latimes--2020-11-05--George Gascón barely survived his primary. Now, he's likely to be L.A. County's district attorney

Eight months ago , more than a few people were writing George Gascón ’ s political epitaph .
Sitting roughly 20 points behind incumbent Los Angeles County Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey in the March primary for the powerful post , consultants began to question if Gascón had entered the race too late .
If he ’ d failed to broaden his appeal beyond activists .
If his campaign had underestimated Lacey ’ s support in a county where she ’ d served as the top prosecutor for the better part of a decade .
And even though Gascón @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenger , former public defender Rachel Rossi , some believed he had underperformed .
But after a summer that saw countless protests calling for criminal justice reform and a number of politicians pull their support from Lacey , Gascón is positioned to take control of the largest district attorney ’ s office in the nation and deliver an enormous victory to a movement seeking to elect progressive prosecutors across the country .
On Wednesday night , Gascón held 54 % of the vote to Lacey ’ s 46 % , leading by about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were left to be counted , many of them mail ballots , according to the L.A. County Registrar ’ s Office .
Both campaigns had refrained from declaring victory or conceding , though Lacey ’ s window to win had narrowed significantly .
Observers and experts said they believe a number of factors changed Gascón ’ s political fate .
A summer of unrest stemming from deadly police shootings worsened Lacey ’ s standing in a county where her record on that issue was often criticized .
And the increased focus on police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , giving him a massive fundraising advantage in the general election .
Progressive voters seeking to drive President Trump from the White House may have also weakened Lacey ’ s chances to claim a third term .
Meanwhile , Lacey was likely hurt by her reliance on funding from police unions and an inability to shake the perception that she was resistant to reform efforts in a deep blue county , some said .
“ There ’ s a long record of this tough-on-crime thing , that kind of partnered really nicely with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unions .
Police unions and money in L.A. , on the left , have become toxic , ” said Brian VanRiper , a political consultant who has worked on a number of Los Angeles City Council races .
The financial dynamics of the race certainly tilted in Gascón ’ s favor after the primary .
Both candidates had raked in about $ 2 million from outside committees in February .
By the end of October , Gascón ’ s outside donations topped $ 12 million while Lacey ’ s stood around $ 7 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2 to 1 in the general election .
Some have also suggested Gascón ’ s success was also the culmination of years of organizing against Lacey .
Demonstrators affiliated with Black Lives Matter L.A. have marched on Lacey ’ s office on a weekly basis for years , repeatedly attacking her for failing to hold police accountable in the fatal shootings of Black and Latino men .
In one of the most unnerving moments of the contentious race , Lacey ’ s husband pointed a gun at Black Lives Matter organizer Melina Abdullah @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protest outside their Granada Hills home .
The group ’ s weekly protest turned into a presumptive celebration Wednesday with familiar chants of “ Jackie Lacey Must Go ” turning into “ Jackie Lacey Will Go.
” Hundreds of people stood outside the Hall of Justice as relatives of several people shot and killed by police took the stage , flanked by signs that read “ Jackie Lacey Gone.
” Lisa Hines , whose daughter , Wakiesha Wilson , died in LAPD custody in 2016 , said she was delighted to see Lacey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face protesters ’ wrath if he didn ’ t live up to his promises to hold police accountable .
In an interview Tuesday night , Lacey said she regretted that her relationship with activists had become so toxic , and said it was something she hoped to repair if elected to a third-term .
“ I thought I was doing the right thing by saying ‘ Look , I will meet with you , but we ’ re not going to do a town hall where you ’ re screaming at me , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think that there ’ s some value in just showing up even if the crowd is angry and yelling at you , ” she said .
“ So , I realize , that when this all started to go down , that I didn ’ t have those strong community relationships , particularly in the Black community.
” Meanwhile , some Gascón critics noted his lead did not represent a sweeping endorsement of his progressive policies .
“ Whoever wins , and right now it ’ s looking like it ’ s not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ takeaway is no one really had a real strong mandate on either side , ” said Eric Siddall , vice president of the union representing L.A. County deputy district attorneys .
“ It ’ s a relatively close race.
” Others who supported Lacey said Tuesday night ’ s result was one they had long feared after she failed to end the race in March .
A person involved in a pro-Lacey independent expenditure , who requested anonymity to speak about the matter candidly , said some supporters were frustrated that Lacey ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primary as an all-or-nothing proposition , considering the presidential race was likely to drive progressive voter turnout in November .
“ The concern after March was you essentially had more than a majority of voters who voted for somebody other than Jackie Lacey , ” the person said .
“ When you start to see how much money was being put in by other groups , millions upon millions of dollars that no one could keep pace with , it ’ s not a surprise that Gascón won .
”

Progressive challenger George Gascón has jumped out to a lead over incumbent Jackie Lacey in the race for control of the Los Angeles County district attorney’s office.
Eight months ago, more than a few people were writing George Gascón’s political epitaph.
Sitting roughly 20 points behind incumbent Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey in the March primary for the powerful post, consultants began to question if Gascón had entered the race too late. If he’d failed to broaden his appeal beyond activists. If his campaign had underestimated Lacey’s support in a county where she’d served as the top prosecutor for the better part of a decade.
And even though Gascón split the primary vote with another progressive challenger, former public defender Rachel Rossi, some believed he had underperformed.
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But after a summer that saw countless protests calling for criminal justice reform and a number of politicians pull their support from Lacey, Gascón is positioned to take control of the largest district attorney’s office in the nation and deliver an enormous victory to a movement seeking to elect progressive prosecutors across the country.
On Wednesday night, Gascón held 54% of the vote to Lacey’s 46%, leading by about 222,000 ballots. More than 600,000 votes were left to be counted, many of them mail ballots, according to the L.A. County Registrar’s Office. Both campaigns had refrained from declaring victory or conceding, though Lacey’s window to win had narrowed significantly.
Observers and experts said they believe a number of factors changed Gascón’s political fate. A summer of unrest stemming from deadly police shootings worsened Lacey’s standing in a county where her record on that issue was often criticized. And the increased focus on police accountability energized voters and donors around Gascón, giving him a massive fundraising advantage in the general election.
Progressive voters seeking to drive President Trump from the White House may have also weakened Lacey’s chances to claim a third term. Meanwhile, Lacey was likely hurt by her reliance on funding from police unions and an inability to shake the perception that she was resistant to reform efforts in a deep blue county, some said.
“There’s a long record of this tough-on-crime thing, that kind of partnered really nicely with the endorsement and fiscal support of police unions. Police unions and money in L.A., on the left, have become toxic,” said Brian VanRiper, a political consultant who has worked on a number of Los Angeles City Council races.
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The financial dynamics of the race certainly tilted in Gascón’s favor after the primary. Both candidates had raked in about $2 million from outside committees in February. By the end of October, Gascón’s outside donations topped $12 million while Lacey’s stood around $7 million, meaning he outraised her nearly 2 to 1 in the general election.
Some have also suggested Gascón’s success was also the culmination of years of organizing against Lacey. Demonstrators affiliated with Black Lives Matter L.A. have marched on Lacey’s office on a weekly basis for years, repeatedly attacking her for failing to hold police accountable in the fatal shootings of Black and Latino men. In one of the most unnerving moments of the contentious race, Lacey’s husband pointed a gun at Black Lives Matter organizer Melina Abdullah and two other demonstrators during a March protest outside their Granada Hills home.
The group’s weekly protest turned into a presumptive celebration Wednesday with familiar chants of “Jackie Lacey Must Go” turning into “Jackie Lacey Will Go.” Hundreds of people stood outside the Hall of Justice as relatives of several people shot and killed by police took the stage, flanked by signs that read “Jackie Lacey Gone.” Lisa Hines, whose daughter, Wakiesha Wilson, died in LAPD custody in 2016, said she was delighted to see Lacey losing but also warned Gascón he would face protesters’ wrath if he didn’t live up to his promises to hold police accountable.
In an interview Tuesday night, Lacey said she regretted that her relationship with activists had become so toxic, and said it was something she hoped to repair if elected to a third-term.
“I thought I was doing the right thing by saying ‘Look, I will meet with you, but we’re not going to do a town hall where you’re screaming at me, telling me these things.’ I now think that there’s some value in just showing up even if the crowd is angry and yelling at you,” she said. “So, I realize, that when this all started to go down, that I didn’t have those strong community relationships, particularly in the Black community.”
Meanwhile, some Gascón critics noted his lead did not represent a sweeping endorsement of his progressive policies.
“Whoever wins, and right now it’s looking like it’s not going to be her, the bigger takeaway is no one really had a real strong mandate on either side,” said Eric Siddall, vice president of the union representing L.A. County deputy district attorneys. “It’s a relatively close race.”
Others who supported Lacey said Tuesday night’s result was one they had long feared after she failed to end the race in March. A person involved in a pro-Lacey independent expenditure, who requested anonymity to speak about the matter candidly, said some supporters were frustrated that Lacey’s campaign did not treat the March primary as an all-or-nothing proposition, considering the presidential race was likely to drive progressive voter turnout in November.
“The concern after March was you essentially had more than a majority of voters who voted for somebody other than Jackie Lacey,” the person said. “When you start to see how much money was being put in by other groups, millions upon millions of dollars that no one could keep pace with, it’s not a surprise that Gascón won.”


latimes--2020-11-05--Powerful, wealthy interest groups keep tight grip on California proposition system

California voters were first empowered to govern by ballot measure in 1911 .
But it took almost seven decades and the anti-tax crusade of a cantankerous , fist-shaking businessman to reveal the political strength of a direct democracy tool that has come to redefine the state ’ s politics ever since .
What Howard Jarvis discovered in 1978 with Proposition 13 was that the public ’ s distrust of government was a kind of electoral rocket fuel that could carry almost any payload into orbit .
It no longer took haggling with legislators in Sacramento to write a law .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ — over the last two decades — enough money to wage a nonstop blitzkrieg of TV commercials and mailbox fliers .
On Tuesday , voters waded through a dozen propositions covering a variety of complicated policy ideas .
Most were carefully crafted by powerful interest groups , often as much a solution to their problems as addressing an urgent public need .
“ What this cycle showed , maybe more than any other , is that you can pay for a law if you don ’ t like something that ’ s going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kaufman said .
“ With brute strength , you can buy yourself virtually any law you want or defeat any law you want.
” Kaufman , a campaign consultant who ’ s been involved in a number of fierce ballot measure fights on behalf of labor unions , drew two particularly tough assignments this year : mounting the opposition campaign against Proposition 22 , the app-based industry plan to write special rules for its drivers , and trying to persuade voters to ratify the Legislature ’ s end of cash bail , Proposition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came up short .
In both campaigns , money tells an important part of the story .
Proposition 22 had a bank account before it had a blueprint .
Uber and Lyft , joined later by DoorDash and others , set aside $ 90 million last summer — weeks before drafting an initiative — frustrated that state lawmakers wouldn ’ t include an exemption for their drivers in a far-reaching worker classification law , Assembly Bill 5 .
By election day , the Silicon Valley companies had championed the most expensive ballot measure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every political campaign with money wins , the large war chest for Proposition 22 helped it break through the noise in an election season in which voters were focused on the presidency and the pandemic .
The companies used a unique feature of California ’ s initiative process : its inflexibility .
“ Backing a ballot initiative is a way to lock your own special deals and detailed preferences into the state Constitution or into initiative statutes , which are super-laws that often require another vote of the people to amend them , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ California journalist and a columnist for Zocalo Public Square in Los Angeles .
The rigid nature of California ’ s ballot measure system helps explain another 2020 initiative , Proposition 15 , the most ambitious effort yet to rethink Jarvis ’ vaunted Proposition 13 tax rules .
Liberal activists , bankrolled by public employee unions , wanted voters to remove commercial and industrial properties from the tax limits of the 1978 initiative .
While the final vote tally won ’ t be known for weeks , returns show Proposition 15 coming up short @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opponents doled out some $ 139 million — making it the fifth most expensive ballot measure campaign in state history — and the result appears to be a continuation of the status quo , even though decades of policy experts have suggested California ’ s tax structure could use an overhaul .
In most conversations about ballot measures , the talk turns to money .
And in every election , the origins of direct democracy fade further into the background .
Championed by then-Gov .
Hiram Johnson in 1911 , the power of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for citizens to break the tight grip of the era ’ s most powerful California interest group , the Southern Pacific Railroad .
Johnson ’ s inaugural address promised that those writing laws by voting would “ prevent the misuse of the power temporarily centralized in the Legislature , ” where railroad officials held sway .
But it is the well-funded interest groups , not citizens , who control the modern-day ballot measure process .
“ It ’ s a bitter irony that the ballot initiative , a tool used all over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in California to short-circuit and cancel democracy here , ” Mathews said .
With enough money , the same battles can be waged over and over again .
A half-dozen of this year ’ s propositions saw powerful groups returning to familiar topics .
Three ballot measures — the effort to broaden a property tax break for seniors in Proposition 19 , to expand rent control under Proposition 21 and to more tightly regulate kidney dialysis clinics in Proposition 23 — were slightly amended versions of measures rejected by voters in 2018 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminal justice rules voters had just loosened in 2014 and 2016 , was defeated .
Only Proposition 19 appears to have won its second round with voters , after changes designed to help Californians who lose their home in a wildfire won the backing of the state ’ s firefighters union .
And Proposition 24 , a wide-ranging set of consumer privacy rules that won passage , was a reworking of a 2018 law ratified by the Legislature .
Perhaps the newest approach by moneyed interests is to think about not just writing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but blocking laws by filing a referendum .
The referendum — the power of voters to erase a law enacted by the Legislature and governor — has long been the forgotten sibling in California ’ s direct democracy family .
Only 94 referendum measures have been filed to block a state law since 1912 , compared to more than 2,000 proposed initiatives .
But if backers of a referendum gather enough voter signatures , the challenged law is put on hold until voters weigh in on election day — even if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The industry that produces plastic bags did that in 2014 , and failed to persuade voters to overturn a ban on the products in 2016 .
The bail bonds industry played the same card in 2018 , after then-Gov .
Jerry Brown signed a law banning the use of cash bail for those accused of committing a crime .
The result was Proposition 25 , a law voters scuttled in Tuesday ’ s election .
And another referendum could be on the horizon : Senate Bill 793 , a law signed in September @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sale of flavored tobacco in California , is being challenged by the tobacco industry .
Their effort , if it gathers enough voter signatures on a referendum petition by the end of this month , will suspend SB 793 until election day in November 2022 .
“ I think there ’ s going to be a lot of these in the years to come , ” said Kaufman , who oversaw the effort to preserve the law banning cash bail .
The future of big ballot measure campaigns all depends on voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the more well-funded groups will see the system as an alternative to the slower , consensus-focused process in the Legislature .
Surveys conducted by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California since 2000 have consistently found strong public support for direct democracy .
In 2013 , the institute ’ s researchers noted that 60 % of likely voters in one survey said laws enacted through the ballot are probably better than the ones that originate in Sacramento .
“ Voters get exhausted by it , but they get over it , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affairs agency worked on the campaign in support of Proposition 14 , the $ 5.5-billion stem cell research bond that had a narrow lead in early returns .
“ We just push reset and we start all over again in two years .
”

California voters were first empowered to govern by ballot measure in 1911. But it took almost seven decades and the anti-tax crusade of a cantankerous, fist-shaking businessman to reveal the political strength of a direct democracy tool that has come to redefine the state’s politics ever since.
What Howard Jarvis discovered in 1978 with Proposition 13 was that the public’s distrust of government was a kind of electoral rocket fuel that could carry almost any payload into orbit. It no longer took haggling with legislators in Sacramento to write a law. It took only a popular concept and — over the last two decades — enough money to wage a nonstop blitzkrieg of TV commercials and mailbox fliers.
On Tuesday, voters waded through a dozen propositions covering a variety of complicated policy ideas. Most were carefully crafted by powerful interest groups, often as much a solution to their problems as addressing an urgent public need.
Advertisement
“What this cycle showed, maybe more than any other, is that you can pay for a law if you don’t like something that’s going on,” Democratic political strategist Gale Kaufman said. “With brute strength, you can buy yourself virtually any law you want or defeat any law you want.”
Kaufman, a campaign consultant who’s been involved in a number of fierce ballot measure fights on behalf of labor unions, drew two particularly tough assignments this year: mounting the opposition campaign against Proposition 22, the app-based industry plan to write special rules for its drivers, and trying to persuade voters to ratify the Legislature’s end of cash bail, Proposition 25. Election returns show the efforts came up short.
In both campaigns, money tells an important part of the story.
Proposition 22 had a bank account before it had a blueprint. Uber and Lyft, joined later by DoorDash and others, set aside $90 million last summer — weeks before drafting an initiative — frustrated that state lawmakers wouldn’t include an exemption for their drivers in a far-reaching worker classification law, Assembly Bill 5.
By election day, the Silicon Valley companies had championed the most expensive ballot measure campaign in U.S. history. While not every political campaign with money wins, the large war chest for Proposition 22 helped it break through the noise in an election season in which voters were focused on the presidency and the pandemic.
The companies used a unique feature of California’s initiative process: its inflexibility.
“Backing a ballot initiative is a way to lock your own special deals and detailed preferences into the state Constitution or into initiative statutes, which are super-laws that often require another vote of the people to amend them,” said Joe Mathews, a longtime California journalist and a columnist for Zocalo Public Square in Los Angeles.
Advertisement
The rigid nature of California’s ballot measure system helps explain another 2020 initiative, Proposition 15, the most ambitious effort yet to rethink Jarvis’ vaunted Proposition 13 tax rules. Liberal activists, bankrolled by public employee unions, wanted voters to remove commercial and industrial properties from the tax limits of the 1978 initiative. While the final vote tally won’t be known for weeks, returns show Proposition 15 coming up short.
Along the way, supporters and opponents doled out some $139 million — making it the fifth most expensive ballot measure campaign in state history — and the result appears to be a continuation of the status quo, even though decades of policy experts have suggested California’s tax structure could use an overhaul.
In most conversations about ballot measures, the talk turns to money. And in every election, the origins of direct democracy fade further into the background. Championed by then-Gov. Hiram Johnson in 1911, the power of the plebiscite was seen as a way for citizens to break the tight grip of the era’s most powerful California interest group, the Southern Pacific Railroad. Johnson’s inaugural address promised that those writing laws by voting would “prevent the misuse of the power temporarily centralized in the Legislature,” where railroad officials held sway.
But it is the well-funded interest groups, not citizens, who control the modern-day ballot measure process.
“It’s a bitter irony that the ballot initiative, a tool used all over the world to advance democracy, is used in California to short-circuit and cancel democracy here,” Mathews said.
With enough money, the same battles can be waged over and over again.
A half-dozen of this year’s propositions saw powerful groups returning to familiar topics. Three ballot measures — the effort to broaden a property tax break for seniors in Proposition 19, to expand rent control under Proposition 21 and to more tightly regulate kidney dialysis clinics in Proposition 23 — were slightly amended versions of measures rejected by voters in 2018. Proposition 20, which sought to tighten criminal justice rules voters had just loosened in 2014 and 2016, was defeated.
Only Proposition 19 appears to have won its second round with voters, after changes designed to help Californians who lose their home in a wildfire won the backing of the state’s firefighters union. And Proposition 24, a wide-ranging set of consumer privacy rules that won passage, was a reworking of a 2018 law ratified by the Legislature.
Perhaps the newest approach by moneyed interests is to think about not just writing laws through the passage of an initiative, but blocking laws by filing a referendum.
The referendum — the power of voters to erase a law enacted by the Legislature and governor — has long been the forgotten sibling in California’s direct democracy family. Only 94 referendum measures have been filed to block a state law since 1912, compared to more than 2,000 proposed initiatives.
But if backers of a referendum gather enough voter signatures, the challenged law is put on hold until voters weigh in on election day — even if the next election is two years away. The industry that produces plastic bags did that in 2014, and failed to persuade voters to overturn a ban on the products in 2016.
The bail bonds industry played the same card in 2018, after then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed a law banning the use of cash bail for those accused of committing a crime. The result was Proposition 25, a law voters scuttled in Tuesday’s election.
And another referendum could be on the horizon: Senate Bill 793, a law signed in September by Gov. Gavin Newsom that bans the sale of flavored tobacco in California, is being challenged by the tobacco industry. Their effort, if it gathers enough voter signatures on a referendum petition by the end of this month, will suspend SB 793 until election day in November 2022.
“I think there’s going to be a lot of these in the years to come,” said Kaufman, who oversaw the effort to preserve the law banning cash bail.
The future of big ballot measure campaigns all depends on voters. The more they approve the proposals, the more well-funded groups will see the system as an alternative to the slower, consensus-focused process in the Legislature. Surveys conducted by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California since 2000 have consistently found strong public support for direct democracy.
In 2013, the institute’s researchers noted that 60% of likely voters in one survey said laws enacted through the ballot are probably better than the ones that originate in Sacramento.
“Voters get exhausted by it, but they get over it,” said Fiona Hutton, whose statewide public affairs agency worked on the campaign in support of Proposition 14, the $5.5-billion stem cell research bond that had a narrow lead in early returns. “We just push reset and we start all over again in two years.”


latimes--2020-11-05--California goes big on criminal justice reform, setting a more progressive path

California voters expressed a clear appetite for criminal justice reform on election night , supporting a series of ambitious changes after a summer of mass protests sparked a painful reckoning around racial injustice and debate over the role of policing .
Results throughout the state have not been finalized .
But on statewide ballot measures and in key local races , voters backed progressive candidates and policies that promised to hold police more accountable and shift taxpayer funding away from law enforcement and toward social services .
In some cases , voters leapfrogged their own elected officials in the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traction or fell short of passage during recent legislative sessions in Sacramento — where the idea of broad , statewide policing reform has loomed large but never fully materialized .
California has been a leader on easing the tough-on-crime tactics of an earlier era , but the results of Tuesday ’ s balloting opens a new front for more aggressive reforms , such as calls to reduce funding to law enforcement agencies .
Well-funded police unions and other groups , who were able stall police reform legislation in Sacramento , were less effective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety .
But it also comes in a year in which crime — particularly homicides — are rising significantly in some cities , including Los Angeles .
“ There was a time in California where the impulse was to incarcerate more people , three strikes and you are out , ” Erwin Chemerinsky , dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law , said of the election results Wednesday .
“ I don ’ t think that is the impulse in California any longer.
” In Los Angeles County — one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a longtime trendsetter in criminal justice issues — voters appeared to have ousted Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey , who was accused by her critics of being too lenient on cops and too cozy with police unions , and passed a measure mandating that county officials spend more on jail diversion programs , mental health and housing .
In San Francisco , voters approved measures that will ramp up oversight of the local sheriff and undo a requirement that the city ‘ s Police Department maintain a certain size — a rule @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to defunding the department more broadly .
At the state level , voters restored the right to vote to parolees , and rejected a measure that would have increased penalties for petty offenses .
Advocates said the reforms are substantial , but do not solve all the issues they see with the criminal justice system .
Still , decisions voters made this week will reshape how services are accessed by homeless people and those released from prison , and how police shootings are investigated and assessed for criminality by prosecutors .
They also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reimagining public safety and shifting responsibilities and funding away from police , a process already being contemplated in L.A. , where the Los Angeles Police Department ’ s budget was cut by $ 150 million earlier this year .
The shift — following a summer of protests over police brutality against Black and brown people — is one that police unions had spent heavily in campaign contributions to halt , and one activist groups on Wednesday claimed as a major victory after years of effort .
Activists felt particularly encouraged by the apparent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protested and rallied against for years for her refusal to prosecute police officers in a number of controversial shootings of unarmed men .
Although results were not finalized Wednesday , Lacey ’ s challenger , George Gascón , seemed poised to win , which Black Lives Matter Los Angeles ’ Baba Akili called “ a testament to the power of consistent collective action.
” The group rallied in celebration of Lacey ’ s apparent loss in downtown L.A. on Wednesday afternoon , and suggested a Gascón victory could reshape the way prosecutions are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over 100,000 criminal cases each year .
“ Los Angeles County is winning and we owe it all to organizers , ” said Patrisse Cullors , co-founder of the Black Lives Matter movement .
Gascón has promised to expand the use of pretrial diversion programs and alternative sentencing courts in L.A. County , methods Lacey faced criticism for not using enough , and reopen investigations into a number of past shootings by police officers .
A Gascón victory would be the biggest win yet in a nationwide push to elect more progressive prosecutors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the more significant criminal justice wins of the election , reflective of a broad desire to continue reforms .
Gascón ’ s message , and that of the reform activists , seemed to resonate with voters .
Four years ago , Los Feliz resident Willie Mack , 43 , voted for Lacey and for City Councilman David Ryu .
This year , he changed course on both candidates , voting for Gascón after learning more about Lacey ’ s record and her support from police unions , and voting for Ryu ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part because of her position that the LAPD was overfunded .
Raman , an urban planner who looked on course Wednesday to represent the city ’ s Silver Lake-to-Sherman Oaks district , had argued in favor of making the LAPD a “ much smaller , specialized armed force , ” removing officers from traffic enforcement and vehicle collision duties .
Of his vote for Gascón , Mack said there “ needs to be a line between cops and the people required to hold them accountable.
” Of his vote for Raman , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The board of the Los Angeles Police Protective League , which represents rank-and-file LAPD officers and backed Lacey , said Wednesday that it joins `` other Angelenos in praying that [ Gascón ] does not do for our city what he did to San Francisco , ” which it said was “ overrun by a mental health crisis and open-air drug markets ” when Gascón was that city ’ s top prosecutor from 2011 to 2019 .
Voters also backed the passage of Measure J , which will require L.A. County to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social services while precluding certain funding from being spent on prisons , jails or law enforcement .
Eunisses Hernandez , co-chair of the Yes on Measure J campaign , called its passage “ a true step in changing structures ” that have long prevented communities of color from being prioritized .
At the state level , voters stood firmly behind past measures to limit punishments for petty crimes and lower prison incarceration rates by rejecting Proposition 20 , a measure that would have toughened sentencing for certain crimes .
Although backers of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crime and left low-level offenders unpunished for repeat offenses , more than 60 % of voters rejected that argument — including many in conservative counties such as San Bernardino , Placer and Kern .
Jay Jordan , executive director for Californians for Safety & Justice , which championed many of the reforms Proposition 20 was aimed at repealing , said its defeat showed that Californians across the political spectrum no longer view incarceration as an answer to social problems .
“ No one agrees with criminalizing homelessness and addiction , ” Jordan said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Reform advocates did not sweep up victories on every measure they backed .
One , Proposition 25 , which would have eliminated most cash bail in the state , was rejected by voters .
Cash bail has become a national goal of criminal justice reformers , but the 2018 California bill to ban it — which Proposition 25 was a referendum on — ended up dividing advocacy groups , some of whom feared that language added to the bill during final legislative negotiations would have extended pretrial jail stays and increased racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said that voters were confused on the proposition .
Still , they feel confident that cash bail has a limited future in the state , with the state Supreme Court and federal courts set to address the issue in pending cases .
However , some cautioned that with a pandemic still unchecked , continued criminal justice reform is not guaranteed .
According to a poll this summer by UC Berkeley ’ s Institute of Governmental Studies , many Californians support police reform but also the police .
That support varies geographically in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of different races and political affiliations .
Reforms palatable in some areas of California are not popular in others .
Magnus Lofstrom , policy director for criminal justice at the Public Policy Institute of California , said past reform efforts have been fueled in large part by the desire to lower incarceration rates , and the urgency may abate as officials drive the state ’ s prison and jail populations down to levels not seen since the 1990s in an effort to halt the spread of COVID-19 .
“ Where that takes us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said .
Times staff writers Jaclyn Cosgrove , David Zahniser and Laura Zornosa contributed to this report

Kevin Rector, Anita Chabria, James Queally, Benjamin Oreskes

Protesters in June called for Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey to be removed from office. Voters appeared to do just that this week, with her challenger poised to win his bid to oust her.
California voters expressed a clear appetite for criminal justice reform on election night, supporting a series of ambitious changes after a summer of mass protests sparked a painful reckoning around racial injustice and debate over the role of policing.
Results throughout the state have not been finalized. But on statewide ballot measures and in key local races, voters backed progressive candidates and policies that promised to hold police more accountable and shift taxpayer funding away from law enforcement and toward social services.
In some cases, voters leapfrogged their own elected officials in the state Legislature to enact policies that never gained traction or fell short of passage during recent legislative sessions in Sacramento — where the idea of broad, statewide policing reform has loomed large but never fully materialized.
Advertisement
California has been a leader on easing the tough-on-crime tactics of an earlier era, but the results of Tuesday’s balloting opens a new front for more aggressive reforms, such as calls to reduce funding to law enforcement agencies.
Well-funded police unions and other groups, who were able stall police reform legislation in Sacramento, were less effective convincing voters the move would endanger public safety. But it also comes in a year in which crime — particularly homicides — are rising significantly in some cities, including Los Angeles.
“There was a time in California where the impulse was to incarcerate more people, three strikes and you are out,” Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law, said of the election results Wednesday. “I don’t think that is the impulse in California any longer.”
In Los Angeles County — one of the nation’s largest criminal jurisdictions and a longtime trendsetter in criminal justice issues — voters appeared to have ousted Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey, who was accused by her critics of being too lenient on cops and too cozy with police unions, and passed a measure mandating that county officials spend more on jail diversion programs, mental health and housing.
In San Francisco, voters approved measures that will ramp up oversight of the local sheriff and undo a requirement that the city‘s Police Department maintain a certain size — a rule that some had seen as a barrier to defunding the department more broadly.
At the state level, voters restored the right to vote to parolees, and rejected a measure that would have increased penalties for petty offenses.
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Advocates said the reforms are substantial, but do not solve all the issues they see with the criminal justice system. Still, decisions voters made this week will reshape how services are accessed by homeless people and those released from prison, and how police shootings are investigated and assessed for criminality by prosecutors.
They also suggest support among the broader electorate for reimagining public safety and shifting responsibilities and funding away from police, a process already being contemplated in L.A., where the Los Angeles Police Department’s budget was cut by $150 million earlier this year.
The shift — following a summer of protests over police brutality against Black and brown people — is one that police unions had spent heavily in campaign contributions to halt, and one activist groups on Wednesday claimed as a major victory after years of effort.
Activists felt particularly encouraged by the apparent fall of Lacey, whom they have protested and rallied against for years for her refusal to prosecute police officers in a number of controversial shootings of unarmed men.
Although results were not finalized Wednesday, Lacey’s challenger, George Gascón, seemed poised to win, which Black Lives Matter Los Angeles’ Baba Akili called “a testament to the power of consistent collective action.”
The group rallied in celebration of Lacey’s apparent loss in downtown L.A. on Wednesday afternoon, and suggested a Gascón victory could reshape the way prosecutions are handled in an office that files well over 100,000 criminal cases each year.
“Los Angeles County is winning and we owe it all to organizers,” said Patrisse Cullors, co-founder of the Black Lives Matter movement.
Gascón has promised to expand the use of pretrial diversion programs and alternative sentencing courts in L.A. County, methods Lacey faced criticism for not using enough, and reopen investigations into a number of past shootings by police officers.
A Gascón victory would be the biggest win yet in a nationwide push to elect more progressive prosecutors, and Chemerinsky said it was one of the more significant criminal justice wins of the election, reflective of a broad desire to continue reforms.
Gascón’s message, and that of the reform activists, seemed to resonate with voters.
Four years ago, Los Feliz resident Willie Mack, 43, voted for Lacey and for City Councilman David Ryu. This year, he changed course on both candidates, voting for Gascón after learning more about Lacey’s record and her support from police unions, and voting for Ryu’s challenger, Nithya Raman, in part because of her position that the LAPD was overfunded.
Raman, an urban planner who looked on course Wednesday to represent the city’s Silver Lake-to-Sherman Oaks district, had argued in favor of making the LAPD a “much smaller, specialized armed force,” removing officers from traffic enforcement and vehicle collision duties.
Of his vote for Gascón, Mack said there “needs to be a line between cops and the people required to hold them accountable.” Of his vote for Raman, he said, “We need fresh blood.”
The board of the Los Angeles Police Protective League, which represents rank-and-file LAPD officers and backed Lacey, said Wednesday that it joins “other Angelenos in praying that [Gascón] does not do for our city what he did to San Francisco,” which it said was “overrun by a mental health crisis and open-air drug markets” when Gascón was that city’s top prosecutor from 2011 to 2019.
Voters also backed the passage of Measure J, which will require L.A. County to spend hundreds of millions of dollars on social services while precluding certain funding from being spent on prisons, jails or law enforcement. Eunisses Hernandez, co-chair of the Yes on Measure J campaign, called its passage “a true step in changing structures” that have long prevented communities of color from being prioritized.
At the state level, voters stood firmly behind past measures to limit punishments for petty crimes and lower prison incarceration rates by rejecting Proposition 20, a measure that would have toughened sentencing for certain crimes. Although backers of the proposition said those earlier efforts had increased crime and left low-level offenders unpunished for repeat offenses, more than 60% of voters rejected that argument — including many in conservative counties such as San Bernardino, Placer and Kern.
Jay Jordan, executive director for Californians for Safety & Justice, which championed many of the reforms Proposition 20 was aimed at repealing, said its defeat showed that Californians across the political spectrum no longer view incarceration as an answer to social problems.
“No one agrees with criminalizing homelessness and addiction,” Jordan said. “No one agrees with overincarceration.”
Reform advocates did not sweep up victories on every measure they backed. One, Proposition 25, which would have eliminated most cash bail in the state, was rejected by voters.
Cash bail has become a national goal of criminal justice reformers, but the 2018 California bill to ban it — which Proposition 25 was a referendum on — ended up dividing advocacy groups, some of whom feared that language added to the bill during final legislative negotiations would have extended pretrial jail stays and increased racial bias.
On Tuesday, some observers said that voters were confused on the proposition. Still, they feel confident that cash bail has a limited future in the state, with the state Supreme Court and federal courts set to address the issue in pending cases.
However, some cautioned that with a pandemic still unchecked, continued criminal justice reform is not guaranteed.
According to a poll this summer by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies, many Californians support police reform but also the police. That support varies geographically in the state, as well as among people of different races and political affiliations. Reforms palatable in some areas of California are not popular in others.
Magnus Lofstrom, policy director for criminal justice at the Public Policy Institute of California, said past reform efforts have been fueled in large part by the desire to lower incarceration rates, and the urgency may abate as officials drive the state’s prison and jail populations down to levels not seen since the 1990s in an effort to halt the spread of COVID-19.
“Where that takes us now is very difficult to say,” he said.
Times staff writers Jaclyn Cosgrove, David Zahniser and Laura Zornosa contributed to this report


latimes--2020-11-05--LAPD detains, cites two videographers after declaring downtown protest unlawful

Two videographers filming a Wednesday night protest in downtown Los Angeles were detained and given “ failure to disperse ” citations after police declared the gathering unlawful .
Vishal Singh , who works on Netflix documentaries and frequently attends and films local protests , and Sean Beckner-Carmitchel , an activist and videographer who also routinely attends protests , were both taken into custody near West 5th and South Hill streets downtown .
Singh said they were filming the relatively small protest — which he said was coming to an end — when the police arrived on motorcycles and declared the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fled into a hotel , while others were told by officers to sit down .
He said he and Beckner-Carmitchel were then targeted for serving as press at the event and recording the officers ’ actions .
“ They very clearly just looked for the people with the cameras who are there the most and just grabbed me , ” he said .
“ As I was livestreaming , I saw multiple officers pointing me out.
” Beckner-Carmitchel wrote on Twitter that he and other members of the press had been “ kettled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , by police .
Both men were cited and then released about an hour later , Singh said .
He said he was given a court date in March .
Capt .
Stacy Spell , an LAPD spokesman , confirmed that two people had been cited and released on charges of failing to disperse .
He said one other man at the scene was arrested on suspicion of battery on a police officer .
Asked about the two people who were detained saying they were press , Spell said that he could not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LAPD officers have been dealing with large numbers of people at recent protests claiming to be members of the media .
“ We are having an ongoing challenge with individuals who are participating in disruptive activities , taking over the street and failing to disperse but subsequently claiming to be media , ” he said .
“ Literally the entire crowd claimed to be media.
” Earlier on Wednesday , the LAPD tweeted what it said was guidance for journalists at protests .
“ We ’ re committed to facilitating everyone ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrote — before warning reporters that they would be subject to arrest if they were at a gathering that had been declared unlawful and they didn ’ t follow directions as to where to stand to observe .
“ We will make every effort to provide a safe space for the media to work , when feasible .
However , if members of the media leave that designated space , they are subject to all dispersal orders , ” the LAPD wrote .
Journalists have the right to cover public protests and demonstrations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ includes access to areas restricted to unauthorized people .
However , journalists in recent months have been subjected to arrests at protests in the L.A. area and elsewhere in the country .
After major protests this summer , lawmakers passed a new law that would have enhanced protections for journalists covering protests , but Gov .
Gavin Newsom vetoed the measure .
Singh said Wednesday night that he did not hear any protesters claiming to be members of the media , as Spell had suggested .
“ I know a lot of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ known them to claim to be press .
They don ’ t even all get along with the press.
” In fact , Singh said , the only people at the protest to be cited for failing to disperse were the only two people saying they were press .
“ It was just us , ” he said .

Two videographers were arrested for failing to disperse from a protest in downtown L.A. Wednesday night.
Two videographers filming a Wednesday night protest in downtown Los Angeles were detained and given “failure to disperse” citations after police declared the gathering unlawful.
Vishal Singh, who works on Netflix documentaries and frequently attends and films local protests, and Sean Beckner-Carmitchel, an activist and videographer who also routinely attends protests, were both taken into custody near West 5th and South Hill streets downtown.
Singh said they were filming the relatively small protest — which he said was coming to an end — when the police arrived on motorcycles and declared the gathering unlawful. Singh said some protesters fled into a hotel, while others were told by officers to sit down.
He said he and Beckner-Carmitchel were then targeted for serving as press at the event and recording the officers’ actions.
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“They very clearly just looked for the people with the cameras who are there the most and just grabbed me,” he said. “As I was livestreaming, I saw multiple officers pointing me out.”
Beckner-Carmitchel wrote on Twitter that he and other members of the press had been “kettled,” or boxed in and surrounded, by police.
Both men were cited and then released about an hour later, Singh said. He said he was given a court date in March.
Capt. Stacy Spell, an LAPD spokesman, confirmed that two people had been cited and released on charges of failing to disperse. He said one other man at the scene was arrested on suspicion of battery on a police officer.
Asked about the two people who were detained saying they were press, Spell said that he could not comment on specific detainees, but that LAPD officers have been dealing with large numbers of people at recent protests claiming to be members of the media.
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“We are having an ongoing challenge with individuals who are participating in disruptive activities, taking over the street and failing to disperse but subsequently claiming to be media,” he said. “Literally the entire crowd claimed to be media.”
Earlier on Wednesday, the LAPD tweeted what it said was guidance for journalists at protests.
“We’re committed to facilitating everyone’s 1st Amendment Rights,” the department wrote — before warning reporters that they would be subject to arrest if they were at a gathering that had been declared unlawful and they didn’t follow directions as to where to stand to observe.
“We will make every effort to provide a safe space for the media to work, when feasible. However, if members of the media leave that designated space, they are subject to all dispersal orders,” the LAPD wrote.
Journalists have the right to cover public protests and demonstrations under the 1st Amendment, which typically includes access to areas restricted to unauthorized people. However, journalists in recent months have been subjected to arrests at protests in the L.A. area and elsewhere in the country.
After major protests this summer, lawmakers passed a new law that would have enhanced protections for journalists covering protests, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed the measure.
Singh said Wednesday night that he did not hear any protesters claiming to be members of the media, as Spell had suggested.
“I know a lot of the protesters personally. I’ve never known them to claim to be press. They don’t even all get along with the press.”
In fact, Singh said, the only people at the protest to be cited for failing to disperse were the only two people saying they were press.
“It was just us,” he said.


latimes--2020-11-04--Nithya Raman inspires progressives as she holds significant lead in L.A. council race

When urban planner Nithya Raman launched her bid for Los Angeles City Council last year , she was best known in her neighborhood for helping homeless residents get meals , showers and other aid .
By the time voters cast their ballots , the 39-year-old Silver Lake resident had become a powerful symbol for progressive activists , not just across the city but in other parts of the country , securing the endorsement of Bernie Sanders and favorable profiles from Vogue and the Daily Beast .
While votes are still being counted , Raman is in a strong position to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first L.A. council member to be ousted in 17 years .
Her first-place showing — she had 52.4 % as of Wednesday — represents “ a political earthquake ” for City Hall , said Zev Yaroslavsky , a former councilman and county supervisor who heads the Los Angeles Initiative at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs .
Yaroslavsky , who endorsed Ryu , predicted a Raman victory would embolden the movement that rallied for her — younger , grassroots activists who favored Bernie Sanders and are frustrated with City Hall — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2022 election , when eight council seats and three citywide seats will be up for grabs .
“ Anybody at City Hall who doesn ’ t recognize the significance of this election , ” he added , “ is making a mistake.
” On Wednesday afternoon , Raman had not declared victory , and Ryu had not conceded .
But it was clear that Raman was one of several local candidates pushing L.A. 's political culture leftward .
State Sen. Holly Mitchell — who also ran with the endorsement of Bernie Sanders — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race for county supervisor .
While in Sacramento , Mitchell fought for racial justice measures , bills aimed at ensuring greater transparency on police misconduct and new restrictions on use of force by officers .
In another contest , former San Francisco Dist .
Atty .
George Gascón , seen as a longtime reformer on public safety , held a commanding lead over the incumbent , Dist .
Atty .
Jackie Lacey .
Gascón was a coauthor of Proposition 47 , the bill that reduced a number of felonies to misdemeanors , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marijuana convictions .
In her race against Ryu , Raman offered a detailed progressive policy platform , calling for the creation of a network of homeless access centers , arguing for the LAPD to become a much smaller armed force and promoting a rent forgiveness plan that would deliver cash reimbursements to small landlords and tax credits to larger ones .
On Wednesday , activists pointed to all three races and said L.A. 's political leaders can no longer dismiss those fighting the status quo on homelessness , public safety and other issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very close attention to what happened in our city last night , ” said Raman supporter Sophie Strauss , speaking during the council ’ s regular meeting .
“ Regardless of national politics , we are seeing resounding victories for our progressive people-powered movement here in LA.
” A compelling presence on social media , Raman posted easy-to-understand video explainers on city government and worked closely with activist groups such as Democratic Socialists of America-Los Angeles , where she is a member , and Ground Game L.A .
While she agreed that many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said they were ultimately sending a positive message in her race against Ryu .
“ I think people felt really hopeful that , with the right policies , with people in power who felt the same sense of urgency , that we could see something different , ” she said .
Over the course of her campaign , Raman mobilized an army of 2,000 volunteers and turned to many in Hollywood for financial support .
Roughly a third of her $ 953,000 campaign haul came from writers , actors , directors and others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ethics Commission filings .
More crucially , she launched her campaign just as the city had switched its municipal elections to even-numbered years , coinciding with this year ’ s presidential campaign .
That change produced much higher turnout among younger , poorer and nonwhite voters across L.A. , said political science professor Fernando Guerra , who led the commission that pushed for the switch to the city ’ s election schedule .
Raman also ran in a year when progressive Democrats were pitted against liberal Democrats in local contests — with progressives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ She was able to stake herself out to the left of Ryu in a city and county that ’ s becoming even more left , ” Guerra said .
“ She captured the growth in that vote.
” Had the city election dates not changed , Ryu likely would have won reelection , Guerra said .
Compared to odd-year elections , turnout was indeed through the roof .
Five years ago , when Ryu won his seat , the district race drew around 24,000 voters , with turnout registering at around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county election officials had tabulated more than four times the number of ballots , with more to be counted .
Raman said months ago that she chose to run this year in part because of the change in the election dates .
Her campaign put a special focus on reaching renters and younger voters in such locations as Koreatown , Los Feliz , Hollywood and the northern end of Sherman Oaks , according to Meghan Choi , one of her campaign managers .
One of those younger supporters was Miranda Hart , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends phone banked for Raman and volunteered on her campaign .
Standing outside a polling place in Los Feliz on Tuesday , Hart said she paid much more attention to local races this year than she had previously .
Hart said she liked Raman ’ s focus on homelessness and saw messages flood her Instagram from friends talking up Raman .
“ She ’ s like a celebrity , ” she said .
“ There ’ s so much energy around her .
I think she ’ s an outsider and anti-establishment.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breakthrough for L.A. 's leftist activists , who tried without success to unseat Councilman Mitch O ’ Farrell in 2017 and fell short twice in two years in their bid to elect educator Loraine Lundquist to a council seat in the northwest San Fernando Valley .
Bill Przylucki , executive director of the group Ground Game LA , which campaigned for Raman , said he believes L.A. 's elected leaders have long been to the right of the voters they represent .
A Raman victory , he said , could prompt other council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on such issues as public safety , rent forgiveness and the environment .
“ We ’ re moving into a new era , where a lot more of the city ’ s residents are going to be engaged and aware of City Hall , ” said Przylucki , whose group phone banked for Raman .
Ryu described himself as both a reformer and a progressive , having run against an establishment candidate in 2015 .
The councilman touted his work pushing for new limits on donations from real estate developers , building affordable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need .
Ryu picked up support from some city labor unions , some tenant advocates and the county ’ s Democratic Party .
Mark Gonzalez , the chairman of the county Democrats , said he believes too many voters were frustrated by their inability to find work , pay rent or get unemployment benefits in a timely way .
“ It ’ s not necessarily this progressive-versus-establishment thing , ” he said .
“ It ’ s that people are frustrated with the climate that we ’ re in.
” Yaroslavsky , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a strong candidate with a powerful movement behind her .
But she also rode a wave of discontent , he said .
“ This wasn ’ t about David Ryu .
This was about what ’ s happening in the city : the equity issues , the racial reckoning issues , homelessness , what ’ s happened to City Hall with ethics ” and the ongoing FBI corruption probe , he said .
“ She became the vessel in the campaign for all of those .
”

David Zahniser, Dakota Smith, Benjamin Oreskes

When urban planner Nithya Raman launched her bid for Los Angeles City Council last year, she was best known in her neighborhood for helping homeless residents get meals, showers and other aid.
By the time voters cast their ballots, the 39-year-old Silver Lake resident had become a powerful symbol for progressive activists, not just across the city but in other parts of the country, securing the endorsement of Bernie Sanders and favorable profiles from Vogue and the Daily Beast.
While votes are still being counted, Raman is in a strong position to unseat Councilman David Ryu, making him the first L.A. council member to be ousted in 17 years. Her first-place showing — she had 52.4% as of Wednesday — represents “a political earthquake” for City Hall, said Zev Yaroslavsky, a former councilman and county supervisor who heads the Los Angeles Initiative at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.
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Yaroslavsky, who endorsed Ryu, predicted a Raman victory would embolden the movement that rallied for her — younger, grassroots activists who favored Bernie Sanders and are frustrated with City Hall — to get even more involved in the 2022 election, when eight council seats and three citywide seats will be up for grabs.
“Anybody at City Hall who doesn’t recognize the significance of this election,” he added, “is making a mistake.”
On Wednesday afternoon, Raman had not declared victory, and Ryu had not conceded. But it was clear that Raman was one of several local candidates pushing L.A.’s political culture leftward.
State Sen. Holly Mitchell — who also ran with the endorsement of Bernie Sanders — easily defeated Councilman Herb Wesson in their race for county supervisor. While in Sacramento, Mitchell fought for racial justice measures, bills aimed at ensuring greater transparency on police misconduct and new restrictions on use of force by officers.
In another contest, former San Francisco Dist. Atty. George Gascón, seen as a longtime reformer on public safety, held a commanding lead over the incumbent, Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey. Gascón was a coauthor of Proposition 47, the bill that reduced a number of felonies to misdemeanors, and led the charge for the expungement of marijuana convictions.
In her race against Ryu, Raman offered a detailed progressive policy platform, calling for the creation of a network of homeless access centers, arguing for the LAPD to become a much smaller armed force and promoting a rent forgiveness plan that would deliver cash reimbursements to small landlords and tax credits to larger ones.
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On Wednesday, activists pointed to all three races and said L.A.’s political leaders can no longer dismiss those fighting the status quo on homelessness, public safety and other issues.
“I hope you all paid very close attention to what happened in our city last night,” said Raman supporter Sophie Strauss, speaking during the council’s regular meeting. “Regardless of national politics, we are seeing resounding victories for our progressive people-powered movement here in LA.”
A compelling presence on social media, Raman posted easy-to-understand video explainers on city government and worked closely with activist groups such as Democratic Socialists of America-Los Angeles, where she is a member, and Ground Game L.A. While she agreed that many voters were angry and frustrated, she said they were ultimately sending a positive message in her race against Ryu.
“I think people felt really hopeful that, with the right policies, with people in power who felt the same sense of urgency, that we could see something different,” she said.
Over the course of her campaign, Raman mobilized an army of 2,000 volunteers and turned to many in Hollywood for financial support.
Roughly a third of her $953,000 campaign haul came from writers, actors, directors and others in the entertainment industry, according to Ethics Commission filings. More crucially, she launched her campaign just as the city had switched its municipal elections to even-numbered years, coinciding with this year’s presidential campaign.
That change produced much higher turnout among younger, poorer and nonwhite voters across L.A., said political science professor Fernando Guerra, who led the commission that pushed for the switch to the city’s election schedule. Raman also ran in a year when progressive Democrats were pitted against liberal Democrats in local contests — with progressives gaining the upper hand, he said.
“She was able to stake herself out to the left of Ryu in a city and county that’s becoming even more left,” Guerra said. “She captured the growth in that vote.”
Had the city election dates not changed, Ryu likely would have won reelection, Guerra said.
Councilman David Ryu speaks during the L.A. County Democratic Party election night watch party at the L.A. Zoo. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
Compared to odd-year elections, turnout was indeed through the roof. Five years ago, when Ryu won his seat, the district race drew around 24,000 voters, with turnout registering at around 16%. By Wednesday morning, county election officials had tabulated more than four times the number of ballots, with more to be counted.
Raman said months ago that she chose to run this year in part because of the change in the election dates. Her campaign put a special focus on reaching renters and younger voters in such locations as Koreatown, Los Feliz, Hollywood and the northern end of Sherman Oaks, according to Meghan Choi, one of her campaign managers.
One of those younger supporters was Miranda Hart, a 26-year-old commercial actress who watched as her friends phone banked for Raman and volunteered on her campaign. Standing outside a polling place in Los Feliz on Tuesday, Hart said she paid much more attention to local races this year than she had previously.
Hart said she liked Raman’s focus on homelessness and saw messages flood her Instagram from friends talking up Raman.
“She’s like a celebrity,” she said. “There’s so much energy around her. I think she’s an outsider and anti-establishment.”
Raman’s strong showing represented a breakthrough for L.A.’s leftist activists, who tried without success to unseat Councilman Mitch O’Farrell in 2017 and fell short twice in two years in their bid to elect educator Loraine Lundquist to a council seat in the northwest San Fernando Valley.
Bill Przylucki, executive director of the group Ground Game LA, which campaigned for Raman, said he believes L.A.’s elected leaders have long been to the right of the voters they represent. A Raman victory, he said, could prompt other council members to tack further to the left on such issues as public safety, rent forgiveness and the environment.
“We’re moving into a new era, where a lot more of the city’s residents are going to be engaged and aware of City Hall,” said Przylucki, whose group phone banked for Raman.
Ryu described himself as both a reformer and a progressive, having run against an establishment candidate in 2015. The councilman touted his work pushing for new limits on donations from real estate developers, building affordable housing and providing help to renters in need.
Ryu picked up support from some city labor unions, some tenant advocates and the county’s Democratic Party.
Mark Gonzalez, the chairman of the county Democrats, said he believes too many voters were frustrated by their inability to find work, pay rent or get unemployment benefits in a timely way. “It’s not necessarily this progressive-versus-establishment thing,” he said. “It’s that people are frustrated with the climate that we’re in.”
Yaroslavsky, the former county supervisor, said Raman was a strong candidate with a powerful movement behind her. But she also rode a wave of discontent, he said.
“This wasn’t about David Ryu. This was about what’s happening in the city: the equity issues, the racial reckoning issues, homelessness, what’s happened to City Hall with ethics” and the ongoing FBI corruption probe, he said. “She became the vessel in the campaign for all of those.”


latimes--2020-11-04--Column: Lots of Latinos voted for Trump. That should not be a surprise

No matter who ends up winning the presidential election , one thing is already clear : It ’ s all the fault of Latino voters .
We were supposed to be the phalanx in the war against Donald J. Trump .
An immovable mass of multihued tribes hurtling like an unstoppable force to smash white supremacy in the name of democracy .
Instead , too many of us broke ranks .
Too many vendidos .
Sellouts .
That was the narrative pushed — at least during the programming of this crazy election when Trump seemed on the fast road to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operatives and leftists aghast that Latinos didn ’ t unanimously go for Joe Biden .
Never mind that he will end up winning the Latino vote in every state .
The problem was that we didn ’ t vote enough against a president who caged Central American children , referred to Mexicans as rapists , tossed paper towels to Puerto Ricans when they needed electricity and cavalierly dismisses the coronavirus as insignificant even as the pandemic disproportionately affects Latinos .
How could we possibly side with someone who despises us so , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it turns out .
Preliminary exit polls show that Trump didn ’ t just hold his Latino support from 2016 ; he built on it .
Some have him winning 32 % of Latino voters .
Others peg the number at 27 % .
That ’ s still a Biden wipeout .
But those Latino Trumpers delivered Florida to their caudillo , saved Texas and damped Biden ’ s chances in swing states like Georgia and North Carolina .
This happened even though Trump barely lifted a little finger to try to court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really didn ’ t need to do anything : His tax cuts , strongman persona and — yes — scorched-earth immigration policy appealed to enough Latinos under the spell of the rancho libertarianism streak that runs among many of us .
It was more than Biden ’ s efforts , whose weak-salsa outreach was criticized by Bronx Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on election night .
In other words , Dems , you should ’ ve had the Biden campaign do more than use a song by reggaeton megastar Bad Bunny for a YouTube commercial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , like a “ Scooby-Doo ” villain , make excuses for why more Latinos didn ’ t go for Scranton Joe .
It ’ s the fault of those pesky Cuban exiles .
It ’ s because too many Latinos assimilate .
Last-minute misinformation campaigns by Russians .
Voter fraud .
The rancor is especially real among the Latino left , who have spent the Trump years gleefully mocking their conservative cousins and now want to break up the concept of “ Latino ” altogether so they never have to be grouped together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Anyone surprised that a good chunk of Latinos would vote for Trump needs to realize once and for all those people are , well , Latinos .
It ’ s a truism that we ’ re not a monolith , but that ’ s a political cliche trotted out under the assumption that Latinos are nevertheless mostly liberal , with only a few regional anomalies .
But that ’ s not the case .
They ’ re not just the much-maligned Cubans of the Sunshine State .
They ’ re the recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of anything that reeks of liberalism because it reminds them of the socialist tendencies in their native countries .
They ’ re the Mexican Americans of Zapata County , Texas , which sits right on the U.S.-Mexico border and just voted for a Republican presidential candidate for the first time since Warren G. Harding .
The retired Chicano police officer who moved to Idaho .
The Maywood construction worker who never heard about white privilege until Joe Rogan mocked it .
The God-fearing abuelita who worried Sen. Kamala Harris would unleash a wave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not outcasts ; they are us .
Yet Democrats didn ’ t do enough to try to win them over , instead just hoping that Latino Trumpers would eventually see themselves for the joke that they are .
None of this is new , and I ’ m frankly getting bored of having to explain Latino conservatives every election cycle .
I sure hope Biden pulls off the victory over Trump .
But I do take glee in seeing the Democratic establishment flap around for answers when it comes to Latinos .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ needed a stone-cold reckoning with us , it ’ s them .
This is an ossified institution that continuously banks on Latinos running to it for protection from the mean GOP , then does little to keep us .
It ’ s one that didn ’ t learn anything from the presidential campaign of Bernie Sanders , who actually listened to young Latinos , built a campaign that was more than just never-Trump and created an electoral powerhouse that the Biden campaign largely ignored and definitely never energized .
Instead , Democrats have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Proposition 187 .
That was the 1994 California ballot initiative that proposed to make life miserable for immigrants in the U.S. illegally and instead radicalized a generation of Latino voters and turned the Golden State into the deep blue it is today .
Ever since , Democrats have waited to see the phenomenon spread .
It did this year in Arizona , where a generation of Latinos who grew up in the shadow of Senate Bill 1070 — that state ’ s take on Proposition 187 — is being credited for taking Arizona @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even there , Trump still got sizable Latino support .
Even in California , where 77 % of Latinos voted for Biden , not enough of them favored propositions that would bring back affirmative action , enact more rent control and roll back tax breaks — all liberal dreams , all seemingly headed for defeat because Latinos will never be as progressive as everyone insists they ought to be .
Trump , in many ways , is a quintessential Latin American leader .
Too many of them in the region ’ s tortured @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personality cults built on fear .
But as the rebels who eventually toppled those tin-pot dictators knew , the best way to victory is to inspire in Latinos an emotion just as visceral , and one that Democrats have seemed to forget : hope .
Then again , Biden might eke out the presidency and every Democrat will go back to patting Latinos on the back for a job done well enough .

A “Latinos por Trump” sign at a rally for then-candidate Donald Trump in Anaheim in 2016. Preliminary exit polls Tuesday showed that Trump didn’t just hold his Latino support from 2016; he built on it.
No matter who ends up winning the presidential election, one thing is already clear:
It’s all the fault of Latino voters.
We were supposed to be the phalanx in the war against Donald J. Trump. An immovable mass of multihued tribes hurtling like an unstoppable force to smash white supremacy in the name of democracy.
Instead, too many of us broke ranks. Too many vendidos. Sellouts.
That was the narrative pushed — at least during the programming of this crazy election when Trump seemed on the fast road to victory — by liberal pundits, Democratic operatives and leftists aghast that Latinos didn’t unanimously go for Joe Biden. Never mind that he will end up winning the Latino vote in every state.
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The problem was that we didn’t vote enough against a president who caged Central American children, referred to Mexicans as rapists, tossed paper towels to Puerto Ricans when they needed electricity and cavalierly dismisses the coronavirus as insignificant even as the pandemic disproportionately affects Latinos.
How could we possibly side with someone who despises us so, the Trump haters howl.
Very easily, it turns out.
Preliminary exit polls show that Trump didn’t just hold his Latino support from 2016; he built on it. Some have him winning 32% of Latino voters. Others peg the number at 27%. That’s still a Biden wipeout. But those Latino Trumpers delivered Florida to their caudillo, saved Texas and damped Biden’s chances in swing states like Georgia and North Carolina.
This happened even though Trump barely lifted a little finger to try to court Latinos outside of Miami-Dade County. He really didn’t need to do anything: His tax cuts, strongman persona and — yes — scorched-earth immigration policy appealed to enough Latinos under the spell of the rancho libertarianism streak that runs among many of us. It was more than Biden’s efforts, whose weak-salsa outreach was criticized by Bronx Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on election night.
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In other words, Dems, you should’ve had the Biden campaign do more than use a song by reggaeton megastar Bad Bunny for a YouTube commercial.
I’m already seeing Democrats, like a “Scooby-Doo” villain, make excuses for why more Latinos didn’t go for Scranton Joe. It’s the fault of those pesky Cuban exiles. It’s because too many Latinos assimilate. Last-minute misinformation campaigns by Russians. Voter fraud.
The rancor is especially real among the Latino left, who have spent the Trump years gleefully mocking their conservative cousins and now want to break up the concept of “Latino” altogether so they never have to be grouped together again.
This silliness needs to stop. Anyone surprised that a good chunk of Latinos would vote for Trump needs to realize once and for all those people are, well, Latinos.
It’s a truism that we’re not a monolith, but that’s a political cliche trotted out under the assumption that Latinos are nevertheless mostly liberal, with only a few regional anomalies. But that’s not the case.
They’re not just the much-maligned Cubans of the Sunshine State. They’re the recent South American immigrants who arrive with hatred of anything that reeks of liberalism because it reminds them of the socialist tendencies in their native countries. They’re the Mexican Americans of Zapata County, Texas, which sits right on the U.S.-Mexico border and just voted for a Republican presidential candidate for the first time since Warren G. Harding.
The retired Chicano police officer who moved to Idaho. The Maywood construction worker who never heard about white privilege until Joe Rogan mocked it. The God-fearing abuelita who worried Sen. Kamala Harris would unleash a wave of abortions upon this land.
They are not outcasts; they are us. Yet Democrats didn’t do enough to try to win them over, instead just hoping that Latino Trumpers would eventually see themselves for the joke that they are.
None of this is new, and I’m frankly getting bored of having to explain Latino conservatives every election cycle. I sure hope Biden pulls off the victory over Trump. But I do take glee in seeing the Democratic establishment flap around for answers when it comes to Latinos.
If ever there was a group that needed a stone-cold reckoning with us, it’s them.
This is an ossified institution that continuously banks on Latinos running to it for protection from the mean GOP, then does little to keep us. It’s one that didn’t learn anything from the presidential campaign of Bernie Sanders, who actually listened to young Latinos, built a campaign that was more than just never-Trump and created an electoral powerhouse that the Biden campaign largely ignored and definitely never energized.
Instead, Democrats have become too spoiled with the promise of Proposition 187. That was the 1994 California ballot initiative that proposed to make life miserable for immigrants in the U.S. illegally and instead radicalized a generation of Latino voters and turned the Golden State into the deep blue it is today.
Ever since, Democrats have waited to see the phenomenon spread. It did this year in Arizona, where a generation of Latinos who grew up in the shadow of Senate Bill 1070 — that state’s take on Proposition 187 — is being credited for taking Arizona to the brink of blue.
But even there, Trump still got sizable Latino support.
Even in California, where 77% of Latinos voted for Biden, not enough of them favored propositions that would bring back affirmative action, enact more rent control and roll back tax breaks — all liberal dreams, all seemingly headed for defeat because Latinos will never be as progressive as everyone insists they ought to be.
Trump, in many ways, is a quintessential Latin American leader. Too many of them in the region’s tortured history have held on to power with personality cults built on fear. But as the rebels who eventually toppled those tin-pot dictators knew, the best way to victory is to inspire in Latinos an emotion just as visceral, and one that Democrats have seemed to forget: hope.
Then again, Biden might eke out the presidency and every Democrat will go back to patting Latinos on the back for a job done well enough.


latimes--2020-11-06--Column: In Orange County, pretending coronavirus is fake news wins you elections

For the last four years , reporters and politicos have descended upon my native Orange County like detectives at a murder scene .
In 2018 , Orange County voters picked an all-Democrat congressional delegation for the first time ever .
It came in the wake of Hillary Clinton ’ s victory here over Donald Trump in 2016 — the first time we didn ’ t go for a Republican presidential candidate since the Great Depression .
Orange County ’ s march toward liberalism largely continued in this election .
Trump lost yet again .
A slate of Bernie Sanders supporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s City Council and school board .
Democrats made inroads in city councils , school boards and the state Senate , where conservative lion John Moorlach of Costa Mesa is on course to lose his seat to UC Irvine law professor Dave Min in yet another stunning upset .
The conservative powerhouse that Ronald Reagan once described as “ where all the good Republicans go to die ” is now supposedly dead , according to progressive activists .
But there ’ s still life in the O.C .
GOP corpse .
COVID-19 has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases and nearly 1,500 deaths .
But in the coastal cities that remain the Republican Party ’ s last true stronghold , residents and politicians have waged war against its inconvenience to their blessed lives .
Restaurants have proudly flaunted public safety guidelines restricting indoor dining .
Cities and school boards filed lawsuits against California Gov .
Gavin Newsom ’ s shutdowns .
Protests against the simple act of wearing a mask draw thousands .
In polite society , such callous disregard for public health gets you shunned .
In Orange County ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Barke , who retained his board seat in the services district that oversees the unincorporated community of Rossmoor , is a far-right darling for casting doubt on the effectiveness of masks to combat the spread of the coronavirus and insisting its fatality rate “ is in the ballpark of a bad seasonal influenza.
” Down in the southern tip of Orange County , San Clemente Councilman Gene James won reelection with tough-guy Facebook talk such as saying he “ will no longer be complicit with the tyranny of Sacramento ” and its coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Councilman Will O ’ Neill took the bold stance in February of opposing the transfer of any coronavirus-infected patients to a facility ... in neighboring Costa Mesa .
Meanwhile , City Council candidate Noah Blom got an F from the Orange County Register over the summer— not for his political agenda , but for allowing workers at his restaurant to not wear masks and operating “ the indoor dining room and bar as if the pandemic has never happened.
” Orange County ’ s two most prominent political coronavirus skeptics also happen to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and have introduced a new era of wackiness to the annals of the O.C .
GOP .
In the 48th Congressional District — which stretches from Seal Beach to Laguna Beach and encompasses all of Huntington Beach and Newport Beach — Michelle Steel leads incumbent Harley Rouda by a couple of thousands of votes .
If she wins , the Orange County supervisor would make history as the first Korean American congresswoman .
Her platform has largely rested on the usual GOP canards of low taxes , border enforcement and trashing sanctuary cities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a coronavirus quote machine — although her rhetoric is more Michael Scott from “ The Office ” than Winston Churchill .
In April , Steel sent out a news release opposing Newsom ’ s beach closures by boasting that Orange County was “ flattening the curve ” on coronavirus cases and had kept hospitalization rates stable .
A month later , both figures skyrocketed .
She then earned national ridicule this summer for insisting that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention advocated for “ species discrimination ” because the agency advised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pets .
“ If it ’ s not healthy for the dogs , ” Steel concluded during a Board of Supervisors meeting , “ it ’ s not healthy for us to be wearing it.
” Steel ’ s campaign literature mostly shows her maskless , even if she ’ s talking to older constituents .
Yet the congressional candidate had the gall during one commercial to proclaim she “ delivered on coronavirus ” without exactly spelling out what she did .
The best that can be said about Steel ’ s approach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t gone on a podcast to call it a form of “ population control ” and a “ political scam ” that would disappear by election day .
That would be mixed martial arts legend Tito Ortiz , who just won a seat on the Huntington Beach City Council .
Ortiz is such a political novice that the Surf City native originally announced he wanted to run for Huntington Beach mayor , even though the position isn ’ t elected .
He freely shook hands and mugged for photos with maskless supporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a reporter that the ventilators that keep alive COVID-afflicted victims were actually “ speeding up the process ” of the sickness .
All this happened months after Ortiz told a group of cheering Huntington Beach residents that “ antifa [ and ] Black Lives Matter ” promised to visit Surf City to “ burn this city down ” and “ rape the women and the children.
” Neither Steel nor Ortiz returned a request for comment .
It appears both will win and make headlines , but it ’ s also a last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Joining Ortiz on the Huntington Beach City Council will be two progressive Democrats .
And even if Steel wins , her margin will be so thin that the Democrats will have an easy time picking her off during the 2022 midterm election ... .
If the coronavirus is finally gone by then , amirite ?

For the last four years, reporters and politicos have descended upon my native Orange County like detectives at a murder scene.
The victim: O.C.’s reputation as a GOP kingmaker.
In 2018, Orange County voters picked an all-Democrat congressional delegation for the first time ever. It came in the wake of Hillary Clinton’s victory here over Donald Trump in 2016 — the first time we didn’t go for a Republican presidential candidate since the Great Depression.
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Orange County’s march toward liberalism largely continued in this election. Trump lost yet again. A slate of Bernie Sanders supporters won their races for Santa Ana’s City Council and school board. Democrats made inroads in city councils, school boards and the state Senate, where conservative lion John Moorlach of Costa Mesa is on course to lose his seat to UC Irvine law professor Dave Min in yet another stunning upset.
The conservative powerhouse that Ronald Reagan once described as “where all the good Republicans go to die” is now supposedly dead, according to progressive activists. But there’s still life in the O.C. GOP corpse.
The cure? Pretending the coronavirus isn’t a thing.
COVID-19 has walloped Orange County, with over 61,000 cases and nearly 1,500 deaths. But in the coastal cities that remain the Republican Party’s last true stronghold, residents and politicians have waged war against its inconvenience to their blessed lives.
Restaurants have proudly flouted public safety guidelines restricting indoor dining. Cities and school boards filed lawsuits against California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s shutdowns. Protests against the simple act of wearing a mask draw thousands.
In polite society, such callous disregard for public health gets you shunned.
California In Trump-loving Newport Beach, the faithful make no apologies Orange County turned blue in 2016. But not wealthy Newport Beach, where Trump supporters say they like what the president does for their wallets.
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In Orange County? It gets you elected.
Dr. Jeffrey Barke, who retained his board seat in the services district that oversees the unincorporated community of Rossmoor, is a far-right darling for casting doubt on the effectiveness of masks to combat the spread of the coronavirus and insisting its fatality rate “is in the ballpark of a bad seasonal influenza.”
Down in the southern tip of Orange County, San Clemente Councilman Gene James won reelection with tough-guy Facebook talk such as saying he “will no longer be complicit with the tyranny of Sacramento” and its coronavirus policies.
In Newport Beach, incumbent Councilman Will O’Neill took the bold stance in February of opposing the transfer of any coronavirus-infected patients to a facility ... in neighboring Costa Mesa. Meanwhile, City Council candidate Noah Blom got an F from the Orange County Register over the summer— not for his political agenda, but for allowing workers at his restaurant to not wear masks and operating “the indoor dining room and bar as if the pandemic has never happened.”
Both easily won their races.
Orange County’s two most prominent political coronavirus skeptics also happen to be in the lead for far-more-prominent seats and have introduced a new era of wackiness to the annals of the O.C. GOP.
In the 48th Congressional District — which stretches from Seal Beach to Laguna Beach and encompasses all of Huntington Beach and Newport Beach — Michelle Steel leads incumbent Harley Rouda by a couple of thousands of votes. If she wins, the Orange County supervisor would make history as the first Korean American congresswoman.
Her platform has largely rested on the usual GOP canards of low taxes, border enforcement and trashing sanctuary cities. But Steel has also become prominent as a coronavirus quote machine — although her rhetoric is more Michael Scott from “The Office” than Winston Churchill.
In April, Steel sent out a news release opposing Newsom’s beach closures by boasting that Orange County was “flattening the curve” on coronavirus cases and had kept hospitalization rates stable. A month later, both figures skyrocketed.
She then earned national ridicule this summer for insisting that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention advocated for “species discrimination” because the agency advised Americans not to put masks on their pets. “If it’s not healthy for the dogs,” Steel concluded during a Board of Supervisors meeting, “it’s not healthy for us to be wearing it.”
Steel’s campaign literature mostly shows her maskless, even if she’s talking to older constituents. Yet the congressional candidate had the gall during one commercial to proclaim she “delivered on coronavirus” without exactly spelling out what she did.
The best that can be said about Steel’s approach to the coronavirus is that she hasn’t gone on a podcast to call it a form of “population control” and a “political scam” that would disappear by election day.
That would be mixed martial arts legend Tito Ortiz, who just won a seat on the Huntington Beach City Council.
Ortiz is such a political novice that the Surf City native originally announced he wanted to run for Huntington Beach mayor, even though the position isn’t elected. He freely shook hands and mugged for photos with maskless supporters during campaign events, and recently told a reporter that the ventilators that keep alive COVID-afflicted victims were actually “speeding up the process” of the sickness.
All this happened months after Ortiz told a group of cheering Huntington Beach residents that “antifa [and] Black Lives Matter” promised to visit Surf City to “burn this city down” and “rape the women and the children.”
Ortiz finished in first place.
Neither Steel nor Ortiz returned a request for comment. It appears both will win and make headlines, but it’s also a last true gasp for this type of craziness. Joining Ortiz on the Huntington Beach City Council will be two progressive Democrats. And even if Steel wins, her margin will be so thin that the Democrats will have an easy time picking her off during the 2022 midterm election....
If the coronavirus is finally gone by then, amirite?