latimes--2020-11-11--Republicans push back the 2018 'blue wave' in Orange County

Two years ago marked a monumental shift for California politics : Four districts in the then-Republican bastion of Orange County flipped blue , ushering in four Democrats to the House of Representatives .
But 2020 is shaping up as a reversal of that blue wave , although how big a retrenchment it will be remains an open question .
With few ballots left to count , Republicans have taken back at least one seat in Orange County and padded their vote lead in other swing districts across Southern California .
In a major win for the GOP , California 48th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , conceded to his Republican opponent , Michelle Steel on Tuesday , in one of several hard-fought races in areas that until recently were considered conservative strongholds .
Steel remained ahead of Rouda by 2 % , or 7,000 votes , as of Tuesday .
O.C .
Registrar of Voters Neal Kelley said all in-person votes and 99 % of mail-in ballots have been counted , leaving about 28,000 ballots to be processed .
Kelley said he anticipates the final tally to be complete in about two weeks .
Steel ’ s win @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GOP lost in the 2018 midterm elections , when Democrats made big gains in O.C .
and other red-leaning areas .
The historic clean sweep gave Democrats control of all seven O.C .
seats during the 116th Congress .
The 2018 results delivered a blow to Republicans in California ’ s moneyed coast , home to sprawling suburbs and the birthplace of Richard Nixon , the region described by Ronald Reagan as “ a place where good Republicans go to die.
” The post-election day success for these Republican candidates is a shift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University research analyst and co-director of the annual O.C .
survey Michael Moodian .
“ In the past we ’ ve seen Republicans doing well on election night and Democrats making ground from mail-in ballots , ” Moodian said .
“ But the numbers being released after election day are favoring Republicans , which says to me that more Democrats voted early.
” The switch also could mean that more Republicans registered on election day to vote in person .
Steel , 65 , will become one of the first two Korean American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , along with incoming Democratic representative Marilyn Strickland of Washington , who is of African American and Korean descent .
While voter registration has flipped in favor of Democrats across the county , Steel ’ s district remains one of two that maintain a Republican voter registration advantage .
“ This victory has been hard-fought and hard-won , and I could not be more humbled to have your support nor more honored to serve our community in Congress , ” Steel , a member of the Orange County Board of Supervisors , wrote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ let ’ s get to work.
” The race between Rouda and Steel campaigns was as hard-fought as it was narrowly won .
From social media posts to television ads , Steel ’ s campaign portrayed Rouda as a politician who would raise taxes .
Rouda ’ s campaign countered by branding Steel as “ the most corrupt politician in O.C.
” Rouda was endorsed by Joe Biden , whom O.C .
.
Four years ago , the 58-year-old lawyer ousted 15-term Republican Dana Rohrabacher , who became during his final term .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ parties plan to continue fighting for control over the district , Rouda already has announced his intention to run again in the upcoming midterm election , when voters can “ compare my opponent ’ s two years in Congress with my accomplishments on Nov. 8 , 2022.
” Democratic Party of Orange County chair Ada Briceño reiterated the sentiment in a statement .
“ Congressman Harley Rouda is an outstanding leader who put Orange County residents first .
This election was extremely close , so make no mistake : We ’ re taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said .
In another tight race in Orange County , challenger Young Kim , a former state assemblywoman , is trying to oust incumbent Gil Cisneros in their .
Kim , who won the district ’ s March primary by more than 2,000 votes , currently has a lead of around 4,000 votes , or 1.2 % of ballots .
The Korean immigrant started her career running a women ’ s apparel business and later organized community outreach projects for Rep. Ed Royce ( R-Fullerton ) , while serving occasional stints as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as an underdog competitor to Cisneros , a lottery winner-turned philanthropist and politician , Kim faced a disadvantage in a district where 37 % of registered voters are Democrats .
Republicans made up 32.5 % and independents made up 28.7 % of the registered voters in October .
On election night , both Cisneros and Rouda took early leads , but since then their Republican opponents have steadily gained ground .
In yet another hotly contested campaign , in northern Los Angeles County , incumbent Rep. Mike Garcia , a Republican , was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over Assemblywoman Christy Smith in the race for the 25th Congressional District , according to the latest data from the Los Angeles and Ventura county registrar offices .
In 2018 , that seat flipped from red to blue when Democratic newcomer Katie Hill unseated Republican incumbent Steve Knight .
But Hill resigned less than a year into her term after admitting an inappropriate relationship with a campaign staffer .
The vote count has see-sawed between Garcia and Smith , who held the lead Monday .
Moodian said that Garcia ’ s win in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ given a misleading understanding of the political alignment of the district , which includes Santa Clarita and stretches east to the Antelope Valley and contains more registered Democrats than Republicans .
“ Special elections draw in more registered Republicans , ” Moodian said , “ it also comes off the heels of the Katie Hill controversy , so that all bodes well for Mike Garcia.
” By Tuesday Garcia had pulled slightly ahead of Smith as ballot counting continued .

Trump supporters shout to passing motorists in front of GOP headquarters on election day in Newport Beach.
Two years ago marked a monumental shift for California politics: Four districts in the then-Republican bastion of Orange County flipped blue, ushering in four Democrats to the House of Representatives.
But 2020 is shaping up as a reversal of that blue wave, although how big a retrenchment it will be remains an open question. With few ballots left to count, Republicans have taken back at least one seat in Orange County and padded their vote lead in other swing districts across Southern California.
In a major win for the GOP, California 48th District Congressman Harley Rouda, a Democrat, conceded to his Republican opponent, Michelle Steel on Tuesday, in one of several hard-fought races in areas that until recently were considered conservative strongholds. Steel remained ahead of Rouda by 2%, or 7,000 votes, as of Tuesday.
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O.C. Registrar of Voters Neal Kelley said all in-person votes and 99% of mail-in ballots have been counted, leaving about 28,000 ballots to be processed. Kelley said he anticipates the final tally to be complete in about two weeks.
Steel’s win takes back one of several seats that the California GOP lost in the 2018 midterm elections, when Democrats made big gains in O.C. and other red-leaning areas. The historic clean sweep gave Democrats control of all seven O.C. seats during the 116th Congress.
The 2018 results delivered a blow to Republicans in California’s moneyed coast, home to sprawling suburbs and the birthplace of Richard Nixon, the region described by Ronald Reagan as “a place where good Republicans go to die.”
Supervisors Donald P. Wagner and Michelle Steel during a meeting in April 2019. (Mark Boster / For The Times)
The post-election day success for these Republican candidates is a shift from the norm, according to Chapman University research analyst and co-director of the annual O.C. survey Michael Moodian.
“In the past we’ve seen Republicans doing well on election night and Democrats making ground from mail-in ballots,” Moodian said. “But the numbers being released after election day are favoring Republicans, which says to me that more Democrats voted early.”
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The switch also could mean that more Republicans registered on election day to vote in person.
Steel, 65, will become one of the first two Korean American women to serve in the U.S. Congress, along with incoming Democratic representative Marilyn Strickland of Washington, who is of African American and Korean descent.
While voter registration has flipped in favor of Democrats across the county, Steel’s district remains one of two that maintain a Republican voter registration advantage.
“This victory has been hard-fought and hard-won, and I could not be more humbled to have your support nor more honored to serve our community in Congress,” Steel, a member of the Orange County Board of Supervisors, wrote in a tweet. “Now, let’s get to work.”
The race between Rouda and Steel campaigns was as hard-fought as it was narrowly won. From social media posts to television ads, Steel’s campaign portrayed Rouda as a politician who would raise taxes. Rouda’s campaign countered by branding Steel as “the most corrupt politician in O.C.”
Rouda was endorsed by Joe Biden, whom O.C. backed over President Trump . Four years ago, the 58-year-old lawyer ousted 15-term Republican Dana Rohrabacher, who became increasingly unpopular during his final term.
Rep. Harley Rouda talks to members of the Huntington Beach Rotary Club in 2019. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
In a sign of how aggressively both parties plan to continue fighting for control over the district, Rouda already has announced his intention to run again in the upcoming midterm election, when voters can “compare my opponent’s two years in Congress with my accomplishments on Nov. 8, 2022.”
Democratic Party of Orange County chair Ada Briceño reiterated the sentiment in a statement.
“Congressman Harley Rouda is an outstanding leader who put Orange County residents first. This election was extremely close, so make no mistake: We’re taking this seat back in 2022,” she said.
In another tight race in Orange County, challenger Young Kim, a former state assemblywoman, is trying to oust incumbent Gil Cisneros in their rematch for the 39th District . Kim, who won the district’s March primary by more than 2,000 votes, currently has a lead of around 4,000 votes, or 1.2% of ballots.
The Korean immigrant started her career running a women’s apparel business and later organized community outreach projects for Rep. Ed Royce (R-Fullerton), while serving occasional stints as a host on Korean-language radio.
Seen as an underdog competitor to Cisneros, a lottery winner-turned philanthropist and politician, Kim faced a disadvantage in a district where 37% of registered voters are Democrats. Republicans made up 32.5% and independents made up 28.7% of the registered voters in October.
On election night, both Cisneros and Rouda took early leads, but since then their Republican opponents have steadily gained ground.
In yet another hotly contested campaign, in northern Los Angeles County, incumbent Rep. Mike Garcia, a Republican, was clinging to a lead of 159 votes over Assemblywoman Christy Smith in the race for the 25th Congressional District, according to the latest data from the Los Angeles and Ventura county registrar offices.
In 2018, that seat flipped from red to blue when Democratic newcomer Katie Hill unseated Republican incumbent Steve Knight. But Hill resigned less than a year into her term after admitting an inappropriate relationship with a campaign staffer.
The vote count has see-sawed between Garcia and Smith, who held the lead Monday. Moodian said that Garcia’s win in the special election to replace Hill had given a misleading understanding of the political alignment of the district, which includes Santa Clarita and stretches east to the Antelope Valley and contains more registered Democrats than Republicans.
“Special elections draw in more registered Republicans,” Moodian said, “it also comes off the heels of the Katie Hill controversy, so that all bodes well for Mike Garcia.”
By Tuesday Garcia had pulled slightly ahead of Smith as ballot counting continued.


latimes--2020-11-10--California voters reject big changes to landmark property tax measure Prop. 13

A four-decade quest to downsize Proposition 13 , California ’ s famed limit on property taxes , has come up short after supporters failed to convince a new generation of voters that businesses should pay more to help fund schools and local services .
Defenders of the landmark 1978 tax-cutting initiative say that the defeat of this year ’ s proposal , Proposition 15 , should serve as a warning to liberal activists and labor unions .
“ Like it or not , Prop .
13 has almost mythical powers against those who would assail it , ” Jon Coupal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Assn.
, wrote last week .
On Tuesday , the Associated Press projected Proposition 15 had been defeated with 48 % of votes in support and 52 % opposed — more than 15 million votes have been tallied so far .
Final results aren ’ t expected until the end of the month .
More than $ 139 million was spent by supporters and opponents combined on the Proposition 15 campaign .
Its backers spent years crafting their plan to strip high-value business properties from the protections provided by Proposition 13 , arguing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corporations to avoid paying property taxes they can easily afford .
Had they prevailed , independent analysts said , the higher business property taxes could have brought in as much as $ 11.5 billion a year in new funds for public schools and local governments .
The California Teachers Assn.
, one of the state ’ s most politically powerful labor unions , contributed more than $ 20 million to the campaign in favor of Proposition 15 .
“ We came very close , but we demonstrated the power of democracy in action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make for ourselves and the next generation .
That alone is a victory , ” E. Toby Boyd , the union ’ s president , said in a statement .
Supporters prevailed in Los Angeles , the Bay Area and a handful of other coastal counties , according to unofficial returns .
But Proposition 15 ran into strong opposition just about everywhere else , resoundingly rejected in the Central Valley , Inland Empire and Orange and San Diego counties .
The tally of support was close to that found in a poll last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Governmental Studies , in which 49 % of likely voters said they would vote for Proposition 15 .
The business-funded campaign opposed to Proposition 15 said its own private polling found that voters who were undecided toward the end broke sharply against the measure .
Where Proposition 13 sets the value of a property by its purchase price and caps the annual tax at 1 % of the value , Proposition 15 would have generated new tax revenue by allowing more frequent valuations of commercial and industrial property holdings worth $ 3 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have also been swept into the system because their owners have large portfolios of property across California .
“ California voters understood the very real threat Proposition 15 presented to small businesses , farmers and consumers , ” Allan Zaremberg , president of the California Chamber of Commerce , said in a written statement .
“ Voters in California smartly recognized that enacting the largest tax hike in California history would have been devastating to jobs , our economy and California ’ s future competitiveness.
” While the homeowner tax protections of Proposition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four decades , liberal interest groups and labor unions believed few voters realized that the low-tax rules also applied to multimillion-dollar corporations .
Numerous studies revealed that many of these companies , many headquartered in Southern California and the Bay Area , operate in facilities where land values have changed very little since the 1970s — even as new businesses and homeowners alike pay taxes on property assessed more closely to market value .
Larry Grisolano , a Democratic campaign consultant to the effort supporting Proposition 15 , said the big business donors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some $ 72 million to defeat the initiative — were never mentioned in the advertising blitz .
“ There was not one element of the ‘ no ’ campaign that said we should keep helping these big corporations , ” he said .
“ That ought to tell you something.
” Instead , business groups focused on Proposition 15 ’ s potential impact on small businesses .
Their advertising campaign hammered away at the fact that business owners who lease their locations are often required to pay some , or all , of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And while Proposition 15 was explicit in its protection of residential property tax rules , some of its opponents ominously warned that it was the first step toward a complete overhaul or outright repeal of Proposition 13 .
Too few voters were swayed by the promise of new , substantial tax revenue .
About 40 % of the revenue would have been sent to K-12 schools and community colleges , while the remaining 60 % would go to counties , cities and special districts for services such as law enforcement and fire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less than a majority of middle-aged voters and those who described themselves as moderates or conservatives believed the new tax revenue was needed .
Though other tax increases have been approved by California voters in recent years , the uncertainty of the current economy may have presented too strong a head wind for Proposition 15 supporters .
The pandemic , Grisolano said , created “ cross-pressures ” for voters who are worried about schools and public health but fearful of a staggering economy .
“ People have a very strong sense of uncertainty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insecurities make it very difficult for them to take a risk on a change.
” Supporters of changing the rules for corporate property taxes are unlikely to see the relatively narrow defeat of Proposition 15 as the end of the effort .
The proposal had the support of Gov .
Gavin Newsom , who has also suggested broader reviews of California ’ s tax structure in an effort to limit some of the lingering effects of Proposition 13 — most notably , how the cut in property taxes made government services more dependent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ susceptible to rapid up-and-down changes .
Boyd , whose union of more than 300,000 educators has led a number of efforts to increase K-12 school funding , said the pandemic-induced recession has only amplified the needs of students .
“ The fight for much-needed funding for equitable resources continues as our schools and communities face billions in devastating budget cuts , ” he said in a statement .
Any new effort would likely again be contested by business groups , who argue that California is already one of the most expensive states in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Whether any future effort would more directly tackle the legacy of Proposition 13 is unclear .
Neither side in the Proposition 15 campaign chose to invoke the well-known proposition , and public polling suggests voters generally think of it in positive terms .
Similar polls have also found support for rethinking the tax law ’ s benefits to business — an embrace of an idea that the election results suggest may be hard to turn into reality .

A four-decade quest to downsize Proposition 13, California’s famed limit on property taxes, has come up short after supporters failed to convince a new generation of voters that businesses should pay more to help fund schools and local services.
Defenders of the landmark 1978 tax-cutting initiative say that the defeat of this year’s proposal, Proposition 15, should serve as a warning to liberal activists and labor unions.
“Like it or not, Prop. 13 has almost mythical powers against those who would assail it,” Jon Coupal, president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn., wrote last week.
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On Tuesday, the Associated Press projected Proposition 15 had been defeated with 48% of votes in support and 52% opposed — more than 15 million votes have been tallied so far. Final results aren’t expected until the end of the month.
More than $139 million was spent by supporters and opponents combined on the Proposition 15 campaign. Its backers spent years crafting their plan to strip high-value business properties from the protections provided by Proposition 13, arguing that the long-standing law has allowed powerful corporations to avoid paying property taxes they can easily afford. Had they prevailed, independent analysts said, the higher business property taxes could have brought in as much as $11.5 billion a year in new funds for public schools and local governments.
The California Teachers Assn., one of the state’s most politically powerful labor unions, contributed more than $20 million to the campaign in favor of Proposition 15.
“We came very close, but we demonstrated the power of democracy in action. We demonstrated the difference we can make for ourselves and the next generation. That alone is a victory,” E. Toby Boyd, the union’s president, said in a statement.
Supporters prevailed in Los Angeles, the Bay Area and a handful of other coastal counties, according to unofficial returns. But Proposition 15 ran into strong opposition just about everywhere else, resoundingly rejected in the Central Valley, Inland Empire and Orange and San Diego counties.
The tally of support was close to that found in a poll last month by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies, in which 49% of likely voters said they would vote for Proposition 15. The business-funded campaign opposed to Proposition 15 said its own private polling found that voters who were undecided toward the end broke sharply against the measure.
Where Proposition 13 sets the value of a property by its purchase price and caps the annual tax at 1% of the value, Proposition 15 would have generated new tax revenue by allowing more frequent valuations of commercial and industrial property holdings worth $3 million or more. Some lower-valued properties would have also been swept into the system because their owners have large portfolios of property across California.
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“California voters understood the very real threat Proposition 15 presented to small businesses, farmers and consumers,” Allan Zaremberg, president of the California Chamber of Commerce, said in a written statement. “Voters in California smartly recognized that enacting the largest tax hike in California history would have been devastating to jobs, our economy and California’s future competitiveness.”
While the homeowner tax protections of Proposition 13 have remained popular over the last four decades, liberal interest groups and labor unions believed few voters realized that the low-tax rules also applied to multimillion-dollar corporations. Numerous studies revealed that many of these companies, many headquartered in Southern California and the Bay Area, operate in facilities where land values have changed very little since the 1970s — even as new businesses and homeowners alike pay taxes on property assessed more closely to market value.
Larry Grisolano, a Democratic campaign consultant to the effort supporting Proposition 15, said the big business donors to the opposition campaign — which spent some $72 million to defeat the initiative — were never mentioned in the advertising blitz.
“There was not one element of the ‘no’ campaign that said we should keep helping these big corporations,” he said. “That ought to tell you something.”
Instead, business groups focused on Proposition 15’s potential impact on small businesses. Their advertising campaign hammered away at the fact that business owners who lease their locations are often required to pay some, or all, of the building owner’s property taxes.
And while Proposition 15 was explicit in its protection of residential property tax rules, some of its opponents ominously warned that it was the first step toward a complete overhaul or outright repeal of Proposition 13.
Too few voters were swayed by the promise of new, substantial tax revenue. About 40% of the revenue would have been sent to K-12 schools and community colleges, while the remaining 60% would go to counties, cities and special districts for services such as law enforcement and fire suppression. The Berkeley poll found that less than a majority of middle-aged voters and those who described themselves as moderates or conservatives believed the new tax revenue was needed.
Though other tax increases have been approved by California voters in recent years, the uncertainty of the current economy may have presented too strong a head wind for Proposition 15 supporters. The pandemic, Grisolano said, created “cross-pressures” for voters who are worried about schools and public health but fearful of a staggering economy.
“People have a very strong sense of uncertainty,” he said. “Those insecurities make it very difficult for them to take a risk on a change.”
California Proposition 13 treats all California property taxes the same. Voters could change that in 2020 Voters will likely consider a proposal in 2020 to limit Proposition 13’s tax limits to homeowners, boosting assessments on commercial properties and using much of the money on K-12 schools.
Supporters of changing the rules for corporate property taxes are unlikely to see the relatively narrow defeat of Proposition 15 as the end of the effort. The proposal had the support of Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has also suggested broader reviews of California’s tax structure in an effort to limit some of the lingering effects of Proposition 13 — most notably, how the cut in property taxes made government services more dependent on income and sales taxes, both susceptible to rapid up-and-down changes.
Boyd, whose union of more than 300,000 educators has led a number of efforts to increase K-12 school funding, said the pandemic-induced recession has only amplified the needs of students.
“The fight for much-needed funding for equitable resources continues as our schools and communities face billions in devastating budget cuts,” he said in a statement.
Any new effort would likely again be contested by business groups, who argue that California is already one of the most expensive states in the country for entrepreneurs and corporate operations.
Whether any future effort would more directly tackle the legacy of Proposition 13 is unclear. Neither side in the Proposition 15 campaign chose to invoke the well-known proposition, and public polling suggests voters generally think of it in positive terms.
Similar polls have also found support for rethinking the tax law’s benefits to business — an embrace of an idea that the election results suggest may be hard to turn into reality.


latimes--2020-11-12--Could Garcetti, facing daunting challenges in L.A., find new political life in Biden White House?

Less than two years ago , Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti took the stage at an L.A. Live club to announce a tourism milestone : A record number of visitors were coming to the L.A. region , flocking to the city for its restaurants , art museums and hip neighborhoods .
It marked a high point not just for the city but also for its mayor , who had won a landslide reelection and was riding a wave of interest in L.A. that had Garcetti pitching himself as a possible presidential contender .
Today , the nightclub remains closed because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Angeles Convention Center , which has doubled this year as a field hospital and a staging ground for the National Guard , is now being eyed as a homeless shelter .
Tourism has dried up , homicides are rising , and Garcetti and other political leaders are grappling with plunging revenues for City Hall and the possibility of layoffs of city workers .
While the city is in crisis , Garcetti is also facing a personal crossroads .
If he leaves L.A. for a possible position in President-elect Joe Biden ’ s administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might — the mayor would exit the city at a moment of profound crisis .
But if he stays put — and finishes out his two years in office — he could be giving up a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to work alongside Biden , a longtime friend .
A move to Washington would give him new opportunities for advancement yet also affect his legacy at home .
“ It ’ s risky , ” Steven P. Erie , professor emeritus of political science at UC San Diego , said of a situation in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ll look like he ’ s abandoning ship .
But people do have short memories .
People tend to forget , especially if he goes on to bigger and better things .
People will blame his successor ” for L.A. ’ s problems .
If presented with an offer , Garcetti would make his choice amid a leftward shift in L.A. politics .
He was seen as a progressive who hiked the city ’ s minimum wage to $ 15 during his first term .
But in recent years , Garcetti has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a variety of issues including police funding and policies on homelessness and the environment .
And if he stays , those conflicts are only expected to intensify .
Garcetti , who served as a co-chair of Biden ’ s presidential campaign , appears to have few options for higher office in the near future .
He isn ’ t perceived to be close to Gov .
Gavin Newsom , who will select a replacement in the U.S. Senate for Vice President-elect Kamala Harris , and for Sen. Dianne Feinstein if she were to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t respond to a question about the mayor and a possible Biden appointment .
“ Mayor Garcetti is focused on the urgent work of our city to stop the spread of COVID-19 , confront homelessness and bring back L.A. ’ s economy , ” Garcetti spokesman Alex Comisar said Wednesday .
Garcetti himself has remained coy , telling KCRW-FM radio listeners this week that he ’ s “ not looking for a new job ” but that he ’ ll “ always talk to Joe.
” “ He would be foolish not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jaime Regalado , professor emeritus of political science at Cal State L.A. Regalado also could see Garcetti working out a deal with Biden to join his administration in 2022 after the mayor ’ s term ends — a scenario “ that depends on how much Biden wants Garcetti and if Garcetti is willing to wait.
” Garcetti is dealing with criticism over his handling of allegations involving a top aide , Rick Jacobs , who is accused of sexually harassing a police officer .
Three other men have also said Jacobs touched them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consent .
Jacobs has denied harassing the officer , and Garcetti has said he didn ’ t witness any harassment .
The police officer ’ s lawyer is seeking to take Garcetti ’ s deposition , and it is unclear how long the case will go on .
Garcetti was reelected with 81 % of the vote three years ago , a time when L.A. was undergoing a cultural renaissance and was on an economic upswing .
That optimistic chapter feels far away today , blotted out by a pandemic that has ravaged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homelessness .
City Hall faces a dire financial picture that ’ s been exacerbated by generous labor contracts approved by Garcetti and the Los Angeles City Council .
One city report expects a projected revenue gap of up to $ 600 million , and it ’ s unclear whether federal aid will arrive .
The City Council has already offered buyouts to some employees and is setting the stage for furloughs for others in January .
Given the magnitude of the financial and health crises facing the city , “ If I were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conflicted , ” said former City Councilwoman Ruth Galanter , who served on the council from 1987 to 2003 , representing parts of South L.A. , the Westside and the San Fernando Valley .
“ I would feel obligated to the city , ” she said , adding , “ I ’ m not sure I ’ d feel obligated to sacrifice an opportunity that looks very attractive and goes beyond the two years I have left.
” The mayor is serving a longer-than-usual second term because of a one-time change in election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him to exit early , Erie said .
No L.A. mayor in recent years has managed to vault to higher office .
Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa lost his 2018 bid to become governor , and Mayor Tom Bradley failed twice in his effort to get the office in the 1980s .
Meanwhile , the next L.A. mayor ’ s race is already underway , with candidates such as City Atty .
Mike Feuer raising money .
Galanter said that as candidates begin jostling for attention next year , Garcetti ’ s status may diminish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be paying too much attention to him , ” Galanter said .
“ He ’ s not going to have a lot of maneuvering room .
He already doesn ’ t because of the financial crisis , but it ’ s going to be worse.
” To be sure , a broad spectrum of people would like to see Garcetti move on .
Activists want new leadership on the homelessness crisis and transportation , while his allies say that having him in a Biden administration could help Los Angeles .
At the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appears to be shifting .
Dermot Givens , a political consultant , pointed to the wins by progressive candidates in last week ’ s local elections .
The mayor is now seen as more of a centrist Democrat , Givens said .
Garcetti backed Councilmen David Ryu and Herb Wesson , who both lost their races to more progressive opponents for City Council and the L.A. County Board of Supervisors , respectively .
Garcetti switched his endorsement to former San Francisco Dist .
Atty .
George Gascón after backing incumbent L.A. County Dist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primary , a shift that happened after nationwide protests calling for criminal justice reforms .
“ The losses really put a question mark on his future political power , ” Givens said .
“ He ’ s got to see which way the wind is blowing , like we all do .
”

Less than two years ago, Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti took the stage at an L.A. Live club to announce a tourism milestone: A record number of visitors were coming to the L.A. region, flocking to the city for its restaurants, art museums and hip neighborhoods.
It marked a high point not just for the city but also for its mayor, who had won a landslide reelection and was riding a wave of interest in L.A. that had Garcetti pitching himself as a possible presidential contender.
Today, the nightclub remains closed because of the pandemic. The nearby Los Angeles Convention Center, which has doubled this year as a field hospital and a staging ground for the National Guard, is now being eyed as a homeless shelter.
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Tourism has dried up, homicides are rising, and Garcetti and other political leaders are grappling with plunging revenues for City Hall and the possibility of layoffs of city workers.
While the city is in crisis, Garcetti is also facing a personal crossroads.
If he leaves L.A. for a possible position in President-elect Joe Biden’s administration — as there is widespread speculation he might — the mayor would exit the city at a moment of profound crisis.
But if he stays put — and finishes out his two years in office — he could be giving up a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to work alongside Biden, a longtime friend. A move to Washington would give him new opportunities for advancement yet also affect his legacy at home.
“It’s risky,” Steven P. Erie, professor emeritus of political science at UC San Diego, said of a situation in which Garcetti leaves for Washington. “It’ll look like he’s abandoning ship. But people do have short memories. People tend to forget, especially if he goes on to bigger and better things. People will blame his successor” for L.A.’s problems.
If presented with an offer, Garcetti would make his choice amid a leftward shift in L.A. politics.
He was seen as a progressive who hiked the city’s minimum wage to $15 during his first term. But in recent years, Garcetti has faced growing attacks from the left for a variety of issues including police funding and policies on homelessness and the environment. And if he stays, those conflicts are only expected to intensify.
Garcetti, who served as a co-chair of Biden’s presidential campaign, appears to have few options for higher office in the near future.
He isn’t perceived to be close to Gov. Gavin Newsom, who will select a replacement in the U.S. Senate for Vice President-elect Kamala Harris, and for Sen. Dianne Feinstein if she were to step down early.
A potential run for governor couldn’t happen until 2026.
Garcetti aides didn’t respond to a question about the mayor and a possible Biden appointment. “Mayor Garcetti is focused on the urgent work of our city to stop the spread of COVID-19, confront homelessness and bring back L.A.’s economy,” Garcetti spokesman Alex Comisar said Wednesday.
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Garcetti himself has remained coy, telling KCRW-FM radio listeners this week that he’s “not looking for a new job” but that he’ll “always talk to Joe.”
“He would be foolish not to go to D.C.,” said Jaime Regalado, professor emeritus of political science at Cal State L.A.
Regalado also could see Garcetti working out a deal with Biden to join his administration in 2022 after the mayor’s term ends — a scenario “that depends on how much Biden wants Garcetti and if Garcetti is willing to wait.”
Garcetti is dealing with criticism over his handling of allegations involving a top aide, Rick Jacobs, who is accused of sexually harassing a police officer. Three other men have also said Jacobs touched them or tried to touch them without their consent. Jacobs has denied harassing the officer, and Garcetti has said he didn’t witness any harassment.
The police officer’s lawyer is seeking to take Garcetti’s deposition, and it is unclear how long the case will go on.
Garcetti was reelected with 81% of the vote three years ago, a time when L.A. was undergoing a cultural renaissance and was on an economic upswing.
That optimistic chapter feels far away today, blotted out by a pandemic that has ravaged low-income neighborhoods and threatened more Angelenos with homelessness.
City Hall faces a dire financial picture that’s been exacerbated by generous labor contracts approved by Garcetti and the Los Angeles City Council.
One city report expects a projected revenue gap of up to $600 million, and it’s unclear whether federal aid will arrive. The City Council has already offered buyouts to some employees and is setting the stage for furloughs for others in January.
Given the magnitude of the financial and health crises facing the city, “If I were Garcetti, I’d feel really conflicted,” said former City Councilwoman Ruth Galanter, who served on the council from 1987 to 2003, representing parts of South L.A., the Westside and the San Fernando Valley.
“I would feel obligated to the city,” she said, adding, “I’m not sure I’d feel obligated to sacrifice an opportunity that looks very attractive and goes beyond the two years I have left.”
The mayor is serving a longer-than-usual second term because of a one-time change in election dates, making it more acceptable for him to exit early, Erie said.
No L.A. mayor in recent years has managed to vault to higher office. Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa lost his 2018 bid to become governor, and Mayor Tom Bradley failed twice in his effort to get the office in the 1980s.
Meanwhile, the next L.A. mayor’s race is already underway, with candidates such as City Atty. Mike Feuer raising money. Galanter said that as candidates begin jostling for attention next year, Garcetti’s status may diminish.
“No one is going to be paying too much attention to him,” Galanter said. “He’s not going to have a lot of maneuvering room. He already doesn’t because of the financial crisis, but it’s going to be worse.”
To be sure, a broad spectrum of people would like to see Garcetti move on. Activists want new leadership on the homelessness crisis and transportation, while his allies say that having him in a Biden administration could help Los Angeles.
At the same time, the political landscape around Garcetti appears to be shifting.
Dermot Givens, a political consultant, pointed to the wins by progressive candidates in last week’s local elections.
The mayor is now seen as more of a centrist Democrat, Givens said.
Garcetti backed Councilmen David Ryu and Herb Wesson, who both lost their races to more progressive opponents for City Council and the L.A. County Board of Supervisors, respectively. Garcetti switched his endorsement to former San Francisco Dist. Atty. George Gascón after backing incumbent L.A. County Dist. Atty. Jackie Lacey in the primary, a shift that happened after nationwide protests calling for criminal justice reforms.
“The losses really put a question mark on his future political power,” Givens said. “He’s got to see which way the wind is blowing, like we all do.”


latimes--2020-11-12--Column: Expanding vote by mail in California was a success. Let's do it permanently

The pandemic produced one good thing : mail ballots for every California voter .
And regardless of our fired president ’ s nonsensical claims , they were cast without a scent of fraud .
That was anticipated based on the history of clean mail balloting .
And it was forecast by practically everyone except pugnacious President Trump and his Republican lemmings .
Regardless of their moaning about potential corruption , Republicans actually came out ahead in much of the California voting .
They picked up some congressional seats and beat back a few Democratic ballot measures .
Virus or no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every active registered voter a mail ballot in future elections .
It makes voting much easier .
And there are plenty of protections against fraud .
Here ’ s another thought about the Nov. 3 election : It ’ s hard enough for voters to figure out what most of the ballot propositions would do without the state attorney general dishing out party propaganda in the official labels , titles and summaries .
The job of writing the official ballot descriptions should be turned over to a neutral noncombatant such as the nonpartisan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Give the voters a break .
Play it straight .
More later on ballot measure descriptions .
Let ’ s salute California ’ s voting system that appears to have worked smoothly .
In California , unlike battleground Pennsylvania , counties were allowed to begin tabulating mail ballots as soon as they were returned to the registrar of voters .
The results were not released until polls closed on election day .
But vote counters got a huge head start .
One feature that worked great was a tracking system that permitted voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — to follow their ballots .
I got an email a week before election day telling me that my ballot had not yet arrived .
That ’ s because I hadn ’ t voted .
After I did vote , I got another email informing me the ballot had been received and would be counted .
That was comforting to know .
Gov .
Gavin Newsom decided on his own — and the Legislature later passed a law to make sure it was legal — that every active registered voter would receive a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to allow people to cast ballots without crowding into vote centers during the COVID-19 pandemic .
Of course , Democrats also knew they ’ re always helped by large turnouts .
And it was a very large turnout — perhaps around 80 % of the record 22 million registered voters when all the counting is completed .
Of all the votes recorded , probably 85 % were cast with mail ballots , estimates Paul Mitchell , vice president of Political Data Inc. , the go-to source for election number analysis .
Mail ballots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Twenty years ago , a quarter of the general election vote was cast by mail ballot .
By 2010 , it was up to nearly half .
By 2018 , it had grown to 65 % .
And in the March primary it was 72 % .
“ Once they ’ ve gotten a taste of vote-by-mail , they ’ ve wanted more , ” says Sam Mahood , spokesman for Secretary of State Alex Padilla .
“ They like the flexibility.
” Newsom and Padilla indicate they ’ d like to permanently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Making voting easier , providing more choice and more opportunity is fabulous , ” the governor said on election day .
Assemblyman Marc Berman ( D-Menlo Park ) , chairman of the Assembly elections committee , announced he ’ ll introduce legislation to mail every voter a ballot .
“ Our democracy is strongest when everyone participates , ” he said .
Right .
And it ’ s also strongest when voters get unbiased information about ballot propositions from the state attorney general .
State law requires the attorney general to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purpose of the measure ” in language unlikely “ to create prejudice for or against ” the proposal .
That was adhered to by attorneys general of both parties until the 1990s .
Then some slanting started showing up and it got increasingly worse , especially under Atty .
Gen. Kamala Harris , now the vice president-elect .
Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra — clearly feeling pressure from labor and his Democratic Party — has sunk to a new low .
For example , the ballot label on Proposition 15 : “ Increases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ colleges and local government services by changing tax assessment of commercial and industrial property.
” Changing tax assessment ?
What it did was change Proposition 13 and substantially raise commercial property taxes .
Voters understood and voted no .
There were similarly slanted descriptions that favored Proposition 16 , which would have allowed race and gender preferences in public university admissions and government contracting ( the measure failed ) and opposed Proposition 22 to allow drivers for ride-hail and delivery companies to be classified as independent contractors instead of employees ( it passed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforcing the law , deferring to the attorney general .
“ The court is not a copy editor , ” Sacramento County Superior Court Judge Laurie M. Earl wrote in August while announcing her intention to slap down three lawsuits challenging the wording of proposition titles .
“ Any AG has a blank check to say whatever he or she wants to say , ” asserts Steve Merksamer , a political attorney who estimates he has lawyered roughly 150 ballot propositions .
He was also once a top aide to Republican Atty .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s gubernatorial chief of staff .
“ Unfortunately , this makes voters even more cynical than they already are , ” adds Merksamer , the attorney for Proposition 22 .
Becerra and voters would be better off if a nonpartisan outfit wrote the official descriptions for ballot measures .
But the Legislature is unlikely to ever agree .
So , this would require a ballot initiative — one that was honestly described to voters .
There are times when politics should be taken out of elections .

Workers from the Los Angeles County registrar’s office collect ballots from a drop box in Norwalk on Nov. 4.
The pandemic produced one good thing: mail ballots for every California voter. And regardless of our fired president’s nonsensical claims, they were cast without a scent of fraud.
That was anticipated based on the history of clean mail balloting. And it was forecast by practically everyone except pugnacious President Trump and his Republican lemmings.
Regardless of their moaning about potential corruption, Republicans actually came out ahead in much of the California voting. They picked up some congressional seats and beat back a few Democratic ballot measures.
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Virus or no virus, California should continue to send every active registered voter a mail ballot in future elections. It makes voting much easier. And there are plenty of protections against fraud.
Here’s another thought about the Nov. 3 election:
It’s hard enough for voters to figure out what most of the ballot propositions would do without the state attorney general dishing out party propaganda in the official labels, titles and summaries.
The job of writing the official ballot descriptions should be turned over to a neutral noncombatant such as the nonpartisan state Legislative Analyst’s Office. Give the voters a break. Play it straight.
More later on ballot measure descriptions.
Let’s salute California’s voting system that appears to have worked smoothly.
In California, unlike battleground Pennsylvania, counties were allowed to begin tabulating mail ballots as soon as they were returned to the registrar of voters. The results were not released until polls closed on election day. But vote counters got a huge head start.
One feature that worked great was a tracking system that permitted voters — if they signed up for it — to follow their ballots. I got an email a week before election day telling me that my ballot had not yet arrived. That’s because I hadn’t voted. After I did vote, I got another email informing me the ballot had been received and would be counted.
Advertisement
That was comforting to know.
Gov. Gavin Newsom decided on his own — and the Legislature later passed a law to make sure it was legal — that every active registered voter would receive a mail ballot. The stated idea was to allow people to cast ballots without crowding into vote centers during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Of course, Democrats also knew they’re always helped by large turnouts.
And it was a very large turnout — perhaps around 80% of the record 22 million registered voters when all the counting is completed.
Of all the votes recorded, probably 85% were cast with mail ballots, estimates Paul Mitchell, vice president of Political Data Inc., the go-to source for election number analysis.
Mail ballots have caught on big-time in California. Twenty years ago, a quarter of the general election vote was cast by mail ballot. By 2010, it was up to nearly half. By 2018, it had grown to 65%. And in the March primary it was 72%.
“Once they’ve gotten a taste of vote-by-mail, they’ve wanted more,” says Sam Mahood, spokesman for Secretary of State Alex Padilla. “They like the flexibility.”
Newsom and Padilla indicate they’d like to permanently send mail ballots to all registered voters.
“Making voting easier, providing more choice and more opportunity is fabulous,” the governor said on election day.
Assemblyman Marc Berman (D-Menlo Park), chairman of the Assembly elections committee, announced he’ll introduce legislation to mail every voter a ballot.
“Our democracy is strongest when everyone participates,” he said.
Right. And it’s also strongest when voters get unbiased information about ballot propositions from the state attorney general.
State law requires the attorney general to provide an “impartial statement of the purpose of the measure” in language unlikely “to create prejudice for or against” the proposal.
That was adhered to by attorneys general of both parties until the 1990s. Then some slanting started showing up and it got increasingly worse, especially under Atty. Gen. Kamala Harris, now the vice president-elect.
Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra — clearly feeling pressure from labor and his Democratic Party — has sunk to a new low.
For example, the ballot label on Proposition 15: “Increases funding sources for public schools, community colleges and local government services by changing tax assessment of commercial and industrial property.”
Changing tax assessment? What it did was change Proposition 13 and substantially raise commercial property taxes. Voters understood and voted no.
There were similarly slanted descriptions that favored Proposition 16, which would have allowed race and gender preferences in public university admissions and government contracting (the measure failed) and opposed Proposition 22 to allow drivers for ride-hail and delivery companies to be classified as independent contractors instead of employees (it passed).
Judges have all but stopped enforcing the law, deferring to the attorney general.
“The court is not a copy editor,” Sacramento County Superior Court Judge Laurie M. Earl wrote in August while announcing her intention to slap down three lawsuits challenging the wording of proposition titles.
“Any AG has a blank check to say whatever he or she wants to say,” asserts Steve Merksamer, a political attorney who estimates he has lawyered roughly 150 ballot propositions. He was also once a top aide to Republican Atty. Gen. George Deukmejian and later Deukmejian’s gubernatorial chief of staff.
“Unfortunately, this makes voters even more cynical than they already are,” adds Merksamer, the attorney for Proposition 22.
Becerra and voters would be better off if a nonpartisan outfit wrote the official descriptions for ballot measures.
But the Legislature is unlikely to ever agree. So, this would require a ballot initiative — one that was honestly described to voters.
There are times when politics should be taken out of elections.


latimes--2020-11-12--Mansion reportedly belonging to Denzel Washington is searched for fire after reports of smoke

Firefighters are inspecting a Beverly Crest mansion that may belong to actor Denzel Washington after reports of smoke Wednesday evening @ @ @ @ @ , the Los Angeles Fire Department was dispatched following a 911 call from a resident @ @ @ @ @ .
When firefighters arrived , the home ’ s occupants had already exited , said @ @ @ @ @ Humphrey said he could not confirm who owns the house .
KCBS-TV Channel 2 reported @ @ @ @ @ “ The Equalizer ” actor Denzel Washington .
Firefighters found smoke on the second floor @ @ @ @ @ to the Fire Department .
About an hour later , fire officials were still searching @ @ @ @ @ , four-story mansion using thermal imaging cameras .
“ The investigation is largely focused on @ @ @ @ @ the home that may have been recently serviced , ” the LAFD said in a @ @ @

Firefighters are searching the walls of a four-story mansion in Beverly Crest after smoke was reported by a resident. KCBS-TV Channel 2 reported the home belongs to actor Denzel Washington.
Firefighters are inspecting a Beverly Crest mansion that may belong to actor Denzel Washington after reports of smoke Wednesday evening.
Shortly after 8 p.m., the Los Angeles Fire Department was dispatched following a 911 call from a resident at 41 Beverly Park Circle. When firefighters arrived, the home’s occupants had already exited, said LAFD spokesman Brian Humphrey.
Humphrey said he could not confirm who owns the house. KCBS-TV Channel 2 reported that the home belongs to “The Equalizer” actor Denzel Washington.
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Firefighters found smoke on the second floor but no flames, according to the Fire Department. About an hour later, fire officials were still searching the walls of the 28,887-square-foot, four-story mansion using thermal imaging cameras.
“The investigation is largely focused on one of several furnaces in the home that may have been recently serviced,” the LAFD said in a news alert.


latimes--2020-11-11--California voters approve Prop. 19, giving new property tax breaks to older homeowners

California voters have approved a new property tax break for older homeowners in the state , easing their tax burdens if they move .
The success of Proposition 19 means that those 55 and older will be able to blend the taxable value of their old home with the value of a new , more expensive home they purchase , resulting in property tax savings that could reach thousands of dollars a year .
As part of the measure , children who inherit their parents ’ houses will no longer receive a property tax break if they intend to keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it out .
The election was close .
Just over 51 % of voters supported Proposition 19 when the Associated Press called the race Wednesday evening , when returns showed the measure had a lead of more than 350,000 votes .
“ Voters passed Proposition 19 because it is a win-win for California , providing needed housing and tax relief for seniors , wildfire victims , and generating much needed revenue for schools , fire districts , cities and counties as they face budget shortfalls due to the harmful economic impact of COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the California Assn .
of Realtors , which was the principal supporter of the measure .
Before Proposition 19 ‘ s passage , older homeowners had a one-time opportunity to retain their existing tax benefits if they moved to a home of equal or lesser value within the same county .
They could do the same when moving between Los Angeles and nine other counties .
If they didn ’ t meet those requirements or moved to a more expensive home , they would have had to pay the full amount in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will receive a property tax benefit when they buy a more expensive home anywhere in the state — up to three times .
Homeowners with disabilities will be able to do the same , and victims of wildfires and other natural disasters will be able to do so after their home is damaged .
Supporters of Proposition 19 argued the measure would help empty nesters and those wanting to move for health reasons to find new homes without facing a big tax hit .
Proposition 19 also restricts an inheritance property tax break @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep their parents ’ low property tax assessments .
A 2018 Times investigation found a large number of inherited homes along the coast that are used as investment properties .
Real estate interests raised more than $ 39 million to support Proposition 19 ’ s passage .
Realtors are expected to benefit from increased home sales , both by older homeowners deciding to take advantage of their new tax benefits to move and heirs preferring to sell their parents ’ properties rather than pay higher property taxes .
Much of the Realtor-backed campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wildfire victims and increased funding for wildfire response .
But disaster-affected homeowners constitute well under 1 % of those eligible for tax relief under Proposition 19 , according to an analysis by the California Budget and Policy Center , which found the benefits almost entirely accruing to older homeowners .
And while the measure does reserve new tax revenue for wildfire response , the state ’ s nonpartisan Legislative Analyst ’ s Office believes that the vast majority of the wildfire funding will not start flowing until 2025 at the earliest .

California voters have approved a new property tax break for older homeowners in the state, easing their tax burdens if they move.
The success of Proposition 19 means that those 55 and older will be able to blend the taxable value of their old home with the value of a new, more expensive home they purchase, resulting in property tax savings that could reach thousands of dollars a year.
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As part of the measure, children who inherit their parents’ houses will no longer receive a property tax break if they intend to keep it as a second home or rent it out.
The election was close. Just over 51% of voters supported Proposition 19 when the Associated Press called the race Wednesday evening, when returns showed the measure had a lead of more than 350,000 votes.
“Voters passed Proposition 19 because it is a win-win for California, providing needed housing and tax relief for seniors, wildfire victims, and generating much needed revenue for schools, fire districts, cities and counties as they face budget shortfalls due to the harmful economic impact of COVID-19,” said Jeanne Radsick, president of the California Assn. of Realtors, which was the principal supporter of the measure.
Before Proposition 19‘s passage, older homeowners had a one-time opportunity to retain their existing tax benefits if they moved to a home of equal or lesser value within the same county. They could do the same when moving between Los Angeles and nine other counties. If they didn’t meet those requirements or moved to a more expensive home, they would have had to pay the full amount in property taxes.
Now, older homeowners will receive a property tax benefit when they buy a more expensive home anywhere in the state — up to three times. Homeowners with disabilities will be able to do the same, and victims of wildfires and other natural disasters will be able to do so after their home is damaged.
Supporters of Proposition 19 argued the measure would help empty-nesters and those wanting to move for health reasons to find new homes without facing a big tax hit.
Proposition 19 also restricts an inheritance property tax break that allowed the children of homeowners to keep their parents’ low property tax assessments. A 2018 Times investigation found a large number of inherited homes along the coast that are used as investment properties.
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Real estate interests raised more than $39 million to support Proposition 19’s passage. Realtors are expected to benefit from increased home sales, both by older homeowners deciding to take advantage of their new tax benefits to move and heirs preferring to sell their parents’ properties rather than pay higher property taxes.
Much of the Realtor-backed campaign for Proposition 19 focused on benefits to wildfire victims and increased funding for wildfire response. But disaster-affected homeowners constitute well under 1% of those eligible for tax relief under Proposition 19, according to an analysis by the California Budget and Policy Center, which found the benefits almost entirely accruing to older homeowners.
And while the measure does reserve new tax revenue for wildfire response, the state’s nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office believes that the vast majority of the wildfire funding will not start flowing until 2025 at the earliest.


latimes--2020-11-12--Inmate in Mexican prison extorted Southern California families with made-up kidnappings, feds charge

From his prison cell on the outskirts of Mexico City , an indictment says , Julio Manuel Reyes Zuniga dialed families in Southern California , told them a loved one had been abducted and demanded a ransom .
The families paid cash , wired money and handed over expensive electronics , only to learn there had been no kidnapping at all .
The abductions may not have been real , but the scheme still amounted to extortion , money laundering and other crimes , a grand jury found in handing up an indictment of Reyes Zuniga , a onetime resident @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Mexican prisons since 1996 for a pair of murder convictions .
Reyes Zuniga was extradited to Los Angeles and made an appearance Wednesday afternoon in federal court , where he pleaded not guilty , said his lawyer , Anthony Solis .
“ Everything is in dispute , ” Solis said .
According to the indictment , Reyes Zuniga began contacting families in Los Angeles , Orange and Santa Barbara counties in September 2015 , calling them from his cell in Santa Martha Acatitla prison outside Mexico City .
It ’ s unclear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ access to a phone in prison , although the U.S. attorney ’ s office in Los Angeles noted in a statement that such “ virtual kidnapping ” schemes are often perpetrated with smuggled cellphones .
Reyes Zuniga claimed to have abducted the families ’ children or loved ones , then demanded a ransom — cash drops , wire transfers to conspirators in Mexico , or iPads and iPhones — to secure their release , the indictment charges .
If a victim elected to pay cash , a co-conspirator — unnamed in court papers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , deposited it in her bank account and delivered it to either Reyes Zuniga or three unnamed family members , who are also referenced in the indictment as co-conspirators .
Reyes Zuniga is charged with 27 counts of extortion : one count per victim , each of whom paid thousands of dollars to resolve made-up kidnappings , authorities say .
He also faces charges of conspiring to launder money and extort , as well as making threats with an intent to extort .
The U.S. attorney ’ s office identified Reyes Zuniga , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rancho San Pedro , a Latino street gang in the harbor area .
“ They say all kinds of things in their press releases , ” Solis , his attorney , said .
“ Some things are true ; some things are not .
”

U.S. Atty. Nick Hanna’s office has charged a former San Pedro resident being held in a Mexican prison with extorting Southern California families through made-up kidnappings.
From his prison cell on the outskirts of Mexico City, an indictment says, Julio Manuel Reyes Zuniga dialed families in Southern California, told them a loved one had been abducted and demanded a ransom. The families paid cash, wired money and handed over expensive electronics, only to learn there had been no kidnapping at all.
The abductions may not have been real, but the scheme still amounted to extortion, money laundering and other crimes, a grand jury found in handing up an indictment of Reyes Zuniga, a onetime resident of San Pedro who had been incarcerated in Mexican prisons since 1996 for a pair of murder convictions.
Reyes Zuniga was extradited to Los Angeles and made an appearance Wednesday afternoon in federal court, where he pleaded not guilty, said his lawyer, Anthony Solis.
“Everything is in dispute,” Solis said.
According to the indictment, Reyes Zuniga began contacting families in Los Angeles, Orange and Santa Barbara counties in September 2015, calling them from his cell in Santa Martha Acatitla prison outside Mexico City. It’s unclear in the indictment how Reyes Zuniga had access to a phone in prison, although the U.S. attorney’s office in Los Angeles noted in a statement that such “virtual kidnapping” schemes are often perpetrated with smuggled cellphones.
Reyes Zuniga claimed to have abducted the families’ children or loved ones, then demanded a ransom — cash drops, wire transfers to conspirators in Mexico, or iPads and iPhones — to secure their release, the indictment charges.
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If a victim elected to pay cash, a co-conspirator — unnamed in court papers — collected the money in Southern California, deposited it in her bank account and delivered it to either Reyes Zuniga or three unnamed family members, who are also referenced in the indictment as co-conspirators.
Reyes Zuniga is charged with 27 counts of extortion: one count per victim, each of whom paid thousands of dollars to resolve made-up kidnappings, authorities say. He also faces charges of conspiring to launder money and extort, as well as making threats with an intent to extort.
The U.S. attorney’s office identified Reyes Zuniga, 48, as a reputed member of Rancho San Pedro, a Latino street gang in the harbor area.
“They say all kinds of things in their press releases,” Solis, his attorney, said. “Some things are true; some things are not.”


latimes--2020-11-12--Former consultant for California high-speed rail project cleared of ethics violations

A state ethics investigation into the top consultant working on the California bullet train last year has found he did not violate state law , following allegations that he was among those who approved a contract modification for a company in which he held stock .
The lengthy probe by the Fair Political Practices Commission found that Roy Hill , formerly the top official at the state ’ s main consulting firm , WSP , did not violate state laws for conflicts of interest .
The commission closed its case , according to a Nov. 3 letter to Hill ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ previously reported .
In its letter , the commission said the allegations of conflict-of-interest violations “ have been disproven.
” The rail authority declined to comment on the decision .
When the probe was launched , it said it took conflict-of-interest concerns seriously and said it would work closely with the commission ’ s staff .
WSP Vice President of Communications Corey Dade said : “ We did not receive a copy of the findings because WSP was not a subject in the investigation .
We are pleased , but not surprised , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any wrongdoing .
Mr. Hill is no longer employed with WSP USA.
” Hill could not be reached for comment Thursday .
When the probe was started in June 2019 , Hill was deputy chief operating officer for the project .
He was suspended at the time at the request of the California High-Speed Rail Authority .
The matter involved allegations that Hill signed a $ 51-million change order for the construction team led by the Spanish firm Dragados .
It happened in the same year he may have owned more than $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which is part of the Dragados team , records show .
The commission also investigated whether the action may have had a “ material financial effect ” on Jacobs and concluded it resulted in a “ nominal financial effect.
” The agency also said Hill ’ s stock in Jacobs Engineering was a “ non-interest , so he was not financially interested in the contract.
” Assemblyman Jim Patterson ( R-Fresno ) , a longtime critic of the rail project , requested the investigation after discovering that Hill had listed his stock ownership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He got off the hook , because the lawyers found the conflict wasn ’ t big enough , ” Patterson said Thursday .
“ But there is still a conflict in my mind.
” The change order was signed Dec. 20 , 2017 , by Hill , along with chief engineer Scott Jarvis and the rail authority ’ s then-acting chief executive , Thomas Fellenz .
It compensated the Dragados team for delays involving delivery of land , permits , utility relocations and other factors through Aug. 31 , 2017 .
Hill came @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On March 18 , 2019 , he filed a financial disclosure statement , known as a California Form 700 , that showed he held between $ 100,000 and $ 1 million worth of stock in Jacobs Engineering , the Texas firm that is providing engineering and design services to the Dragados joint venture .
Hill did not fill in sections of the form that indicated when he acquired or may have disposed of the stock .
Hill may have acquired the Jacobs shares through a merger , in which Jacobs acquired engineering and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Colorado .
Before joining WSP , Hill was a longtime senior executive at CH2M in Europe , where he worked on a broad range of infrastructure projects , according to his resume .
It is unclear from his disclosure form whether he owned the Jacobs stock before the merger .
The acquisition was announced Aug. 2 , 2017 , and completed Dec. 18 , 2017 .
If Hill held CH2M stock , he probably knew he would own the Jacobs shares before he signed the contract modification but did not actually own them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ethics experts said at the time that such issues are often not black and white .
An ethics issue begins if there is a “ conflict producing interest ” but requires that the conflict was foreseeable and that it is material or significant , Delaney Marsco , ethics counsel at Campaign Legal Center , a nonpartisan watchdog , said at the time .

A state ethics investigation into the top consultant working on the California bullet train last year has found he did not violate state law, following allegations that he was among those who approved a contract modification for a company in which he held stock.
The lengthy probe by the Fair Political Practices Commission found that Roy Hill, formerly the top official at the state’s main consulting firm, WSP, did not violate state laws for conflicts of interest. The commission closed its case, according to a Nov. 3 letter to Hill’s attorney, which has not been previously reported.
In its letter, the commission said the allegations of conflict-of-interest violations “have been disproven.”
The rail authority declined to comment on the decision. When the probe was launched, it said it took conflict-of-interest concerns seriously and said it would work closely with the commission’s staff.
A statement issued by his attorney Andreas Rockas said Hill is “pleased that the conflict of interest and self-dealing allegations made against him have been disproven. Mr. Hill looks forward to moving on with his life and career now that his name is cleared.”
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WSP Vice President of Communications Corey Dade said: “We did not receive a copy of the findings because WSP was not a subject in the investigation. We are pleased, but not surprised, that Roy Hill has been cleared of any wrongdoing. Mr. Hill is no longer employed with WSP USA.”
When the probe was started in June 2019, Hill was deputy chief operating officer for the project. He was suspended at the time at the request of the California High-Speed Rail Authority.
The matter involved allegations that Hill signed a $51-million change order for the construction team led by the Spanish firm Dragados. It happened in the same year he may have owned more than $100,000 of stock in Jacobs Engineering, which is part of the Dragados team, records show.
The commission also investigated whether the action may have had a “material financial effect” on Jacobs and concluded it resulted in a “nominal financial effect.” The agency also said Hill’s stock in Jacobs Engineering was a “non-interest, so he was not financially interested in the contract.”
Assemblyman Jim Patterson (R-Fresno), a longtime critic of the rail project, requested the investigation after discovering that Hill had listed his stock ownership on a financial disclosure form. “He got off the hook, because the lawyers found the conflict wasn’t big enough,” Patterson said Thursday. “But there is still a conflict in my mind.”
The change order was signed Dec. 20, 2017, by Hill, along with chief engineer Scott Jarvis and the rail authority’s then-acting chief executive, Thomas Fellenz. It compensated the Dragados team for delays involving delivery of land, permits, utility relocations and other factors through Aug. 31, 2017.
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Hill came onto the project in June 2017. On March 18, 2019, he filed a financial disclosure statement, known as a California Form 700, that showed he held between $100,000 and $1 million worth of stock in Jacobs Engineering, the Texas firm that is providing engineering and design services to the Dragados joint venture. Hill did not fill in sections of the form that indicated when he acquired or may have disposed of the stock.
California How California’s faltering high-speed rail project was ‘captured’ by costly consultants When California shifted its bullet train plan into high gear in 2008, it had just 10 employees to manage and oversee design of the largest public construction project in state history.
Hill may have acquired the Jacobs shares through a merger, in which Jacobs acquired engineering and environmental management firm CH2M, based in Colorado. Before joining WSP, Hill was a longtime senior executive at CH2M in Europe, where he worked on a broad range of infrastructure projects, according to his resume. It is unclear from his disclosure form whether he owned the Jacobs stock before the merger.
The acquisition was announced Aug. 2, 2017, and completed Dec. 18, 2017. If Hill held CH2M stock, he probably knew he would own the Jacobs shares before he signed the contract modification but did not actually own them until months after he signed the document.
Ethics experts said at the time that such issues are often not black and white. An ethics issue begins if there is a “conflict producing interest” but requires that the conflict was foreseeable and that it is material or significant, Delaney Marsco, ethics counsel at Campaign Legal Center, a nonpartisan watchdog, said at the time.


latimes--2020-11-12--Photos: California hits 1 million coronavirus cases

California on Thursday became just the second state to pass the mark of 1 million coronavirus cases .
Texas reported @ @ @ @ @ 1 million cases as infections surge across the country .

California Gov. Gavin Newsom issued a statewide order setting new restrictions tied to regional strains on critical care services as COVID-19 cases continued to rise.
The rules strictly affected, among other things, outings, travel and in-person shopping.
They were designed to last for at least 21 days once local critical-care facilities approached capacity, a period that could extend into the new year in some places.
Here are recent pandemic-time photos from around the Southland.
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Holiday lights reflect off Alamitos Bay as a gondolier takes a single passenger for a ride on Dec. 8. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
A visitor takes in the view of the Pacific Ocean and Catalina Island from Point Vicente Interpretive Center in Rancho Palos Verdes on Dec. 8. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
A homeless woman attempts to cross James M. Wood Boulevard in downtown Los Angeles. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
A woman uses a hand-washing station on 5th Street in downtown Los Angeles. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Medical assistant Ana Ivette Zacarias, 25, gets ready to change her clothes after working a shift at South Central Family Health Center. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
Huntington Beach City Clerk Robin Estanislau swears in new Mayor Kim Carr and Mayor Pro Tem Tito Ortiz at the Dec. 8 City Council meeting. (Matt Szabo)
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Bryan Yudko and his wife, Pam, enjoy a meal and the view in Manhattan Beach recently as a new shutdown loomed in L.A. County. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
People participate in a tai chi class at Dr. Paul Carlson Memorial Park in Culver City on Nov. 29. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
People dine along Manhattan Beach Boulevard in early December. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
Catherine Mejia, 7, left; Damian Rocha, 4 months; and Lizzette Mejia, 11, have their photo taken, with Santa separated by plexiglass, at the Citadel Outlets in Commerce. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
Nurse Helena Harvilicz sways in her car to Aretha Franklin’s “Respect” on Dec. 2 at Keck Hospital of USC in Lincoln Heights, where nurses were protesting unsafe working conditions. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
COVID-19 nurse Jennifer Labis protests Dec. 2 at Keck Hospital of USC. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
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A couple, wearing masks, skate at dusk at the Pasea Hotel & Spa in Huntington Beach. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Maala Sampath, 2, tries to climb onto a swing at a closed playground at Glen Anderson Park in Redondo Beach. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
People wait in line at a walk-up COVID-19 testing site at San Fernando Recreation Park on Dec. 1. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
A surfer takes in the sunset at Bolsa Chica State Beach on Dec. 1. Warm, dry weather is forecast for the rest of the week, with the possibility of strong Santa Ana winds elevating the chance of wildfires. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
A mural featuring Congresswoman Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez was defaced in Mar Vista on Nov. 30. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
A masked pedestrian walks past a depiction of Mona Lisa wearing a mask at the Paley Center for Media in Beverly Hills on Dec. 1. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
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A man rests next to a statue titled, “Endless V,” by Jaume Plensa — currently wrapped in plastic to protect it from vandalism — along Santa Monica Boulevard in Beverly Hills on Dec. 1. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
Registered Nurse Cianna Christopher, center, joins other medical professionals Nov. 30 at Los Robles Regional Medical Center in Thousand Oaks to raise concerns over “lack of COVID-19 testing for patients and staff, continued insufficient PPE and dangerous lack of staff on duty.” (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
One of the about 20 container ships waiting in line to be unloaded at the ports of L.A. and Long Beach on Nov. 30 provides a backdrop to surfers in Huntington Beach. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Anabel Garcia, left, walks with her aunt Sucelly Morales at the Plaza Mexico shopping mall in Lynwood. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Martha Ortiz of Hawthorne carries her two Yorkshire terriers, Leia and Anakin, while shopping at Plaza Mexico in Lynwood. New restrictions limited retail stores to 20% of capacity. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Bell Gardens City Manager Micael B. O’Kelly, center, listens to Hawaiian Gardens Casino general counsel Keith Sharp, at the podium, as a call is made Nov. 30 for L.A. County supervisors to continue to allow outdoor gaming for local card rooms. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
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Pastor Johnteris Tate presides over a socially distanced outdoor Sunday service at Mt. Moriah Church of L.A. on Nov. 29. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
A light crowd is seen Nov. 30 at the Westfield Valencia Town Center as sweeping new restrictions went into effect in Los Angeles County. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
Playgrounds that are not part of a school or child-care center must close under the county’s latest order, including Polliwog Park in Manhattan Beach, seen on Nov. 30. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
With new coronavirus rules in effect, the Westfield Valencia Town Center in Valencia was not busy on Nov. 30. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
People visit the Plaza Mexico shopping mall in Lynwood on Nov. 30. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Shoppers in masks pass an ad of a woman blowing bubbles at Westfield Valencia Town Center on Nov. 30. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
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Members of the Hobbs-Brown family have a Thanksgiving dinner on the sand at Bolsa Chica State Beach on Nov. 25. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Wearing his autumn best, Daniel Drockton plays guitar while his cousin Riley (in red), uncle Tony (yellow hat) and cousin Deanna (as a pink elephant) run down a sand dune with kids at the Hermosa Beach Pier. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times)
Aaron Liggett, left, makes a toast as Thanksgiving dinner is served outside his parents’ home in Manhattan Beach. Clockwise from Aaron are brother Austin and wife Nina, parents David and Robin Liggett, and Aaron’s wife, Michelle, and son Waylon. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times)
On a sunny Thanksgiving Day, Jack Venning, 8, sleds down a sand dune with his uncle Marc near the pier in Hermosa Beach. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times)
Ararat Nursing Facility resident Shake Godjamanianon, with nurse Zovinar Bolkorkian, left, and executive director Margarita Kechichian, inspects a Thanksgiving bouquet from her son at the facility in Mission Hills. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)
Wearing a mask, Dalilah Stoye,13, left, leads her family in a blessing before their Thanksgiving feast. Despite windy conditions, they still ate outside on a backyard patio with heaters on each table. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
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The Barnard family says a prayer before sitting down to Thanksgiving dinner in Riverside. They had planned to have the holiday outside because of the pandemic, but moved it indoors because of high winds. “We didn’t want COVID to take away our tradition,” Tommy Barnard said. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
Anthony Curry, 52, cooks outside his tent in the skid row area of Los Angeles. The number of people living on the sidewalks in L.A. has grown during the pandemic. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
Business owners and supporters listen to a news conference held by the California Coalition for Safe Reopening at the Abbey in West Hollywood on Nov. 25. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
Bill Lancaster of Oakley, Calif., feeds his pot-bellied pig, Charlie, at Dockweiler RV Park in Playa del Rey. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
People wait in line for coronavirus tests in front of a closed Taix French Restaurant in Echo Park. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
Jordon Foster, 7, picks up a Thanksgiving meal at Manchester Avenue Elementary. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
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Sarah De Sa Rego waits for her order outside All Day Baby restaurant in Silver Lake on Nov. 18, the day a temporary ban on outdoor restaurant dining went into effect in L.A. County. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
Monica Marquez of South Gate wheels home food for her family of five after waiting in line at South Gate High School for meals distributed by L.A. Unified. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Beachgoers watch the sunset in the Long Beach neighborhood of Belmont Shore. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Rapper Snoop Dogg chats with Monica Sandoval after helping to load her car with food and drinks during Inglewood’s annual turkey giveaway at SoFi Stadium. (Christina House/Los Angeles Times)
Registered nurses at UCLA Medical Center hold a nighttime vigil to alert the public about patient safety concerns as COVID-19 hospitalizations spike across the county. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
Customers dine alfresco in Redondo Beach. L.A. County suspended outdoor dining beginning Nov. 18. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
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Hundreds gather at the Huntington Beach Pier and Pacific Coast Highway to protest the state-mandated curfew. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Protesters in Huntington Beach. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
People protest in Huntington Beach on Nov. 21. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Business was lighter than usual but still busy Nov. 21 on Main Street in Huntington Beach. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Friends dine in Redondo Beach. On Nov. 18, outdoor restaurant dining was suspended for at least three weeks in L.A. County. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
Casa India on South Broadway in downtown L.A. serves meals outside. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
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A masked commuter rides the bus in downtown L.A. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Paper goods were running low at a Ralphs supermarket in Calabasas on Nov. 19. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
A person walks along MacArthur Park the evening of Nov. 19. (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)
People gather at MacArthur Park on Nov. 19. (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)
Pedestrians in downtown Santa Ana. Orange County was put back in the state’s most restrictive tier for reopening on Nov. 16, along with Los Angeles and most other counties. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
A mural of Our Lady of Guadalupe in the downtown Santa Ana Historic District. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
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Masked visitors walk in the Hollywood Land section at Disney California Adventure on Nov. 19 after the park opened for retail and dining but without rides or other attractions. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
April Levar and daughter Ruth walk in the Downtown Disney District for some shopping. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
Pedestrians walk along South Alvarado Street between Wilshire and 7th Street in the MacArthur Park area. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Mario Ynostrosa, left, of the Los Angeles Restoration Church, helps with food distribution at MacArthur Park. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
A traveler wears full-body protective gear at Los Angeles International Airport. Fliers can get a coronavirus test at the airport for $150, with results provided within 24 hours. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
Ana Ramos is tested for the coronavirus Nov. 17 in the Tom Bradley Terminal of Los Angeles International Airport. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
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A group wearing personal protective equipment walks through the Tom Bradley International terminal at LAX on Nov. 17. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
A man walks along 9th Street in Los Angeles. L.A. County could see a new stay-at-home order if COVID-19 cases keep rising. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
A man rides his bike along 4th Street in Los Angeles on Nov. 17. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
Customers shop along Maple Avenue in the Santee area of downtown Los Angeles. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
A server wears a protective mask at Watson’s Original Soda Fountain in downtown Orange. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
A woman walks along Maple Avenue in the Santee area of downtown Los Angeles. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
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Cars line up at the coronavirus testing site at Dodger Stadium. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
People wait for coronavirus tests at the drive-through site at Dodger Stadium. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
Orange County Health Care Agency personnel conduct testing at the drive-through site at the O.C. Fair & Event Center on Nov. 12 in Costa Mesa. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
A volunteer guides people through the test swab process at the Dodger Stadium site. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)
People deposit self-administered test vials in a drop basket at a drive-in testing site at Mission Grove Shopping Center in Riverside on Nov. 12. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
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Natalie Robles prepares to take a coronavirus test at Union Station in Los Angeles. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Commuters wear face coverings inside Union Station. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Latasha James takes a COVID-19 antibody test at South Central Family Health Center in Los Angeles. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
Andy Nguyen, left, and Diana Sy of Fairfax, Va., are chased by a street performer dressed as Pennywise from “It” on Hollywood Boulevard. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
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People wear masks on a Starline tour bus on Hollywood Boulevard. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Cristobal Moreno, left, his mother, Marivel Moreno, and sister Paloma Moreno of Mexico are framed within a passing vendor’s balloons at Santa Monica Pier. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
A family waves to a volunteer during a food distribution event at Cerritos College hosted by the Los Angeles Regional Food Bank. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)
Cars wait in line with their trunks open at the Cerritos College food distribution event. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times)