latimes--2020-06-29--Golden State Killer suspect expected to admit guilt today in a ballroom-turned-courtroom

The moment his victims have waited decades to experience — when a man admits to terrorizing California as the Golden State Killer — will take place Monday , as a 74-year-old former police officer shuffles into not a courtroom but a university ballroom .
When Joseph James DeAngelo Jr. steps onstage at Cal State Sacramento , cameras will project his face onto the ballroom wall so all can see , closing the Golden State Killer case with more spectacle than court decorum .
The plea hearing is scripted , allowing no room for ad-libbed confessions .
DeAngelo is expected to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charges of kidnapping for purposes of robbery — the only crimes he is charged with — as well as some 62 other crimes of rape and abduction for which the statutes of limitations long ago expired .
The crime series ran from at least 1973 to 1986 and involved attacks on some 106 children , men and women .
Fifty women were raped .
Thirteen people were killed .
Detectives did not have a final named suspect until 2018 , when they used crime-scene DNA and genealogy services to identify the killer ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DeAngelo .
All the women who were raped are to be referred to as “ Jane Doe , ” a decision that was criticized before the hearing by some who seek to be shed of decades of social stigma over their attacks .
“ I don ’ t want that , ” said Kris Pedretti , who was 15 when she became the 10th victim of a serial predator operating in the suburbs of Sacramento and known then as the East Area Rapist .
“ I want to be seen as a real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not as some Jane Doe.
” The Sacramento County district attorney ’ s office told Pedretti the decision had been made for her , she said , but conceded her request to be allowed to stand during the hearing when her 1976 attack is mentioned .
Prosecutors have agreed not to seek the death penalty — the main request made by DeAngelo ’ s public defenders .
In return for his guilty plea , DeAngelo will likely be sentenced to prison for the rest of his life .
The public will also be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutors estimated could have cost more than $ 20 million .
There will be no need for testimony by scores of rape victims , family members of those murdered and DeAngelo ’ s three daughters and ex-wife .
District attorneys from the eight counties prosecuting DeAngelo are also to take the stage Monday and read into the record their unchallenged view of events .
Because of COVID-19 spacing requirements , the proceeding was moved to the ballroom at Cal State Sacramento , the school from which DeAngelo received a criminal justice degree in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ almost entirely of victims and their families , with spaces awarded by lottery for 27 members of the media .
Unlike the mock court proceedings held in Sacramento school gymnasiums , the ballroom will not be laid out to resemble a courtroom .
The judge , defendant and lawyers are to be onstage , facing an audience of nearly 200 and banks of television cameras .
Large projection screens will amplify the faces of those at the podium , much like at a political rally .
The hearing will be live-streamed by Sacramento @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entertainment network and multiple news programs .
“ All that ’ s missing are the lions , ” said one anonymous court official .
Judicial experts said there is little the courts can do to stop such hoopla from forcing a balancing act between 1st Amendment rights to public access and 6th Amendment rights to a fair trial .
“ It ’ s the reality of today ’ s world , ” said U.S. District Senior Judge Reggie B. Walton , who presided over the 2007 perjury trial of former White House aide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ covered by news outlets across the world , and who most recently ruled on U.S. Department of Justice censorship of the highly politicized Mueller report .
“ That ’ s just something that courts have to adapt to and put in place — processes that make the proceedings accessible to all of those who are concerned but at the same time , not letting that accessibility impact on the obligation to be fair to both sides , ” Walton said .
“ It ’ s a challenge , but I don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as this fed a public appetite for drama long before there was reality television programming .
“ We watched O.J.
, both the Bronco chase and the trial , like it was on HBO , ” said Benjamin Holden , a lawyer-turned-reporter who covered the 1995 Los Angeles double murder trial of former football star O.J .
Simpson and now teaches media law at the Illinois College of Media .
“ Not only are we to be burdened with this affliction of entertainment rearing its ugly head in the courtroom , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ end , the crimes involving DeAngelo played out in the public eye .
The East Area Rapist drew so much media attention that he caused a public panic , prompting citizen patrols , bounties and a run on sales of guns , door locks and guard dogs .
Midway through the series of rapes , detectives believe , the attacker began to feed off that public hysteria , and he began to instruct victims to pass on death threats to the police and future victims .
DeAngelo was fired from his Auburn , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was caught shoplifting .
The murders that ensued as he and his wife moved to Southern California — again involving bedroom attacks and rapes — at first went unconnected .
The unknown assailant was given new local nicknames : the Diamond-Knot Killer and the Night Stalker , later changed to Original Night Stalker after another serial killer took that sobriquet .
Advances in forensic DNA changed the case dramatically .
In 2001 , detectives were able to link the attacks up and down the state .
The crime spree became media fodder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was picked up by a Los Angeles writer , Michelle McNamara , who re-branded the perpetrator as the Golden State Killer and marketed a book on her attempts to chronicle , and perhaps solve , the crimes .
A 2016 decision by unnamed investigators at the Orange County Sheriff ’ s Department to break the chain of custody and allow McNamara to take home 37 boxes of case files and two bins of evidence has now become fodder for legal challenges against the law enforcement agency .
The defense lawyer for a man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rape and murder cited the evidence breach to support his own allegations of laxity and misconduct within the county crime lab .
The defense lawyer said McNamara ’ s research assistant told him the case files were returned to Orange County after McNamara ’ s sudden death in April 2016 , before the release of her book , which has been turned into an HBO series .
The first episode aired Sunday , and the series is to conclude just before DeAngelo ’ s sentencing in August .
Victims have been told to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during proceedings expected to last a week before DeAngelo ’ s sentence is declared .

Joseph James DeAngelo Jr., center, is helped up by his attorney, Diane Howard, as Sacramento Superior Court Judge Michael G. Bowman enters the courtroom Monday. DeAngelo pleaded guilty to multiple counts of murder and other charges.
They stood in the makeshift courtroom to confront the man who had bound and brutalized them decades ago.
The masked assailant who had terrorized California as the Golden State Killer in the 1970s and ’80s sat hunched before them — now a thin, stooped, 74-year-old man.
Wearing orange jail clothing and a clear protective face shield, Joseph James DeAngelo Jr. admitted guilt Monday to more than a dozen murders and scores of home invasion rapes and other crimes at a court hearing in a Cal State Sacramento ballroom.
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As prosecutors read aloud the gruesome details of each crime, victims and their relatives stood in the audience.
Some looked DeAngelo in the eye. Others couldn’t bear to. But all wanted him to know: They were there. And they were not afraid.
“We don’t have anything to be ashamed of, so we can stand up, and he can take a look at us,” said Kris Pedretti, one of the earliest victims, who was 15 when she was raped in 1976. “We’re not afraid of him. I think that’s more powerful than us staying seated and being a Jane Doe. Because, if he looks out, he doesn’t know who is who. He will today.”
In a hoarse voice, DeAngelo pleaded guilty to 13 murders and 13 charges of kidnapping for purposes of robbery — the only crimes with which he is charged. He also admitted to some 62 other crimes of rape and abduction for which the statutes of limitations long ago expired.
Prosecutors agreed not to seek the death penalty — the main request made by DeAngelo’s public defenders. In return for his guilty plea, DeAngelo will be sentenced to prison for the rest of his life.
DeAngelo’s crimes ran from at least 1973 to 1986 and involved attacks on some 106 children, men and women in 11 counties, ranging from Sacramento to Orange. Some 50 women and girls were raped.
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Frustrated detectives and the public dubbed the unknown assailant variously as the Visalia Ransacker, the East Area Rapist, the Diamond Knot Killer and the Original Night Stalker.
Detectives did not have a final named suspect until 2018, when they used crime-scene DNA and genealogy services to identify the killer’s cousin and then, finally, DeAngelo, a former police officer.
Sacramento County Assistant Chief Deputy Dist. Atty. Thien Ho called the crimes “simply staggering” in scope.
“His monikers reflect the sweeping geographical impact of his crime,” Ho said during Monday’s hearing. “Each time, he escaped — slipping away silently into the night, leaving communities terrified for years.”
Ho said that DeAngelo, sitting in a Sacramento County Sheriff’s Department interview room hours after his arrest, spoke to himself, saying, “I did all those things. I’ve destroyed all their lives. So now, I’ve got to pay the price.”
Monday’s hours-long plea hearing was scripted, allowing no room for ad-libbed confessions.
Prosecutors recounted in horrifying detail how DeAngelo would tie up his victims with shoelaces; when assaulting couples, he would place dishes on their backs, saying he would kill them both if he heard dishes fall. They quoted the explicit threats and sexual demands he growled into their ears and described how he would help himself to food or beer from his victims’ kitchens before and after raping them.
DeAngelo scarcely spoke during the hearing, answering questions from Superior Court Judge Michael G. Bowman in a low “yes” or “no” and responding to the charges against him with “guilty” or “I admit.”
The judge, defendant and lawyers faced an audience of nearly 200 and banks of television cameras. Large projection screens displayed the faces of those at the podium, and the hearing was livestreamed by Sacramento County Superior Court, a national true-crime entertainment network and multiple news programs.
California Full coverage: ‘Man in the Window’ To an early love interest, Joe DeAngelo was energetic and worldly. Now, nearly 50 years later, he stands accused of an extended spasm of violence — home invasions, rapes, murders — in the 1970s and ’80s.
Victims have been told to prepare impact statements to be read aloud during proceedings scheduled to begin Aug. 17 and to last a week before DeAngelo’s sentence is declared.
Though they weren’t able to address the court directly Monday, the victims found a way to make their presence felt.
As details about the murders of Greg Sanchez and Cheri Domingo were read aloud, Cheri’s daughter Debbie Domingo stood to face DeAngelo.
Jennifer Carole also stood, hands gripped behind her back, as the 1980 bedroom killings of her father and stepmother, Lyman and Charlene Smith, were described. She took off her mask so she could be seen but did not make eye contact with DeAngelo. Afterward, retired Sacramento County Sheriff’s Detective Carol Daly stepped up to give Carole a hug.
DeAngelo’s whispery voice and use of a wheelchair did not evoke sympathy from Carole.
“Rest assured, it’s still an act,” she said, echoing the opening statement by prosecutors who said DeAngelo briefly feigned insanity when arrested for shoplifting in 1979 and appeared to do so again hours after his 2018 arrest, when he blamed the crimes on someone called “Jerry.”
“I didn’t have the strength to put him out. He went with me,” Ho said DeAngelo uttered while in the police interview room. “I pushed Jerry out and had a happy life.”
Sacramento County Dist. Atty. Anne Marie Schubert said DeAngelo was competent to stand trial, and his use of a wheelchair Monday suggested he was malingering.
His lawyers said the wheelchair was used at the request of court security to help move DeAngelo in and out of the room.
Six family members of Janelle Cruz, DeAngelo’s last known victim, stood together to confront him as he pleaded guilty to murder and admitted to raping the 18-year-old.
Cruz was bludgeoned to death in 1986 with what detectives believe was a pipe wrench that had been stolen from the family’s backyard days earlier.
DeAngelo appeared to look down, not returning their gaze.
He again looked down as four relatives of Brian and Katie Maggiore, chased down and shot while taking an evening stroll in Rancho Cordova, stood just feet away from the raised stage where DeAngelo and his lawyers sat.
All the women who were raped were referred to as “Jane Doe,” a decision that was criticized before the hearing by some who sought to be shed of decades of social stigma over their attacks.
“I don’t want that,” Pedretti said. “I want to be seen as a real person that he did this to and not as some Jane Doe.”
The Sacramento County district attorney’s office told Pedretti the decision had been made for her, she said, but conceded her request to be allowed to stand during the hearing when her 1976 attack was mentioned.
While details about how DeAngelo had raped her were being read, Jane Carson-Sandler walked up to the edge of the stage to face DeAngelo squarely. He did not look at her.
Other victims silently cried, dabbing their eyes with tissue.
As Monday’s hearing wrapped up, the daughter of one rape victim walked out singing, “Bye-bye, Joe, bye-bye ...”
Because of COVID-19 spacing requirements, the proceeding was moved to the ballroom at Cal State Sacramento, the school from which DeAngelo received a criminal justice degree in 1972. The audience was composed almost entirely of victims and their families, with spaces awarded by lottery for 27 members of the media.
There was one notable empty chair — for Phyllis Henneman, the first-recognized victim of the East Area Rapist. Henneman, who has been battling cancer for the past year, was admitted to the hospital over the weekend.
Nearly 40 victims and family members rose and stood silently to face DeAngelo when it came time to read the charges for the 1976 rape of Henneman.
From beginning to end, the crimes involving DeAngelo played out in the public eye.
The East Area Rapist drew so much media attention that he caused a public panic, prompting citizen patrols, bounties and a run on sales of guns, door locks and guard dogs. Midway through the series of rapes, detectives believe, the attacker began to feed off that public hysteria, and he began to instruct victims to pass on death threats to the police and future victims.
DeAngelo was fired from his Auburn, Calif., police job in 1979 after he was caught shoplifting. The murders that ensued as he and his wife moved to Southern California — again involving bedroom attacks and rapes — at first went unconnected. The unknown assailant was given new local nicknames: the Diamond Knot Killer and the Night Stalker, later changed to the Original Night Stalker after another serial killer took that sobriquet.
Advances in forensic DNA changed the case dramatically. In 2001, detectives were able to link the attacks up and down the state.
The crime spree became media fodder again as a television series, then was picked up by a Los Angeles writer, Michelle McNamara, who re-branded the perpetrator as the Golden State Killer and marketed a book on her attempts to chronicle, and perhaps solve, the case.


latimes--2020-06-29--She's the first Black woman in the U.S. to lead a legislative house. Will Karen Bass soon be VP?

Former Vice President Joe Biden could do worse than to choose U.S. Rep. Karen Bass of Los Angeles as his running mate .
He could , for example , select one of the far better-known vice presidential contenders : Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts or another Californian , Sen. Kamala Harris .
Warren , 71 , and Biden just aren ’ t in sync ideologically .
And her outspoken , liberal views on such issues as “ Medicare for all ” and corporate tax hikes could turn off moderate voters in crucial battleground states that sided with President Trump in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a good governing partner for Biden .
She ’ s capable of modifying her positions to fit the situation .
And Biden apparently is drawn to her — despite Harris ’ harsh attacks on him in an early presidential campaign debate — because she and his late son , Beau , were close allies when both were state attorneys general .
But Harris carries baggage because of risk-averse performances as California attorney general and San Francisco district attorney .
She tended not to fight for things she should have , such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and enacting substantive police reform .
Harris would be a historic choice for Biden — the first woman of color nominated for vice president by a major party .
But so would Bass , 66 , who is chair of the Congressional Black Caucus and only recently was placed on Biden ’ s potential list of running mates .
Bass ’ assets : Everyone likes her .
She ’ s comfortable to be around and is able to deal with Republicans .
She doesn ’ t make enemies .
She ’ s smart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — such as shepherding a sweeping police reform bill through the House last week and attaining major reforms in foster children programs a decade ago as speaker of the California Assembly .
She ’ s calmly articulate , not bombastic .
Liberal , but not fiery .
Most important for any VP selection , Bass wouldn ’ t hurt the ticket .
She ’ d probably help by adding a positive , reassuring force .
But let ’ s be honest : Any Californian would have a tough time passing muster with many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with extremist lefty wackos .
Moreover , no matter whom Democrats nominated for president or vice president , the ticket would carry California with its 55 electoral votes , roughly 20 % of the number needed to win election .
Bass ’ background : Grew up in the Venice and Fairfax areas of L.A. Got hooked on community activism as a child by watching the civil rights movement on television .
Graduated from a physician assistant program at USC , where she received a master ’ s degree in social work .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bass was motivated by L.A. ’ s crack epidemic to create the nonprofit Community Coalition , which worked to replace liquor stores with more wholesome enterprises and to attract additional money for low-performing schools .
“ She ’ s the real deal with a level of civil rights movement bona fides that few vice presidential nominees have ever had , ” says former L.A. Mayor and Assembly Speaker Antonio Villaraigosa , who has known Bass since the early 1970s .
“ She ’ s had a leadership voice wherever she ’ s gone.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2004 and chosen by her colleagues as speaker in 2008 — the first Black woman in the nation ’ s history to lead a state legislative house .
There couldn ’ t have been a worse time to be speaker , especially for a Democrat .
The Great Recession had dug a $ 42-billion hole in the state budget and the Democrat-controlled Legislature was forced to sharply cut education and safety net programs .
In those days , passage of a budget still required a two-thirds majority vote .
There was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the GOP needed to be persuaded to raise taxes .
Additionally , Bass was a short-timer lame duck with only two years left before she was term-limited .
It all got done in 2009 , but Republicans who voted to increase taxes paid a steep political price .
It essentially ended their careers .
And angry voters repealed half the tax hikes .
Bass , Senate leader Darrell Steinberg and the two Republican leaders — Assemblyman Mike Villines and Sen. Dave Cogdill — all received the annual Profile in Courage Award from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only survived her speakership , she won high respect and kudos — then was elected to Congress .
“ She was great , ” Villines recalls .
“ If she were the VP , she ’ d be fantastic .
She ’ s a normal person .
Negotiating with her was easy .
She would listen .
It was never confrontational .
I found her to be truthful and honest , someone just trying to get things done.
” Steinberg , now Sacramento ’ s mayor , says Bass was “ one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve ever worked with .
There ’ s no pretense about her.
” To put his comments in perspective , Senate and Assembly leaders normally are engaged in a silent , competitive feud .
But not Bass and Steinberg .
“ We never had a moment of that , ” Steinberg says .
“ Karen Bass never looked for the spotlight , ” says Fabian Núñez , her predecessor as speaker and mentor .
“ The spotlight found Karen Bass .
That ’ s very unusual in politics.
” Biden has pledged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s under pressure to select a woman of color .
Other Black women being considered include former national security advisor Susan Rice , Rep. Val Demings of Florida and Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms .
Also on the list are New Mexico Gov .
Michelle Lujan Grisham , a Latina , and Illinois Sen. Tammy Duckworth , an Asian American .
Bass is a long shot — one that could pay off big for Biden and a country fed up with divisive claptrap .

Rep. Karen Bass (D-Los Angeles), right, is chair of the Congressional Black Caucus and was the first Black woman to lead a U.S. state legislative house when she was named California Assembly speaker in 2008.
Former Vice President Joe Biden could do worse than to choose U.S. Rep. Karen Bass of Los Angeles as his running mate.
He could, for example, select one of the far better-known vice presidential contenders: Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts or another Californian, Sen. Kamala Harris.
Warren, 71, and Biden just aren’t in sync ideologically. And her outspoken, liberal views on such issues as “Medicare for all” and corporate tax hikes could turn off moderate voters in crucial battleground states that sided with President Trump in 2016.
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Harris, 55, might be a good governing partner for Biden. She’s capable of modifying her positions to fit the situation. And Biden apparently is drawn to her — despite Harris’ harsh attacks on him in an early presidential campaign debate — because she and his late son, Beau, were close allies when both were state attorneys general.
But Harris carries baggage because of risk-averse performances as California attorney general and San Francisco district attorney. She tended not to fight for things she should have, such as abolishing capital punishment, lowering prison sentences and enacting substantive police reform.
Harris would be a historic choice for Biden — the first woman of color nominated for vice president by a major party. But so would Bass, 66, who is chair of the Congressional Black Caucus and only recently was placed on Biden’s potential list of running mates.
Bass’ assets: Everyone likes her. She’s comfortable to be around and is able to deal with Republicans. She doesn’t make enemies. She’s smart, energetic and successful at achieving goals — such as shepherding a sweeping police reform bill through the House last week and attaining major reforms in foster children programs a decade ago as speaker of the California Assembly.
She’s calmly articulate, not bombastic. Liberal, but not fiery.
Most important for any VP selection, Bass wouldn’t hurt the ticket. She’d probably help by adding a positive, reassuring force.
Politics Rep. Karen Bass moves onto Biden’s vice presidential list The Los Angeles congresswoman and chair of the Congressional Black Caucus is being vetted as a potential running mate for Biden.
But let’s be honest: Any Californian would have a tough time passing muster with many Americans who see this state as populated with extremist lefty wackos.
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Moreover, no matter whom Democrats nominated for president or vice president, the ticket would carry California with its 55 electoral votes, roughly 20% of the number needed to win election.
Bass’ background: Grew up in the Venice and Fairfax areas of L.A. Got hooked on community activism as a child by watching the civil rights movement on television. Graduated from a physician assistant program at USC, where she received a master’s degree in social work.
As a physician assistant in the 1980s, Bass was motivated by L.A.’s crack epidemic to create the nonprofit Community Coalition, which worked to replace liquor stores with more wholesome enterprises and to attract additional money for low-performing schools.
“She’s the real deal with a level of civil rights movement bona fides that few vice presidential nominees have ever had,” says former L.A. Mayor and Assembly Speaker Antonio Villaraigosa, who has known Bass since the early 1970s. “She’s had a leadership voice wherever she’s gone.”
Bass was elected to the Assembly in 2004 and chosen by her colleagues as speaker in 2008 — the first Black woman in the nation’s history to lead a state legislative house.
There couldn’t have been a worse time to be speaker, especially for a Democrat. The Great Recession had dug a $42-billion hole in the state budget and the Democrat-controlled Legislature was forced to sharply cut education and safety net programs. In those days, passage of a budget still required a two-thirds majority vote.
There was a Republican governor, Arnold Schwarzenegger. And the GOP needed to be persuaded to raise taxes.
Additionally, Bass was a short-timer lame duck with only two years left before she was term-limited.
It all got done in 2009, but Republicans who voted to increase taxes paid a steep political price. It essentially ended their careers. And angry voters repealed half the tax hikes.
Bass, Senate leader Darrell Steinberg and the two Republican leaders — Assemblyman Mike Villines and Sen. Dave Cogdill — all received the annual Profile in Courage Award from the John F. Kennedy Library.
Bass not only survived her speakership, she won high respect and kudos — then was elected to Congress.
“She was great,” Villines recalls. “If she were the VP, she’d be fantastic. She’s a normal person. Negotiating with her was easy. She would listen. It was never confrontational. I found her to be truthful and honest, someone just trying to get things done.”
Steinberg, now Sacramento’s mayor, says Bass was “one of the most decent, effective leaders I’ve ever worked with. There’s no pretense about her.”
To put his comments in perspective, Senate and Assembly leaders normally are engaged in a silent, competitive feud. But not Bass and Steinberg.
“We never had a moment of that,” Steinberg says.
“Karen Bass never looked for the spotlight,” says Fabian Núñez, her predecessor as speaker and mentor. “The spotlight found Karen Bass. That’s very unusual in politics.”
Biden has pledged to choose a woman. And he’s under pressure to select a woman of color.
Other Black women being considered include former national security advisor Susan Rice, Rep. Val Demings of Florida and Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms. Also on the list are New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham, a Latina, and Illinois Sen. Tammy Duckworth, an Asian American.
Bass is a long shot — one that could pay off big for Biden and a country fed up with divisive claptrap.


latimes--2020-06-29--Hugo's Tacos closes temporarily after employees are harassed by mask-averse patrons

Hugo ’ s Tacos announced Sunday that it will temporarily close its two locations in Los Angeles after employees reported a mounting onslaught of harassment from customers angered by the business ’ “ no mask , no service ” policy .
The harassment , ranging from racial epithets to drinks being hurled at workers through order windows , has taken an emotional toll on the mostly Latino employees , Hugo ’ s Tacos part-owner Bill Kohne told The Times .
“ We ’ ve noticed that over the past four weeks , these incidents have become more frequent , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them , ” Kohne said .
“ All because of a simple question : Can we ask you to put on a mask ?
Can we offer you a mask ?
” The company ’ s stands in Atwater Village and Studio City will likely close for a week or so while Kohne ’ s team strategizes “ how to deal with what seems to be a simmering and festering ” anger around mask-wearing , he said .
One option is to put someone on patrol out front to greet customers and ask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they walk up to the stand .
Hugo ’ s employees who have offered customers masks have been met with a barrage of stubborn but similar responses , Kohne said : “ You can ’ t tell me what to do .
You can ’ t infringe on my personal liberties.
” Some customers have laughed at or ignored the request .
Others have demanded a refund or screamed in the faces of cashiers .
Face coverings , while a verifiable way to reduce the risk of coronavirus transmission , have transformed into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic .
Republicans — including President Trump and Vice President Mike Pence — refuse to wear masks even though public health officials insist they should .
Their supporters have followed suit .
Kohne said that Hugo ’ s mask policy isn ’ t a matter of politics .
“ This isn ’ t about some tribal choice that you ’ re being asked to make , ” Kohne said .
“ You ’ re just being asked to care for the people around you .
”

Hugo’s Tacos announced Sunday that it would temporarily close its two locations in Los Angeles after employees reported a mounting onslaught of harassment from customers angered by the business’ “no mask, no service” policy.
The harassment, which included racial epithets as well as drinks being hurled at workers through order windows, has taken an emotional toll on the mostly Latino employees, Hugo’s Tacos part-owner Bill Kohne told The Times.
“We’ve noticed that over the past four weeks, these incidents have become more frequent, and there’s more vitriol attached to them,” Kohne said. “All because of a simple question: Can we ask you to put on a mask? Can we offer you a mask?”
Both our Hugo’s Tacos locations are now closed temporarily. We look forward to reopening again soon when it’s safe! pic.twitter.com/DM3ZHOgpZV — Hugo's Tacos (@hugostacos) June 28, 2020
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The company’s stands in Atwater Village and Studio City will likely close for a week or so while Kohne’s team strategizes “how to deal with what seems to be a simmering and festering” anger around mask-wearing, he said.
One option is to put someone on patrol out front to greet customers and ask them to put masks on before they walk up to the stand.
Hugo’s employees who have offered customers masks have been met with a barrage of stubborn but similar responses, Kohne said: “You can’t tell me what to do. You can’t infringe on my personal liberties.”
Some customers have laughed at or ignored the request. Others have demanded a refund or screamed in the faces of cashiers.
Face coverings, while a verifiable way to reduce the risk of coronavirus transmission, have transformed into a symbol of political identity during the pandemic. Republicans — including President Trump and Vice President Mike Pence — refuse to wear masks even though public health officials insist they should. Their supporters have followed suit.
Kohne said that Hugo’s mask policy wasn’t a matter of politics.
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“This isn’t about some tribal choice that you’re being asked to make,” Kohne said. “You’re just being asked to care for the people around you.”


latimes--2020-07-01--California breaks coronavirus record for second day in a row

For the second consecutive day , California broke a record for the most coronavirus infections reported — 8,610 cases , according to — another troubling sign that COVID-19 is spreading more rapidly in communities across the state .
It was the second time the state has recorded more than 8,000 cases in a single day .
The percent of coronavirus tests coming back positive in California continues to rise — hitting 5.95 % Tuesday , a Los Angeles Times analysis found , up from 5.28 % a week earlier , and 4.45 % a week before that .
That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worsening .
Los Angeles County reported the third straight day of more than 2,100 additional confirmed cases .
Officials reported 45 more COVID-19-related deaths and 2,779 new cases .
Monday brought L.A. 's highest single-day tally to date , which pushed the county .
“ The L.A. County community needs to come together again to slow the spread of COVID-19 , and we need to act with haste and urgency , ” L.A. County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said in a statement .
Orange County set its own daily record Tuesday , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The county now has nearly On the same day , California as a whole hit a grim milestone when it exceeded 6,000 deaths .
That is still far fewer than other coronavirus hot spots , such as New York and New Jersey , but the increase in overall case numbers and the stress on hospitals are raising alarms .
The enormous surge in cases , which now total more than 223,900 statewide , has prompted to order anyone traveling to his state from California — and 15 other states that have seen recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Gov .
Gavin Newsom said he plans Wednesday to announce further restrictions intended to stem the spread of the virus .
“ We ’ ll be making some additional announcements on efforts to use that dimmer switch that we ’ ve referred to and begin to toggle back on our stay-at-home order and tighten things up , ” Newsom said .
“ The framework for us is this : If you ’ re not going to stay home , and you ’ re not going to wear masks in public , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The governor warned that changes would also include restrictions on indoor gatherings but did not provide details .
Newsom said family gatherings have been one of the “ areas of biggest concern ” as immediate and extended family members have been mixing together .
Laguna Beach City Council members voted to close city beaches Tuesday night , as Huntington Beach officials opted to keep them open , and Newport Beach officials are still mulling plans .

Colleen Shalby, Rong-Gong Lin II, Alejandra Reyes-Velarde

Gov. Gavin Newsom on Wednesday ordered the immediate closure of indoor operations at restaurants, wineries, tasting rooms, movie theaters, zoos, museums and card rooms in 19 counties — including Los Angeles County — that California officials have been monitoring for increases in coronavirus cases and hospitalizations.
“The bottom line is that the spread of this virus continues at a rate that is particularly concerning,” Newsom said, noting that closures will last for at least three weeks.
In L.A. County, where officials Wednesday announced 35 additional coronavirus-related deaths and more than 2,000 new cases for the fourth day in a row, officials said that staff and customers at fitness facilities will be required to wear cloth face coverings and gloves at all times.
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The mandate follows L.A. County officials’ announcement Monday that 49% of bars and 33% of restaurants in the county were not adhering to social distancing protocols in the last week. Additionally, inspectors found that workers at 54% of bars and 44% of restaurants were not wearing face masks or shields.
Health officials said that on June 20 — one day after L.A. County gave the green light for bars, breweries, wineries and similar businesses to reopen — more than 500,000 people visited the county’s newly reopened nightlife spots.
Officials had previously said that of 3,571 restaurants that had been visited over three consecutive weekends from May 30 to June 13, 83% were not in full compliance with coronavirus safety rules.
There are more than 40,000 restaurants in L.A. County, and the county’s public health director, Barbara Ferrer, said officials are trying to inspect every one of them, starting with those that have had past citations. But the order of inspection is fairly random, she said.
In his Wednesday evening media briefing, Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti encouraged restaurant owners to work with officials to secure outdoor dining permits using the L.A. Al Fresco program.
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“This is a painful decision, especially for our restaurateurs,” he said of Newsom’s order. “I hope our residents will continue to support our city’s wonderful restaurants. You just cannot eat inside for this at least three-week period.”
Garcetti said about 560 restaurants so far have received permits to serve on sidewalks, parking lots or streets.
“This spike in infections and in hospitalizations is serious,” he said. “I know we’re exhausted. I know that we let down our guard. I know some of us think that we’re invincible. But this disease reminds us that we are not.”
In light of the case surge, Garcetti introduced a new color-coded system to signal the level of danger due to the coronavirus: green, yellow, orange and red.
We’re in the “orange” category, Garcetti said, which indicates a high risk and requires residents to leave home only for essential activities.
If the city reaches the “red” category, there could be another stay-at-home mandate, Garcetti said.
The latest closures were ordered after California broke a record for new daily coronavirus infections — 8,610 cases, according to The Times’ tracker — for the second consecutive day.
It was the second time the state has recorded more than 8,000 cases in a single day, another troubling sign that COVID-19 is spreading more rapidly in communities across the state.
The percentage of coronavirus tests coming back positive in California continues to rise — hitting 5.95% Tuesday, a Los Angeles Times analysis found, up from 5.28% a week earlier and 4.45% a week before that. That’s another indication that the virus’ spread is worsening.
In L.A. County, officials said 1,889 individuals are hospitalized with COVID-19, the highest number the county has reported since early May. Officials said that the demographic for hospitalizations has recently started to shift toward younger residents, who now account for the bulk of cases in the state. Further details about individuals’ ages or health conditions were not immediately provided.
As of Wednesday, there were no available appointments at county- or city-run test sites. Officials had warned Monday that testing would be limited this week due to the upcoming holiday weekend, but in recent weeks, getting a test has already proved to be a challenge. Last week, appointment slots filled up amid officials’ ongoing calls for residents to get tested.
Dr. Christina Ghaly, director of health services, said Wednesday that the demand for testing has increased and that more slots would be added Friday. The county plans to expand testing to areas most impacted by the virus, and Ghaly said individuals who have symptoms, work in high-risk settings or have come into contact with someone known to be positive are most in need of testing.
If someone experiencing any of those factors cannot get tested through the county- or city-run sites, Ghaly encouraged them not to wait and to instead contact their medical provider.
“This is a time for universal caution,” she said.
The rate of positive infections in the county has increased to 9%, which does not meet the state’s positivity rate threshold of 8% or less for continued reopening of businesses. As several clusters of cases have been linked to gatherings, officials have encouraged people not to congregate in crowded or confined settings, and resists mixing households over the holiday weekend.
Despite the fact that people are defying the county order and gathering, Ferrer said there are no immediate plans to offer guidance for how people should safely gather, as has been done in some Northern California communities. That said, Ferrer said that county officials are preparing guidance documents for when the time comes that people can safely mix again. But at this point, officials are focusing on the need for people to minimize exposure.
“Unfortunately, our numbers at this point in time warrant us not to get into expanded bubbles,” Ferrer said. “I would really encourage people to get back in your household bubble — we’re really at a pivotal point.”
Earlier Wednesday, Newsom said that in the course of this pandemic, there has never been a “more vulnerable” time for people with preexisting health conditions as there is now.
The state is monitoring 19 counties for surges in cases and hospitalizations: Contra Costa, Fresno, Glenn, Imperial, Kern, Kings, Los Angeles, Merced, Orange, Riverside, Sacramento, San Bernardino, San Joaquin, Santa Barbara, Santa Clara, Solano, Stanislaus, Tulare and Ventura.
At a news conference Tuesday, Newsom said four more counties were likely to be added to the watch list, but he did not name them.
Monday brought L.A.’s highest single-day tally to date — 2,903 — which pushed the county past 100,000 infections .
“The L.A. County community needs to come together again to slow the spread of COVID-19, and we need to act with haste and urgency,” Ferrer said in a statement.
Orange County set its own daily record Tuesday, with 779 new confirmed coronavirus cases. The county now has nearly 14,000 cases and 340 deaths.
On the same day, California as a whole hit a grim milestone when it exceeded 6,000 deaths. That is still far fewer than other coronavirus hot spots, such as New York and New Jersey, but the increase in overall case numbers and the stress on hospitals are raising alarms.
The enormous surge in California cases, to more than 223,900, prompted New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo to order that anyone traveling to his state from California — and 15 other states that have seen recent surges — to self-quarantine for 14 days.
Newsom on Tuesday compared pending new restrictions to dialing back a dimmer switch, saying, “If you’re not going to stay home, and you’re not going to wear masks in public, we have to enforce, and we will.”
On Tuesday, Ventura County joined Los Angeles County in closing beaches during the holiday.
In Orange County, Laguna Beach City Council members voted to close city beaches, Huntington Beach officials opted to keep them open and Newport Beach officials are still mulling plans.


latimes--2020-07-01--Coronavirus and financial hurdles are delaying projects to build homeless housing

During an ebullient January ceremony for the first project completed with funding from the city ’ s Proposition HHH homeless housing bond , Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti framed the moment as a turning point .
“ We will see an opening of one of these about every three weeks this year , ” Garcetti said .
That didn ’ t happen .
More than six months later , there has been only one other opening to celebrate .
Five other projects that were scheduled to open by now have not , and dozens of others have had their schedules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticized for its slow progress and rising costs , the $ 1.2-billion bond program is in a new slump .
A Times analysis of data from the Los Angeles Housing and Community Investment Department shows that 57 projects have fallen behind schedule since January .
Of those , 21 were pushed back more than six months .
The coronavirus , which has disrupted contractors ’ schedules and dragged out inspections , is only part of the problem .
A number of projects that have commitments for HHH funding are being delayed even before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subsidies that are crucial to their financing are drying up .
The Housing Authority of the City of Los Angeles , which oversees the federal Section 8 subsidies , faces a cap on the number of subsidies it can issue after committing nearly 5,000 to HHH projects .
In the most recent round of applications the agency approved fewer than 1,000 of the 3,450 rental vouchers developers sought .
With the vouchers running out , the agency has imposed a competitive scoring system favoring those that are closest to starting construction , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive , Douglas Guthrie .
“ We ’ ve got such a huge pipeline of projects that came at us all at one time , ” Guthrie said .
“ We can ’ t be issuing commitments and sit on those for years on end in the hope those projects move forward.
” Skid Row Housing Trust , a downtown-based nonprofit that develops supportive housing , has failed to make the cut three times for projects totaling 161 units in South Los Angeles and Van Nuys , spokeswoman Lisa Rios said .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in obtaining vouchers have extended the two projects by a year and a half and added $ 1 million to their costs .
The shortage creates a predicament for developers who are facing decisions on investing money in land or design .
Nonprofit developer Bridge Housing has secured land for a 140-unit project .
“ We ’ d like to be moving full steam ahead on other expensive items , design drawings , all the rest , ” Executive Vice President Kim McKay said .
“ We clearly want to make sure something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in hand so we can keep everything moving forward.
” Developers depend on the vouchers , which pay the portion of rent exceeding 30 % of each tenant ’ s income , to cover long-term operating costs for projects dedicated to low-income housing .
Without that guaranteed income , they have to set aside a portion of their construction funds as an operating reserve , said Ed Holder , vice president for real estate development at nonprofit Mercy Housing , which has teamed with two other groups to build 360 supportive housing units @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of being on the hook after those reserves run dry .
“ Without rental subsidies , we can ’ t secure the private mortgage needed to finance our development , ” said Robin Hughes , president and chief executive of Abode Communities , one of the agencies collaborating on the project .
Abode Communities is in escrow to acquire one property for a 90-unit building and is considering pursuing a second site for permanent supportive housing , Hughes said .
“ The timing is very uncertain and we may need to pause on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , firm commitment for the subsidies , ” she added .
The subsidy shortfall arises from an agreement between the city and the Housing Authority , an independent agency with its own governing board , to supply vouchers for projects receiving HHH funding .
The agreement committed 1,000 vouchers annually for five years .
The board upped that in June , authorizing another 1,000 vouchers , but that is still far short of the number needed to subsidize the 8,403 units that have been approved for HHH funding and thousands of others not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was put on the city ballot in 2016 , its backers assumed that the additional vouchers would come from the county ’ s Housing for Health program , said Ann Sewill , vice president for health and housing for the California Community Foundation and one of the architects of the measure .
After providing subsidies for 18 projects with 786 units , the county subsidy pool has fallen short too .
Barring a surge in federal subsidies -- a solution with no immediate prospects -- city and county officials are going to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diminished resources .
“ We started this together ; we need to work out the problems together , ” Sewill said .
Meanwhile , the coronavirus is compounding construction delays that have beset many HHH projects .
“ Sometimes it ’ s really hard to tell to what extent it is a garden-variety delay and to what extent it ’ s COVID , ” said Nicholas Halaris , chairman of the citizen committee that oversees HHH spending .
The 122-unit project being built by PATH , a statewide homeless services and development agency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was once scheduled to be completed March 20 .
Then the opening was pushed back to April 20 and again to June 25 .
An unexpectedly high water table had to be addressed , causing an initial delay , said PATH ’ s deputy chief executive , Jennifer Hark-Dietz .
Then the coronavirus slowed down inspections and furniture delivery .
Now the opening is on hold indefinitely after a delayed inspection report required additional work .
Halaris said concerns about the virus have kept some subcontractors from showing up , pushing back the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approval process and inspections are also affected .
Air travel restrictions have hindered a Chicago firm contracted to oversee disability compliance .
And the Los Angeles Department of Building and Safety now requires developers to drop plans in a bucket outside and leave them untouched for two days .
“ They put it in quarantine for a couple of days before they can touch it , ” said John Arnold , a partner with KFA , an architecture firm working on several HHH projects .
“ The general feeling is everything is slow @ @

PATH’s Metro Villas Phase 2 — an affordable, supportive housing project — is under construction in 2019 with Proposition HHH funding.
During an ebullient January ceremony for the first project completed with funding from the city’s Proposition HHH homeless housing bond, Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti framed the moment as a turning point.
“We will see an opening of one of these about every three weeks this year,” Garcetti said.
That didn’t happen. Nearly six months later, there has been only one other opening to celebrate. Five other projects that were scheduled to open by now have not, and dozens of others have had their schedules pushed back by months.
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Already sharply criticized for its slow progress and rising costs, the $1.2-billion bond program is in a new slump. A Times analysis of data from the Los Angeles Housing and Community Investment Department shows that 57 projects have fallen behind schedule since January. Of those, 21 were pushed back more than six months.
The coronavirus, which has disrupted contractors’ schedules and dragged out inspections, is only part of the problem.
A number of projects that have commitments for HHH funding are being delayed even before construction can begin because the federal rent subsidies that are crucial to their financing are drying up.
The Housing Authority of the City of Los Angeles, which oversees the federal Section 8 subsidies, faces a cap on the number of subsidies it can issue after committing nearly 5,000 to HHH projects. In the most recent round of applications, the agency approved fewer than 1,000 of the 3,450 rental vouchers developers sought.
With the vouchers running out, the agency has imposed a competitive scoring system favoring those that are closest to starting construction, said the authority’s president and chief executive, Douglas Guthrie.
“We’ve got such a huge pipeline of projects that came at us all at one time,” Guthrie said. “We can’t be issuing commitments and sit on those for years on end in the hope those projects move forward.”
Skid Row Housing Trust, a downtown nonprofit that develops supportive housing, has failed to make the cut three times for projects totaling 161 units in South Los Angeles and Van Nuys, spokeswoman Lisa Rios said. So far, Rios said, the delays in obtaining vouchers have extended the two projects by a year and a half and added $1 million to their costs.
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Food In a skid row apartment building, L.A. restaurant chefs help residents get cooking On a cool December evening, a group of residents at the Charles Cobb Apartments in downtown made their way through the building’s open-air courtyard to the communal kitchen for a cooking class.
The shortage creates a predicament for developers who are facing decisions on investing money in land or design.
Nonprofit developer Bridge Housing has secured land for a 140-unit project. “We’d like to be moving full steam ahead on other expensive items, design drawings, all the rest,” Executive Vice President Kim McKay said. “We clearly want to make sure something as critical as the Section 8 is in hand so we can keep everything moving forward.”
Developers depend on the vouchers, which pay the portion of rent exceeding 30% of each tenant’s income, to cover long-term operating costs for projects dedicated to low-income housing.
Without that guaranteed income, they have to set aside a portion of their construction funds as an operating reserve, said Ed Holder, vice president for real estate development at nonprofit Mercy Housing, which has teamed with two other groups to build 360 supportive housing units on six properties. Investors are leery of being on the hook after those reserves run dry.
“Without rental subsidies, we can’t secure the private mortgage needed to finance our development,” said Robin Hughes, president and chief executive of Abode Communities, one of the agencies collaborating on the project.
Abode Communities is in escrow to acquire one property for a 90-unit building and is considering pursuing a second site for permanent supportive housing, Hughes said.
“The timing is very uncertain and we may need to pause on the next acquisition opportunity without an early, firm commitment for the subsidies,” she added.
The subsidy shortfall arises from an agreement between the city and the housing authority, an independent agency with its own governing board, to supply vouchers for projects receiving HHH funding. The agreement committed 1,000 vouchers annually for five years. The board upped that in June, authorizing another 1,000 vouchers, but that is still far short of the number needed to subsidize the 8,403 units that have been approved for HHH funding and thousands of others not receiving HHH funding.
When Proposition HHH was put on the city ballot in 2016, its backers assumed that the additional vouchers would come from the county’s Housing for Health program, said Ann Sewill, vice president for health and housing for the California Community Foundation and one of the architects of the measure.
After providing subsidies for 18 projects with 786 units, the county subsidy pool has fallen short too.
Barring a surge in federal subsidies — a solution with no immediate prospects — city and county officials are going to have to work it out with their own diminished resources.
“We started this together; we need to work out the problems together,” Sewill said.
Meanwhile, the coronavirus is compounding construction delays that have beset many HHH projects.
“Sometimes it’s really hard to tell to what extent it is a garden-variety delay and to what extent it’s COVID,” said Nicholas Halaris, chairman of the citizen committee that oversees HHH spending.
The 122-unit project being built by PATH, a statewide homeless services and development agency, next to its East Hollywood headquarters was once scheduled to be completed March 20. Then the opening was pushed back to April 20 and again to June 25.
An unexpectedly high water table had to be addressed, causing an initial delay, said PATH’s deputy chief executive, Jennifer Hark-Dietz. Then the coronavirus slowed down inspections and furniture delivery.
Now the opening is on hold indefinitely after a delayed inspection report required additional work.
Halaris said concerns about the virus have kept some subcontractors from showing up, pushing back the schedule of other subcontractors.
The plan approval process and inspections are also affected. Air travel restrictions have hindered a Chicago firm contracted to oversee disability compliance. And the Los Angeles Department of Building and Safety now requires developers to drop plans in a bucket outside and leave them untouched for two days.
“They put it in quarantine for a couple of days before they can touch it,” said John Arnold, a partner with KFA, an architecture firm working on several HHH projects. “The general feeling is everything is slow.”


latimes--2020-07-01--He worked hard to find a job after a nonprofit paid his bail. Then the coronavirus hit

As he reflected on the past few months , Tomajae Tolliver started by saying everything was fine .
Then he paused .
Actually , he said , everything felt like too much right now .
When he thought about COVID-19 and the economy and what he would do if his job didn ’ t call him back to work , a question looped through his mind : “ How am I going to survive ?
” The 20-year-old Angeleno applied to several clerk positions and warehouse jobs last fall but almost never heard back — a silence he thinks has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on charges of misdemeanor battery .
But he kept applying , motivated in part by the people he had met through a national group called the Bail Project , which paid his $ 41,000 bail when he couldn ’ t afford it .
In the weeks since George Floyd ’ s killing in Minneapolis , a broader swatch of Americans , including many white Americans , have begun to engage in conversations about how systemic racism shapes the criminal justice system in the U.S .
The dialogue has often focused on shifting money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ services , housing initiatives and jobs programs .
But another key part of dismantling a system that disproportionately incarcerates Black and Latino men , activists say , rests in abolishing a cash-bail framework that can lock people into cycles of poverty and legal discrimination .
Because Tolliver , who is Black , got released on bail , he could focus on finding work instead of sitting behind bars as his case worked its way through the system .
Eventually , Tolliver , whose charges will be dropped as long as he successfully completes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ driving a forklift for a freight company in Paramount .
When his first paycheck arrived — $ 50 for a few hours of training and orientation — he knew it wasn ’ t much , but it felt good .
His company cut back hours and told Tolliver it couldn ’ t use him right now , but that he should check back in a couple of weeks .
The first several times he called , the answer was , “ Not yet.
” “ What ’ s my next move ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a thriving economy , people with arrest records often struggle to find work , and during recessions their prospects get even worse .
The recent lockdowns not only shuttered restaurants and retail shops — some of the main low-wage , long-hours jobs that people with records often get boxed into — but also created a newly massive pool of Angelenos looking for work .
That means that thousands of people who were recently released from custody , including those who got out early because of how dangerous it is to be inside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic , are competing for jobs against those who may have longer work histories , no record and more education , said Bryan Sykes , associate professor of criminology , law and society at UC Irvine .
Considering the economic slowdown and the national dialogue about where we allocate taxpayer money , Sykes said he believes now is the time to redistribute funds away from the criminal justice system and toward education , social work , public health and jobs training programs .
That way , he continued , when the economy rebounds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as well as anybody with an older record , will have more skills needed to market themselves and fully reintegrate into society .
“ It ’ s time to do something new , ” he said .
“ This is the moment to invest in people and not in jails and other sorts of models of social control that we have been following for the last 30 , 40 , 50 years.
” The pandemic has shown how quickly the system can adapt if pushed .
In early March , health officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jails and prisons — double bunks , shared toilets , limited soap — laid the perfect groundwork for coronavirus hotspots .
Soon , inmates across the country started to die of complications of COVID-19 , and lawyers for the state of California announced in late March that they intended to release 3,500 inmates early .
In an effort to thin out jail populations , the state ’ s judicial council set new emergency rules in April that reduced bail for misdemeanors and some felonies to zero .
( The judicial leaders rescinded the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) “ If we can release people when there ’ s a health crisis coming , why couldn ’ t we to begin with ?
” asked Robin Steinberg , who founded the Bail Project , the first community bail fund of its scale in the nation , which now operates in more than 20 cities nationwide , including Compton .
Launched in 2017 as an outgrowth of a bail fund Steinberg started in the Bronx a decade earlier , the national nonprofit operates from the ethos that cash bail perpetuates a two-tier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ structural racism .
Bankrolled by philanthropists , the Bail Project publicly advocates for nationwide reform — the goal , Steinberg said , is to “ ultimately put ourselves out of business.
” But until that ’ s a reality , she said , they ’ re dedicated to securing pretrial freedom for as many people as possible .
While the emergency releases during the pandemic have shown what is possible , Steinberg stressed that sustained change will require systemic reform .
And it ’ s long overdue , because cash bail is simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall of 2018 , when the group opened its Compton site , it has paid bail for 130 low-income clients .
In 96 % of cases , those clients have returned for their court dates .
In recent weeks , Steinberg said , she has felt deeply hopeful , as two concepts her group has long advocated for — shrinking the incarcerated population and shifting money from policing and prisons into direct community investment — have gained broader public traction .
During the past few weeks , as people protested across the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organization has brought in more than $ 15 million in donations from some 200,000 people , funds that Steinberg said will go toward securing pretrial freedom for tens of thousands of people and working to pass bail reform in every state .
Some jurisdictions , including New Jersey and Washington , D.C. , have largely abandoned the use of cash bail .
In other places , including California , efforts to abolish it have hit powerful pockets of resistance .
Almost as soon as then-Gov .
Jerry Brown signed a landmark law two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coalition of bail-bonds industry groups started collecting signatures for a referendum , which froze the status quo in place .
( The issue will now go before voters in November . )
The current moment feels distinct , Steinberg said , noting that more Americans now seem to be connecting the dots from slavery to Jim Crow laws , which codified the segregation and disenfranchisement of Black people , to the current disproportionate imprisonment of Black men .
More people seem engaged , she said , in pursuing alternatives to incarceration that focus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finally an appetite , ” she said , “ to move away from using handcuffs and jail cells and patrol cars to solve our social problems like poverty and systemic racism and lack of access to healthcare.
” On a recent Wednesday morning , Dolores Canales , who handles community outreach for the Bail Project , met up with co-workers and volunteers from other local groups focused on healthcare and ending mass incarceration .
The group members , all wearing masks , were preparing to drive in a caravan to drop off supplies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Target gift cards and packets of information about COVID-19 testing sites , at the homes of several Bail Project clients , including Tolliver .
Before they left , Canales told a short story about her son , who is now behind bars .
When he was 6 years old , she took him to a park in Placentia and they splashed around in a fountain .
Off in the distance , she spotted a police officer pulling up on a motorcycle and looked down at her son , who was clinging to her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she realized , was flashing back two years to when he watched police officers kick in the door of her godmother ’ s home and slap handcuffs around Canales ’ wrists .
“ He never got to experience law enforcement as a protector , ” she said .
And her memory of that day in the park is one of many reasons why she ’ d like to see policing as we know it dismantled so more money can be invested directly into communities .
Finding a support system made all the difference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 2001 , when she was arrested on a drug charge , she faced up to life in prison under California ’ s three-strikes law , because of her earlier record , which included a residential burglary from when she was a teenager .
Friends in the recovery community reached out to her , and when she bailed out with money from a relative she immediately checked herself into a recovery home in Fullerton to focus on staying off heroin .
Ten months later , when she turned herself in to serve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deep community of support , including a group of women who took her to Knott ’ s Berry Farm on her final night of freedom to conquer her fear of the GhostRider rollercoaster .
She stayed in touch with many of them during her seven years behind bars , and they helped her , again , when she had nothing to her name but the $ 200 she received from the state of California upon her release .
Friends let her sleep at their homes , as she applied to jobs at Rite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she didn ’ t hear back , so a friend hired her to work as a part-time caregiver for her bedridden mother .
Eventually , her cousin helped her get a job at an interpreting service .
“ It wasn ’ t the system we ’ ve created through probation and parole and law enforcement that did anything for me , ” Canales said .
“ It was all community .
People who invested in me.
” On the recent Wednesday morning , after driving to Tolliver ’ s home , Canales waved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his girlfriend standing on the porch .
“ How are you ?
” Canales said , as her co-worker handed Tolliver two boxes of diapers for the baby the couple is expecting this winter .
“ Wow , ” he said softly .
“ I appreciate it.
” The Bail Project ’ s investment in his life has helped him stay motivated , Tolliver said .
“ You see that not everybody is mean .
Some people are here to help.
” Tolliver invited the group inside and they all stood in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stand several feet apart , save for the moment when Tolliver ’ s girlfriend , Katherine Cordova , teared up in gratitude and a few quick hugs were exchanged .
Tolliver told the group that he had called his job the previous day , but that the freight company was moving slowly and didn ’ t need him yet .
Cordova , chimed in , saying that after being furloughed for several weeks , the restaurant where she works had called to say they could use her back .
To pass the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ house and helped babysit his nephews .
He followed the news of the protests after Floyd ’ s death and hopes for true justice , but he decided not to join protesters .
Especially when there were curfews in place , he said , he wanted to avoid any opportunity to come into contact with the police .
“ I ’ m just laying low , ” he said .
On days he felt discouraged , he repeated two sentences in his mind — “ Keep your head up .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few days ago , he called work again , just to double check .
This time , he said , they told him they could use him back in the warehouse .

As he reflected on the past few months, Tomajae Tolliver started by saying everything was fine. Then he paused.
Actually, he said, everything felt like too much right now. When he thought about COVID-19 and the economy and what he would do if his job didn’t call him back to work, a question looped through his mind:
“How am I going to survive?”
The 20-year-old Angeleno applied to several clerk positions and warehouse jobs last fall but almost never heard back — a silence he thinks has something to do with his September arrest on charges of misdemeanor battery. But he kept applying, motivated in part by the people he had met through a national group called the Bail Project, which paid his $41,000 bail when he couldn’t afford it.
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In the weeks since George Floyd’s killing in Minneapolis, a broader swatch of Americans, including many white Americans, have begun to engage in conversations about how systemic racism shapes the criminal justice system in the U.S. The dialogue has often focused on shifting money away from law enforcement and into social services, housing initiatives and jobs programs.
But another key part of dismantling a system that disproportionately incarcerates Black and Latino men, activists say, rests in abolishing a cash-bail framework that can lock people into cycles of poverty and legal discrimination.
Because Tolliver, who is Black, got released on bail, he could focus on finding work instead of sitting behind bars as his case worked its way through the system. Eventually, Tolliver, whose charges will be dropped as long as he successfully completes a diversion program, landed a job driving a forklift for a freight company in Paramount. When his first paycheck arrived — $50 for a few hours of training and orientation — he knew it wasn’t much, but it felt good.
Then the pandemic hit.
His company cut back hours and told Tolliver it couldn’t use him right now, but that he should check back in a couple of weeks. The first several times he called, the answer was, “Not yet.”
“What’s my next move?” Tolliver said with a sigh.
Tomajae Tolliver looks down at a clipboard as Bail Project employees drop off supplies at his home. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times)
Even in a thriving economy, people with arrest records often struggle to find work, and during recessions their prospects get even worse. The recent lockdowns not only shuttered restaurants and retail shops — some of the main low-wage, long-hours jobs that people with records often get boxed into — but also created a newly massive pool of Angelenos looking for work.
That means that thousands of people who were recently released from custody, including those who got out early because of how dangerous it is to be inside a packed jail or prison during a pandemic, are competing for jobs against those who may have longer work histories, no record and more education, said Bryan Sykes, associate professor of criminology, law and society at UC Irvine.
Advertisement
Considering the economic slowdown and the national dialogue about where we allocate taxpayer money, Sykes said he believes now is the time to redistribute funds away from the criminal justice system and toward education, social work, public health and jobs training programs. That way, he continued, when the economy rebounds, people returning from prison or jail, as well as anybody with an older record, will have more skills needed to market themselves and fully reintegrate into society.
“It’s time to do something new,” he said. “This is the moment to invest in people and not in jails and other sorts of models of social control that we have been following for the last 30, 40, 50 years.”
The pandemic has shown how quickly the system can adapt if pushed.
In early March, health officials and defense attorneys warned that conditions inside jails and prisons — double bunks, shared toilets, limited soap — laid the perfect groundwork for coronavirus hotspots. Soon, inmates across the country started to die of complications of COVID-19, and lawyers for the state of California announced in late March that they intended to release 3,500 inmates early.
In an effort to thin out jail populations, the state’s judicial council set new emergency rules in April that reduced bail for misdemeanors and some felonies to zero. (The judicial leaders rescinded the $0 bail policy in June.)
“If we can release people when there’s a health crisis coming, why couldn’t we to begin with?” asked Robin Steinberg, who founded the Bail Project, the first community bail fund of its scale in the nation, which now operates in more than 20 cities nationwide, including Compton.
Susie Alexander, center, receives household supplies delivered for her son by Bail Project employees. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times)
Launched in 2017 as an outgrowth of a bail fund Steinberg started in the Bronx a decade earlier, the national nonprofit operates from the ethos that cash bail perpetuates a two-tier system, which upholds economic inequality and structural racism. Bankrolled by philanthropists, the Bail Project publicly advocates for nationwide reform — the goal, Steinberg said, is to “ultimately put ourselves out of business.” But until that’s a reality, she said, they’re dedicated to securing pretrial freedom for as many people as possible.
While the emergency releases during the pandemic have shown what is possible, Steinberg stressed that sustained change will require systemic reform.
And it’s long overdue, because cash bail is simply unnecessary, Steinberg said. Since the fall of 2018, when the group opened its Compton site, it has paid bail for 130 low-income clients. In 96% of cases, those clients have returned for their court dates.
In recent weeks, Steinberg said, she has felt deeply hopeful, as two concepts her group has long advocated for — shrinking the incarcerated population and shifting money from policing and prisons into direct community investment — have gained broader public traction.
During the past few weeks, as people protested across the country following Floyd’s killing, the organization has brought in more than $15 million in donations from some 200,000 people, funds that Steinberg said will go toward securing pretrial freedom for tens of thousands of people and working to pass bail reform in every state.
Some jurisdictions, including New Jersey and Washington, D.C., have largely abandoned the use of cash bail. In other places, including California, efforts to abolish it have hit powerful pockets of resistance. Almost as soon as then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed a landmark law two years ago abolishing cash bail, a coalition of bail-bonds industry groups started collecting signatures for a referendum, which froze the status quo in place. (The issue will now go before voters in November.)
The current moment feels distinct, Steinberg said, noting that more Americans now seem to be connecting the dots from slavery to Jim Crow laws, which codified the segregation and disenfranchisement of Black people, to the current disproportionate imprisonment of Black men. More people seem engaged, she said, in pursuing alternatives to incarceration that focus on community investment.
“There is finally an appetite,” she said, “to move away from using handcuffs and jail cells and patrol cars to solve our social problems like poverty and systemic racism and lack of access to healthcare.”
::
On a recent Wednesday morning, Dolores Canales, who handles community outreach for the Bail Project, met up with co-workers and volunteers from other local groups focused on healthcare and ending mass incarceration.
The group members, all wearing masks, were preparing to drive in a caravan to drop off supplies, including toilet paper, $25 Target gift cards and packets of information about COVID-19 testing sites, at the homes of several Bail Project clients, including Tolliver.
Stacy Rojas Rojas, right, and Dolores Canales, who works for the Bail Project, check paperwork as they load supplies for clients in Compton. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times)
Before they left, Canales told a short story about her son, who is now behind bars. When he was 6 years old, she took him to a park in Placentia and they splashed around in a fountain. Off in the distance, she spotted a police officer pulling up on a motorcycle and looked down at her son, who was clinging to her and shaking.
His young mind, she realized, was flashing back two years to when he watched police officers kick in the door of her godmother’s home and slap handcuffs around Canales’ wrists.
“He never got to experience law enforcement as a protector,” she said. And her memory of that day in the park is one of many reasons why she’d like to see policing as we know it dismantled so more money can be invested directly into communities.
Finding a support system made all the difference in her own life, Canales said. In 2001, when she was arrested on a drug charge, she faced up to life in prison under California’s three-strikes law, because of her earlier record, which included a residential burglary from when she was a teenager. Friends in the recovery community reached out to her, and when she bailed out with money from a relative she immediately checked herself into a recovery home in Fullerton to focus on staying off heroin.
Ten months later, when she turned herself in to serve her prison sentence, she had a deep community of support, including a group of women who took her to Knott’s Berry Farm on her final night of freedom to conquer her fear of the GhostRider rollercoaster.
She stayed in touch with many of them during her seven years behind bars, and they helped her, again, when she had nothing to her name but the $200 she received from the state of California upon her release. Friends let her sleep at their homes, as she applied to jobs at Rite Aid and a nursing home.
But she didn’t hear back, so a friend hired her to work as a part-time caregiver for her bedridden mother. Eventually, her cousin helped her get a job at an interpreting service.
“It wasn’t the system we’ve created through probation and parole and law enforcement that did anything for me,” Canales said. “It was all community. People who invested in me.”
On the recent Wednesday morning, after driving to Tolliver’s home, Canales waved from afar when she spotted Tolliver and his girlfriend standing on the porch.
“How are y’all doing?” Tolliver asked.
“How are you?” Canales said, as her co-worker handed Tolliver two boxes of diapers for the baby the couple is expecting this winter.
“Wow,” he said softly. “I appreciate it.”
“No,” Canales said, “we appreciate you.”
The Bail Project’s investment in his life has helped him stay motivated, Tolliver said. “You see that not everybody is mean. Some people are here to help.”
Tolliver invited the group inside and they all stood in a semi-circle. Everyone did their best to stand several feet apart, save for the moment when Tolliver’s girlfriend, Katherine Cordova, teared up in gratitude and a few quick hugs were exchanged.
Tolliver told the group that he had called his job the previous day, but that the freight company was moving slowly and didn’t need him yet. Cordova, chimed in, saying that after being furloughed for several weeks, the restaurant where she works had called to say they could use her back.
Katherine Cordova, right, hugs the Bail Project’s Priscilia Martinez after project members delivered supplies to Tomajae Tolliver. (Brian van der Brug/Los Angeles Times)
To pass the time in recent days, Tolliver cleaned the house and helped babysit his nephews. He followed the news of the protests after Floyd’s death and hopes for true justice, but he decided not to join protesters. Especially when there were curfews in place, he said, he wanted to avoid any opportunity to come into contact with the police.
“I’m just laying low,” he said.
On days he felt discouraged, he repeated two sentences in his mind — “Keep your head up. It’s just the beginning.”
Then, a few days ago, he called work again, just to double check. This time, he said, they told him they could use him back in the warehouse.


latimes--2020-07-01--California fights to prevent July 4 coronavirus disaster

State and local governments planned more restrictions Tuesday as coronavirus cases continued to spike and officials became increasingly alarmed that the July 4th holiday weekend could bring a wave of new infections that could overwhelm hospitals .
The surge in coronavirus cases and hospitalizations began around the Memorial Day weekend as residents began socializing after months largely spent at home , and officials say a repeat of that behavior — failing to wear masks and mixing with many people outside of your household — this holiday weekend would be disastrous .
“ I think it is a critical moment for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out and heard , ” said Dr. Robert Kim-Farley , medical epidemiologist and infectious diseases expert at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health .
“ Traditionally , the Fourth of July has been such a time for large gatherings and beach going .
If those same practices occurred , we could be back with even a further spike upon our spike that we ’ re having now.
” Past holidays where there was extensive social interaction , like Mardi Gras in Louisiana and the Lunar New Year holiday in Wuhan , China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in COVID-19 that reverberated across their respective nations .
For the second consecutive day , California broke a record for the most cases reported in a single day — 8,610 cases , according to The Times ’ coronavirus tracker .
It was only the second time the state has recorded more than 8,000 cases in a single day .
Dr. Anthony Fauci , the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases , warned Tuesday that new cases nationally could rise to 100,000 a day if behaviors don ’ t change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 40,000 cases a day .
That ’ s double what the country saw the first week of June , when there were an average of 20,700 cases reported daily .
The percent of coronavirus tests coming back positive in California continued to rise — hitting 5.95 % Tuesday , a Los Angeles Times analysis found , up from 5.28 % a week earlier , and 4.45 % a week before that .
That ’ s an indication that disease spread is worsening .
The Times ’ analysis has found that the average number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or suspected COVID-19 rose 36 % last week compared to what it was a month earlier .
On Tuesday , Ventura County joined Los Angeles County in closing beaches during the holiday , while San Diego County imposed a 10 p.m. curfew on all restaurants and bars in a move to close down alcohol-fueled nightlife that some fear is helping spread COVID-19 .
“ We simply can not go on with business as usual while this virus continues to rage our nation and our community , ” said San Diego County supervisor Greg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he planned to announce additional restrictions Wednesday .
“ We ’ ll be making some additional announcements on efforts to use that dimmer switch that we ’ ve referred to and begin to toggle back on our stay-at-home order and tighten things up , ” Newsom said .
“ The framework for us is this : If you ’ re not going to stay home , and you ’ re not going to wear masks in public , we have to enforce , and we will.
” The governor warned that changes would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not provide details .
Newsom said family gatherings had been one of the “ areas of biggest concern ” as immediate and extended family members mixed together .
Some people frightened by the spike in cases said they would welcome stricter rules .
“ To save people that are dying or getting infected , why open it up when it ’ s not ready or safe to do so ?
” said Teshome Tekeste , 23 , as he walked in Santa Monica on Tuesday .
He said he ’ s being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when friends are around .
The coming holiday scares him .
“ I ’ m worried and nervous .
I know we were doing really good prior to opening bars and restaurants and stores , and once we opened a gateway , that really opened up everything else , ” Tekeste said .
“ With July 4th coming up this weekend , I feel like a lot of people are going to be out regardless of the restrictions.
” As beaches and bars close , he ’ s not sure what he ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s hard to tell .
When the day comes , I ’ ll probably figure something out , ” Tekeste said .
“ I ’ ll feel comfortable doing anything if I know I will be protected — myself and the people around me .
But I can ’ t control other people ’ s actions , so that ’ s the issue that I don ’ t know.
” As she walked to the Apple store in Santa Monica , Terry Marie said she almost canceled her appointment upon seeing Monday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The virus had already scrapped her Fourth of July plans , she said .
“ I ’ ll probably be upstairs on my porch looking out , seeing if I see any fireworks , ” said Marie , a Venice resident in her 50s .
Marie called off a watch party set for Friday night for the digital release of “ Hamilton ” after a friend told her local and state orders prohibit household mixing .
“ I ’ ve got to be honest , it ’ s getting old now , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are several likely causes for the spike — people hanging out in crowded spaces without masks as well as the return of private gatherings like family barbecues , graduation parties and Father ’ s Day events .
The protests over the police killing of George Floyd , which brought tens of thousands onto streets , might also have spread coronavirus but there is debate about how much .
In the Inland Empire , hospitals are hovering at capacity levels , and officials in Los Angeles and elsewhere said they are just weeks from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slowed .
That is why so much focus is being placed on keeping July 4 weekend under control .
“ I know how much we look forward to this time of year , ” Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti said Monday evening .
“ But not this year .
This year we have to think about saving lives to protect what we have in this country.
” The state is monitoring 19 counties that have fallen short of meeting guidelines for at least three days due to an increase in the spread of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lack of hospital capacity .
Newsom said he expected four additional counties to be added to the list on Wednesday .
California has 232,273 confirmed cases and more than 6,000 deaths from COVID-19 , according to the Los Angeles Times tracker of the outbreak .
California was long hailed as a coronavirus success story .
“ We bent the curve in the state of California once .
We will bend the curve again , mark my word , ” Newsom said .
“ We will crush this pandemic .
We will annihilate it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but we ’ re going to have to be tougher .
And we ’ re going to have to be smarter in terms of our approaches.
” Increasing numbers of California counties are following Newsom ’ s guidance and closing bars .
“ People don ’ t social distance well after a couple drinks , and it ’ s one of the hardest environments to trace contacts in , ” Riverside County Public Health Officer Cameron Kaiser said Tuesday .
Michelle Steel , chairwoman of the Orange County Board of Supervisors , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is considering the issuance of health orders to close bars in Orange County if , in his medical opinion , it is appropriate to do so.
” “ Throughout our pandemic response , and in our phased reopening , we have consistently stated that we would closely monitor the data and correct course as needed , ” she said .
“ I , and my colleagues on the Orange County Board of Supervisors , remain dedicated to protecting the health and safety of our residents.
” Times staff writers Colleen Shalby , Luke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Paul Sisson of the San Diego Union-Tribune contributed to this report .

Taryn Luna, Jake Sheridan, Rong-Gong Lin II

Kids ride a wave together as they learn to surf on a warm summer day at the San Clemente Pier Tuesday.
State and local governments planned more restrictions Tuesday as coronavirus cases continued to spike and officials became increasingly alarmed that the July 4th holiday weekend could bring a wave of new infections that could overwhelm hospitals.
The surge in coronavirus cases and hospitalizations began around the Memorial Day weekend as residents began socializing after months largely spent at home, and officials say a repeat of that behavior — failing to wear masks and mixing with many people outside of your household — this holiday weekend would be disastrous.
“I think it is a critical moment for the public health message to be given out and heard,” said Dr. Robert Kim-Farley, medical epidemiologist and infectious diseases expert at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health. “Traditionally, the Fourth of July has been such a time for large gatherings and beach going. If those same practices occurred, we could be back with even a further spike upon our spike that we’re having now.”
Advertisement
Past holidays where there was extensive social interaction, like Mardi Gras in Louisiana and the Lunar New Year holiday in Wuhan, China, have been associated with big spikes in COVID-19 that reverberated across their respective nations.
California Newsom warns of more coronavirus restrictions and enforcement ahead of July 4 weekend Gov. Gavin Newsom on Wednesday ordered tougher restrictions on indoor activities for most of the state, marking a major step backward in the reopening and an attempt to slow an alarming rise of the coronavirus in 19 counties.
For the second consecutive day, California broke a record for the most cases reported in a single day — 8,610 cases, according to The Times’ coronavirus tracker. It was only the second time the state has recorded more than 8,000 cases in a single day.
Dr. Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, warned Tuesday that new cases nationally could rise to 100,000 a day if behaviors don’t change.
The nation is currently recording about 40,000 cases a day. That’s double what the country saw the first week of June, when there were an average of 20,700 cases reported daily.
The percent of coronavirus tests coming back positive in California continued to rise — hitting 5.95% Tuesday, a Los Angeles Times analysis found, up from 5.28% a week earlier, and 4.45% a week before that. That’s an indication that disease spread is worsening.
The Times’ analysis has found that the average number of patients hospitalized in California with confirmed or suspected COVID-19 rose 36% last week compared to what it was a month earlier.
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On Tuesday, Ventura County joined Los Angeles County in closing beaches during the holiday, while San Diego County imposed a 10 p.m. curfew on all restaurants and bars in a move to close down alcohol-fueled nightlife that some fear is helping spread COVID-19.
“We simply cannot go on with business as usual while this virus continues to rage our nation and our community,” said San Diego County supervisor Greg Cox.
Gov. Gavin Newsom said he planned to announce additional restrictions Wednesday.
“We’ll be making some additional announcements on efforts to use that dimmer switch that we’ve referred to and begin to toggle back on our stay-at-home order and tighten things up,” Newsom said. “The framework for us is this: If you’re not going to stay home, and you’re not going to wear masks in public, we have to enforce, and we will.”
The governor warned that changes would also include restrictions on indoor gatherings but did not provide details. Newsom said family gatherings had been one of the “areas of biggest concern” as immediate and extended family members mixed together.
Some people frightened by the spike in cases said they would welcome stricter rules.
“To save people that are dying or getting infected, why open it up when it’s not ready or safe to do so?” said Teshome Tekeste, 23, as he walked in Santa Monica on Tuesday.
He said he’s being cautious: only eating takeout, masking-up when friends are around. The coming holiday scares him.
“I’m worried and nervous. I know we were doing really good prior to opening bars and restaurants and stores, and once we opened a gateway, that really opened up everything else,” Tekeste said. “With July 4th coming up this weekend, I feel like a lot of people are going to be out regardless of the restrictions.”
As beaches and bars close, he’s not sure what he’ll do on Saturday. “It’s hard to tell. When the day comes, I’ll probably figure something out,” Tekeste said. “I’ll feel comfortable doing anything if I know I will be protected — myself and the people around me. But I can’t control other people’s actions, so that’s the issue that I don’t know.”
As she walked to the Apple store in Santa Monica, Terry Marie said she almost canceled her appointment upon seeing Monday’s spike in COVID-19 cases.
The virus had already scrapped her Fourth of July plans, she said.
“I’ll probably be upstairs on my porch looking out, seeing if I see any fireworks,” said Marie, a Venice resident in her 50s.
Marie called off a watch party set for Friday night for the digital release of “Hamilton” after a friend told her local and state orders prohibit household mixing.
“I’ve got to be honest, it’s getting old now,” she said.
Officials have said there are several likely causes for the spike — people hanging out in crowded spaces without masks as well as the return of private gatherings like family barbecues, graduation parties and Father’s Day events. The protests over the police killing of George Floyd, which brought tens of thousands onto streets, might also have spread coronavirus but there is debate about how much.
In the Inland Empire, hospitals are hovering at capacity levels, and officials in Los Angeles and elsewhere said they are just weeks from that point unless the spread can be slowed. That is why so much focus is being placed on keeping July 4 weekend under control.
“I know how much we look forward to this time of year,” Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti said Monday evening. “But not this year. This year we have to think about saving lives to protect what we have in this country.”
The state is monitoring 19 counties that have fallen short of meeting guidelines for at least three days due to an increase in the spread of the virus, growing hospitalizations or a lack of hospital capacity. Newsom said he expected four additional counties to be added to the list on Wednesday.
California has 232,273 confirmed cases and more than 6,000 deaths from COVID-19, according to the Los Angeles Times tracker of the outbreak. California was long hailed as a coronavirus success story.
“We bent the curve in the state of California once. We will bend the curve again, mark my word,” Newsom said. “We will crush this pandemic. We will annihilate it. We’ll get past this, but we’re going to have to be tougher. And we’re going to have to be smarter in terms of our approaches.”
Increasing numbers of California counties are following Newsom’s guidance and closing bars.
“People don’t social distance well after a couple drinks, and it’s one of the hardest environments to trace contacts in,” Riverside County Public Health Officer Cameron Kaiser said Tuesday.
But some spots remain resistant.
Michelle Steel, chairwoman of the Orange County Board of Supervisors, said Tuesday that the health officer “is considering the issuance of health orders to close bars in Orange County if, in his medical opinion, it is appropriate to do so.”
“Throughout our pandemic response, and in our phased reopening, we have consistently stated that we would closely monitor the data and correct course as needed,” she said. “I, and my colleagues on the Orange County Board of Supervisors, remain dedicated to protecting the health and safety of our residents.”
Times staff writers Colleen Shalby, Luke Money, Iris Lee, Andy Roberson and Paul Sisson of the San Diego Union-Tribune contributed to this report.