latimes--2020-01-09--A civil war in El Salvador tore them apart. Their high school reunion brought them back together

They spun around the dance floor , as lighthearted and energetic as teenagers .
Classmates sipped mojitos in the sticky heat .
Former flames traded private smiles under trees strung with lights .
The brains were there , and the athletes , the troublemakers and the do-gooders .
“ How young we all look , ” Mauro Adan Arce boomed into the microphone , prompting applause and laughter from the lined faces smiling back at him .
In a corner , white letters backlit with red were a testament to their age : Promo 1978 .
Class of 1978 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ but the school they all remember is long gone .
The revelers were home , but it wasn ’ t really home anymore .
They were 20 years old when a civil war ripped through El Salvador like an earthquake and tore their lives apart .
They watched death squads riddle bodies with bullets , faced down the National Guard in hope of escape , abandoned dreams to start over in Los Angeles , left behind mothers who would lose multiple sons to immigration .
More than 75,000 Salvadorans died ; millions more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the National Institute of Usulutan ’ s graduating class remained , building lives on the ruins of their country .
Twenty-five years after , they returned to Usulutan to reunite for the first time .
In November , a second reunion brought about 40 of them together again .
Ricardo Alfredo Bermúdez , who left for California in 1980 , recalled leaving as the conflict intensified .
“ We didn ’ t live the war , ” he said .
“ Like we lived it , ” said Ruti Montecino , breaking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who stayed.
” Promo 78 spent high school in the smallest country in Central America , affectionately called El Pulgarcito de América — the “ Tom Thumb of the Americas.
” Students cut class to swim in the Río Molino , played soccer in 90 % humidity and stole mangoes and watermelons from the street vendor everyone called Chepito .
Manuel Machado — a known travieso ( a prankster ) — threw stink bombs into classrooms and held the door shut so no one could get out .
He ’ d hang buckets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students ; they would douse teachers instead .
( Janitors would get a break from mopping the auditorium thanks to Machado , who was often assigned the task as punishment . )
But there were already signs of what was coming .
A crackdown on checking Salvadoran IDs .
A classmate who led student protesters and later dropped out to join the guerrillas .
Tortured cries filtering out of a government building , as students went to be photographed for their diplomas .
Still , that wasn ’ t the focus on graduation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the year after they officially finished .
That morning , the class shuffled into the pews for Mass at Santa Catarina church .
After , the men sweated through their suits as they walked half a mile to the school .
Mothers accompanied sons ; fathers , daughters .
As they got their diplomas , the graduates felt relief .
That day , in a state of happy drunkenness , one lost his jacket .
At the graduation party , where the band Espíritu Libre played , he confessed his crush to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dawn , they asked each other what they would study and where .
“ We all thought we were going to have a future here , ” said Machado , pensive as he looked around at his classmates 40 years later .
Like many of them , he left too .
By the time 20-year-old Jose Alexander Navarrete arrived at the University of El Salvador , the military-led government considered the campus a center of leftist political activism .
Prominent leaders of the guerrilla movement taught or studied there , and students could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ university identification card sometimes seemed like a death certificate .
Navarrete learned to beware of the black Jeep Cherokees , the favored car of the escuadrones de la muerte .
Leaving campus one afternoon in January 1980 , he tensed as a Cherokee slowed beside him .
He heard the click of assault rifles being reloaded .
He kept walking , but the vehicle sped up .
Its passengers shot the young man in front of him .
Navarrete kept his eyes forward as he passed , worried an informant would report him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ man choking to death on his own blood .
In March , government troops backed by armored cars surrounded the campus .
A gun battle broke out between them and leftists inside the university .
Soon after , Navarrete learned that he and a cousin were on a death squad hit list .
In May , he boarded a plane in San Salvador and headed to Nicaragua , leaving behind his parents and his girlfriend of three years .
By late June , the campus was a battleground .
Hundreds of soldiers in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ automatic rifles , stormed the university .
They killed at least 15 students and shut down the school .
Four months later , gunmen shot the university rector to death .
Navarrete spent about 12 years in Nicaragua , where he studied to be a lab technician .
Then he spent several years in California .
By the time he returned to El Salvador in 1996 , the gangs were taking over .
“ We finished one war and started another , ” said Navarrete , as he sat surrounded by classmates for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they bowed their heads in silence and thanked God to be alive .
“ Fijece papa y mama que aqui no es como lo cuentan , aqui sufre uno , aunque no quiera pero asi es la vida.
” “ Dad and mom , it isn ’ t like they say it is here , here one suffers — although I don ’ t want to , but that ’ s life.
” It was one of the first letters Juan José Ramirez sent home to his parents from California .
He wrote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The date was inked in blue cursive at the top of the page .
Ramirez had left home soon after graduating from the National Institute of Usulutan .
He was attending the university in San Salvador , with plans to be a doctor .
But as the instability grew , he decided to follow his younger brother , who had left in December 1979 , hoping to escape a country sliding into chaos .
The day he reached Mexico City , he learned that Óscar Romero , the country ’ s archbishop and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was shot in the heart as he celebrated Mass .
“ Cuidence mucho los quiero mucho , ” Ramirez wrote , the day he arrived in L.A. “ Take care of yourselves I love you so much.
” Within five years , Ramirez ’ s mother had said goodbye to four sons .
The brothers sent home checks for $ 100 .
Other months , they explained that they needed to pay rent in their Echo Park apartment .
Often , they told their parents how much they loved them .
Every time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ letter , she would slit the envelope down the side and read it aloud to her husband , Juan Ramirez Hernandez .
She was often the one who responded , crying over her lost sons .
“ Thank God they ’ re alive , ” Hernandez consoled her .
“ If they were here , they ’ d be dead.
” The quality of their lives had been deteriorating since the start of the civil war .
The couple sold clothes in a market in El Tránsito , the small town near Usulutan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ buses they took to San Salvador to buy wares would be forced to stop because of gun battles between guerrillas and soldiers .
Portillo de Ramirez saw heads left scattered along the road .
In 1981 , an explosion ripped apart the country ’ s most important bridge , the Puente de Oro , or Bridge of Gold .
The blast severed a direct route to the eastern side of El Salvador and allowed guerrillas to gain a foothold there .
After that , living conditions worsened fast .
Portillo de Ramirez and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their increasingly violent country .
In 1985 , they joined their sons in Los Angeles .
But within four months they returned home , unable to start over from scratch .
Two years later , their youngest son followed .
Back home , guerrillas shot out a transformer in their town , leaving many without power or water for a month .
The family piled bricks up against the garage door , hoping the barrier would protect them from bullets .
In the worst of the war , the three spent a night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a walled-off staircase , listening to gunshots that rattled the windows .
No one slept .
Today , decades later , Portillo de Ramirez uses a cane to get around the house where she raised her sons .
It is bigger now thanks to money her boys sent home .
She keeps more than 200 letters — a testament to that terrible time — in dust-covered boxes that once held an iron and a digital alarm clock .
Among the 83-year-old ’ s possessions are Ramirez ’ s high school diploma and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ university scholarship .
Months after he left for California , his family learned the financial aid had been approved .
Today , he lives in Los Angeles County , where he works in waste management .
He could not attend the reunion because he fractured his foot .
But all those years ago , he left his dreams written in white paint on the back of his bedroom door : Dr. Juan José Ramirez .
When the National Guard stopped the minivan he was riding in , Ricardo Alfredo Bermúdez prepared to die @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the car — including a cousin and an uncle — had documents on them .
They ’ d given their passports to smugglers , because they needed to cross the border into Guatemala .
Six guards demanded the passengers tell them where their unit was .
One hit Bermúdez in the chest with the butt of his assault rifle ; another slammed his cousin in the ribs .
“ If you don ’ t have documents , we ’ ll kill you , ” the guard said .
Bermúdez was studying civil engineering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ El Salvador in San Salvador .
Now he and the others were trying to make it to the U.S .
The 20-year-old was quiet as the guards placed them in the back of a van .
After just one block , the van pulled over and their captors demanded U.S. dollars to let them go .
Bermúdez ’ s uncle paid $ 100 for their freedom .
It took Bermúdez 12 days to reach the U.S. border .
He crossed into California in the trunk of a black van and headed to an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was his home for the next 10 years .
Four decades later , Bermúdez ’ s memory is still sharp as he recalls the feel of the gun in his chest and the fear of death .
The North Hills resident is serious as he shares his past , but soon he ’ s laughing with his class once more .
On a Friday night in Usulutan , in a fast food restaurant called Pollo Campero , the table of 12 was in a world of its own .
The former classmates , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about past loves .
They laughed so hard their bodies shook and tears streamed down their faces .
“ Ay dios mio , ” Ana Maria Vanegas said , as she looked at a picture from her 18th birthday in 1977 .
“ We ’ re just as beautiful as in the photo , ” René Rafael Castillo Pozo replied , as he pulled her into a tight hug .
If felt as if they were students again , but in enthusiasm only .
Their hair had thinned and turned gray .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issues .
One of them hurt his back from all the horsing around .
Montecino ’ s husband wouldn ’ t let her come to the 25-year reunion .
( Their divorce freed her to attend this one ) .
She had stayed in Usulutan for years , washing her clothes and bathing in the river when the fighting knocked the power out for weeks .
A friend was killed during a shootout between guerrillas and soldiers .
Bodies were left dumped with their thumbs tied behind their backs .
“ There wasn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” recalled Montecino , who is now a teacher .
“ So many innocent people.
” Arce ’ s classmates nicknamed him Juan Wright , after one of the country ’ s millionaires in the late 1970s .
Because Arce had crossed illegally into the U.S. during the war , he wasn ’ t able to return to see his father before the elderly man died .
Now a U.S. citizen , Arce owns a trucking company in L.A. and employs nearly 100 people .
He picked up the tab for dinner .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ reuniting for Mass at the same church they had visited on graduation day .
Nearly 40 of them filled the pews , sweating because they were unaccustomed to the blowtorch-like heat .
The priest congratulated the class of 1978 .
“ I was a year old , ” the young priest said , prompting groans from the 59-year-olds .
“ How the years have passed.
” On their last day together , on a Sunday , they lay in rainbow-colored hammocks at Playa El Espino , drank from coconuts and cooled down with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cups .
During the civil war , guerrillas had occupied the beach .
Now , the former students drank Golden beer and blasted La Sonora Dinamita , the music drowning out the crashing waves .
Two best friends gossiped about their lives .
Others talked about children pursuing master ’ s and doctorates and showed pictures of their grandkids .
A man and woman walked along the gray sand , searching for seashells .
They were a couple once , a lifetime ago .
Today , one is married to someone else .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ afternoon : If either of them was in a wheelchair at the next reunion , the other would push it .
As the sun dipped into the ocean , five men kicked a soccer ball across the sand .
They fumbled tricks and formed a tight circle to keep from running more than was needed .
Vanegas , who lives in the San Fernando Valley , sat on a nearby bench , laughing as she watched her former classmates play .
To remember is to live again .

They spun around the dance floor, as lighthearted and energetic as teenagers. Classmates sipped mojitos in the sticky heat. Former flames traded private smiles under trees strung with lights. The brains were there, and the athletes, the troublemakers and the do-gooders.
“How young we all look,” Mauro Adan Arce boomed into the microphone, prompting applause and laughter from the lined faces smiling back at him. In a corner, white letters backlit with red were a testament to their age: Promo 1978. Class of 1978.
It was a high school reunion, but the school they all remember is long gone. The revelers were home, but it wasn’t really home anymore.
They were 20 years old when a civil war ripped through El Salvador like an earthquake and tore their lives apart.
Men carry off the body of a National Police officer slain in a battle with rebels that left dozens dead in Berlin, El Salvador, on Feb. 1, 1983. (Luis Romero / Associated Press)
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They watched death squads riddle bodies with bullets, faced down the National Guard in hope of escape, abandoned dreams to start over in Los Angeles, left behind mothers who would lose multiple sons to immigration. More than 75,000 Salvadorans died; millions more fled.
Guerrillas of the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front, or FMLN, in Usulutan, El Salvador, in 1983. (Scott Wallace / Getty Images)
A little more than half of the National Institute of Usulutan’s graduating class remained, building lives on the ruins of their country. Twenty-five years after, they returned to Usulutan to reunite for the first time. In November, a second reunion brought about 40 of them together again.
Ricardo Alfredo Bermúdez, who left for California in 1980, recalled leaving as the conflict intensified.
“We didn’t live the war,” he said.
“Like we lived it,” said Ruti Montecino, breaking into the conversation. “The ones who stayed.”
May 1979
Promo 78 spent high school in the smallest country in Central America, affectionately called El Pulgarcito de América — the “Tom Thumb of the Americas.”
Students cut class to swim in the Río Molino, played soccer in 90% humidity and stole mangoes and watermelons from the street vendor everyone called Chepito.
1 / 8 Vendors line the street during a festival in downtown Usulutan, El Salvador. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 2 / 8 Former classmates Durham Garcia, far left, of Usulutan, Ismael Rodriguez Batres of San Salvador and Hugo Arnoldo Flores of San Salvador attend a prayer service at Santa Catarina church in Usulutan. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 3 / 8 A motorcycle rider and pint-size passenger cruise along CA-2 in downtown Usulutan. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 4 / 8 Nominees for queen of the patron saint festival ride parade floats through downtown Usulutan in November. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 5 / 8 The crowd reaches for candy thrown by nominees for queen during a parade through downtown Usulutan. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 6 / 8 Students on the first day of registration at the National Institute of Usulutan. Members of the class of ’78 say everything about the school has changed. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 7 / 8 Gustavo Urrutia, left, academic coordinator at the National Institute of Usulutan, with Manuel Machado of Covina, Calif., a former student of the school. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 8 / 8 Rosa Elba Melendez of San Salvador dances with former classmate Dagoberto Lazo of San Miguel, El Salvador, while attending their 41st high school reunion in Usulutan. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
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Santa Catarina church in the downtown plaza in Usulutan, El Salvador. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
Manuel Machado — a known travieso (a prankster) — threw stink bombs into classrooms and held the door shut so no one could get out. He’d hang buckets of water over doors — intended for students; they would douse teachers instead. (Janitors would get a break from mopping the auditorium thanks to Machado, who was often assigned the task as punishment.)
But there were already signs of what was coming. A crackdown on checking Salvadoran IDs. A classmate who led student protesters and later dropped out to join the guerrillas. Tortured cries filtering out of a government building, as students went to be photographed for their diplomas.
Still, that wasn’t the focus on graduation day, which happened in 1979, the year after they officially finished. That morning, the class shuffled into the pews for Mass at Santa Catarina church. After, the men sweated through their suits as they walked half a mile to the school. Mothers accompanied sons; fathers, daughters.
As they got their diplomas, the graduates felt relief.
That day, in a state of happy drunkenness, one lost his jacket. At the graduation party, where the band Espíritu Libre played, he confessed his crush to a classmate.
As graduation night crept into dawn, they asked each other what they would study and where.
“We all thought we were going to have a future here,” said Machado, pensive as he looked around at his classmates 40 years later. Like many of them, he left too.
January 1980
By the time 20-year-old Jose Alexander Navarrete arrived at the University of El Salvador, the military-led government considered the campus a center of leftist political activism. Prominent leaders of the guerrilla movement taught or studied there, and students could take classes on guerrilla tactics.
A university identification card sometimes seemed like a death certificate.
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Navarrete learned to beware of the black Jeep Cherokees, the favored car of the escuadrones de la muerte. Leaving campus one afternoon in January 1980, he tensed as a Cherokee slowed beside him. He heard the click of assault rifles being reloaded.
A wounded soldier is evacuated during a military operation pursuing FMLN guerrillas in Tenancingo, El Salvador, on Sept. 27, 1983. (Robert Nickelsberg / Getty Images)
He kept walking, but the vehicle sped up. Its passengers shot the young man in front of him. Navarrete kept his eyes forward as he passed, worried an informant would report him for helping. He could hear the man choking to death on his own blood.
In March, government troops backed by armored cars surrounded the campus. A gun battle broke out between them and leftists inside the university.
Soon after, Navarrete learned that he and a cousin were on a death squad hit list. In May, he boarded a plane in San Salvador and headed to Nicaragua, leaving behind his parents and his girlfriend of three years.
By late June, the campus was a battleground. Hundreds of soldiers in tanks, armed with machine guns and automatic rifles, stormed the university. They killed at least 15 students and shut down the school. Four months later, gunmen shot the university rector to death.
Navarrete spent about 12 years in Nicaragua, where he studied to be a lab technician. Then he spent several years in California.
By the time he returned to El Salvador in 1996, the gangs were taking over.
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“We finished one war and started another,” said Navarrete, as he sat surrounded by classmates for their reunion. Before they ate, they bowed their heads in silence and thanked God to be alive.
Members of the National Institute of Usulutan Class of 1978 attend their 41-year reunion in Usulutan, El Savador, on Nov. 23, 2019. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
April 17, 1980
“Fijece papa y mama que aqui no es como lo cuentan, aqui sufre uno, aunque no quiera pero asi es la vida.” “Dad and mom, it isn’t like they say it is here, here one suffers — although I don’t want to, but that’s life.”
It was one of the first letters Juan José Ramirez sent home to his parents from California. He wrote on a sheet of notebook paper. The date was inked in blue cursive at the top of the page.
Ramirez had left home soon after graduating from the National Institute of Usulutan. He was attending the university in San Salvador, with plans to be a doctor. But as the instability grew, he decided to follow his younger brother, who had left in December 1979, hoping to escape a country sliding into chaos.
Juan José Ramirez left Usulutan in 1980 and now lives in Lancaster. He was unable to attend his high school class reunion because of an injury. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
The day he reached Mexico City, he learned that Óscar Romero, the country’s archbishop and most prominent spokesman for human rights, was shot in the heart as he celebrated Mass.
“Cuidence mucho los quiero mucho,” Ramirez wrote, the day he arrived in L.A. “Take care of yourselves I love you so much.”
Within five years, Ramirez’s mother had said goodbye to four sons.
The brothers sent home checks for $100. Other months, they explained that they needed to pay rent in their Echo Park apartment. Often, they told their parents how much they loved them.
Every time Maria Bertha Portillo de Ramirez received a letter, she would slit the envelope down the side and read it aloud to her husband, Juan Ramirez Hernandez. She was often the one who responded, crying over her lost sons.
“Thank God they’re alive,” Hernandez consoled her. “If they were here, they’d be dead.”
The quality of their lives had been deteriorating since the start of the civil war. The couple sold clothes in a market in El Tránsito, the small town near Usulutan where they lived. Often, the buses they took to San Salvador to buy wares would be forced to stop because of gun battles between guerrillas and soldiers. Portillo de Ramirez saw heads left scattered along the road.
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In 1981, an explosion ripped apart the country’s most important bridge, the Puente de Oro, or Bridge of Gold. The blast severed a direct route to the eastern side of El Salvador and allowed guerrillas to gain a foothold there.
After that, living conditions worsened fast. Portillo de Ramirez and her husband knew they needed to leave their increasingly violent country. In 1985, they joined their sons in Los Angeles.
But within four months they returned home, unable to start over from scratch. Two years later, their youngest son followed.
Back home, guerrillas shot out a transformer in their town, leaving many without power or water for a month. The family piled bricks up against the garage door, hoping the barrier would protect them from bullets.
In the worst of the war, the three spent a night trapped in San Salvador. They hid in a walled-off staircase, listening to gunshots that rattled the windows. No one slept.
Today, decades later, Portillo de Ramirez uses a cane to get around the house where she raised her sons. It is bigger now thanks to money her boys sent home.
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She keeps more than 200 letters — a testament to that terrible time — in dust-covered boxes that once held an iron and a digital alarm clock.
Maria Bertha Portillo de Ramirez, 83, has more than 200 letters her sons in the U.S. have sent home to her in El Transito, El Salvador. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
Among the 83-year-old’s possessions are Ramirez’s high school diploma and a copy of his application for a university scholarship. Months after he left for California, his family learned the financial aid had been approved.
Today, he lives in Los Angeles County, where he works in waste management. He could not attend the reunion because he fractured his foot.
But all those years ago, he left his dreams written in white paint on the back of his bedroom door: Dr. Juan José Ramirez.
Nov. 22, 1980
When the National Guard stopped the minivan he was riding in, Ricardo Alfredo Bermúdez prepared to die.
None of the six people in the car — including a cousin and an uncle — had documents on them. They’d given their passports to smugglers, because they needed to cross the border into Guatemala.
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Six guards demanded the passengers tell them where their unit was. One hit Bermúdez in the chest with the butt of his assault rifle; another slammed his cousin in the ribs.
“No somos guerrilleros,” Bermúdez pleaded. “We’re not guerrillas.”
“If you don’t have documents, we’ll kill you,” the guard said.
Bermúdez was studying civil engineering when soldiers shut down the University of El Salvador in San Salvador. Now he and the others were trying to make it to the U.S.
The 20-year-old was quiet as the guards placed them in the back of a van. After just one block, the van pulled over and their captors demanded U.S. dollars to let them go. Bermúdez’s uncle paid $100 for their freedom.
It took Bermúdez 12 days to reach the U.S. border. He crossed into California in the trunk of a black van and headed to an aunt’s Hollywood apartment. That was his home for the next 10 years.
Four decades later, Bermúdez’s memory is still sharp as he recalls the feel of the gun in his chest and the fear of death. The North Hills resident is serious as he shares his past, but soon he’s laughing with his class once more.
November 2019
On a Friday night in Usulutan, in a fast food restaurant called Pollo Campero, the table of 12 was in a world of its own. The former classmates, nostalgic and happy, teased one another about past loves. They laughed so hard their bodies shook and tears streamed down their faces.
“Ay dios mio,” Ana Maria Vanegas said, as she looked at a picture from her 18th birthday in 1977.
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“We’re just as beautiful as in the photo,” René Rafael Castillo Pozo replied, as he pulled her into a tight hug.
‘We’re just as beautiful as in the photo.’ — René Rafael Castillo Pozo
If felt as if they were students again, but in enthusiasm only. Their hair had thinned and turned gray. They wore reading glasses and complained of lung issues. One of them hurt his back from all the horsing around.
Montecino’s husband wouldn’t let her come to the 25-year reunion. (Their divorce freed her to attend this one). She had stayed in Usulutan for years, washing her clothes and bathing in the river when the fighting knocked the power out for weeks. A friend was killed during a shootout between guerrillas and soldiers.
Bodies were left dumped with their thumbs tied behind their backs.
“There wasn’t a day without death,” recalled Montecino, who is now a teacher. “So many innocent people.”
Column One A showcase for compelling storytelling
from the Los Angeles Times. More stories
Arce’s classmates nicknamed him Juan Wright, after one of the country’s millionaires in the late 1970s. Because Arce had crossed illegally into the U.S. during the war, he wasn’t able to return to see his father before the elderly man died. Now a U.S. citizen, Arce owns a trucking company in L.A. and employs nearly 100 people. He picked up the tab for dinner.
The classmates spent the weekend together, reuniting for Mass at the same church they had visited on graduation day. Nearly 40 of them filled the pews, sweating because they were unaccustomed to the blowtorch-like heat. The priest congratulated the class of 1978.
“I was a year old,” the young priest said, prompting groans from the 59-year-olds. “How the years have passed.”
Genaro Marquez, left, of Los Angeles, Pedro Marquez Granado of Las Vegas and Dagoberto Lazo of San Miguel, El Salvador, are classmates attending their 41st reunion in Playa El Espino, Usulutan, on Nov. 24. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
On their last day together, on a Sunday, they lay in rainbow-colored hammocks at Playa El Espino, drank from coconuts and cooled down with minutas, shaved ice desserts in Styrofoam cups. During the civil war, guerrillas had occupied the beach.
Manuel Machado enjoys a swim in the late afternoon at Playa El Espino in Usulutan. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
Now, the former students drank Golden beer and blasted La Sonora Dinamita, the music drowning out the crashing waves. Two best friends gossiped about their lives. Others talked about children pursuing master’s and doctorates and showed pictures of their grandkids.
A man and woman walked along the gray sand, searching for seashells. They were a couple once, a lifetime ago. Today, one is married to someone else. They made a pact on that sweet afternoon: If either of them was in a wheelchair at the next reunion, the other would push it.
As the sun dipped into the ocean, five men kicked a soccer ball across the sand. They fumbled tricks and formed a tight circle to keep from running more than was needed.
Vanegas, who lives in the San Fernando Valley, sat on a nearby bench, laughing as she watched her former classmates play.
“Recordar es volver a vivir,” she said.
To remember is to live again.


latimes--2020-01-09--Column: In his second year, Newsom needs to start producing results and focus on the achievable

The main rap on Gov .
Gavin Newsom after one year in office is that his focus is too scattered .
He doesn ’ t prioritize .
But there ’ s a sign that could be changing .
When a politician — or anyone — battles on too many fronts , the fighter ’ s strength is spread thin and weakened .
Often , there ’ s not much of a fight at all .
But on Tuesday , prior to Newsom releasing his annual state budget proposal on Friday , a senior advisor signaled that the governor could be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2020 .
“ There are three top priorities , ” communications director Daniel Zingale said when asked about Newsom ’ s agenda for the year .
“ Homelessness , healthcare affordability and wildfires.
” Last year , after promising voters the moon while running for election , every issue seemed to be a top priority for the new governor .
That included affordable housing , building more housing of all kinds and resolving age-old water wars .
There wasn ’ t much progress on those complex issues , although some limited rent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ potential fines for local governments refusing to permit more housing construction .
Asked whether Newsom would be focusing on fewer state problems this year , Zingale hesitated to answer .
We ’ ll need to watch how this plays out , but maybe the governor learned a lesson about prioritizing .
The advisor said that with homelessness , Newsom “ now has an idea what is working and feels it ’ s important to double down .
Same with wildfires.
” Actually , on homelessness , there has been a flurry of activity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 1 billion appropriated by Sacramento for emergency shelters and mental health — but nothing seems to be working yet .
On Monday , the federal government estimated California had 128,777 homeless individuals last year — around one-third of all homeless people in the nation .
Newsom revealed the homelessness piece of his 2020-21 budget proposal Tuesday .
He ’ ll ask lawmakers for more than $ 1.4 billion to bolster state and local efforts to get homeless people off the streets .
Included is a unique new program to tap into Medi-Cal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find shelter and treatment .
More than half the funds would come from the federal government .
Concerning wildfires , Newsom will propose spending a lot more money to beef up firefighting crews and equipment , and clear forests of combustible trees and brush .
Fortunately for him , the state treasury is still overflowing with tax revenue .
Homelessness and wildfires clearly should be top priorities for any governor .
Homelessness is a quality of life , health and safety issue — not only for the homeless , but all people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
California has always suffered wildfires , but this is getting ridiculous .
Also unacceptable are power shutoffs by private utilities trying to prevent wildfire ignition by their faulty equipment .
The healthcare priority is about the governor trying to make prescription drugs more affordable .
Sacramento insiders and interests have varied opinions about whether Newsom should have emulated former Gov .
Jerry Brown and concentrated on just one or two — maybe three at most — issues at a time .
Brown was a savvy old political pro who could quickly size @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would shun fighting losing battles .
Once I wrote that Newsom — a former baseball pitcher at Santa Clara University — seemed to swing at every pitch at the state Capitol , many of them out of the strike zone .
Newsom later told a USA Today interviewer that he is “ not capable of not trying to solve a problem .
… If [ the ] critique is we ’ re swinging at a lot of pitches , absolutely that ’ s fair criticism.
” But , he added : “ Do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sorry , I can ’ t help with your prescription because my team says I just need to focus on a couple of things ?
’ Do you tell kids , ‘ Preschool can ’ t be a priority because my communications staff thinks I should stay on wildfires ?
’ ” Democratic consultant Steve Maviglio , who was communications director for Gov .
Gray Davis , another college ballplayer , says : “ When you swing at a lot of pitches , you hit a lot of foul balls .
He should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the park.
” But some applaud Newsom for not limiting his scope .
“ Some people think he ’ s taking on more than he should , ” says Allan Zaremberg , president of the California Chamber of Commerce .
“ But I say there are a lot of issues out there that need to be addressed in this diverse state .
I would never fault him for trying .
Different issues are important to different people .
I ’ ve got to give him credit.
” Dan Dunmoyer , president of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home-building lobby — gives Newsom “ high marks ” for “ sticking his neck out ” against local governments and pushing them to permit more housing construction .
Of course , so far it hasn ’ t worked .
Veteran political lawyer Steve Merksamer , who was Gov .
George Deukmejian ’ s chief of staff , says : “ People give a governor in the first year complete benefit of doubt on whether he fulfills his promises .
The second year , the benefit of doubt begins to recede .
This governor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve seen .
“ This is not a criticism , ” Merksamer continues , “ but it ’ s the time to put up or shut up .
Taking on issues other people haven ’ t is fine , but that ’ s not the question .
It ’ s taking them on and solving them .
“ It ’ s time to fish or cut bait .
It ’ s the second year.
” Newsom probably knows that .

Gavin Newsom is entering his second year as California’s governor. He’ll unveil a new state budget this week.
The main rap on Gov. Gavin Newsom after one year in office is that his focus is too scattered. He doesn’t prioritize. But there’s a sign that could be changing.
When a politician — or anyone — battles on too many fronts, the fighter’s strength is spread thin and weakened. Often, there’s not much of a fight at all.
But on Tuesday, prior to Newsom releasing his annual state budget proposal on Friday, a senior advisor signaled that the governor could be sharpening his strategy and narrowing his focus in 2020.
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“There are three top priorities,” communications director Daniel Zingale said when asked about Newsom’s agenda for the year. “Homelessness, healthcare affordability and wildfires.”
Last year, after promising voters the moon while running for election, every issue seemed to be a top priority for the new governor. That included affordable housing, building more housing of all kinds and resolving age-old water wars.
There wasn’t much progress on those complex issues, although some limited rent control was enacted. Also approved were potential fines for local governments refusing to permit more housing construction.
Asked whether Newsom would be focusing on fewer state problems this year, Zingale hesitated to answer. We’ll need to watch how this plays out, but maybe the governor learned a lesson about prioritizing.
The advisor said that with homelessness, Newsom “now has an idea what is working and feels it’s important to double down. Same with wildfires.”
Actually, on homelessness, there has been a flurry of activity by state and local governments — and $1 billion appropriated by Sacramento for emergency shelters and mental health — but nothing seems to be working yet. On Monday, the federal government estimated California had 128,777 homeless individuals last year — around one-third of all homeless people in the nation.
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Newsom revealed the homelessness piece of his 2020-21 budget proposal Tuesday. He’ll ask lawmakers for more than $1.4 billion to bolster state and local efforts to get homeless people off the streets.
Included is a unique new program to tap into Medi-Cal healthcare money to help the mentally ill find shelter and treatment. More than half the funds would come from the federal government.
Concerning wildfires, Newsom will propose spending a lot more money to beef up firefighting crews and equipment, and clear forests of combustible trees and brush. Fortunately for him, the state treasury is still overflowing with tax revenue.
Homelessness and wildfires clearly should be top priorities for any governor. Homelessness is a quality of life, health and safety issue — not only for the homeless, but all people who’d like to use downtown streets.
California has always suffered wildfires, but this is getting ridiculous. Also unacceptable are power shutoffs by private utilities trying to prevent wildfire ignition by their faulty equipment.
The healthcare priority is about the governor trying to make prescription drugs more affordable.
Sacramento insiders and interests have varied opinions about whether Newsom should have emulated former Gov. Jerry Brown and concentrated on just one or two — maybe three at most — issues at a time.
Brown was a savvy old political pro who could quickly size up a proposal’s prospects and would shun fighting losing battles.
Once I wrote that Newsom — a former baseball pitcher at Santa Clara University — seemed to swing at every pitch at the state Capitol, many of them out of the strike zone.
Newsom later told a USA Today interviewer that he is “not capable of not trying to solve a problem. … If [the] critique is we’re swinging at a lot of pitches, absolutely that’s fair criticism.”
But, he added: “Do I tell a senior citizen, ‘Sorry, I can’t help with your prescription because my team says I just need to focus on a couple of things?’ Do you tell kids, ‘Preschool can’t be a priority because my communications staff thinks I should stay on wildfires?’”
Democratic consultant Steve Maviglio, who was communications director for Gov. Gray Davis, another college ballplayer, says: “When you swing at a lot of pitches, you hit a lot of foul balls. He should focus on hitting a few out of the park.”
But some applaud Newsom for not limiting his scope.
“Some people think he’s taking on more than he should,” says Allan Zaremberg, president of the California Chamber of Commerce. “But I say there are a lot of issues out there that need to be addressed in this diverse state. I would never fault him for trying. Different issues are important to different people. I’ve got to give him credit.”
Dan Dunmoyer, president of the California Building Industry Assn. — the home-building lobby — gives Newsom “high marks” for “sticking his neck out” against local governments and pushing them to permit more housing construction.
Of course, so far it hasn’t worked.
Veteran political lawyer Steve Merksamer, who was Gov. George Deukmejian’s chief of staff, says:
“People give a governor in the first year complete benefit of doubt on whether he fulfills his promises. The second year, the benefit of doubt begins to recede. This governor made more promises than any governor I’ve seen.
“This is not a criticism,” Merksamer continues, “but it’s the time to put up or shut up. Taking on issues other people haven’t is fine, but that’s not the question. It’s taking them on and solving them.
“It’s time to fish or cut bait. It’s the second year.”
Newsom probably knows that.


latimes--2020-01-09--U-Haul workers find body in rental truck in Fullerton

A group of workers were cleaning out a U-Haul truck Wednesday , towed to a Fullerton rental business after it was abandoned in Anaheim , when they found a body inside the vehicle .
The Fullerton Police Department was called to the scene near Orangethorpe Avenue and State College Boulevard just before 1 p.m. After determining that the truck had been rented and then dumped in Anaheim , Fullerton authorities contacted Anaheim police , who took over the case .
About 7:30 p.m. , the body , found wrapped in plastic and cardboard with only with the crown of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken to the Orange County coroner ’ s office for further examination .
No details about the person ’ s identity were available Wednesday evening .
The truck was towed to “ another controlled facility ” where officers will glean any evidence from the truck , which also had clothing and furniture inside , said Sgt .
Shane Carringer of the Anaheim Police Department .
“ We have nothing to indicate it is a homicide , ” Carringer said .
“ We are handling it as if it could potentially be a homicide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complete a thorough , methodical search .
”

A group of workers were cleaning out a U-Haul truck Wednesday, towed to a Fullerton rental business after it was abandoned in Anaheim, when they found a body inside the vehicle.
The Fullerton Police Department was called to the scene near Orangethorpe Avenue and State College Boulevard just before 1 p.m.
After determining that the truck had been rented and then dumped in Anaheim, Fullerton authorities contacted Anaheim police, who took over the case.
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About 7:30 p.m., the body, found wrapped in plastic and cardboard with only with the crown of the person’s head visible, was taken to the Orange County coroner’s office for further examination. No details about the person’s identity were available Wednesday evening.
The truck was towed to “another controlled facility” where officers will glean any evidence from the truck, which also had clothing and furniture inside, said Sgt. Shane Carringer of the Anaheim Police Department.
“We have nothing to indicate it is a homicide,” Carringer said. “We are handling it as if it could potentially be a homicide, so we’re going to complete a thorough, methodical search.”


latimes--2020-01-08--This bill would let new homeless shelters and affordable housing bypass environmental law

Aiming to speed up the construction of affordable housing and homeless shelters in California , new legislation would make all new low-income housing projects exempt from a key environmental law that has been used to restrict development .
Assembly Bill 1907 , introduced Wednesday , would allow low-income housing projects and shelters to bypass the California Environmental Quality Act , the landmark 50-year-old state law known as CEQA that has been credited with helping to preserve California ’ s natural beauty but also blamed for stymieing construction .
“ People are homeless , rents are too high and we just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the status quo is working , ” said Assemblyman Miguel Santiago ( D-Los Angeles ) , the bill ’ s author .
“ We have to push hard to get affordable housing done , emergency shelters and permanent supportive housing .
We ’ ve got to say enough is enough.
” CEQA requires developers to disclose a project ’ s potential environmental effects on the surrounding community and take steps to reduce or eliminate them .
Doing so is often a time-consuming and costly process made longer by lawsuits that can last years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Santiago authored last year that eliminated CEQA requirements for homeless housing projects and shelters in the city of Los Angeles .
That law was spurred by lawsuits filed by neighborhood activists in Venice against a proposed shelter there .
A Los Angeles County Superior Court judge rejected the activists ’ lawsuit in December , citing the new state law .
AB 1907 not only extends the CEQA exemptions that are now law in L.A. to the entire state , but goes further by allowing affordable housing developments — projects reserved for individuals and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a region ’ s median income — to also bypass CEQA .
The new bill is one of the most significant efforts in recent memory from a Democratic lawmaker to change the environmental law .
CEQA has staunch defenders among powerful Democratic environmental and labor interest groups , who contend its effects on stopping housing are overblown .
They also argue that it provides an essential process to promote sustainable development and union wage standards .
Last spring , more than 100 environmental and preservationist organizations , including Sierra Club California , Natural @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alliance , sent a letter to Gov .
Gavin Newsom , urging the state to keep the law intact .
“ Major changes to CEQA would pose a significant threat to our natural environment , including critical resources like clean air and clean water , and to California ’ s most disadvantaged communities , ” the letter read .
Santiago , whose district includes skid row , said he expects his bill would be narrowed as it works its way through the Legislature .
But he said he believes that lawmakers need to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and homeless housing .
Last year , California ’ s homeless population grew 16 % to 151,000 , more than a quarter of the national figure .
“ This is a crisis of biblical proportions , ” Santiago said .
“ Families are literally living on the streets .
We need to do something .
”

Homeless people in an encampment under the 405 Freeway on Venice Boulevard in Los Angeles.
Aiming to speed up the construction of affordable housing and homeless shelters in California, new legislation would make all new low-income housing projects exempt from a key environmental law that has been used to restrict development.
Assembly Bill 1907, introduced Wednesday, would allow low-income housing projects and shelters to bypass the California Environmental Quality Act, the landmark 50-year-old state law known as CEQA that has been credited with helping to preserve California’s natural beauty but also blamed for stymieing construction.
“People are homeless, rents are too high and we just can’t sit here and say the status quo is working,” said Assemblyman Miguel Santiago (D-Los Angeles), the bill’s author. “We have to push hard to get affordable housing done, emergency shelters and permanent supportive housing. We’ve got to say enough is enough.”
CEQA requires developers to disclose a project’s potential environmental effects on the surrounding community and take steps to reduce or eliminate them. Doing so is often a time-consuming and costly process made longer by lawsuits that can last years.
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AB 1907 builds off a law Santiago authored last year that eliminated CEQA requirements for homeless housing projects and shelters in the city of Los Angeles.
That law was spurred by lawsuits filed by neighborhood activists in Venice against a proposed shelter there. A Los Angeles County Superior Court judge rejected the activists’ lawsuit in December, citing the new state law.
AB 1907 not only extends the CEQA exemptions that are now law in L.A. to the entire state, but goes further by allowing affordable housing developments — projects reserved for individuals and families making 80% or less of a region’s median income — to also bypass CEQA.
The new bill is one of the most significant efforts in recent memory from a Democratic lawmaker to change the environmental law. CEQA has staunch defenders among powerful Democratic environmental and labor interest groups, who contend its effects on stopping housing are overblown. They also argue that it provides an essential process to promote sustainable development and union wage standards.
Last spring, more than 100 environmental and preservationist organizations, including Sierra Club California, Natural Resources Defense Council and California Environmental Justice Alliance, sent a letter to Gov. Gavin Newsom, urging the state to keep the law intact.
“Major changes to CEQA would pose a significant threat to our natural environment, including critical resources like clean air and clean water, and to California’s most disadvantaged communities,” the letter read.
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Santiago, whose district includes skid row, said he expects his bill would be narrowed as it works its way through the Legislature. But he said he believes that lawmakers need to debate anything slowing the production of affordable and homeless housing.
Last year, California’s homeless population grew 16% to 151,000, more than a quarter of the national figure.
“This is a crisis of biblical proportions,” Santiago said. “Families are literally living on the streets. We need to do something.”


latimes--2020-01-08--California is poised to extend healthcare coverage to seniors living in the U.S. illegally

California has been slowly erasing legal immigration status as a requirement for medical coverage under the state ’ s healthcare program for low-income residents , allowing children and , this month , young adults living in the U.S. illegally to enroll .
Now , Democratic lawmakers expect Gov .
Gavin Newsom to embrace an effort to include seniors without legal status in the state ’ s Medi-Cal program — either in his new state budget or with his signature on legislation .
Newsom will send the Legislature a full state spending plan this week and is expected to unveil it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( D-Los Angeles ) said she expects it to include the Medi-Cal expansion after the governor told her in September that he would champion the effort in his next budget .
Durazo said that assurance prompted her to hold her bill last year that would have expanded coverage to adults 65 or older who are living in the U.S. illegally .
“ He made a very explicit commitment that he would include it in his budget , ” Durazo said Monday , adding that she had not heard anything since then to change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hopeful , ” she said .
“ I have no reason to think it won ’ t be included.
” Newsom ’ s office declined to comment on whether his budget will include the Medi-Cal expansion .
The relatively small population of seniors who live in the state without legal immigration status means the cost of covering them — estimated to be $ 121 million a year — is a fraction of the state ’ s overall $ 215-billion budget .
But Medi-Cal already covers a third of California ’ s residents , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is already struggling with long wait times because of too few doctors who are willing to accept the state ’ s low reimbursement rates .
“ There are issues with access , ” said state Sen. Patricia Bates ( R-Laguna Niguel ) in opposing the bill in May , adding that extending coverage to more people when those currently enrolled struggle to get appointments would constitute a “ false promise.
” This month , California became the first state to cover adult immigrants younger than 26 who lack legal status through the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s proposal to spend $ 250 million a year on the effort , which was included in last year ’ s budget .
The state first expanded the healthcare program in 2015 to children living in the U.S. illegally , which has allowed more than 200,000 minors to enroll in the benefit at a cost of $ 300 million a year .
Supporters of the expansion say covering seniors is the logical — and less costly — next step toward universal healthcare coverage , a policy goal central to Newsom ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups of uninsured Californians is immigrants in the U.S. illegally , with an estimated 1.5 million adults eligible based on income but excluded because of their immigration status .
The administration estimated last year that expanding Medi-Cal to all income-eligible adults regardless of age or immigration status would cost $ 2.4 billion a year .
Though Medi-Cal is funded by both federal and state money , the cost of expanding coverage to immigrants who are in the U.S. illegally falls solely to California because the Affordable Care Act prohibits the use of federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigrants without legal status can enroll in limited scope Medi-Cal coverage , which covers pregnancy , some cancer treatments , emergency services and long-term care .
“ We believe fundamentally that primary and preventative care makes our healthcare system more efficient and effective for everyone , ” said Anthony Wright , executive director of Health Access California , a consumer advocacy group .
“ It ’ s important that we take these important steps to provide real relief to Californians who are excluded due to eligibility or affordability.
” Durazo ’ s legislation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ passed the Senate last year and was set for a vote in the Assembly when she held it .
Durazo said she would push for an Assembly vote on Senate Bill 29 if Newsom does not include the expansion in his budget this week .
The bill would have to return to the Senate for a concurrence vote .
A legislative analysis of SB 29 estimated that 25,300 people who are 65 or older and lack legal status would enroll in Medi-Cal coverage .
The Newsom administration formally opposed Durazo ’ s bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ create significant general fund pressure.
” “ For many of these seniors , they have made a lifetime of contributions to California — to our economy , tax base and our society — and right now they are excluded from healthcare programs , ” Wright said .
“ It makes sense to focus on those who need this the most .
It doesn ’ t mean we don ’ t want to get to everyone , so we will continue to press on that as well .
”

California has been slowly erasing legal immigration status as a requirement for medical coverage under the state’s healthcare program for low-income residents, allowing children and, this month, young adults living in the U.S. illegally to enroll. Now, Democratic lawmakers expect Gov. Gavin Newsom to embrace an effort to include seniors without legal status in the state’s Medi-Cal program — either in his new state budget or with his signature on legislation.
Newsom will send the Legislature a full state spending plan this week and is expected to unveil it Friday. State Sen. Maria Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles) said she expects it to include the Medi-Cal expansion after the governor told her in September that he would champion the effort in his next budget. Durazo said that assurance prompted her to hold her bill last year that would have expanded coverage to adults 65 or older who are living in the U.S. illegally.
“He made a very explicit commitment that he would include it in his budget,” Durazo said Monday, adding that she had not heard anything since then to change that understanding.
“I’m hopeful,” she said. “I have no reason to think it won’t be included.”
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Newsom’s office declined to comment on whether his budget will include the Medi-Cal expansion. The relatively small population of seniors who live in the state without legal immigration status means the cost of covering them — estimated to be $121 million a year — is a fraction of the state’s overall $215-billion budget. But Medi-Cal already covers a third of California’s residents, and critics of expanding the program argue it is already struggling with long wait times because of too few doctors who are willing to accept the state’s low reimbursement rates.
“There are issues with access,” said state Sen. Patricia Bates (R-Laguna Niguel) in opposing the bill in May, adding that extending coverage to more people when those currently enrolled struggle to get appointments would constitute a “false promise.”
This month, California became the first state to cover adult immigrants younger than 26 who lack legal status through the state’s Medi-Cal program under Newsom’s proposal to spend $250 million a year on the effort, which was included in last year’s budget. The state first expanded the healthcare program in 2015 to children living in the U.S. illegally, which has allowed more than 200,000 minors to enroll in the benefit at a cost of $300 million a year.
Supporters of the expansion say covering seniors is the logical — and less costly — next step toward universal healthcare coverage, a policy goal central to Newsom’s campaign platform. One of the largest groups of uninsured Californians is immigrants in the U.S. illegally, with an estimated 1.5 million adults eligible based on income but excluded because of their immigration status. The administration estimated last year that expanding Medi-Cal to all income-eligible adults regardless of age or immigration status would cost $2.4 billion a year.
Though Medi-Cal is funded by both federal and state money, the cost of expanding coverage to immigrants who are in the U.S. illegally falls solely to California because the Affordable Care Act prohibits the use of federal dollars for covering such immigrants. Adult immigrants without legal status can enroll in limited scope Medi-Cal coverage, which covers pregnancy, some cancer treatments, emergency services and long-term care.
“We believe fundamentally that primary and preventative care makes our healthcare system more efficient and effective for everyone,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of Health Access California, a consumer advocacy group. “It’s important that we take these important steps to provide real relief to Californians who are excluded due to eligibility or affordability.”
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Durazo’s legislation to expand coverage to seniors here illegally passed the Senate last year and was set for a vote in the Assembly when she held it. Durazo said she would push for an Assembly vote on Senate Bill 29 if Newsom does not include the expansion in his budget this week. The bill would have to return to the Senate for a concurrence vote.
A legislative analysis of SB 29 estimated that 25,300 people who are 65 or older and lack legal status would enroll in Medi-Cal coverage. The Newsom administration formally opposed Durazo’s bill last year, saying that it would “create significant general fund pressure.”
“For many of these seniors, they have made a lifetime of contributions to California — to our economy, tax base and our society — and right now they are excluded from healthcare programs,” Wright said. “It makes sense to focus on those who need this the most. It doesn’t mean we don’t want to get to everyone, so we will continue to press on that as well.”


latimes--2020-01-08--Camp Pendleton and other military bases increase security amid Iran conflict

Amid escalating tensions between the United States and Iran , the U.S. Northern Command — the agency that oversees the Department of Defense ’ s homeland defenses — has directed Camp Pendleton and other California military bases to increase security conditions .
After a U.S. drone strike targeted and killed Iran ’ s top military leader , Gen. Qassem Suleimani , Camp Pendleton posted a notice to its social media channels Saturday that the Marine Corps base in San Diego County , one of the largest in the country , will begin a 100 % ID check policy .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entry points as all vehicle occupants will be required to present an ID upon entering Camp Pendleton , said Capt .
David Mancilla , a base spokesman .
“ While we will not discuss specifics , U.S. Northern Command is implementing additional force protection condition measures to increase security and awareness for all installations in the U.S. NORTHCOM Area of Responsibility , ” U.S. Northern Command spokesman Lt. Cmdr .
Mike Hatfield said .
There is no time limit on the increased security , authorities said .
U.S. Northern Command increased its security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or FPCON — to Bravo , indicating a heightened threat of terrorist activity , for several bases .
Mancilla said Camp Pendleton has been at FPCON Bravo for several years but is currently increasing its security checkpoints .
On Wednesday , President Trump addressed the nation after Tehran ’ s missile attack Tuesday night on U.S. forces in Iraq .
Trump said no Americans or Iraqis were killed in the attack , and although he said he would impose additional economic sanctions on Iran , he did not call for any new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law enforcement sources told The Times that several agencies had increased patrols at transit hubs and key potential targets .
The California Office of Emergency Services said that although there was no immediate threat to the state , the agency was working with local , state and federal officials to monitor the safety of Californians , including cybersecurity .
Officials with Los Angeles International Airport , San Francisco International Airport and local police departments said they would continue to monitor events .

Amid escalating tensions between the United States and Iran, the U.S. Northern Command — the agency that oversees the Department of Defense’s homeland defenses — has directed Camp Pendleton and other California military bases to increase security conditions.
After a U.S. drone strike targeted and killed Iran’s top military leader, Gen. Qassem Suleimani, Camp Pendleton posted a notice to its social media channels Saturday that the Marine Corps base in San Diego County, one of the largest in the country, will begin a 100% ID check policy.
The base warned travelers to expect delays at entry points as all vehicle occupants will be required to present an ID upon entering Camp Pendleton, said Capt. David Mancilla, a base spokesman.
“While we will not discuss specifics, U.S. Northern Command is implementing additional force protection condition measures to increase security and awareness for all installations in the U.S. NORTHCOM Area of Responsibility,” U.S. Northern Command spokesman Lt. Cmdr. Mike Hatfield said. There is no time limit on the increased security, authorities said.
U.S. Northern Command increased its security status — known as force protection condition, or FPCON — to Bravo, indicating a heightened threat of terrorist activity, for several bases. Mancilla said Camp Pendleton has been at FPCON Bravo for several years but is currently increasing its security checkpoints.
On Wednesday, President Trump addressed the nation after Tehran’s missile attack Tuesday night on U.S. forces in Iraq. Trump said no Americans or Iraqis were killed in the attack, and although he said he would impose additional economic sanctions on Iran, he did not call for any new military action.
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Last week, local law enforcement sources told The Times that several agencies had increased patrols at transit hubs and key potential targets. The California Office of Emergency Services said that although there was no immediate threat to the state, the agency was working with local, state and federal officials to monitor the safety of Californians, including cybersecurity.
Officials with Los Angeles International Airport, San Francisco International Airport and local police departments said they would continue to monitor events.


latimes--2020-01-08--Two people sought after shooting dog and leaving it dead in gutter in La Mirada, authorities say

Authorities are searching for a man and a woman suspected of animal cruelty after surveillance video captured them shooting a dog and leaving it dead in a gutter in La Mirada .
Los Angeles County Sheriff ’ s Department officials say the pair were driving a white Jeep Grand Cherokee and stopped in an industrial area in the 16400 block of Phoebe Avenue about 12:40 p.m. Sunday .
A witness told authorities he saw a man get out of the passenger side of the vehicle , place something on the ground near the gutter and fire two gunshots .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the two drove south on Phoebe and were last seen turning left on Firestone Boulevard , authorities said .
The witness went over to the gutter and found a small terrier that had been shot twice on a dog bed , Sheriff ’ s Department officials said .
“ I can ’ t believe someone would actually do that and not give it away to a shelter or put it down , ” witness Alex Csonka told KNBC-TV Channel 4 .
Detailed descriptions of the man and woman were not available .
Anyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Norwalk sheriff ’ s station at ( 562 ) 466-5419 .

Authorities are searching for a man and a woman suspected of animal cruelty after surveillance video captured them shooting a dog and leaving it dead in a gutter in La Mirada.
Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department officials say the pair were driving a white Jeep Grand Cherokee and stopped in an industrial area in the 16400 block of Phoebe Avenue about 12:40 p.m. Sunday. A witness told authorities he saw a man get out of the passenger side of the vehicle, place something on the ground near the gutter and fire two gunshots.
That's a great question. Why? https://t.co/E723LopvxP — LASD Norwalk Station (@NorwalkLASD) January 8, 2020
The shooter got back in the car and the two drove south on Phoebe and were last seen turning left on Firestone Boulevard, authorities said. The witness went over to the gutter and found a small terrier that had been shot twice on a dog bed, Sheriff’s Department officials said.
“I can’t believe someone would actually do that and not give it away to a shelter or put it down,” witness Alex Csonka told KNBC-TV Channel 4.
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Detailed descriptions of the man and woman were not available. Anyone with information is asked to call the Norwalk sheriff’s station at (562) 466-5419.


latimes--2020-01-09--Two L.A. radio stations, blasting reggaeton, wage a fierce battle for a growing young audience

Bridgett Diaz is excited for this weekend ’ s Calibash , the superstar-jammed annual concert put on by local radio station KXOL-FM , better known as Mega 96.3 .
Diaz was picking up tickets for the sold-out Staples Center concert at the station ’ s bustling lobby Wednesday , reminiscing about attending Calibash in 2018 .
“ Bad Bunny opened that show , and now he ’ s headlining , ” Diaz said with wonderment .
“ It ’ s really amazing .
The crowd is so energetic .
And I ’ ve gone to a lot of concerts.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a perch on the local market as the only full-time home for reggaeton on L.A. radio .
The station has relied on loyal listeners such as Diaz , a 34-year-old resident of West Covina , to build its brand .
A daughter of immigrants , Diaz didn ’ t grow up speaking perfect Spanish but feels comfortable in the two cultures .
She started listening to Mega about four years ago , when she “ wanted to be in my Spanish vibes.
” Mega plays a youthful mix of reggaeton , bachata and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its on-air hosts mix English and Spanish in their banter , in a way that may sound unwieldy to the unfamiliar ear but easily sounds like the vernacular spoken in many L.A. homes .
Diaz , who works for a mobile phone company , said the Mega hosts ’ Spanglish “ feels comfortable , more welcoming.
” Since 2005 , long before the rest of the world wised up to the force of commercial “ Latin urban ” or “ Latin trap ” ( terms that all ultimately serve as euphemisms for reggaeton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has owned this crucially relevant space on L.A. ’ s airwaves , unchallenged .
But that is changing .
Last July , a : The former Spanish pop station KXOS-FM ( 93.9 ) switched to a bilingual Latin urban format , similar to Mega , and called itself “ Cali 93.9.
” Now , there is a ratings war underway .
The battle is between a seasoned station from a legacy terrestrial radio family and an upstart rival that in less than a year made a symbolic move onto Mega ’ s turf @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is already feeling the impact .
Its ratings in the second half of 2019 dipped , while newcomer Cali got close to nipping at its heels , according to Nielsen .
Room for two in L.A .
The Calibash concert series , for now , is Mega ’ s bulwark , a live-event brand that has become an L.A. staple , with cameos in past years from top-tier mainstream figures including Cardi B and Justin Bieber .
Some 18,000 people are expected to show up each night this weekend to watch , among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Puerto Rican heartthrob who just three years ago memorably opened Calibash as an up-and-coming artist .
The bill is shared with Spain ’ s Rosalía , and reggaeton hitmakers Sech , Anuel AA ( spoken as “ Doble A ” ) and Karol G from Colombia , whose collaboration with Nicki Minaj , “ Tusa ” is in heavy rotation .
Plus , there ’ s an added element of romance in the bill , as Karol G and Anuel AA .
Mega ’ s home offices are in a Midcentury tower on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The station belongs to SBS Radio , or the Spanish Broadcasting System , a Spanish-language media company that grew with radio clan the Alarcón family , in New Jersey .
SBS Radio also operates La Raza-FM ( 97.9 ) , which programs a Mexican regional format .
Alessandra Alarcón , SBS ’ s L.A.-based chief of entertainment , is the granddaughter of SBS founder Raul Alarcón .
She studied at Pepperdine and worked her way through sales at SBS before taking the helm of the Calibash concert four years ago .
She promptly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added a stand for the bill in Las Vegas , which will take place Jan. 25 and feature stars Daddy Yankee and Natti Natasha .
When asked about Cali 93.9 , Alarcón said the new arrival is a sign of validation for her team ’ s efforts .
“ That means we ’ re doing our job .
Imitation is the sincerest form of flattery , ” Alarcón said , as staffers busied about Mega ’ s studios .
“ The demand is super high , and it ’ s helped that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When Cali 93.9 arrived , it wasn ’ t lost on industry observers that the new rival station ’ s name echoed the name of Calibash , the concert event by established rival Mega .
The old KXOS call letters were switched to KLLI .
Ever since , the upstart challenger , , which also owns KPWR-FM Power 106 , has been gnawing at Mega ’ s hold on the city ’ s young reggaeton fanbase .
Last September , Cali 93.9 hired away Mega top on-air host , .
Since Cali ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 11th place in local market share to 20th place overall , according to Nielsen .
Meanwhile , Cali finished December in 24th place — just six months after launching .
“ It ’ s always competition , but at the same time , it ’ s a confirmation , ” said Mega midday host Sandra Peña .
“ We ’ ve been doing this for so many years , it took fifteen years of the existence of Mega for someone to be , like , ‘ Wow , we should make a station @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cobo , vice president of Latin music at Billboard , said there is room for more than one Latin urban radio station in a city as big as Los Angeles , although that idea may have sounded counterintuitive just two decades ago .
Formats highlighting “ tropical rhythms ” have historically been more prevalent in cities such as New York or Miami , whereas in Los Angeles , Spanish-language radio has been led by Mexican regional genres “ simply because of the population there , ” Cobo said .
But after years of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were basically merging — crooner Luis Fonsi collaborating with reggaeton royalty Daddy Yankee for 2017 ’ s “ Despacito ” is now considered a watershed moment — L.A. is asserting itself as a town that can do both .
“ This isn ’ t new , ” Cobo said .
“ Calibash has been successful for many years.
” The vibe , she said , mirrors the fact that “ urban music completely dominates commercial Latin music in the United States , and not just in the United States .
Everywhere.
” At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were just getting started .
Eddie One now anchors the afternoon show , the same slot he held at Mega .
Isabel Gonzalez , the station ’ s content and brand director , said Cali should be a welcome addition to the table .
Its hosts also speak in a free-flowing mix of Spanish and English .
“ It talks a lot about the way the music industry is evolving , how the Latino population on its own is evolving , ” Gonzalez said .
But Cali has a stretch to go before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overall presence .
For starters , it doesn ’ t have a decade-on concert series of which to boast .
At Mega , the team likes to think that Calibash has transformed into a bellwether of an artist ’ s trajectory towards stardom .
“ Just a few years ago , Bad Bunny and Ozuna were opening the show , with ten-minute sets , ” Alarcón said .
“ Last year , Ozuna closed the show with a 45-minute set.
” Josh Kun , a USC communications professor and writer , described the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of like a Dodgers bilingualism , ” where non-Latinos who are native to the L.A. milieu inevitably absorb some words or phrases in Spanish , even without being fluent or even conversant .
Popular music is often a driving force of the phenomenon .
“ It ’ s a new global pop thing , and these stations are a part of that , ” Kun said .
“ It ’ s like talking with someone you know ” “ It ’ s 5 o ’ clock somewhere , so dale , dale @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said the other day on the air , telling her listeners , “ so ‘ go for it , go for it , it ’ s happy hour.
’ ” A minute or so later , the host said she was returning from vacation and a bit behind on her pop culture news : “ It ’ s my first day back , estoy un poquito retrasada , ” Peña said .
Inside Mega ’ s lobby , listener Diaz said that the hosts ’ nimble language-mixing sounds a lot like people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mom is from Michoacán and my dad is from Durango … My mom didn ’ t want us to learn Spanish because back in the ’ 80s , that ’ s the way it was.
” The station ’ s use of Spanglish , Diaz added , is “ like you ’ re talking with someone that you know .
”

The heated competition between Latin pop radio stations Mega 96.3 and newcomer Cali 93.9 means more local airplay for stars such as, from left, Bad Bunny, Natti Natasha and Anuel AA.
Bridgett Diaz is excited for this weekend’s Calibash, the superstar-jammed annual concert put on by local radio station KXOL-FM, better known as Mega 96.3. Diaz was picking up tickets for the sold-out Staples Center concert at the station’s bustling lobby Wednesday, reminiscing about attending Calibash in 2018.
“Bad Bunny opened that show, and now he’s headlining,” Diaz said with wonderment. “It’s really amazing. The crowd is so energetic. And I’ve gone to a lot of concerts.”
For years, Mega 96.3-FM has enjoyed a perch on the local market as the only full-time home for reggaeton on L.A. radio. The station has relied on loyal listeners such as Diaz, a 34-year-old resident of West Covina, to build its brand. A daughter of immigrants, Diaz didn’t grow up speaking perfect Spanish but feels comfortable in the two cultures. She started listening to Mega about four years ago, when she “wanted to be in my Spanish vibes.”
Mega 96.3’s Sandra Peña says of Cali 93.9’s entry into L.A.’s Latin urban market: “It’s competition, but at the same time, it’s a confirmation.” (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times)
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Mega plays a youthful mix of reggaeton, bachata and bass-driven Latin pop. More pointedly, its on-air hosts mix English and Spanish in their banter, in a way that may sound unwieldy to the unfamiliar ear but easily sounds like the vernacular spoken in many L.A. homes. Diaz, who works for a mobile phone company, said the Mega hosts’ Spanglish “feels comfortable, more welcoming.”
Since 2005, long before the rest of the world wised up to the force of commercial “Latin urban” or “Latin trap” (terms that all ultimately serve as euphemisms for reggaeton in its multiple iterations), Mega has owned this crucially relevant space on L.A.’s airwaves, unchallenged.
But that is changing. Last July, a new player showed up : The former Spanish pop station KXOS-FM (93.9) switched to a bilingual Latin urban format, similar to Mega, and called itself “Cali 93.9.”
Now, there is a ratings war underway. The battle is between a seasoned station from a legacy terrestrial radio family and an upstart rival that in less than a year made a symbolic move onto Mega’s turf by poaching an on-air talent. Mega is already feeling the impact. Its ratings in the second half of 2019 dipped, while newcomer Cali got close to nipping at its heels, according to Nielsen.
Room for two in L.A.
The Calibash concert series, for now, is Mega’s bulwark, a live-event brand that has become an L.A. staple, with cameos in past years from top-tier mainstream figures including Cardi B and Justin Bieber.
Some 18,000 people are expected to show up each night this weekend to watch, among others, Bad Bunny, the scratchy-voiced Puerto Rican heartthrob who just three years ago memorably opened Calibash as an up-and-coming artist. The bill is shared with Spain’s Rosalía, and reggaeton hitmakers Sech, Anuel AA (spoken as “Doble A”) and Karol G from Colombia, whose collaboration with Nicki Minaj, “Tusa , ” is in heavy rotation. Plus, there’s an added element of romance in the bill, as Karol G and Anuel AA are a known item .
Mega’s home offices are in a Midcentury tower on Wilshire Boulevard off the Miracle Mile. The station belongs to SBS Radio, or the Spanish Broadcasting System, a Spanish-language media company that grew with radio clan the Alarcón family, in New Jersey. SBS Radio also operates La Raza-FM (97.9), which programs a Mexican regional format.
Alessandra Alarcón, SBS’s L.A.-based chief of entertainment, is the granddaughter of SBS founder Raul Alarcón. She studied at Pepperdine and worked her way through sales at SBS before taking the helm of the Calibash concert four years ago. She promptly expanded it to two nights and then added a stand for the bill in Las Vegas, which will take place Jan. 25 and feature stars Daddy Yankee and Natti Natasha. When asked about Cali 93.9, Alarcón said the new arrival is a sign of validation for her team’s efforts.
“That means we’re doing our job. Imitation is the sincerest form of flattery,” Alarcón said, as staffers busied about Mega’s studios. “The demand is super high, and it’s helped that the genre is blowing up right now.”
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When Cali 93.9 arrived, it wasn’t lost on industry observers that the new rival station’s name echoed the name of Calibash, the concert event by established rival Mega. The old KXOS call letters were switched to KLLI.
Ever since, the upstart challenger, owned by Meruelo Media , which also owns KPWR-FM Power 106, has been gnawing at Mega’s hold on the city’s young reggaeton fanbase. Last September, Cali 93.9 hired away Mega top on-air host, Eddie One . Since Cali’s arrival, Mega has dropped from 11th place in local market share to 20th place overall, according to Nielsen. Meanwhile, Cali finished December in 24th place — just six months after launching.
“It’s always competition, but at the same time, it’s a confirmation,” said Mega midday host Sandra Peña. “We’ve been doing this for so many years, it took fifteen years of the existence of Mega for someone to be, like, ‘Wow, we should make a station to embrace this format.’ ”
Leila Cobo, vice president of Latin music at Billboard, said there is room for more than one Latin urban radio station in a city as big as Los Angeles, although that idea may have sounded counterintuitive just two decades ago. Formats highlighting “tropical rhythms” have historically been more prevalent in cities such as New York or Miami, whereas in Los Angeles, Spanish-language radio has been led by Mexican regional genres “simply because of the population there,” Cobo said.
But after years of multiplying signals that reggaeton and Latin pop were basically merging — crooner Luis Fonsi collaborating with reggaeton royalty Daddy Yankee for 2017’s “Despacito” is now considered a watershed moment — L.A. is asserting itself as a town that can do both.
“This isn’t new,” Cobo said. “Calibash has been successful for many years.” The vibe, she said, mirrors the fact that “urban music completely dominates commercial Latin music in the United States, and not just in the United States. Everywhere.”
At Cali 93.9, team members said they were just getting started. Eddie One now anchors the afternoon show, the same slot he held at Mega. Isabel Gonzalez, the station’s content and brand director, said Cali should be a welcome addition to the table. Its hosts also speak in a free-flowing mix of Spanish and English.
“It talks a lot about the way the music industry is evolving, how the Latino population on its own is evolving,” Gonzalez said.
But Cali has a stretch to go before it could seriously challenge Mega’s overall presence. For starters, it doesn’t have a decade-on concert series of which to boast.
At Mega, the team likes to think that Calibash has transformed into a bellwether of an artist’s trajectory towards stardom. “Just a few years ago, Bad Bunny and Ozuna were opening the show, with ten-minute sets,” Alarcón said. “Last year, Ozuna closed the show with a 45-minute set.”
Josh Kun, a USC communications professor and writer, described the two stations’ sound as a “kind of like a Dodgers bilingualism,” where non-Latinos who are native to the L.A. milieu inevitably absorb some words or phrases in Spanish, even without being fluent or even conversant. Popular music is often a driving force of the phenomenon. “It’s a new global pop thing, and these stations are a part of that,” Kun said.
“It’s like talking with someone you know”
“It’s 5 o’clock somewhere, so dale, dale, es hora feliz,” Peña said the other day on the air, telling her listeners, “so ‘go for it, go for it, it’s happy hour.’”
A minute or so later, the host said she was returning from vacation and a bit behind on her pop culture news: “It’s my first day back, estoy un poquito retrasada,” Peña said.
Inside Mega’s lobby, listener Diaz said that the hosts’ nimble language-mixing sounds a lot like people who grew up like her. “My mom is from Michoacán and my dad is from Durango … My mom didn’t want us to learn Spanish because back in the ’80s, that’s the way it was.”
The station’s use of Spanglish, Diaz added, is “like you’re talking with someone that you know.”


latimes--2020-01-09--Q&A: What you need to know about Gov. Newsom's drug plan for California

In his state budget set to be released Friday , Gov .
Gavin Newsom is expected to unveil a plan to make California the first state to sell its own brand of generic prescription drugs in an effort to drive down rising healthcare costs .
Newsom provided few details about the mostly conceptual proposal .
Here are answers to some questions based on what is known .
How would it work ?
The state could contract with one or more generic drugmakers to manufacture certain prescriptions under the state ’ s own label , according to Newsom ’ s office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all Californians for purchase , presumably at a lower cost .
The plan would target generic prescription drugs , which make up 90 % of the prescriptions filled in the United States , said USC health economist Geoffrey Joyce .
It would not apply to brand-name prescription drugs , which are typically more expensive .
The proposal would increase competition in the generic drug market , which would probably lower prices , Joyce said .
“ A trip to the doctor ’ s office , pharmacy or hospital shouldn ’ t cost a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of healthcare is just too damn high , and California is fighting back , ” Newsom said in a statement .
Has this been done before ?
Sen. Elizabeth Warren has proposed that the federal government manufacture its own generic drugs to reduce costs , but no state or governmental entity in the U.S. has actually attempted something like this before , experts say .
However , in 2018 , more than 500 hospitals banded together to launch their own drug company , called Civica Rx , to manufacture generic drugs to sell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the consortium , which includes systems such as the Mayo Clinic and Providence St. Joseph Health , said they were fed up with rising drug costs and wanted to make medicines available at more reasonable prices .
“ That was a novel idea when it came out , ” said Jack Hoadley , Georgetown health policy research professor emeritus .
“ It could be that the governor ’ s office heard about that.
” Late last year , a patient was treated with a Civica Rx medication for the first time , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affect Californians ?
The average American paid $ 139 in out-of-pocket expenses in 2016 for prescription medicines that cost $ 1,016 , according to the Peterson-KFF Health System Tracker .
Annual per capita spending on prescription drugs has more than doubled since 2000 .
In recent years , some generic drugs have experienced huge price increases , sometimes into the thousands of percent .
For example , the price of a month ’ s supply of clomipramine , a common antidepressant , recently jumped from $ 16 to $ 348 .
Newsom ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by introducing competition in drug markets where there are only a few manufacturers .
But in general , it is uncommon drugs that have only a few manufacturers , said Joyce , who heads the USC Schaeffer Center for Health Policy and Economics .
More widely prescribed medicines , such as those that treat high cholesterol and high blood pressure , have multiple producers and already competitive pricing , he said .
“ In terms of savings to a typical family , it would be very modest , ” he said .
What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ costs ?
When a pharmaceutical company invents a new drug , it patents the formula and gets the exclusive right to make it for several years .
Those are called branded prescription drugs .
When the period of exclusivity ends , other companies can manufacture the same medicine and sell it .
Those are called generics .
But most of the nation ’ s drug spending goes for pricey branded prescription drugs , such as those for complicated diseases like cancer and multiple sclerosis , experts say .
It is harder to regulate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , experts say .
Some also fear that setting price caps on these drugs will stifle innovation that could lead to breakthroughs .
Newsom ’ s plan would apply to only generics , which account for less than a quarter of the nation ’ s drug costs .
“ It has the potential to correct some of the problems in that market , but it ’ s not a panacea , ” Joyce said .
“ If generic drugs are at most 25 % of drug spending , then you ’ re going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drug spending .
”

California Gov. Gavin Newsom, shown in October, is proposing that the state begin selling its own brand of generic prescription drugs.
In his state budget set to be released Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to unveil a plan to make California the first state to sell its own brand of generic prescription drugs in an effort to drive down rising healthcare costs.
Newsom provided few details about the mostly conceptual proposal. Here are answers to some questions based on what is known.
How would it work?
Advertisement
The state could contract with one or more makers of generic drugs to manufacture certain prescriptions under the state’s own label, according to Newsom’s office. Those drugs would be available to all Californians for purchase, presumably at a lower cost.
The plan would target generic prescription drugs, which make up 90% of the prescriptions filled in the United States, said Geoffrey Joyce, director of health policy at the USC Schaeffer Center. It would not apply to brand-name prescription drugs, which are typically more expensive.
The proposal would increase competition in the generic drug market, which would probably lower prices, Joyce said.
“A trip to the doctor’s office, pharmacy or hospital shouldn’t cost a month’s pay. The cost of healthcare is just too damn high, and California is fighting back,” Newsom said in a statement.
Has this been done before?
Sen. Elizabeth Warren has proposed that the federal government manufacture its own generic drugs to reduce costs, but no state or governmental entity in the U.S. has actually attempted something like this before, experts say.
Advertisement
However, in 2018, more than 500 hospitals banded together to launch their own drug company, called Civica Rx, to manufacture generic drugs to sell at a lower cost.
Leaders of the consortium, which includes systems such as the Mayo Clinic and Providence St. Joseph Health, said they were fed up with rising drug costs and wanted to make medicines available at more reasonable prices.
“That was a novel idea when it came out,” said Jack Hoadley, Georgetown health policy research professor emeritus. “It could be that the governor’s office heard about that.”
Late last year, a patient was treated with a Civica Rx medication for the first time, according to the company.
How would this affect Californians?
The average American paid $139 in out-of-pocket expenses in 2016 for prescription medicines that cost $1,016, according to the Peterson-KFF Health System Tracker. Annual per capita spending on prescription drugs has more than doubled since 2000.
In recent years, some generic drugs have experienced huge price increases, sometimes into the thousands of percent. For example, the price of a month’s supply of clomipramine, a common antidepressant, recently jumped from $16 to $348.
Newsom’s plan would probably address those increases by introducing competition in drug markets where there are only a few manufacturers. But in general, it is uncommon drugs that have only a few manufacturers, said Joyce.
More widely prescribed medicines, such as those that treat high cholesterol and high blood pressure, have multiple producers and already competitive pricing, he said.
“In terms of savings to a typical family, it would be very modest,” he said.
What effect would this have on rising drug costs?
When a pharmaceutical company invents a new drug, it patents the formula and gets the exclusive right to make it for several years. Those are called branded prescription drugs.
When the period of exclusivity ends, other companies can manufacture the same medicine and sell it. Those are called generics.
But most of the nation’s drug spending goes for pricey branded prescription drugs, such as those for complicated diseases like cancer and multiple sclerosis, experts say.
It is harder to regulate these drugs because of the exclusivity patents, experts say. Some also fear that setting price caps on these drugs will stifle innovation that could lead to breakthroughs.
Newsom’s plan would apply only to generics, which account for less than a quarter of the nation’s drug costs.
“It has the potential to correct some of the problems in that market, but it’s not a panacea,” Joyce said. “If generic drugs are at most 25% of drug spending, then you’re going to be making a modest dent in overall drug spending.”


latimes--2020-01-09--Eric Garcetti endorses Joe Biden for president

Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti , who flirted with the idea of running for president but skipped the 2020 campaign , endorsed former Vice President Joe Biden for the Democratic nomination on Thursday .
Garcetti will be one of Biden ’ s highest-profile supporters in California ’ s March 3 primary , but the endorsement is unlikely to have any practical impact on the highly competitive race .
Dianne Feinstein , the state ’ s senior U.S. senator , is also supporting Biden .
“ We need Joe Biden to bring our nation and world together during these most divided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I know that from Day One , he will heal our nation , repair our relationships abroad and get things done — and will be a true partner in solving the national homelessness crisis.
” Biden is a solid front-runner in national polls of Democratic voters but is in a tighter race for the lead in California , where polls show Sens .
Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts running nearly even with the former vice president .
The 416 delegates at stake in California ’ s Super @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the campaign for the party nomination .
Since Garcetti was first elected mayor in 2013 , he has devoted much time to building a national political network .
He is a member of the Democratic National Committee and vice president of the National Conference of Democratic Mayors .
The Los Angeles Times found he spent nearly one-third of his time outside California in a one-year period ending in September 2017 , including trips to states with crucial presidential contests , such as Iowa and New Hampshire .
After almost two years of weighing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House , Garcetti announced at City Hall a year ago that he would not run in 2020 , saying , “ This is what I am meant to do and this is where I want to be.
” Left unsaid was that the surge in homelessness on his watch would have posed a huge challenge in a presidential race .
Tent encampments have sprouted citywide on freeway overpasses , in underpasses and along sidewalks , alleys , beaches and riverbanks .
Garcetti , who was a California co-chair of Barack Obama ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Biden , who was campaigning Thursday in Long Beach and planned to attend fundraisers Thursday night in Irvine and Friday in Hancock Park .
Garcetti ’ s endorsement of Biden was first reported by the New York Times .
In 2015 , Biden dined with Garcetti at Getty House , the mayor ’ s official residence , after the two participated in a Los Angeles climate-change summit .
In 2014 , Biden joined Garcetti in promoting an increase in the city ’ s minimum wage .
“ Democrats are blessed to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Garcetti said in a statement Thursday , “ but I will never forget what Joe Biden has done for my city and our nation.
” Biden released a statement Thursday afternoon calling Garcetti “ one of the best mayors in this country who has done incredibly innovative things to improve the lives ” of city residents .
The mayor will serve as a national co-chair of Biden ’ s campaign .

Joe Biden, left, appears in Westlake on Friday with L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti, who endorsed the former vice president’s 2020 White House bid.
Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, who flirted with the idea of running for president but skipped the 2020 campaign, endorsed former Vice President Joe Biden for the Democratic nomination Thursday.
Biden and Garcetti promoted the endorsement Friday at an event in Westlake with leaders of the International Assn. of Firefighters.
“He is the right leader at the right moment,” Garcetti said.
Garcetti will be one of Biden’s highest-profile supporters in California’s March 3 primary, but the endorsement is unlikely to have any practical effect on the highly competitive race. Dianne Feinstein, the state’s senior U.S. senator, is also supporting Biden. And Long Beach Mayor Robert Garcia, who had endorsed California Sen. Kamala Harris before she dropped out of the presidential race, also announced his support for Biden on Thursday.
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Biden is a solid front-runner in national polls of Democratic voters but is in a tighter race for the lead in California, where polls show Sens. Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts running nearly even with the former vice president. The 416 delegates at stake in California’s Super Tuesday primary are the biggest prize of the campaign for the party nomination.
Since Garcetti was first elected mayor in 2013, he has devoted much time to building a national political network. He is a member of the Democratic National Committee and vice president of the National Conference of Democratic Mayors. The Los Angeles Times found he spent nearly one-third of his time outside California in a one-year period ending in September 2017, including trips to states with crucial presidential contests, such as Iowa and New Hampshire.
After almost two years of weighing whether to make a bid for the White House, Garcetti announced at City Hall a year ago that he would not run in 2020, saying, “This is what I am meant to do and this is where I want to be.”
Left unsaid was that the surge in homelessness on his watch would have posed a huge challenge in a presidential race. Tent encampments have sprouted citywide on freeway overpasses, in underpasses and along sidewalks, alleys, beaches and riverbanks.
At the Westlake event on Friday, Biden recalled telling Garcetti at the time, “I’m happy you’re not running because you might beat me” but sad because he saw the mayor as qualified to lead the country.
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On Thursday afternoon, Biden toured a $1.5-billion bridge replacement project in Long Beach with Garcia.
Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden tours the Gerald Desmond Bridge replacement project Thursday with Long Beach Mayor Robert Garcia. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
“This bridge will carry 15% of all of America’s cargo by truck up across the bridge connecting Long Beach to Los Angeles. During the Obama-Biden administration, they provided the funds for us actually to construct this bridge,” Garcia said. “And so we’re very grateful to the leadership that the vice president really was all about when it came to infrastructure.... He is ready to lead our country on Day One.”
Later Thursday, Biden attended a fundraising reception in Irvine hosted by former California Sen. Barbara Boxer, former Ambassador James Costos and Reps. Harley Rouda of Laguna Beach and Lou Correa of Santa Ana. Also on Friday, Biden is raising money at a luncheon in Hancock Park.
Garcetti, who was a California co-chair of Barack Obama’s 2008 campaign, has long-standing ties with Biden. In 2015, Biden dined with Garcetti at Getty House, the mayor’s official residence, after the two participated in a Los Angeles climate change summit. In 2014, Biden joined Garcetti in promoting an increase in the city’s minimum wage.
“Democrats are blessed to have such an extraordinary field of candidates,” Garcetti said in a statement Thursday, “but I will never forget what Joe Biden has done for my city and our nation.”
Biden released a statement calling Garcetti “one of the best mayors in this country who has done incredibly innovative things to improve the lives” of city residents. The mayor will serve as a national co-chair of Biden’s campaign.