latimes--2020-12-18--George Gascón's plans to overhaul prosecutions meet early resistance from judges, others

On his first day in office , Los Angeles County Dist .
Atty .
George Gascón announced sweeping changes that he promised would dramatically alter how justice is delivered in the county .
But in the week since his heady proclamations , Gascón ’ s reform plans have been met with resistance from judges , his own prosecutors and crime victims , who are challenging both the ethics of his vision and whether he has the authority to carry out one of its main components .
That Gascón has run into pushback comes as no surprise , as a clash @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law enforcement strategies seemed inevitable .
But the friction has heated up with startling speed and intensity , affording the district attorney no honeymoon period as he tries to reimagine how an office that files more than 100,000 criminal cases each year carries out its mission .
Gascón has succeeded in quickly locking in several significant policy changes , including barring prosecutors from seeking the death penalty or trying juveniles as adults .
And defendants facing a number of misdemeanor crimes can now avoid prosecutions by enrolling in diversion programs .
Starting in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allowed to seek cash bails .
But his attempt to eliminate sentencing enhancements has met significant resistance .
Enhancements can add several years to prison terms for defendants who meet certain conditions , such as being ex-felons or gang members , or those who committed hate crimes or attack police .
Gascón has long argued that penalties for underlying crimes are significant on their own and that sentencing enhancements lead to excessive prison terms that disproportionately affect Black and Latino defendants , while not deterring crime .
“ People that commit a crime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And that accountability will be proportionate to the crime , ” he said .
“ Enhancements do not have anything to do with accountability.
” Gascón , however , relented somewhat Friday .
In a memo to prosecutors , he reinstated the use of sentencing enhancements “ in cases involving the most vulnerable victims and in specified extraordinary circumstances , ” according to a copy of the memo obtained by The Times .
Prosecutors now are allowed to seek enhancements in hate-motivated attacks , cases of elder and child abuse , sex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
With the approval of a supervisor , enhancements can also be sought in cases where a victim suffers “ extensive ” physical injuries or a weapon is used in a way that threatens a victim ’ s life during a crime , according to interim Chief Deputy Dist .
Atty .
Joseph Iniguez .
The backtracking came a day after Gascón vowed at a news conference that he would not relax the policy banning sentencing enhancements because he worried doing so would give prosecutors too much latitude to seek excessive prison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a meeting Thursday night with members of the LGBTQ community and experts on hate crimes , according to Brian Levin , director of the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at Cal State San Bernardino , who attended the meeting .
Through the first two weeks of his term , judges have emerged as a significant roadblock to Gascón ’ s enhancement policies .
After a deputy district attorney sought to dismiss an enhancement against a defendant with a prior felony conviction last week , Superior Court Judge Alison Estrada said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” to do so unless the dismissal was in the interest of justice or due to a lack of evidence .
When the prosecutor said he was only acting on Gascón ’ s order , Estrada denied the motion , drawing a cheer from two LAPD detectives sitting in the back of the courtroom .
Judges in other courthouses around the county , including Long Beach , Inglewood and the Antelope Valley , have made similar decisions , attorneys said .
Gascón tried to fashion a workaround to the judges ’ objections Tuesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dismissing enhancements is , in fact , in the interest of justice because the sentences imposed for the underlying crimes are “ sufficient to protect public safety.
” If a judge still refuses , the order directs prosecutors to file amended charging documents that do not include the sentencing enhancements , according to a copy of the order reviewed by The Times .
Gascón also wants prosecutors to alert their supervisors when a judge refuses to throw out an enhancement .
Some prosecutors have raised objections as well , questioning the ethics of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requires them to make representations in court that they don ’ t believe in .
Deputy Dist .
Atty .
Richard Ceballos , who is prosecuting a group charged in a series of brutal stabbings of transgender women and made an unsuccessful bid for D.A.
, asked a judge to dismiss hate crime enhancements in the case Tuesday , but refused to say doing so would be in the interest of justice .
The judge ultimately blocked the motion to dismiss .
“ He clearly has a right to make these motions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We have to follow them ; however , we can not represent to the court that it is in the interest of justice if we don ’ t believe it .
That would violate the rules of professional responsibility.
” On Wednesday , Gascón scoffed at that idea .
“ What we ’ re doing is certainly not unlawful and not unethical .
Prosecutors are sworn to follow the directives of the elected D.A .
as long as he or she is working within the law , and I firmly believe that I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bruising race against longtime Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey , Gascón was clear that if he won the election he intended to overhaul criminal justice in L.A. County .
He earned the enthusiastic backing of L.A. 's increasingly powerful progressive bloc and received major financial backing from wealthy supporters of criminal justice reform .
Now he is under pressure to deliver on his promises as some victims ’ rights activists and law enforcement officials are pushing back .
Gascón said Wednesday he understands the changes he ’ s making have unnerved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When you have such a radical change within a line of work and within an organization , there is going to be a lot of uneasiness and there are going to be people that feel very unsettled by this , ” he said .
“ The one thing I ’ m convinced of is that the men and women of the L.A. D.A.
’ s office came into work for the same reasons I did 40 years ago .
To make sure that our communities are protected.
” The union representing rank-and-file deputy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforcement unions that spent millions opposing Gascón ’ s candidacy — issued a memo this week expressing concern that some of the district attorney ’ s directives would require prosecutors “ to violate the law and our duty of candor to the court ” and expressed concern that some would face discipline or termination .
Those fears were fueled when Gascón disciplined the head prosecutor in the Compton courthouse , Richard Doyle , after he refused an order to withdraw charges against a man who had participated in recent protests against police .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials with knowledge of the situation , was issued a letter of reprimand last week for refusing to dismiss the case against Emanuel Padilla , who was charged with attempting to derail a city commuter train during a protest by dragging metal cables across the train ’ s tracks .
The charge carried a maximum sentence of life in prison .
In one of his first acts as district attorney , Gascón ordered charges against Padilla to be dropped .
Max Szabo , a spokesman for Gascón ’ s transition team , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there was insufficient evidence to support the charges against Padilla .
“ The video evidence we have seen does not show Mr. Padilla placing , dropping or otherwise putting any object in the path of a train , ” he said , adding that many sheriff ’ s deputies were at the protest and did not see reason to arrest Padilla .
After Doyle refused to dismiss the case , a member of Gascón ’ s executive team appeared in Compton to drop the charges , according to the officials , who spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were not authorized to speak to the media .
Szabo declined to comment further because the issue was a personnel matter .
Attempts to contact Doyle were not successful .
A Google document seeking to collect information on “ non-compliant ” deputy district attorneys also circulated in recent days .
The document was reviewed by The Times last week , and several public defenders confirmed they had received the link as well .
Both a spokeswoman for the public defender ’ s office and Szabo said no one in their offices had created @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shortly after The Times began asking questions about it .
The fight over sentencing enhancements underscores the challenges Gascón faces as he tries to address what he and others say are deep-seated inequities that have arisen out of the office ’ s long-running focus on seeking heavy sentences on behalf of crime victims .
Gascón and his supporters point to research that shows enhancements disproportionately affect Black and Latino communities and have questioned whether they serve any public safety purpose .
Roughly 90 % of defendants from L.A. County sent to prison under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Michael Romano , director of the Three Strikes Project at Stanford Law School and chair of Gov .
Gavin Newsom ’ s penal code revision committee .
People convicted of serious violence such as murder or attempted murder will receive lengthy prison sentences that make enhancements unnecessary , Romano said .
The men accused of attacking the transgender women , for example , face multiple charges of attempted murder , which could carry a sentence of life in prison .
The hate crime enhancements they each face would add a maximum of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ In many , many cases , the enhancement results in a sentence that is far longer than the underlying criminal conduct , and it becomes the tail wagging the dog , ” Romano said .
“ There is still ample room to impose long sentences in crimes , especially violent crimes .
”

Major policy changes by Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. George Gascón, shown here during a campaign event, are meeting resistance from judges and others.
On his first day in office, Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. George Gascón announced sweeping changes that he promised would dramatically alter how justice is delivered in the county.
But in the week since his heady proclamations, Gascón’s reform plans have been met with resistance from judges, his own prosecutors and crime victims, who are challenging both the ethics of his vision and whether he has the authority to carry out one of its main components.
That Gascón has run into pushback comes as no surprise, as a clash between his progressive agenda and more traditional law enforcement strategies seemed inevitable. But the friction has heated up with startling speed and intensity, affording the district attorney no honeymoon period as he tries to reimagine how an office that files more than 100,000 criminal cases each year carries out its mission.
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Gascón has succeeded in quickly locking in several significant policy changes, including barring prosecutors from seeking the death penalty or trying juveniles as adults. And defendants facing a number of misdemeanor crimes can now avoid prosecution by enrolling in diversion programs. Starting in January, prosecutors will no longer be allowed to seek cash bail.
But his attempt to eliminate sentencing enhancements has met significant resistance. Enhancements can add several years to prison terms for defendants who meet certain conditions, such as those who are felons or gang members, or those who commit hate crimes or attack police.
Gascón has long argued that penalties for underlying crimes are significant on their own and that sentencing enhancements lead to excessive prison terms that disproportionately affect Black and Latino defendants, while not deterring crime.
“People that commit a crime … they are going to face accountability. And that accountability will be proportionate to the crime,” he said. “Enhancements do not have anything to do with accountability.”
Gascón, however, relented somewhat Friday. In a memo to prosecutors, he reinstated the use of sentencing enhancements “in cases involving the most vulnerable victims and in specified extraordinary circumstances,” according to a copy of the memo obtained by The Times.
Prosecutors now are allowed to seek enhancements in hate-motivated attacks, cases of elder and child abuse, sex abuse and sex trafficking, the memo said. With the approval of a supervisor, enhancements can also be sought in cases in which a victim suffers “extensive” physical injuries or a weapon is used in a way that threatens a victim’s life during a crime, said interim Chief Deputy Dist. Atty. Joseph Iniguez.
The backtracking came a day after Gascón vowed at a news conference that he would not relax the policy banning sentencing enhancements because he worried doing so would give prosecutors too much latitude to seek excessive prison terms.
That hard-line stance softened after a meeting Thursday night with members of the LGBTQ community and experts on hate crimes, said Brian Levin, director of the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at Cal State San Bernardino, who attended the meeting.
Through the first two weeks of Gascón’s term, judges have emerged as a significant roadblock to his enhancement policies.
After a deputy district attorney sought to dismiss an enhancement against a defendant with a prior felony conviction last week, Superior Court Judge Alison M. Estrada said the prosecutor had “no independent authority” to do so unless the dismissal was in the interest of justice or due to a lack of evidence.
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When the prosecutor said he was only acting on Gascón’s order, Estrada denied the motion, drawing a cheer from two LAPD detectives sitting in the back of the courtroom. Judges in other courthouses around the county, including Long Beach, Inglewood and the Antelope Valley, have made similar decisions, attorneys said.
Gascón tried to fashion a workaround to the judges’ objections Tuesday, instructing prosecutors to tell judges that dismissing enhancements is, in fact, in the interest of justice because the sentences imposed for the underlying crimes are “sufficient to protect public safety.”
If a judge still refuses, the order directs prosecutors to file amended charging documents that do not include the sentencing enhancements, according to a copy of the order reviewed by The Times. Gascón also wants prosecutors to alert their supervisors when a judge refuses to throw out an enhancement.
Some prosecutors have raised objections as well, questioning the ethics of Gascón’s order that they say requires them to make representations in court that they don’t believe in.
Deputy Dist. Atty. Richard Ceballos, who is prosecuting a group charged in a series of brutal stabbings of transgender women and made an unsuccessful bid for district attorney, asked a judge to dismiss hate crime enhancements in the case Tuesday but refused to say doing so would be in the interest of justice. The judge ultimately blocked the motion to dismiss.
“He clearly has a right to make these motions,” Ceballos said of Gascón. “We have to follow them; however, we cannot represent to the court that it is in the interest of justice if we don’t believe it. That would violate the rules of professional responsibility.”
On Wednesday, Gascón scoffed at that idea.
“What we’re doing is certainly not unlawful and not unethical. Prosecutors are sworn to follow the directives of the elected D.A. as long as he or she is working within the law, and I firmly believe that I am,” he said.
In a bruising race against longtime Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey, Gascón was clear that if he won the election he intended to overhaul criminal justice in L.A. County. He earned the enthusiastic backing of L.A.’s increasingly powerful progressive bloc and received major financial backing from wealthy supporters of criminal justice reform.
Now he is under pressure to deliver on his promises as some victims’ rights activists and law enforcement officials are pushing back. Gascón said Wednesday he understands the changes he’s making have unnerved some prosecutors in his office.
“When you have such a radical change within a line of work and within an organization, there is going to be a lot of uneasiness and there are going to be people that feel very unsettled by this,” he said. “The one thing I’m convinced of is that the men and women of the L.A. D.A.’s office came into work for the same reasons I did 40 years ago: to make sure that our communities are protected.”
The union representing rank-and-file deputy district attorneys — one of many law enforcement unions that spent millions opposing Gascón’s candidacy — issued a memo this week expressing concern that some of the district attorney’s directives would require prosecutors “to violate the law and our duty of candor to the court” and expressed concern that some would face discipline or termination.
Those fears were fueled when Gascón disciplined the head prosecutor in the Compton courthouse, Richard Doyle, after he refused an order to withdraw charges against a man who had participated in recent protests against police.
Doyle, according to two law enforcement officials with knowledge of the situation, was issued a letter of reprimand last week for refusing to dismiss the case against Emanuel Padilla, who was charged with attempting to derail a city commuter train during a protest by dragging metal cables across the train’s tracks. The charge carried a maximum sentence of life in prison.
In one of his first acts as district attorney, Gascón ordered charges against Padilla to be dropped.
Max Szabo, a spokesman for Gascón’s transition team, said video of the incident made it clear there was insufficient evidence to support the charges against Padilla.
“The video evidence we have seen does not show Mr. Padilla placing, dropping or otherwise putting any object in the path of a train,” he said, adding that many sheriff’s deputies were at the protest and did not see reason to arrest Padilla.
After Doyle refused to dismiss the case, a member of Gascón’s executive team appeared in Compton to drop the charges, according to the officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media.
Szabo declined to comment further because the issue was a personnel matter. Attempts to contact Doyle were not successful.
A Google document seeking to collect information on “non-compliant” deputy district attorneys also circulated in recent days. The document was reviewed by The Times last week, and several public defenders confirmed they had received the link as well.
Both a spokeswoman for the public defender’s office and Szabo said no one in their offices had created the document. The link was disabled shortly after The Times began asking questions about it.
The fight over sentencing enhancements underscores the challenges Gascón faces as he tries to address what he and others say are deep-seated inequities that have arisen out of the office’s long-running focus on seeking heavy sentences on behalf of crime victims.
Gascón and his supporters point to research that shows enhancements disproportionately affect Black and Latino communities and have questioned whether they serve any public safety purpose.
Roughly 90% of defendants from L.A. County sent to prison under sentencing enhancements were people of color, said Michael Romano, director of the Three Strikes Project at Stanford Law School and chair of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s penal code revision committee.
People convicted of serious violence such as murder or attempted murder will receive lengthy prison sentences that make enhancements unnecessary, Romano said. The men accused of attacking the transgender women, for example, face multiple charges of attempted murder, which could carry a sentence of life in prison. The hate crime enhancements they each face would add a maximum of three years each to a sentence.
“In many, many cases, the enhancement results in a sentence that is far longer than the underlying criminal conduct, and it becomes the tail wagging the dog,” Romano said. “There is still ample room to impose long sentences in crimes, especially violent crimes.”
Times staff writer Matt Hamilton contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-12-18--Big Basin to receive more than $500,000 to help precious redwood forest recover from devastating wil

Big Basin to receive more than $500,000 to help precious redwood forest recover from devastating wildfire

Big Basin Redwoods State Park is getting more than $ 540,000 to help it recover from a wildfire that tore through the park ’ s ancient redwood forest last summer , thanks to donations from two long-standing nonprofits .
Sempervirens Fund and Save the Redwoods League , which have supported the park since its foundation in 1902 , are contributing the money to begin a years-long rebuilding effort at California ’ s oldest state park .
The first installment , about $ 200,000 , was distributed Wednesday to help remove fallen or damaged trees that could present a hazard to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the upcoming winter storms , according to .
The first round of work will affect less than 1 % of the park ’ s trees .
“ This initial funding will allow us to access the backcountry , inventory damages , continue hazard mitigation and take the first steps toward recovery , ” Chris Spohrer , Santa Cruz district superintendent for California State Parks , said in a statement .
The CZU Lightning Complex fire roared through Santa Cruz and San Mateo counties in August , killing one person and scorching more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Big Basin ’ s precious redwoods .
A State Parks official that roughly 97 % of the park ’ s 18,224 acres burned .
Most of — including its headquarters , lodge , nature museum , store , ranger station , campgrounds and park residences — were damaged or destroyed .
“ We are all eager to visit Big Basin again , and that begins with clearing the way for a safe park to emerge from the wildfire ’ s aftermath , ” Sara Barth , executive director of Sempervirens Fund , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is known for its old-growth redwoods trees , some of them 2,000 years old .
The ancient trees , which can measure as much as 50 feet around and can grow hundreds of feet tall , have withstood natural disasters before , and experts say In 1904 a devastating fire burned through the park , which newspapers at the time predicted was “ doomed.
” But the trees survived and continued to grow .
Despite the August fire , Big Basin ’ s trees already were showing signs of life this fall .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the redwood forest in Big Basin is already showing , ” Sam Hodder , president and CEO of Save the Redwoods League , said in a statement .
Matthew Shaffer , chief marketing and communications officer at Sempervirens Fund , said there is “ no definitive timeline ” for the dispersement of remaining funds , but that it is available to the state and district when they need it .
A Sempervirens staff member visited the park in late November and saw at least one tree still smoking out the top , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Shaffer said .
“ It ’ s going to be a great park to visit again , ” he said .
“ But it ’ s going to be different.
” The fire that roared through mountains north of Santa Cruz prompted more than 22,000 people to evacuate the area , including many campers at Big Basin .
The park , almost 20 miles north of Santa Cruz , is a popular summer destination .

Big Basin Redwoods State Park was hit by a wildfire in August that burned roughly 97% of the park’s 18,224 acres. Gabe McKenna, a State Parks safety officer and ranger, said, “The initial assessment … showed that a large amount of trees will fall across Highway 236 in the near future if not removed.”
Big Basin Redwoods State Park is getting more than $540,000 to help it recover from a wildfire that tore through the park’s ancient redwood forest last summer, thanks to donations from two long-standing nonprofits.
Sempervirens Fund and Save the Redwoods League, which have supported the park since its founding in 1902, are contributing the money to begin a years-long rebuilding effort at California’s oldest state park.
The first installment, about $200,000, was distributed Wednesday to help remove fallen or damaged trees that could present a hazard to other parts of the charred forest in the upcoming winter storms, according to a news release . The first round of work will affect less than 1% of the park’s trees.
“This initial funding will allow us to access the backcountry, inventory damages, continue hazard mitigation and take the first steps toward recovery,” Chris Spohrer, Santa Cruz district superintendent for the California Department of Parks and Recreation, said in a statement.
The CZU Lightning Complex fire roared through Santa Cruz and San Mateo counties in August, killing one person and scorching more than 86,000 acres — including the vast majority of Big Basin’s precious redwoods. A state parks official said in November that roughly 97% of the park’s 18,224 acres burned. Most of the park’s historic buildings — including its headquarters, lodge, nature museum, store, ranger station, campgrounds and park residences — were damaged or destroyed.
“We are all eager to visit Big Basin again, and that begins with clearing the way for a safe park to emerge from the wildfire’s aftermath,” Sara Barth, executive director of Sempervirens Fund, said in a statement.
The park is known for its old-growth redwoods trees, some of them 2,000 years old . The ancient trees, which can measure as much as 50 feet around and can grow hundreds of feet tall, have withstood natural disasters before, and experts say the forest will regrow.
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In 1904 a devastating fire burned through the park, which newspapers at the time predicted was “doomed.” But the trees survived and continued to grow.
Despite the August fire, Big Basin’s trees already were showing signs of life this fall.
“We are encouraged by the resilience that the redwood forest in Big Basin is already showing,” Sam Hodder, president and CEO of Save the Redwoods League, said in a statement.
Matthew Shaffer, chief marketing and communications officer at Sempervirens Fund, said there is “no definitive timeline” for the disbursement of remaining funds, but that it is available to the state and district when they need it.
A Sempervirens staff member visited the park in late November and saw at least one tree still smoking out the top, “almost like a little chimney,” Shaffer said.
“It’s going to be a great park to visit again,” he said. “But it’s going to be different.”


latimes--2020-12-18--Anti-vaccine and alt-right groups team up to stoke fears of COVID-19 vaccine

As California and the nation begin rolling out coronavirus vaccines , anti-vaccine campaigners are aligning with small-business owners and far-right groups , an effort that some experts fear could supercharge mistrust of government at a crucial moment for public health .
In California , the movement toward businesses is being led by a group calling itself Freedom Angels 2.0 .
Originally founded by three women in response to a 2019 state bill tightening vaccine requirements for attendance in schools , the organization was best known for its protests at the state Capitol against that measure and other vaccine legislation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children in tow .
But as the coronavirus has spread , so has its message — encompassing a more mainstream , values-driven ideology that centers on government overreach .
That broader approach has helped the organization interest a new audience in the business community , along with others worried about schools , the economy and the social toll of isolation for seniors .
“ There is this strategic mission creep into other groups that might feel disaffected , ” said Richard Carpiano , a professor of public policy and sociology at UC Riverside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At the same time , extremist experts have warned that militant groups who have been protesting election results and lockdowns across the country have also turned their attention to the anti-vaccine movement , where they see a cause that could unite followers after a presidential transition .
Eric Ward , senior fellow at the Southern Poverty Law Center , said he has tracked a deliberate “ alt-right attempt to politicize the ... anti-vaxxer movement , ” with the pandemic providing “ fertile ground for that organizing because folks are fearful right now.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaigner who specializes in research on white nationalism , said anti-vaccine activists appear to be adopting the language and beliefs of militia causes along with reopen rhetoric , an attempt to radicalize existing anti-vaccine networks , including mothers concerned about their children ’ s health .
“ What started as essentially wine moms and health-conscious yoga types has become in short order the militant wing of the COVID-19 insurrection , ” said Burghart , executive director of the Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights .
“ They have been inundated with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has inexorably altered their trajectory.
” Burghart said he has tracked crossover between chapters of the Freedom Angels in other states and groups including People ’ s Rights , founded by antigovernment activist Ammon Bundy , which has suggested the need for violent noncompliance with coronavirus public health measures .
In California , Freedom Angels members have posted pictures online holding guns , and its founders have offered firearm safety training and advice on circumventing lockdown orders .
As the different factions have come together online and at protests , Carpiano and others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” ideologies and spreading unfounded conspiracies and inaccurate information , especially to audiences that have not previously taken part and who may not fully understand the far-right alliances .
“ It is more concerning now to see how they have been legitimized more by expanding into these new areas and getting these new allies , ” Carpiano said .
Already , less than half of Americans said they will definitely get the vaccine , and about a quarter said they would not , according to a recent poll by the Associated Press-NORC Center @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % of Americans need to take the vaccine in order to control spread of the virus , according to health experts .
Ward said the Freedom Angels have only recently come on his radar but that their influence has grown quickly .
“ They ’ re an organization that has sought to resist state efforts to mandate vaccinations and their recent activity has really kind of ground them as an essential leadership group across the United States , ” he said .
When coronavirus lockdowns first were announced in spring , anti-vaccine groups @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quick to join with anti-lockdown protesters , finding common ground in suspicion of government motives , and the idea that personal freedoms were at risk because of the public health rules .
Colorado , Florida , Texas and Wisconsin are a few of the states that have seen the “ odd bedfellows ” as of anti-vaccine groups with those angered by public health measures to combat the virus , as Carpiano describes it .
In California , rallies at the Capitol in Sacramento organized by the Freedom Angels at times drew thousands of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ranging from church leaders to tea party types to Blue Lives Matter advocates unhappy with protests over police shootings .
The Capitol rallies also drew alt-right groups including the Proud Boys , which , along with pro-Trump protesters who continue to falsely dispute the election of Biden as president , have been involved in multiple violent clashes with antifascist groups in recent weeks in Sacramento .
Ward , an expert in extremist groups , predicts that those forces will remain allied under the new presidential administration , coalescing around mistrust of COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anger at lockdown measures will also persist as binding forces .
The growing popularity of those grievances can be seen in places such as the San Joaquin Valley , hit hard by both the coronavirus and the economic shutdown .
As the latest round of lockdowns has closed restaurants and services such as salons , the Freedom Angels have again pivoted , turning their attention to local communities and to the idea of “ sanctuary cities ” for businesses , exempt from lockdown rules .
The push to advocate for mom-and-pop entrepreneurs in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s profile and earned it trust from desperate entrepreneurs who have never heard of its vaccine efforts , as it targets city councils and supervisorial boards on behalf of beleaguered businesses .
“ It gives them popularity .
It gives them exposure .
It gives them more legitimacy , ” Carpiano said .
Their message of government going too far especially resonates in California ’ s largely conservative inland and Northern areas .
Shutdown orders have temporarily shuttered thousands of small businesses and many owners say they are on the brink of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ability to serve customers .
At the same time , the closure orders seem arbitrary to some — leaving many big-box stores able to operate while small businesses face more restrictive measures .
Stockton restaurant owner Johnny Hernandez and his partner and fiancee Rocio Arevalo , a nurse , are small-business owners who have joined a Freedom Angels effort in that city , though they had never heard of the group previously and were unaware of its background .
Hernandez and Arevalo have tried to work under state restrictions to keep their gastropub @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money and solutions , they said .
They did not qualify for federal loans because they have only been open two years , and lost money the first year — knocking them out of eligibility , Arevalo said .
Now , they are desperate to be allowed to operate , even if only with outdoor dining , to keep their venture alive .
“ It ’ s news to me who they are , ” Hernandez said at a recent rally on the steps of Stockton ’ s City Hall .
“ Not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] , ” Arevalo added .
Neither was concerned about the affiliation .
“ It ’ s about business .
It ’ s about surviving , ” Arevalo said .
In a recent interview with The Times , Tara Thornton , a co-founder of Freedom Angels Foundation — the original group that protested vaccine legislation but that has since splintered — said she is not surprised that her new organization has found allies in the business community .
She says entrepreneurs feel unheard by government and are out of options .
“ They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is no one else to go to , ” said Thornton , who lives in Northern California .
Co-founder Denise Aguilar , who lives in Stockton , said that the issue of small businesses closing isn ’ t a reach for her group , because she views lockdown rules , like vaccine requirements , as unwarranted government intrusion .
“ This is the same issue , ” she said .
“ It ’ s always the same thing .
It ’ s overreach.
” But the group has not abandoned its vaccine opposition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a whole bunch of pseudo-science and conspiracy theories , ” Carpiano said .
In a recent interview with The Times , Thornton contended that PCR tests , used to diagnose COVID-19 , are inaccurate and “ not capable ” of detecting the infection .
She and other members of the Freedom Angels have also spoken publicly and on social media repeating larger debunked medical theories , including that the virus is no worse than the flu .
They have stormed local government meetings without masks .
Both Thornton and Aguilar said they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expected their group to speak out against them in coming months , and predicted more widespread support for their views as more vaccines rolled out amid restrictions .
“ You can see that is something coming from a mile away , ” Aguilar said .
Richard Pan ( D-Sacramento ) , the only doctor in the state Senate who has also been targeted for harassment by the Freedom Angels and other anti-vaccine groups , said he believes the anti-vaccine contingent remains a “ loud minority , ” but concedes it could have an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to seed enough people that they can endanger everyone else , ” Pan said .
“ They are just large enough to ruin it for all of us , and that is the big problem .
”

Anti-vaccine activists helped organize an anti-lockdown protest this month in Stockton, with local business owners, seen here holding signs. The coalition urged local leaders to declare Stockton a “sanctuary city” for businesses.
As California and the nation begin rolling out coronavirus vaccines, anti-vaccine campaigners are aligning with small-business owners and far-right groups, an effort that some experts fear could supercharge mistrust of government at a crucial moment for public health.
In California, the movement toward businesses is being led by a group calling itself Freedom Angels 2.0. Originally founded by three women in response to a 2019 state bill tightening vaccine requirements for attendance in schools, the organization was best known for its protests at the state Capitol against that measure and other vaccine legislation, often filling hallways and disrupting hearings with children in tow.
But as the coronavirus has spread, so has its message — encompassing a more mainstream, values-driven ideology that centers on government overreach. That broader approach has helped the organization interest a new audience in the business community, along with others worried about schools, the economy and the social toll of isolation for seniors.
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“There is this strategic mission creep into other groups that might feel disaffected,” said Richard Carpiano, a professor of public policy and sociology at UC Riverside, who has followed the anti-vaccine movement.
At the same time, extremist experts have warned that militant groups who have been protesting election results and lockdowns across the country have also turned their attention to the anti-vaccine movement, where they see a cause that could unite followers after a presidential transition.
Eric Ward, senior fellow at the Southern Poverty Law Center, said he has tracked a deliberate “alt-right attempt to politicize the ... anti-vaxxer movement,” with the pandemic providing “fertile ground for that organizing because folks are fearful right now.”
Devin Burghart, a social justice campaigner who specializes in research on white nationalism, said anti-vaccine activists appear to be adopting the language and beliefs of militia causes along with reopen rhetoric, an attempt to radicalize existing anti-vaccine networks, including mothers concerned about their children’s health.
“What started as essentially wine moms and health-conscious yoga types has become in short order the militant wing of the COVID-19 insurrection,” said Burghart, executive director of the Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights. “They have been inundated with this larger far-right base of activism that has inexorably altered their trajectory.”
Burghart said he has tracked crossover between chapters of the Freedom Angels in other states and groups including People’s Rights, founded by antigovernment activist Ammon Bundy, which has suggested the need for violent noncompliance with coronavirus public health measures. In California, Freedom Angels members have posted pictures online holding guns, and its founders have offered firearm safety training and advice on circumventing lockdown orders.
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As the different factions have come together online and at protests, Carpiano and others said, they are potentially “cross-pollinating” ideologies and spreading unfounded conspiracies and inaccurate information, especially to audiences that have not previously taken part and who may not fully understand the far-right alliances.
“It is more concerning now to see how they have been legitimized more by expanding into these new areas and getting these new allies,” Carpiano said.
Already, less than half of Americans said they will definitely get the vaccine, and about a quarter said they would not, according to a recent poll by the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. About 70% of Americans need to take the vaccine in order to control spread of the virus, according to health experts.
Ward said the Freedom Angels have only recently come on his radar but that their influence has grown quickly.
“They’re an organization that has sought to resist state efforts to mandate vaccinations and their recent activity has really kind of ground them as an essential leadership group across the United States,” he said.
When coronavirus lockdowns first were announced in spring, anti-vaccine groups, including the Freedom Angels, were quick to join with anti-lockdown protesters, finding common ground in suspicion of government motives, and the idea that personal freedoms were at risk because of the public health rules. Colorado, Florida, Texas and Wisconsin are a few of the states that have seen the “odd bedfellows” as of anti-vaccine groups with those angered by public health measures to combat the virus, as Carpiano describes it.
In California, rallies at the Capitol in Sacramento organized by the Freedom Angels at times drew thousands of supporters from across a spectrum of discontent, ranging from church leaders to tea party types to Blue Lives Matter advocates unhappy with protests over police shootings.
The Capitol rallies also drew alt-right groups including the Proud Boys, which, along with pro-Trump protesters who continue to falsely dispute the election of Biden as president, have been involved in multiple violent clashes with antifascist groups in recent weeks in Sacramento.
Ward, an expert in extremist groups, predicts that those forces will remain allied under the new presidential administration, coalescing around mistrust of COVID-19 vaccinations. Burghart predicts economic discontent and anger at lockdown measures will also persist as binding forces.
The growing popularity of those grievances can be seen in places such as the San Joaquin Valley, hit hard by both the coronavirus and the economic shutdown. As the latest round of lockdowns has closed restaurants and services such as salons, the Freedom Angels have again pivoted, turning their attention to local communities and to the idea of “sanctuary cities” for businesses, exempt from lockdown rules.
The push to advocate for mom-and-pop entrepreneurs in dire financial straits has upped the group’s profile and earned it trust from desperate entrepreneurs who have never heard of its vaccine efforts, as it targets city councils and supervisorial boards on behalf of beleaguered businesses.
“It gives them popularity. It gives them exposure. It gives them more legitimacy,” Carpiano said.
Their message of government going too far especially resonates in California’s largely conservative inland and Northern areas. Shutdown orders have temporarily shuttered thousands of small businesses and many owners say they are on the brink of closing permanently without financial aid or the ability to serve customers. At the same time, the closure orders seem arbitrary to some — leaving many big-box stores able to operate while small businesses face more restrictive measures.
Stockton restaurant owner Johnny Hernandez and his partner and fiancee Rocio Arevalo, a nurse, are small-business owners who have joined a Freedom Angels effort in that city, though they had never heard of the group previously and were unaware of its background.
Hernandez and Arevalo have tried to work under state restrictions to keep their gastropub going, but are almost out of money and solutions, they said. They did not qualify for federal loans because they have only been open two years, and lost money the first year — knocking them out of eligibility, Arevalo said. Now, they are desperate to be allowed to operate, even if only with outdoor dining, to keep their venture alive.
“It’s news to me who they are,” Hernandez said at a recent rally on the steps of Stockton’s City Hall.
“Not once has anyone spoken about [vaccines],” Arevalo added.
Neither was concerned about the affiliation.
“It’s about business. It’s about surviving,” Arevalo said.
In a recent interview with The Times, Tara Thornton, a co-founder of Freedom Angels Foundation — the original group that protested vaccine legislation but that has since splintered — said she is not surprised that her new organization has found allies in the business community. She says entrepreneurs feel unheard by government and are out of options.
“They are pushed against the wall where there is no one else to go to,” said Thornton, who lives in Northern California.
Co-founder Denise Aguilar, who lives in Stockton, said that the issue of small businesses closing isn’t a reach for her group, because she views lockdown rules, like vaccine requirements, as unwarranted government intrusion.
“This is the same issue,” she said. “It’s always the same thing. It’s overreach.”
But the group has not abandoned its vaccine opposition.
“You are getting the libertarianism with a whole bunch of pseudo-science and conspiracy theories,” Carpiano said.
Tara Thornton, right, and Heidi Munoz Gleisner huddle together as they are detained by California Highway Patrol officers during a demonstration against Gov. Gavin Newsom’s stay-at-home orders at the Capitol in Sacramento on May 1. (Rich Pedroncelli / Associated Press)
Thornton contended that PCR tests, used to diagnose COVID-19, are inaccurate and “not capable” of detecting the infection. She and other members of the Freedom Angels have also spoken publicly and on social media repeating larger debunked medical theories, including that the virus is no worse than the flu. They have stormed local government meetings without masks.
Both Thornton and Aguilar said they were opposed to COVID-19 vaccines, and expected their group to speak out against them in coming months, and predicted more widespread support for their views as more vaccines rolled out amid restrictions.
“You can see that is something coming from a mile away,” Aguilar said.
Richard Pan (D-Sacramento), the only doctor in the state Senate who has also been targeted for harassment by the Freedom Angels and other anti-vaccine groups, said he believes the anti-vaccine contingent remains a “loud minority,” but concedes it could have an oversized effect.
“They have been able to seed enough people that they can endanger everyone else,” Pan said. “They are just large enough to ruin it for all of us, and that is the big problem.”


latimes--2020-12-18--People of color, elderly pay the cruelest price as COVID-19 spreads throughout L.A. County

The December surge in COVID-19 had spread widely into communities across Los Angeles County , touching more lives than ever before and making the chances of being exposed to the virus much more likely than ever .
New daily cases have hit levels that are hard to fathom , including one day this week when more than 20,000 new COVID cases were reported in the county .
An estimated one in 80 people in L.A. County are now contagious with the virus ; that ’ s far worse than in late September , when scientists calculated that one in 880 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reminder of the spread came Thursday , when Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti said that his 9-year-old daughter Maya had tested positive .
Both Garcetti and his wife tested negative , he said .
Garcetti said he doesn ’ t know how his daughter was infected .
“ We haven ’ t mixed households , ” he said .
“ There ’ s no behavior that she is engaged in that doesn ’ t adhere strictly to the protocols of our health officials.
” But there is also a grim pattern to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county being stalked in relentless ways .
The elderly and people of color are being hit disproportionately hard by the latest surge .
L.A. County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer warned that the weekly death count in skilled nursing facilities is starting to increase , although it hasn ’ t reached the level early on in the pandemic .
And , while the death rate among white residents remains stable — at one to two per day per 100,000 white residents — the death rates for Latino , Black and Asian residents are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past four weeks , for example , the death rate has jumped from 1.4 daily deaths per 100,000 Latino residents to 4.5 daily deaths .
Latino communities are at higher risk for the illness for several reasons .
Members tend to be essential workers who must go to retail stores , manufacturing plants and other sites rather than work from home , raising the chances they ’ ll come in contact with an infected person .
Some Latino neighborhoods are more densely populated , making the virus easier to spread .
Among Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from less than one death per 100,000 Black residents to more than three deaths per 100,000 .
And among Asian residents , the death rate has risen from 0.5 deaths per 100,000 Asian residents to three deaths per 100,000 .
The growing numbers are taking a toll .
The availability of intensive care unit beds throughout Southern California hit 0 % Thursday , and officials warned that conditions in hospitals are expected to erode further if the coronavirus continues to spread unchecked .
California is now tallying an average of 203 COVID-19 deaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and 35,200 cases a day — both records , and both quadruple the numbers from mid-November .
Younger adults are spreading the virus the most , officials said , but it ’ s the oldest adults , when they get infected , who are dying at the highest rates .
“ This is a preventable tragedy , because those most vulnerable to serious illness from COVID-19 can be protected by everyone else when we wear our face coverings , keep our distance , wash hands frequently and avoid mingling with non-household members , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current surge is believed to be tied to Thanksgiving gatherings that led to major spread of COVID .
Officials now hope to avoid a repeat of that as the year-end holidays approach .
“ I am afraid , ” Dr. Clayton Chau , Orange County ’ s health officer and Health Care Agency director , said Tuesday .
“ I have never been so afraid of Christmas and New Year ’ s in my life like I have now , because ...
I can ’ t imagine what it would be like after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , if people are not complying , if people are in defiance and get together.
” If there are more super-spreader events on those holidays , the impact will likely continue to be felt unevenly .
That ’ s because people living in the most impoverished areas of L.A. County are also more likely to die from COVID-19 .
“ The death rate among people living in the lowest-resource areas is now four times that of people living in areas with the most resources , ” Ferrer said .
“ And unfortunately , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be growing.
” “ The widening gaps are stark reminder that many of our essential workers are Black and brown , and many are not able to telework or stay home , ” Ferrer said .
“ Many work at jobs with low wages , and many live in underresourced neighborhoods.
” Ferrer asked businesses to fully implement safety rules to protect workers from COVID-19 , including providing personal protective equipment and adhering to infection control measures .
“ And we also need every resident to protect our essential workers by playing by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a face covering and keeping distance from others , ” Ferrer said .
Violations at workplaces can be reported anonymously can reported at ( 888 ) 700-9995 .

Romeo Pichinte, 60, of Downey self-administers a COVID-19 test at a city of Los Angeles mobile testing center in South L.A. “Right now, it is really tough to get a test. I had an appointment in the Valley. And then I found out they were here,” said Pichinte.
The December surge in COVID-19 had spread widely into communities across Los Angeles County, touching more lives than ever before and making the chances of being exposed to the virus much more likely than ever.
New daily cases have hit levels that are hard to fathom, including one day this week when more than 20,000 new COVID cases were reported in the county. An estimated one in 80 people in L.A. County are now contagious with the virus; that’s far worse than in late September, when scientists calculated that one in 880 county residents were infectious.
The latest reminder of the spread came Thursday, when Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti said that his 9-year-old daughter Maya had tested positive. Both Garcetti and his wife tested negative, he said.
Garcetti said he doesn’t know how his daughter was infected. “We haven’t mixed households,” he said. “There’s no behavior that she is engaged in that doesn’t adhere strictly to the protocols of our health officials.”
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But there is also a grim pattern to the spread, with some parts of the county being stalked in relentless ways.
The elderly and people of color are being hit disproportionately hard by the latest surge.
Tracking the coronavirus in California The latest maps and charts on the spread of COVID-19 in California.
L.A. County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer warned that the weekly death count in skilled nursing facilities is starting to increase, although it hasn’t reached the level early on in the pandemic.
And, while the death rate among white residents remains stable — at one to two per day per 100,000 white residents — the death rates for Latino, Black and Asian residents are rising. Among Latino residents over the past four weeks, for example, the death rate has jumped from 1.4 daily deaths per 100,000 Latino residents to 4.5 daily deaths.
Latino communities are at higher risk for the illness for several reasons. Members tend to be essential workers who must go to retail stores, manufacturing plants and other sites rather than work from home, raising the chances they’ll come in contact with an infected person. Some Latino neighborhoods are more densely populated, making the virus easier to spread.
Among Black residents, the death rate has jumped from less than one death per 100,000 Black residents to more than three deaths per 100,000.
And among Asian residents, the death rate has risen from 0.5 deaths per 100,000 Asian residents to three deaths per 100,000.
The growing numbers are taking a toll. The availability of intensive care unit beds throughout Southern California hit 0% Thursday, and officials warned that conditions in hospitals are expected to erode further if the coronavirus continues to spread unchecked.
Advertisement
California is now tallying an average of 203 COVID-19 deaths a day over a seven-day period, and 35,200 cases a day — both records, and both quadruple the numbers from mid-November.
Younger adults are spreading the virus the most, officials said, but it’s the oldest adults, when they get infected, who are dying at the highest rates.
“This is a preventable tragedy, because those most vulnerable to serious illness from COVID-19 can be protected by everyone else when we wear our face coverings, keep our distance, wash hands frequently and avoid mingling with non-household members,” Ferrer said.
Much of the current surge is believed to be tied to Thanksgiving gatherings that led to major spread of COVID. Officials now hope to avoid a repeat of that as the year-end holidays approach.
“I am afraid,” Dr. Clayton Chau, Orange County’s health officer and Health Care Agency director, said Tuesday. “I have never been so afraid of Christmas and New Year’s in my life like I have now, because ... I can’t imagine what it would be like after the holiday if people are not listening, if people are not complying, if people are in defiance and get together.”
If there are more super-spreader events on those holidays, the impact will likely continue to be felt unevenly.
That’s because people living in the most impoverished areas of L.A. County are also more likely to die from COVID-19.
“The death rate among people living in the lowest-resource areas is now four times that of people living in areas with the most resources,” Ferrer said. “And unfortunately, this gap, too, looks to be growing.”
“The widening gaps are stark reminder that many of our essential workers are Black and brown, and many are not able to telework or stay home,” Ferrer said. “Many work at jobs with low wages, and many live in underresourced neighborhoods.”
Ferrer asked businesses to fully implement safety rules to protect workers from COVID-19, including providing personal protective equipment and adhering to infection control measures.
“And we also need every resident to protect our essential workers by playing by the rules. This means always wearing a face covering and keeping distance from others,” Ferrer said.
Violations at workplaces can be reported anonymously can reported at (888) 700-9995.


latimes--2020-12-18--Column: Three COVID-19 tests for three different Californias

You ’ ve gone through one coronavirus nasal-swab test , you ’ ve gone through them all .
The panicked rush to get an appointment .
The hours spent cataloging your past couple of days — every person you met , every place you visited , every little cough or sniffle — after you booked it .
Then , the actual test — not painful , but very uncomfortable .
Imagine snorting water up your nose , except you can ’ t blow it out and the swab touched a part of your body you never knew existed .
Then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Next , the wait .
That terrible , horrible wait .
Finally , the results .
It all plays out like a twisted version of “ Groundhog Day , ” but with none of the humor .
There have been more than 28 million COVID-19 tests administered in California in 2020 , which means sore schnozzes have united Californians like no event since , well , anything .
Or so I wish .
Because this is a state with inequity baked into our bones , and every COVID-19 test tells a tale @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve seen this unfold up close with three examinations over the past six months .
The first happened in June , after I spent two days covering Black Lives Matter protests in Santa Ana and Anaheim attended by thousands .
I made sure to practice proper protocol — social distance , wear a mask , sanitize hands constantly .
Each night , I returned home , took off my clothes in the garage , took a shower , then tried to embrace my wife , who runs a restaurant .
Nice try .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ negative — not even a peck on the cheek until then .
Orange County was just about to get its first coronavirus wave , so testing was inadequate because local officials didn ’ t believe then that coronavirus was a thing ( a lot still don ’ t ) .
I tried to schedule a visit with my insurance provider , Kaiser Permanente , but it refused .
Only people with COVID-19 symptoms were eligible , the same criteria for all free public tests in Orange County at the time .
So I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administered tests to anyone for $ 175 .
Today , I know now that you should wait a couple of days after possible exposure to COVID-19 before taking one — but back then , I just wanted to be back in the arms of my wifey as soon as possible .
I was able to make an afternoon reservation the day I tried .
The procedure was simple : check in and pay , then return to my car and wait .
It took less than 10 minutes .
There were maybe 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ All seemed as inconvenienced as me .
A nurse came and asked me to pull down my mask so that only my nostrils were exposed .
As she swabbed , the nurse asked why I wanted a test if I wasn ’ t experiencing any symptoms .
I explained how I attended the Black Lives Matter rallies and wanted to be careful .
“ Protest in place , ” the nurse , who was Black , said , then left .
The clinic told me I ’ d get results within a week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days .
Negative .
Recently , I checked to see if the walk-in clinic had any available slots .
They haven ’ t had any available times for weeks .
The second and third COVID-19 tests I experienced happened on the same day , after a COVID scare at my wife ’ s restaurant .
The timing couldn ’ t have been worse : Black Friday .
She shut down her restaurant for four days despite the financial hit , because it was the right thing to do — for the safety of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now offers multiple locations with free tests .
Kaiser now allows them for people who think they had been exposed to someone who was COVID-positive , although the results take five days .
We wanted instant peace of mind , so I sprung for an early Christmas present for my wife : a rapid test with results in 24 hours .
I would take the Kaiser one , because I ’ m a cheapskate .
The location for her health check was a boutique rehab clinic in Newport Beach , near John Wayne @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Land Rovers and Mercedes-Benz sports coupes .
They wore designer sunglasses and Chanel .
Some didn ’ t even bother with masks as we waited in line .
The conversations among this crowd sounded like Sunday brunch along PCH .
One person boasted that he tested weekly to be able to live life as if no pandemic existed .
Others were on their way to vacation — Hawaii , Cabo San Lucas , Europe — and needed a negative result to board their flight .
“ All these people here are taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grumbled .
“ I ’ m here to try to make sure I can work.
” We got her results before midnight : negative .
I paid the same amount for this 24-hour test — $ 175 — that I did in June for mine .
It took about 20 minutes between our arrival at the Newport Beach clinic and my wife ’ s test , so I expected the same speedy process at the Kaiser Permanente campus in Anaheim for my turn .
Along the way , I noticed that the parking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ store was packed , and made a note to swing by for some early Christmas shopping .
When I arrived at Kaiser , about 20 people waited six feet apart to enter the main building .
Not bad , I thought .
Wrong line — it was for flu shots .
The COVID-19 test was at a drive-through in a nearby parking lot .
The Fry ’ s Electronics one .
The store had closed in March , and Kaiser now used it as a staging ground .
The time between me arriving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my test : two and a half hours .
Kaiser workers in masks and face shields roamed around cars like In-N-Out workers trying to expedite orders .
The wait was so long that I finished an entire issue of the New York Review of Books .
Entire geological ages pass before you can do that .
I ’ d look up from reading book reviews every couple of minutes to check out my fellow test-takers .
Everyone seemed fatigued , scared — the opposite of my two previous experiences .
When it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a parking structure that separated Fry ’ s from Kaiser .
I noticed a sign that asked people to turn off their cars and put their keys on the dashboard .
I asked the kind worker who checked me in to explain the rationale .
Turns out more than a few people would just step on the brakes instead of place the car in park before undergoing the test .
The shock of it triggered an involuntary reflex that saw their foot release the brakes .
I was told my test results would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were available in three : negative .
As coronavirus rates continue to explode , I ’ ll most probably have to take more tests .
So will you .
If only this moment could unite California once and for all .

Julie Montez sits in her car as a nurse administers a COVID-19 test at Arrowhead Regional Medical Center in Colton in April.
You’ve gone through one coronavirus nasal-swab test, you’ve gone through them all.
The panicked rush to get an appointment. The hours spent cataloging your past couple of days — every person you met, every place you visited, every little cough or sniffle — after you booked it.
Then, the actual test — not painful, but very uncomfortable. Imagine snorting water up your nose, except you can’t blow it out and the swab touched a part of your body you never knew existed. Then you get to do the other nostril.
Advertisement
Next, the wait. That terrible, horrible wait. Finally, the results.
It all plays out like a twisted version of “Groundhog Day,” but with none of the humor.
There have been more than 28 million COVID-19 tests administered in California in 2020, which means sore schnozzes have united Californians like no event since, well, anything. Or so I wish.
Because this is a state with inequity baked into our bones, and every COVID-19 test tells a tale of a different California.
I’ve seen this unfold up close with three examinations over the past six months.
The first happened in June, after I spent two days covering Black Lives Matter protests in Santa Ana and Anaheim attended by thousands. I made sure to practice proper protocol — social distance, wear a mask, sanitize hands constantly. Each night, I returned home, took off my clothes in the garage, took a shower, then tried to embrace my wife, who runs a restaurant.
Nice try. She insisted I quarantine until I tested negative — not even a peck on the cheek until then.
Advertisement
Orange County was just about to get its first coronavirus wave, so testing was inadequate because local officials didn’t believe then that coronavirus was a thing (a lot still don’t). I tried to schedule a visit with my insurance provider, Kaiser Permanente, but it refused. Only people with COVID-19 symptoms were eligible, the same criteria for all free public tests in Orange County at the time.
So I found a walk-in clinic in Tustin that administered tests to anyone for $175. Today, I know now that you should wait a couple of days after possible exposure to COVID-19 before taking one — but back then, I just wanted to be back in the arms of my wifey as soon as possible.
I was able to make an afternoon reservation the day I tried. The procedure was simple: check in and pay, then return to my car and wait. It took less than 10 minutes. There were maybe 10 other people in their cars waiting. All seemed as inconvenienced as me.
A nurse came and asked me to pull down my mask so that only my nostrils were exposed. As she swabbed, the nurse asked why I wanted a test if I wasn’t experiencing any symptoms. I explained how I attended the Black Lives Matter rallies and wanted to be careful.
She smiled.
“Protest in place,” the nurse, who was Black, said, then left.
The clinic told me I’d get results within a week via phone call. It took 10 days. Negative.
Recently, I checked to see if the walk-in clinic had any available slots. They haven’t had any available times for weeks.
The second and third COVID-19 tests I experienced happened on the same day, after a COVID scare at my wife’s restaurant. The timing couldn’t have been worse: Black Friday. She shut down her restaurant for four days despite the financial hit, because it was the right thing to do — for the safety of her employees and customers.
Orange County now offers multiple locations with free tests. Kaiser now allows them for people who think they had been exposed to someone who was COVID-positive, although the results take five days. We wanted instant peace of mind, so I sprung for an early Christmas present for my wife: a rapid test with results in 24 hours. I would take the Kaiser one, because I’m a cheapskate.
The location for her health check was a boutique rehab clinic in Newport Beach, near John Wayne Airport. The people there drove up in Land Rovers and Mercedes-Benz sports coupes. They wore designer sunglasses and Chanel. Some didn’t even bother with masks as we waited in line.
The conversations among this crowd sounded like Sunday brunch along PCH. One person boasted that he tested weekly to be able to live life as if no pandemic existed. Others were on their way to vacation — Hawaii, Cabo San Lucas, Europe — and needed a negative result to board their flight.
“All these people here are taking it to relax,” my wife grumbled. “I’m here to try to make sure I can work.”
We got her results before midnight: negative. I paid the same amount for this 24-hour test — $175 — that I did in June for mine.
It took about 20 minutes between our arrival at the Newport Beach clinic and my wife’s test, so I expected the same speedy process at the Kaiser Permanente campus in Anaheim for my turn. Along the way, I noticed that the parking lot at a Fry’s Electronics store was packed, and made a note to swing by for some early Christmas shopping.
When I arrived at Kaiser, about 20 people waited six feet apart to enter the main building. Not bad, I thought.
Wrong line — it was for flu shots. The COVID-19 test was at a drive-through in a nearby parking lot.
The Fry’s Electronics one. The store had closed in March, and Kaiser now used it as a staging ground.
Oy vey.
The time between me arriving at the end of the line to my test: two and a half hours. Kaiser workers in masks and face shields roamed around cars like In-N-Out workers trying to expedite orders. The wait was so long that I finished an entire issue of the New York Review of Books. Entire geological ages pass before you can do that.
I’d look up from reading book reviews every couple of minutes to check out my fellow test-takers. Everyone seemed fatigued, scared — the opposite of my two previous experiences.
When it was finally my turn, I drove into a parking structure that separated Fry’s from Kaiser. I noticed a sign that asked people to turn off their cars and put their keys on the dashboard. I asked the kind worker who checked me in to explain the rationale.
Turns out more than a few people would just step on the brakes instead of place the car in park before undergoing the test. The shock of it triggered an involuntary reflex that saw their foot release the brakes.
Front-line workers, indeed.
I was told my test results would be available in five days. They were available in three: negative.
As coronavirus rates continue to explode, I’ll most probably have to take more tests. So will you. If only this moment could unite California once and for all.
If only.


latimes--2020-12-18--The wealthy scramble for COVID-19 vaccines: 'If I donate $25,000 ... would that help me?'

They ’ re offering tens of thousands of dollars in cash , making their personal assistants pester doctors every day , and asking whether a five-figure donation to a hospital would help them jump the line .
The COVID-19 vaccine is here — and so are the wealthy people who want it first .
“ We get hundreds of calls every single day , ” said Dr. Ehsan Ali , who runs Beverly Hills Concierge Doctor .
His clients , who include Ariana Grande and Justin Bieber , pay between $ 2,000 and $ 10,000 a year for personalized care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where I have not been able to get something for my patients.
” With the first doses in short supply , California has laid out a strict order of vaccinations based on need and risk : Healthcare workers and nursing home residents , then essential workers and those with chronic health conditions , then , finally , everyone else .
But to those with power , money and influence , rules can always be bent .
California ’ s stern messaging about serving the neediest first hasn ’ t stopped the rich from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ farmworkers and firefighters .
Dr. Jeff Toll , who has admitting privileges at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center , one of the first hospitals to stock the vaccine , recalled a patient asking : “ If I donate $ 25,000 to Cedars , would that help me get in line ?
’ ” Toll said no .
Watchdogs have been warning that the COVID-19 vaccine ’ s initial scarcity could create a thriving black market , particularly if well-connected people in the healthcare industry skim off a few doses here and there for friends , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting earlier access to the shot may not even require much backroom deal-making .
Some wealthy patients may get the shots sooner than the average person because they ’ re members of exclusive healthcare groups that offer the kind of high-quality , primary care most Americans can ’ t afford .
Those patients are already on waiting lists with concierge doctors who charge as much as $ 25,000 a year for 24-hour access to top-notch care , which includes working to get their clients vaccinated as soon as it ’ s available .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ phone calls from well-heeled clients and their assistants .
They ’ re busy assembling lengthy patient files with medical histories and potential COVID-19 risks .
And they ’ re snapping up expensive , ultra-low temperature freezers , which are in short supply , to store the Pfizer and BioNTech vaccine , which must be kept at minus 94 degrees Fahrenheit .
Doctors in boutique practices say they ’ ll adhere to public health guidelines in determining who gets priority .
But being on a waiting list at a practice that has special freezers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re already near the front of the line once the supply opens up .
Some boutique practices have already applied to California health officials for approval to store and administer the vaccine at a time when the typical primary care doctor has little idea when and how their patients will get access to the shots .
“ As soon as we heard about the vaccine coming to market , we started looking for freezers , ” said Andrew Olanow , co-founder of Sollis Health , a concierge practice with clinics in New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Six weeks ago , Sollis Health placed an order for six ultra-low temperature freezers at about $ 5,000 each .
They ’ re due to arrive next month .
After Sollis reserved their freezers , he said , several “ larger governmental orders ” sucked up much of the remaining supply , meaning wait times will be longer for clinics just ordering now .
Representatives for Pfizer and Moderna , whose vaccine is expected to be authorized this week , said doctors and private citizens can not buy doses from them yet .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of doses to all 50 states .
Until the vaccine is available to nongovernmental buyers , concierge doctors are in the unusual position of telling their demanding patients that , for now , they will just have to wait .
That hasn ’ t stopped patients from trying .
“ People are willing to pay tens of thousands of dollars , ” said Toll , the doctor with admitting privileges at Cedars-Sinai .
His private concierge practice in Los Angeles starts at $ 5,000 a year and can go as high as $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requests , he said , have to be comfortable telling rich , powerful people “ no , ” similar to when they ask for inappropriate medications .
Toll tells his patients that those designated as most at-risk by public health officials should get it first .
“ We ’ re governed by the Hippocratic oath , the responsibility to provide care for the people who need it most , ” said Dr. Abe Malkin , the founder of Concierge MD LA , a house-call medical service that charges up to $ 750 per @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time , there ’ s obviously going to be gray areas based on individual patients ’ needs.
” Guidelines that prioritize people who work in essential industries , have underlying health conditions , or are older than 65 are massive gray areas .
In California alone , nearly 12 million people — two-thirds of the state workforce — work in essential industries .
That ambiguity creates opportunities for the well-connected to argue that an underlying health condition or a C-suite level position at an essential company should push them toward the front of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bioethicist and a visiting scholar at Tuskegee University .
“ With enough money and influence , you can make a convincing argument about anything , ” Ellis said .
But unlike lobbying for a better table at a restaurant or a better seat at a Broadway show , he said , taking a vaccine dose that was meant for an essential worker could cost someone their health or their life .
The pattern is familiar in a state where Hollywood stars and Silicon Valley executives are accustomed to getting their way .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ his own blunder by dining without a mask at The French Laundry in Napa Valley , has warned that California will be “ very aggressive in making sure that those with means , those with influence , are not crowding out those that are most deserving of the vaccines.
” “ Those that think they can get ahead of the line and those that think because they have resources or they have relationships that will allow them to do it ... we also will be monitoring that very , very closely , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assistant professor of medical ethics at NYU , said not everyone plying their connections for a shot is doing it out of purely selfish motivation .
Some people “ are not a top priority for vaccination , but have what they consider to be a pressing need , ” she said , including the families of immuno-compromised relatives who may otherwise wait months to be immunized .
“ Every system has a weak link somewhere , and I ’ m sure someone is going to find it and someone ’ s going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The question is : Where ’ s that weak link going to be , and how quickly will it be identified and stopped ?
” Taryn Vian , a health sector anti-corruption expert who teaches at the University of San Francisco , said powerful people could gain early access to the vaccine not by using bribery or coercion , but through more subtle means , like making requests to similarly powerful friends .
A friend of the leader of a pharmaceutical company , medical distributor , hospital or nursing home could ask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the leader could ask their assistant to see if they could help .
The assistant might then interpret the request as a demand to misappropriate a dose , Vian explained .
“ V.I.P .
treatment is very common ” in the healthcare industry , Vian said .
That ’ s already happening in California , doctors say , particularly in the entertainment world .
Celebrities and executives aren ’ t badgering their doctors themselves but are instructing their assistants to find out how they can get better treatment .
“ Their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said one doctor who requested anonymity to speak frankly about their clients , many of whom work in Hollywood .
“ They don ’ t want to wait .
They want to know how they can get it more quickly .
”

They’re offering tens of thousands of dollars in cash, making their personal assistants pester doctors every day, and asking whether a five-figure donation to a hospital would help them jump the line.
The COVID-19 vaccine is here — and so are the wealthy people who want it first.
“We get hundreds of calls every single day,” said Dr. Ehsan Ali, who runs Beverly Hills Concierge Doctor. His clients, who include Ariana Grande and Justin Bieber, pay between $2,000 and $10,000 a year for personalized care. “This is the first time where I have not been able to get something for my patients.”
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With the first doses in short supply, California has laid out a strict order of vaccinations based on need and risk: Healthcare workers and nursing home residents, then essential workers and those with chronic health conditions, then, finally, everyone else.
But to those with power, money and influence, rules can always be bent. California’s stern messaging about serving the neediest first hasn’t stopped the rich from trying to leap ahead of teachers, farmworkers and firefighters.
Dr. Jeff Toll, who has admitting privileges at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center, one of the first hospitals to stock the vaccine, recalled a patient asking: “If I donate $25,000 to Cedars, would that help me get in line?’” Toll said no.
Watchdogs have been warning that the COVID-19 vaccine’s initial scarcity could create a thriving black market, particularly if well-connected people in the healthcare industry skim off a few doses here and there for friends, family or the highest bidder.
But getting earlier access to the shot may not even require much backroom deal-making. Some wealthy patients may get the shots sooner than the average person because they’re members of exclusive healthcare groups that offer the kind of high-quality, primary care most Americans can’t afford.
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Those patients are already on waiting lists with concierge doctors who charge as much as $25,000 a year for 24-hour access to top-notch care, which includes working to get their clients vaccinated as soon as it’s available.
Concierge practices are fielding frantic, repeated phone calls from well-heeled clients and their assistants. They’re busy assembling lengthy patient files with medical histories and potential COVID-19 risks.
And they’re snapping up expensive, ultra-low temperature freezers, which are in short supply, to store the Pfizer and BioNTech vaccine, which must be kept at minus 94 degrees Fahrenheit.
Doctors in boutique practices say they’ll adhere to public health guidelines in determining who gets priority. But being on a waiting list at a practice that has special freezers and other high-quality resources means you’re already near the front of the line once the supply opens up.
Some boutique practices have already applied to California health officials for approval to store and administer the vaccine at a time when the typical primary care doctor has little idea when and how their patients will get access to the shots.
“As soon as we heard about the vaccine coming to market, we started looking for freezers,” said Andrew Olanow, co-founder of Sollis Health, a concierge practice with clinics in New York, the Hamptons and Beverly Hills.
Six weeks ago, Sollis Health placed an order for six ultra-low temperature freezers at about $5,000 each. They’re due to arrive next month.
After Sollis reserved their freezers, he said, several “larger governmental orders” sucked up much of the remaining supply, meaning wait times will be longer for clinics just ordering now.
Representatives for Pfizer and Moderna, whose vaccine is expected to be authorized this week, said doctors and private citizens cannot buy doses from them yet. The U.S. government is controlling the allocation of doses to all 50 states.
Until the vaccine is available to nongovernmental buyers, concierge doctors are in the unusual position of telling their demanding patients that, for now, they will just have to wait.
That hasn’t stopped patients from trying.
“People are willing to pay tens of thousands of dollars,” said Toll, the doctor with admitting privileges at Cedars-Sinai. His private concierge practice in Los Angeles starts at $5,000 a year and can go as high as $25,000.
Doctors fielding these kinds of requests, he said, have to be comfortable telling rich, powerful people “no,” similar to when they ask for inappropriate medications. Toll tells his patients that those designated as most at-risk by public health officials should get it first.
“We’re governed by the Hippocratic oath, the responsibility to provide care for the people who need it most,” said Dr. Abe Malkin, the founder of Concierge MD LA, a house-call medical service that charges up to $750 per month. “But at the same time, there’s obviously going to be gray areas based on individual patients’ needs.”
Science & Medicine Your questions about COVID-19 vaccines answered COVID-19 vaccines are now being administered to healthcare workers in the U.S. What are your questions about the timeline, the safety or the science?
Guidelines that prioritize people who work in essential industries, have underlying health conditions, or are older than 65 are massive gray areas. In California alone, nearly 12 million people — two-thirds of the state workforce — work in essential industries.
That ambiguity creates opportunities for the well-connected to argue that an underlying health condition or a C-suite level position at an essential company should push them toward the front of the line, said Glenn Ellis, a bioethicist and a visiting scholar at Tuskegee University.
“With enough money and influence, you can make a convincing argument about anything,” Ellis said. But unlike lobbying for a better table at a restaurant or a better seat at a Broadway show, he said, taking a vaccine dose that was meant for an essential worker could cost someone their health or their life.
The pattern is familiar in a state where Hollywood stars and Silicon Valley executives are accustomed to getting their way. Gov. Gavin Newsom, who made his own blunder by dining without a mask at The French Laundry in Napa Valley, has warned that California will be “very aggressive in making sure that those with means, those with influence, are not crowding out those that are most deserving of the vaccines.”
“Those that think they can get ahead of the line and those that think because they have resources or they have relationships that will allow them to do it ... we also will be monitoring that very, very closely,” Newsom said.
Alison Bateman-House, an assistant professor of medical ethics at NYU, said not everyone plying their connections for a shot is doing it out of purely selfish motivation. Some people “are not a top priority for vaccination, but have what they consider to be a pressing need,” she said, including the families of immuno-compromised relatives who may otherwise wait months to be immunized.
“Every system has a weak link somewhere, and I’m sure someone is going to find it and someone’s going to exploit it,” Bateman-House said. “The question is: Where’s that weak link going to be, and how quickly will it be identified and stopped?”
Taryn Vian, a health sector anti-corruption expert who teaches at the University of San Francisco, said powerful people could gain early access to the vaccine not by using bribery or coercion, but through more subtle means, like making requests to similarly powerful friends.
A friend of the leader of a pharmaceutical company, medical distributor, hospital or nursing home could ask if there are any extra doses available, and the leader could ask their assistant to see if they could help. The assistant might then interpret the request as a demand to misappropriate a dose, Vian explained.
“V.I.P. treatment is very common” in the healthcare industry, Vian said.
That’s already happening in California, doctors say, particularly in the entertainment world. Celebrities and executives aren’t badgering their doctors themselves but are instructing their assistants to find out how they can get better treatment.
“Their people are calling me literally every day,” said one doctor who requested anonymity to speak frankly about their clients, many of whom work in Hollywood. “They don’t want to wait. They want to know how they can get it more quickly.”