-retaliation ordinance will protect thousands of workers and provide the tools desperately needed to curb workplace infections during the pandemic.”
The effort comes as the county experiences a new surge of infections at levels seen during the summer, with social gatherings a particular area of concern. Health officials announced at least 2,000 new infections every day from last Thursday through Sunday. Before the uptick, the last time the county had surpassed 2,000 daily cases without the data being inflated by a backlog was Aug. 15, according to The Times’ tracker.
The plan to implement the public health councils, outlined in a Nov. 5 report to supervisors from Department of Public Health director Barbara Ferrer, takes into account concern expressed by business leaders by narrowing its initial focus to certain industry sectors. Within these areas, chosen largely based on workplace outbreak data, the county may prioritize outreach to businesses in geographic regions with high case counts, as well as to those with histories of violations.
Third-party organizations, such as nonprofits and unions, will be certified by the county to train councils on coronavirus health protocols. Employers are encouraged but not required to pay workers for their time participating on the councils, to allow councils to meet on-site and to help third party organizations reach out to interested workers, according to the motion.
The program will have a year-long budget projected at about $5 million.
Labor groups applauded the idea but said it should be applied more broadly across industries. The motion faced sharp opposition from business leaders, who said it would unnecessarily burden employers already struggling to overcome the pandemic.
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Rob Nothoff, policy director for the L.A. County Federation of Labor, called the public health councils “a great step forward” that he wants to see applied in the grocery store sector as well.
“When workers are engaged, the public is safer,” he said. “Workers are at the front line to understand and to see what’s being followed and solutions to better address it. When they have a hand in shaping that process and participating in that process, we’re all better off.”
He expressed concern that workers may be reluctant to participate if they have to do so on their own time.
“Our take is, you can pay a little now and a lot later,” he said. “We have seen immense economic pain because we are not able to move forward because our cases continue to go up.”
Marissa Nuncio, director of the Garment Worker Center, said the public health councils are critical for the garment industry, which has seen one of the worst outbreaks among businesses in the county, and that the pandemic has exacerbated long-standing poor working conditions including cramped facilities and inadequate ventilation.
“We need to see workers really engaged in what their rights are, because this is literally life and death,” she said.
Some advocates have pointed to Overhill Farms, a frozen-foods processor in Vernon, as a model for how workers and employers can address safety issues together. The company, which was fined by the state for coronavirus health violations, formed a safety committee in which workers and company representatives have met weekly. Some of these workers have said they’ve seen progress in enforcement of social distancing and that they feel safer.
“When workers are empowered, they can actually enforce the county health order,” said Rachel Torres, deputy political and civil rights director at United Food and Commercial Workers Local 770, which represents several hundred Overhill employees. “Now that they have this regular interaction with their employer, they can talk things through and make sure it’s working.”
The motion has been opposed by the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce, which has said it should not be broadly applied to industry sectors.
In a Nov. 9 letter to Supervisor Kathryn Barger, the Los Angeles County Business Federation, known as BizFed, encouraged the county to defer the establishment of public health councils, stating that it has “chosen to apply a fundamentally flawed process to target business owners with increased County scrutiny and frequently changing regulations at the most challenging time.”
It expressed concern about the proposed anti-retaliation ordinance, saying that efforts to pass another worker protection law are unnecessary, and requested that the county impose penalties for false claims of violations.
Sarah Wiltfong, BizFed’s policy manager, said the public health councils should only be used as a remedial action.
“We don’t know if they are necessary across the board, especially if the business is in compliance,” she said. “It seems to add several different layers to trying to get businesses in compliance as opposed to working with the Department of Public Health directly.”
The Board of Supervisors directed the Department of Public Health to report back in six months on the initiative’s progress.


latimes--2020-11-10--L.A. County supervisors vote to explore options to remove Sheriff Villanueva

A divided Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors on Tuesday escalated its running power struggle with Sheriff Alex Villanueva , voting to explore ways he could be removed from office , including through a change to the state ’ s constitution .
The 3-2 vote to build a playbook for removing Villanueva is the latest turn in a tumultuous two years of conflict — both in and out of court — between the county ’ s top law enforcement official and members of the powerful board who have attacked the sheriff for what they see as his distaste for accountability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reforms .
The motion , authored by Supervisors Mark Ridley-Thomas and Sheila Kuehl , directs county lawyers and other staff to examine ways to impeach Villanueva or strip him of some responsibilities .
One avenue being explored is an amendment to the state ’ s Constitution that would shift all of California ’ s county sheriffs from elected officials to appointed positions .
The board will receive a report on viable options in January .
Supervisors Kathryn Barger and Janice Hahn were opposed ; Supervisor Hilda Solis cast the swing vote for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Ridley-Thomas said in an interview that he is looking for institutional changes that would make law enforcement leaders more accountable , and that the actions of the current sheriff illustrate why these discussions are necessary .
“ He has just made the case more compelling as to why it would be appropriate , but the conversation is structural , ” said Ridley-Thomas .
“ I doubt that someone who can be terminated in the appropriate manner would be as belligerent as we ’ re seeing with the current sheriff.
” Ridley-Thomas will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of his seat on the county board , he was elected last week to a seat on the Los Angeles City Council .
Villanueva , who took office in December 2018 , was elected by voters and is subjected to limited oversight from the board .
He addressed supervisors Tuesday , touting his successes removing federal immigration officers from county jails , rolling out body cameras to deputies and implementing a policy prohibiting deputies from joining illicit cliques .
“ I want to say that I have an open-door policy .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and every one of you personally , ” Villanueva said .
In the motion , Ridley-Thomas and Kuehl criticized Villanueva ’ s attempts to block oversight and his failure to balance the Sheriff ’ s Department budget .
It said the county had paid out more than $ 149 million in the last five years to settle lawsuits and satisfy judgments in cases in which deputies were involved in incidents that include civil rights violations , excessive force , sexual assault and killings .
“ With a sheriff that is unwilling to demand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue to be filed against the sheriff , and it is the county ’ s taxpayers who will continue to pay for the consequences , ” the motion says .
Underscoring their point , the board on Tuesday voted to approve a $ 3.9-million payment to settle a wrongful death lawsuit brought by the family of Ryan Twyman , 24 , an unarmed man who was killed by deputies in a hail of gunfire as he backed out of a South L.A. parking space in June 2019 .
The Sheriff ’ s Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrest Twyman for several weeks when they spotted his vehicle in the parking lot .
Two months earlier , the agency said , investigators had found guns at his home , but Twyman , who was on probation , was not there .
The homicide investigation is pending .
It ’ s one of several police shootings that Dist .
Atty.-elect George Gascón said he had concerns with during his campaign .
A growing number of people — including two supervisors and a panel of civilian overseers , as well as dozens of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Villanueva to step down from his post , saying he has dragged his feet on important reforms , resisted oversight of the department and failed to hold deputies accountable .
The Los Angeles County Democratic Party , which provided a critical endorsement that boosted Villanueva ’ s profile before his election , is set to vote Tuesday night on a resolution demanding his resignation .
“ He took office and pretty quickly showed that he was a bully , ” said Nick Greif , an elected member of the party who authored @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this is the bat signal to every aspiring Democrat who thought they could run for sheriff , saying , ‘ Yes , please do.
’ ” Villanueva has said he has no plans to quit .
The calls for him to do so are largely symbolic and highlight the fact that none of the sheriff ’ s critics have begun the arduous process set out for recalling elected officials from office .
Ridley-Thomas said he and others studied the recall option about a year ago .
“ The history of recalls suggest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unsuccessful , ” he said .
He added later , “ Those of us who are serious about the work are not interested in a fire drill — we ’ re interested in real results and the systemic change.
” “ Sheriff Villanueva represents a clear and present danger to civil liberties , ” Andres Kwon , an attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California and outspoken critic of the sheriff , said in a statement .
“ Today ’ s motion by the board is a step forward in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Villanueva ’ s resignation and a charter amendment that would endow the board with the power to impeach and remove a sheriff for violating public trust.
” Barger and Hahn both criticized Villanueva ’ s leadership but said it should be up to the public to decide whether to recall him or vote him out when he ’ s up for reelection in 2022 .
“ That ’ s how democracy works , ” Hahn said .
Voters , she added , “ don ’ t like politicians to take that power from @ @ @

The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors is looking into options for removing Sheriff Alex Villanueva.
A divided Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors on Tuesday escalated its running power struggle with Sheriff Alex Villanueva, voting to explore ways he could be removed from office, including through a change to the state’s Constitution.
The 3-2 vote to build a playbook for removing Villanueva is the latest turn in a tumultuous two years of conflict — both in and out of court — between the county’s top law enforcement official and members of the powerful board who have attacked the sheriff for what they see as his distaste for accountability and his efforts to roll back critical reforms.
The motion, authored by Supervisors Mark Ridley-Thomas and Sheila Kuehl, directs county lawyers and other staff to examine ways to impeach Villanueva or strip him of some responsibilities. One avenue being explored is an amendment to the state’s Constitution that would shift all of California’s county sheriffs from elected officials to appointed positions. The board will receive a report on viable options in January.
Supervisors Kathryn Barger and Janice Hahn were opposed; Supervisor Hilda Solis cast the swing vote for the proposal.
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Before Tuesday’s vote, Ridley-Thomas said in an interview that he is looking for institutional changes that would make law enforcement leaders more accountable, and that the actions of the current sheriff illustrate why these discussions are necessary.
“He has just made the case more compelling as to why it would be appropriate, but the conversation is structural,” said Ridley-Thomas. “I doubt that someone who can be terminated in the appropriate manner would be as belligerent as we’re seeing with the current sheriff.”
Ridley-Thomas will not see his measure through. Termed out of his seat on the county board, he was elected last week to a seat on the Los Angeles City Council.
Villanueva, who took office in December 2018, was elected by voters and is subjected to limited oversight from the board. He addressed supervisors Tuesday, touting his successes removing federal immigration officers from county jails, rolling out body cameras to deputies and implementing a policy prohibiting deputies from joining illicit cliques.
“I want to say that I have an open-door policy. I’d like to meet with each and every one of you personally,” Villanueva said.
In the motion, Ridley-Thomas and Kuehl criticized Villanueva’s attempts to block oversight and his failure to balance the Sheriff’s Department budget. It said the county had paid out more than $149 million in the last five years to settle lawsuits and satisfy judgments in cases in which deputies were involved in incidents that include civil rights violations, excessive force, sexual assault and killings.
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“With a sheriff that is unwilling to demand accountability for deputy misbehavior, lawsuits will continue to be filed against the sheriff, and it is the county’s taxpayers who will continue to pay for the consequences,” the motion says.
Underscoring their point, the board on Tuesday voted to approve a $3.9-million payment to settle a wrongful death lawsuit brought by the family of Ryan Twyman, 24, an unarmed man who was killed by deputies in a hail of gunfire as he backed out of a South L.A. parking space in June 2019.
The Sheriff’s Department has said deputies had been trying to arrest Twyman for several weeks when they spotted his vehicle in the parking lot. Two months earlier, the agency said, investigators had found guns at his home, but Twyman, who was on probation, was not there.
The homicide investigation is pending. It’s one of several police shootings that Dist. Atty.-elect George Gascón said he had concerns with during his campaign.
A growing number of people — including two supervisors and a panel of civilian overseers, as well as dozens of activist and labor groups — have called on Villanueva to step down from his post, saying he has dragged his feet on important reforms, resisted oversight of the department and failed to hold deputies accountable.
The Los Angeles County Democratic Party, which provided a critical endorsement that boosted Villanueva’s profile before his election, considered a resolution Tuesday night that would have called for his resignation. The resolution failed with 55% of 134 voters in favor, coming up shy of the required 60% of votes to pass.
Villanueva has said he has no plans to quit. The calls for him to do so are largely symbolic and highlight the fact that none of the sheriff’s critics have begun the arduous process set out for recalling elected officials from office.
Ridley-Thomas said he and others studied the recall option about a year ago.
“The history of recalls suggest that they are very costly and typically unsuccessful,” he said. He added later, “Those of us who are serious about the work are not interested in a fire drill — we’re interested in real results and the systemic change.”
Civil liberties advocates praised the board’s action.
“Sheriff Villanueva represents a clear and present danger to civil liberties,” Andres Kwon, an attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California and outspoken critic of the sheriff, said in a statement. “Today’s motion by the board is a step forward in validating the community’s call for Villanueva’s resignation and a charter amendment that would endow the board with the power to impeach and remove a sheriff for violating public trust.”
Barger and Hahn both criticized Villanueva’s leadership but said it should be up to the public to decide whether to recall him or vote him out when he’s up for reelection in 2022.
“That’s how democracy works,” Hahn said. Voters, she added, “don’t like politicians to take that power from them.”