latimes--2020-01-17--Adam Schiff takes on Trump, calling him an 'erratic hothead.' Now he's feeling the heat

Not during the fierce competition of Harvard Law School , or the rough-and-tumble of life as a federal prosecutor .
Not when he convicted the first FBI agent accused of spying for a foreign government .
Not even when he won one of the most furious campaigns for a seat in the House of Representatives , defeating a Republican who had relentlessly pursued President Clinton .
Not once in the political origin story of Rep. Adam B. Schiff does the record show him being labeled as “ shifty.
” But , then , the 10-term congressman from Burbank never faced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a president of the United States happy to turn a rival ’ s name into a potty joke and a schoolboy ’ s taunt .
To President Trump and millions of his loyalists , it ’ s now “ Shifty Schiff , ” though other insults will do .
“ Liar ” and “ traitor ” skitter across the internet and even rained on Schiff at what was supposed to be a friendly event last month in his district .
The relentless rebranding comes with a financial bonus for Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Pencil-Neck Adam Schiff ” T-shirt sold .
Schiff initially countered Trump with gentle corrections , leading the New York Times to say that , as an attack dog , he was “ more labradoodle than Doberman.
” But his tone has hardened .
In September , he compared Trump ’ s furiously debated phone call with Ukranian President Volodymyr Zelensky to a mob boss engaged in a “ shakedown.
” Speaking with the Los Angeles Times recently , he had some salty new words for the president .
Democrats have responded with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for selfies and autographs .
Some wear “ I Stand With Schiff ” T-shirts .
His campaign even attempts to own the put-downs .
Pencils labeled “ This Pencil Neck Won ’ t Break ” and “ This Pencil Neck Will Investigate ” go for $ 8 a pack .
This is Schiff ’ s reward for becoming not just President Trump ’ s chief interlocutor , but superego to his id .
In a hearing room on one end of Pennsylvania Avenue the poker-faced lawmaker presides , embracing Washington institutions and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On the other end , the unpredictable chief executive unleashes grievances against his opponents and encourages doubts about the government he leads .
Schiff had no idea he would end up here .
The self-improvement obsessive earned a brown belt in karate , dabbled in Slovak and wrote screenplays before he committed fully to politics .
His early academic career had him on a path to medicine .
When he first turned to elected office , he lost badly , then lost again , and again , before winning .
Confronted with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in modern history , he agitated some in his own party by hesitating to pursue impeachment .
Now he is all in and , allies say , not retreating .
“ They can try to scream at him .
They can try to run him out of the room , but it ’ s not going to work , ” said Barbara Boxer , the former senator from California , who encouraged Schiff to run for his House seat 20 years ago .
“ The moment has really found him , and he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was named Wednesday as the lead among seven House managers of the impeachment trial , who , starting Tuesday , will try to persuade two-thirds of the members of the Senate to convict Trump of at least one of two articles of impeachment .
He knows the temperature is about to spike .
Again .
“ What I ’ ve discovered is that ... in an irrational time when you have an erratic hothead in the Oval Office , there is a real premium on not having your hair on fire , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off the House chamber .
“ I suspect that part of it is just my own temperament , which I couldn ’ t change even if I wanted to.
” Schiff is the youngest of two sons of Ed and Sherry Schiff .
His parents were salespeople , his father a workaholic who traded in hats , then clothing , before opening a lumberyard .
His mother came late to real estate and proved a natural , becoming a top salesperson .
A key memory for older brother Dan came when Adam was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Danville , east of Oakland .
Already a striver , Adam had determined that he would outdo the neighborhood boy who was the best “ burp-talker.
” His relentless faux belches wore on his brother ’ s nerves , until Dan threw his jacket and the zipper caught Adam ’ s mouth .
Dan Schiff pleaded for Adam to come up with a story , any story , to tell their parents .
Adam howled .
“ There was all this blood .
But what triggered him was that I was asking him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The fact that he was being steered to a lie , that really rankled him.
” At Monte Vista High School , Dan Schiff took home awards and victories for debate , finishing third in the state , while Adam did not fare as well .
“ He was the tortoise , who kept at it , who never got dejected , ” said the elder Schiff , noting that his brother would become valedictorian .
Despite being accepted to one of the top medical schools in the country , UC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in public service would be better served by law school .
“ To get a Jewish mother that close to ‘ My son , the doctor , ’ and then snatch it away is a very cruel thing to do , ” Schiff joked in an interview with WNYC .
In 1987 , he joined the U.S. attorney ’ s office in Los Angeles .
In a hothouse of Type-A personalities , Schiff stood apart for his almost sentimental belief in the system .
When lawyers met to present their cases to each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in copious detail .
Some of the wise-acres in the room would feign hanging themselves or slashing their wrists .
“ He would just proceed with what he was saying , ” said a former colleague , who asked not to be named while poking fun at Schiff .
“ He was completely undaunted by it.
” “ In an office filled with earnest and ambitious people , Adam stood apart for his earnestness and ambition , ” said former prosecutor Jonathan Shapiro , co-creator of the Amazon legal thriller “ Goliath.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them—dispatched to Slovakia to help with criminal justice reform — would have taken the time to become relatively facile in Slovak ?
Another former colleague , Jeffrey C. Eglash , the former inspector general of the Los Angeles Police Commission , said that Schiff seems unchanged three decades later : Schiff ’ s signature moment came with the prosecution of Richard Miller , an incompetent finagler who also happened to be an FBI agent .
Miller had fallen for a vivacious Russian spy , Svetlana Ogorodnikova .
She promised Miller cash , sex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Miller ’ s first trial ended in a hung jury and the second in a conviction , overturned by an appellate court .
One of Miller ’ s defense attorneys , Stanley Greenberg , said his young adversary in the third trial was “ no Michael Avenatti , ” adding : “ The lawyers I find the hardest to confront are the low-key guys who just present the facts and let them paint a picture .
He was in that category.
” Miller ended up sentenced to 20 years in federal prison .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russian tradecraft ... the vulnerabilities they look for.
” Three decades later , as he began investigating Trump , he found those lessons useful .
Decades ago , Schiff was working out with one of his best friends , Karl Thurmond , a common pastime for the sometime marathoner and triathlete .
That evening in the mid-1980s , as the two ran down San Vicente Boulevard , Schiff spoke of how he admired John F. Kennedy .
He added he had a dream of his own — that he , too , might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That ’ s the way Thurmond remembers it , anyway , though Schiff says he has no such recollection .
What ’ s clear is that by 1991 , Schiff was looking for a new path beyond his work as a prosecutor .
He saw an opportunity when a state Assembly seat opened west of downtown Los Angeles .
Schiff drained the $ 13,000 in his 401 ( k ) to to fund his candidacy , his brother recalled .
One novel pitch , “ Shoes for Schiff , ” had him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donate them to the homeless .
A complication , one friend recalled : With no one else to do the job , the candidate spent crucial time just before the election collecting the castoffs himself .
( Schiff believes volunteers handled the task . )
The fledgling candidate bridled at the idea he had to speak in pithy sound bites .
His speeches meandered .
“ He was pretty much a stiff , ” said Brian Hennigan , another friend and former prosecutor , who has supported Schiff in all his campaigns .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but it just didn ’ t come out in that setting.
” Schiff finished 11th out of 15 candidates .
He won 710 votes .
Friends recall being mortified , while Schiff seemed hardly fazed , chalking it up as a lesson learned .
Moving to Burbank , he would lose two more races for Assembly to another attorney , a Republican named James Rogan .
But he came closer in each contest .
In 1996 , Schiff ’ s time finally arrived .
He ran against Republican Paula Boland for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Glendale and parts of the Valley .
As he would in future wins , he depicted himself as the moderate , action-oriented candidate .
Boland appeared to be an overzealous champion of San Fernando Valley secession from Los Angeles .
Schiff also benefited from the assistance of one phone-bank fanatic , Sherry Schiff , who would not let voters off the phone until they pledged to support her son .
“ So many people would tell Adam , ‘ A woman claiming to be your mother made me promise to vote for you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ And he would say , ‘ That was my mother !
’ ” Four years later , Schiff had another shot at Rogan , who had ascended to the U.S. House , where he was one of the outspoken managers who helped prosecute President Clinton ’ s impeachment case .
Unlike the president who would be tried two decades later while struggling to reach a 50 % approval rating , Clinton ’ s popularity hovered around 65 % .
Money poured into the 27th Congressional District from around the nation .
Schiff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entertainment mogul David Geffen , infuriated by the impeachment of Clinton .
Spending about $ 11 million total — then the most expensive House race in the country — both sides bombarded voters with their pitches .
The candidates aired 140 ads a day — on Armenian American cable television alone .
One pamphlet from the California Republican Party claimed Schiff had made it easier for California prison inmates to get “ Satanic bibles.
” Arriving in Washington , he joined the Blue Dog Democrats , known for fiscal restraint .
He helped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on National Security , inviting guests including Newt Gingrich and former Georgia Sen. Sam Nunn for deep dives on foreign policy issues .
The wonky group earned the nickname “ the Nerd Caucus.
” Schiff passed legislation to limit the nuclear materials that could be gathered by countries that withdrew from a nuclear proliferation treaty .
He formed a congressional caucus supporting freedom of the press .
He won money for a regional lab to speed the processing of crime scene DNA in his district , which includes Pasadena and Glendale .
His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Armenian genocide of the early 20th century finally paid off in October , when the House approved the measure .
“ We can not cloak our support for human rights in euphemisms , ” Schiff had said .
“ We can not be cowed into silence by a foreign power.
” It ’ s hard to recall now , but in a time before Trump , Schiff got along amicably with Devin Nunes ( R-Tulare ) , the top Republican on the Intelligence Committee .
Rep. Peter King ( R-New York ) recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” adding : “ We trusted him .
We would talk with him.
” But in King ’ s mind , Schiff became too prosecutorial and too arrogant during the impeachment hearings .
“ It was just like a runaway hearing , ” King said .
“ A runaway proceeding , where the ending was already written.
” The recognition of the mass killings by Turkish forces had been a major priority of Armenians , and therefore a priority in Schiff ’ s district , where the largest concentration of Armenians outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had been tied up for decades because of America ’ s strategic alliance with Turkey .
When the House vote came in , the Armenian National Committee of America wanted to celebrate with an event to thank Schiff .
The gathering seemed like it might provide a respite from Washington ’ s pre-holiday partisan siege .
But moments after Schiff began addressing the auditorium someone shouted , “ Liar !
” Others joined in .
A few held signs that read “ Don ’ t impeach.
” The bulk of the crowd , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moved to end the disturbance .
Scuffles broke out .
Schiff looked on helplessly from the stage .
“ Adam is very even-keeled , and I know he was fine , ” said David McMillan , a friend of more than 30 years , who had dinner with Schiff that night .
“ But I could tell he was a little rattled by it.
” When Trump ’ s Senate trial ends , Schiff will remain as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee , a position that will allow him to continue to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Senate did not materialize in 2018 , when California ’ s senior senator , Dianne Feinstein , eschewed retirement .
Schiff also has been named as a possible successor to his close ally , Nancy Pelosi , as speaker of the House , though she shows no sign of retiring in the near term .
A Democratic presidential victory in 2020 could mean a shot at a Cabinet post for Schiff .
In 2018 , on a visit to New Hampshire , Schiff basked in speculation that he might make a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fun coming up here , ” he said .
“ And I enjoy the idea that I might cause certain heads at Fox News to explode .
”

Rep. Adam B. Schiff (D-Burbank), once described as “more labradoodle than Doberman,” has grown more aggressive in taking on President Trump.
Not during the fierce competition of Harvard Law School, or the rough-and-tumble of life as a federal prosecutor. Not when he convicted the first FBI agent accused of spying for a foreign government. Not even when he won one of the most furious campaigns for a seat in the House of Representatives, defeating a Republican who had relentlessly pursued President Clinton.
Not once in the political origin story of Rep. Adam B. Schiff does the record show him being labeled as “shifty.” But, then, the 10-term congressman from Burbank never faced an opponent quite like his current one, a president of the United States happy to turn a rival’s name into a potty joke and a schoolboy’s taunt.
To President Trump and millions of his loyalists, it’s now “Shifty Schiff,” though other insults will do. “Liar” and “traitor” skitter across the internet and even rained on Schiff at what was supposed to be a friendly event last month in his district. The relentless rebranding comes with a financial bonus for Trump’s reelection campaign — $34 for every “Pencil-Neck Adam Schiff” T-shirt sold.
Schiff initially countered Trump with gentle corrections, leading the New York Times to say that, as an attack dog, he was “more labradoodle than Doberman.” But his tone has hardened. In September, he compared Trump’s furiously debated phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to a mob boss engaged in a “shakedown.” Speaking with the Los Angeles Times recently, he had some salty new words for the president.
Democrats have responded with something like adoration. They line up for selfies and autographs. Some wear “I Stand With Schiff” T-shirts. His campaign even attempts to own the put-downs. Pencils labeled “This Pencil Neck Won’t Break” and “This Pencil Neck Will Investigate” go for $8 a pack.
Advertisement
This is Schiff’s reward for becoming not just Trump’s chief interlocutor, but superego to his id. In a hearing room on one end of Pennsylvania Avenue the poker-faced lawmaker presides, embracing Washington institutions and a belief that government can do good. On the other end, the unpredictable chief executive unleashes grievances against his opponents and encourages doubts about the government he leads.
Schiff had no idea he would end up here. The self-improvement obsessive earned a brown belt in karate, dabbled in Slovak and wrote screenplays before he committed fully to politics. His early academic career had him on a path to medicine.
When he first turned to elected office, he lost badly, then lost again, and again, before winning. Confronted with a president whom he has called the worst in modern history, he agitated some in his own party by hesitating to pursue impeachment. Now he is all in and, allies say, not retreating.
“They can try to scream at him. They can try to run him out of the room, but it’s not going to work,” said Barbara Boxer, the former senator from California, who encouraged Schiff to run for his House seat 20 years ago. “The moment has really found him, and he is ready.”
Rep. Adam B. Schiff after House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced that he and Rep. Jerrold Nadler, left, would be among the managers of the Senate impeachment trial of President Trump. (Olivier Douliery / AFP/Getty Images)
Schiff, 59, was named Wednesday as the lead among seven House managers of the impeachment trial, who, starting Tuesday, will try to persuade two-thirds of the members of the Senate to convict Trump of at least one of two articles of impeachment.
Advertisement
He knows the temperature is about to spike. Again.
“What I’ve discovered is that ... in an irrational time when you have an erratic hothead in the Oval Office, there is a real premium on not having your hair on fire,” Schiff reflected, sitting in a room off the House chamber. “I suspect that part of it is just my own temperament, which I couldn’t change even if I wanted to.”
::
Schiff is the youngest of two sons of Ed and Sherry Schiff. His parents were salespeople, his father a workaholic who traded in hats, then clothing, before opening a lumberyard. His mother came late to real estate and proved a natural, becoming a top salesperson.
A key memory for older brother Dan came when Adam was about 7, the family living in Danville, east of Oakland. Already a striver, Adam had determined that he would outdo the neighborhood boy who was the best “burp-talker.” His relentless faux belches wore on his brother’s nerves, until Dan threw his jacket and the zipper caught Adam’s mouth.
Dan Schiff pleaded for Adam to come up with a story, any story, to tell their parents. Adam howled.
“There was all this blood. But what triggered him was that I was asking him to lie,” said Dan Schiff. “The fact that he was being steered to a lie, that really rankled him.”
At Monte Vista High School, Dan Schiff took home awards and victories for debate, finishing third in the state, while Adam did not fare as well. “He was the tortoise, who kept at it, who never got dejected,” said the elder Schiff, noting that his brother would become valedictorian.
Despite being accepted to one of the top medical schools in the country, UC San Francisco, Schiff thought his interest in public service would be better served by law school.
“To get a Jewish mother that close to ‘my son, the doctor,’ and then snatch it away is a very cruel thing to do,” Schiff joked in an interview with WNYC.
In 1987, he joined the U.S. attorney’s office in Los Angeles. In a hothouse of Type A personalities, Schiff stood apart for his almost sentimental belief in the system.
When lawyers met to present their cases to each other, colleagues remember Schiff droning on in copious detail. Some of the wiseacres in the room would feign hanging themselves or slashing their wrists. “He would just proceed with what he was saying,” said a former colleague, who asked not to be named while poking fun at Schiff. “He was completely undaunted by it.”
“In an office filled with earnest and ambitious people, Adam stood apart for his earnestness and ambition,” said former prosecutor Jonathan Shapiro, co-creator of the Amazon legal thriller “Goliath.”
His officemates wondered: Who else among them — dispatched to Slovakia to help with criminal justice reform — would have taken the time to become relatively facile in Slovak? Another former colleague, Jeffrey C. Eglash, the former inspector general of the Los Angeles Police Commission, said that Schiff seems unchanged three decades later:
“He is Mr. Rogers.”
Schiff’s signature moment came with the prosecution of Richard Miller, an incompetent finagler who also happened to be an FBI agent. Miller had fallen for a vivacious Russian spy, Svetlana Ogorodnikova. She promised Miller cash, sex and gold in exchange for documents. Miller’s first trial ended in a hung jury and the second in a conviction, overturned by an appellate court.
One of Miller’s defense attorneys, Stanley Greenberg, said his young adversary in the third trial was “no Michael Avenatti,” adding: “The lawyers I find the hardest to confront are the low-key guys who just present the facts and let them paint a picture. He was in that category.”
Miller ended up sentenced to 20 years in federal prison. Schiff told Politico he learned a lot “about Russian tradecraft ... the vulnerabilities they look for.” Three decades later, as he began investigating Trump, he found those lessons useful.
::
Decades ago, Schiff was working out with one of his best friends, Karl Thurmond, a common pastime for the sometime marathoner and triathlete. That evening in the mid-1980s, as the two ran down San Vicente Boulevard, Schiff spoke of how he admired John F. Kennedy. He added he had a dream of his own — that he, too, might one day ascend to the White House.
That’s the way Thurmond remembers it, anyway, though Schiff says he has no such recollection. What’s clear is that by 1991, Schiff was looking for a new path beyond his work as a prosecutor. He saw an opportunity when a state Assembly seat opened west of downtown Los Angeles.
Schiff drained the $13,000 in his 401(k) to to fund his candidacy, his brother recalled. One novel pitch, “Shoes for Schiff,” had him promising to collect shoes from voters and donate them to the homeless. A complication, one friend recalled: With no one else to do the job, the candidate spent crucial time just before the election collecting the castoffs himself. (Schiff believes volunteers handled the task.)
The fledgling candidate bridled at the idea he had to speak in pithy sound bites. His speeches meandered.
“He was pretty much a stiff,” said Brian Hennigan, another friend and former prosecutor, who has supported Schiff in all his campaigns. “He had a sense of humor, but it just didn’t come out in that setting.”
Schiff finished 11th out of 15 candidates. He won 710 votes. Friends recall being mortified, while Schiff seemed hardly fazed, chalking it up as a lesson learned.
Moving to Burbank, he would lose two more races for Assembly to another attorney, a Republican named James Rogan. But he came closer in each contest.
Adam Schiff campaigns in South Pasadena in 1996 during his successful run for California state Senate. (David Bohrer / For the Times)
In 1996, Schiff’s time finally arrived. He ran against Republican Paula Boland for a vacant state Senate seat representing Burbank, Glendale, Pasadena and parts of Los Feliz. As he would in future wins, he depicted himself as the moderate, action-oriented candidate. Boland appeared to be an overzealous champion of San Fernando Valley secession from Los Angeles.
Schiff also benefited from the assistance of one phone-bank fanatic, Sherry Schiff, who would not let voters off the phone until they pledged to support her son.
“So many people would tell Adam, ‘A woman claiming to be your mother made me promise to vote for you,’” recalls Dan Schiff. “And he would say, ‘That was my mother!’”
Four years later, Schiff had another shot at Rogan, who had ascended to the U.S. House, where he was one of the outspoken managers who helped prosecute President Clinton’s impeachment case. Unlike the president who would be tried two decades later while struggling to reach a 50% approval rating, Clinton’s popularity hovered around 65%.
Money poured into the 27th Congressional District from around the nation. Schiff claimed support from Hollywood liberals, like entertainment mogul David Geffen, infuriated by the impeachment of Clinton. Spending about $11 million total — then the most expensive House race in the country — both sides bombarded voters with their pitches.
The candidates aired 140 ads a day — on Armenian American cable television alone. One pamphlet from the California Republican Party claimed Schiff had made it easier for California prison inmates to get “Satanic bibles.”
Schiff won by nearly 9 percentage points.
Arriving in Washington, he joined the Blue Dog Democrats, known for fiscal restraint. He helped create his party’s Study Group on National Security, inviting guests including Newt Gingrich and former Georgia Sen. Sam Nunn for deep dives on foreign policy issues. The wonky group earned the nickname “the Nerd Caucus.”
Schiff passed legislation to limit the nuclear materials that could be gathered by countries that withdrew from a nuclear proliferation treaty. He formed a congressional caucus supporting freedom of the press. He won money for a regional lab to speed the processing of crime scene DNA in his district, which includes Pasadena and Glendale. His long work for a resolution recognizing the Armenian genocide of the early 20th century finally paid off in October, when the House approved the measure.
“We cannot cloak our support for human rights in euphemisms,” Schiff had said. “We cannot be cowed into silence by a foreign power.”
It’s hard to recall now, but in a time before Trump, Schiff got along amicably with Rep. Devin Nunes (R-Tulare), the top Republican on the Intelligence Committee. Rep. Peter T. King (R-N.Y.) recently recalled Schiff as “a moderate guy,” adding: “We trusted him. We would talk with him.”
But in King’s mind, Schiff became too prosecutorial and too arrogant during the impeachment hearings.
“It was just like a runaway hearing,” King said. “A runaway proceeding, where the ending was already written.”
::
The recognition of the mass killings by Turkish forces had been a major objective of Armenians, and therefore a priority in Schiff’s district, where the largest concentration of Armenians outside that country live.
Official U.S. recognition had been tied up for decades because of America’s strategic alliance with Turkey. When the House vote came in, the Armenian National Committee of America wanted to celebrate with an event to thank Schiff.
The gathering seemed like it might provide a respite from Washington’s pre-holiday partisan siege. But moments after Schiff began addressing the auditorium someone shouted, “Liar!” Others joined in. A few held signs that read, “Don’t impeach.” The bulk of the crowd, rallying to Schiff’s side, moved to end the disturbance. Scuffles broke out.
Schiff looked on helplessly from the stage. “Adam is very even-keeled, and I know he was fine,” said David McMillan, a friend of more than 30 years, who had dinner with Schiff that night. “But I could tell he was a little rattled by it.”
When Trump’s Senate trial ends, Schiff will remain as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, a position that will allow him to continue to scrutinize the president.
Beyond that, Schiff’s political future remains unclear.
A much-discussed run for the Senate did not materialize in 2018, when California’s senior senator, Dianne Feinstein, eschewed retirement. Schiff also has been named as a possible successor to his close ally, Nancy Pelosi, as speaker of the House, though she shows no sign of retiring in the near term. A Democratic presidential victory in 2020 could mean a shot at a Cabinet post for Schiff.
In 2018, on a visit to New Hampshire, Schiff basked in speculation that he might make a presidential run.
“It’s fun coming up here,” he said. “And I enjoy the idea that I might cause certain heads at Fox News to explode.”


latimes--2020-01-16--Gov. Gavin Newsom promotes using state-owned trailers to house homeless people

Gov .
Gavin Newsom repeatedly promoted a temporary solution to California ’ s most visible problem this week during a tour on homelessness that began at a shelter in the Sierra foothills and ended in a vacant city-owned lot in the shadow of the Oakland Coliseum : The state would dispatch 100 travel trailers to provide immediate shelter .
Newsom and his aides publicized their plan again Thursday , posting a video on social media showcasing a caravan of 15 trailers traveling down the highway toward the Bay Area , where the shelters were on display for a news conference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue of homelessness head on , ” the governor tweeted .
“ Eight days ago , I issued an executive order to rapidly increase housing and shelter options across CA .
Just a few days later , we ’ re deploying trailers to communities in need to provide services & shelter.
” “ California is responding to a crisis , ” tweeted Jason Elliott , Newsom ’ s senior counselor for housing and homelessness .
Standing next to the governor on Thursday , Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf announced that the 15 trailers would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city .
But with federal estimates suggesting more than 150,000 Californians lack permanent housing — with more than 100,000 living outdoors or in their cars — 100 trailers would fail to help even 1 % of the population in need across the state .
“ On one hand , it ’ s a little bit of a publicity stunt , but on the other hand , it ’ s evidence that someone is finally paying attention to this , ” said Steven Maviglio , a Democratic strategist and former communications director for Gov @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solve the problem ?
No .
Is it a start ?
Yes.
” While their benefits will be limited , the trailers are symbolic of the public pressure Newsom faces to address homelessness , motivating the governor to show he ’ s trying to tackle the problem — a top-of-mind concern to California voters — with a sense of urgency , Maviglio said .
A poll released by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California this week found that 23 % of likely voters considered homelessness the most important issue for Newsom and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing costs and availability at 11 % .
“ This is something the state can do right now , today , to help members of the public , ” said Brian Ferguson , a spokesman at the Governor ’ s Office of Emergency Services , who said the trailers were sent to Oakland from Butte County , where state workers were using them in response to the Camp fire .
Rob Stutzman , a Republican consultant and former communications director to Gov .
Arnold Schwarzenegger , said he doesn ’ t fault Newsom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on homelessness , which is difficult to do by touting wonky spending proposals and policy changes .
“ There are no pictures of that , ” Stutzman said .
“ It ’ s hard to demonstrate to voters that ‘ I get it , something needs to be done and I ’ m doing something.
’ This at least presents a visual of something tangible that demonstrates he is doing something , but you have to be careful not to somehow oversell to voters that he thinks this is an actual solution.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trailers didn ’ t offer a permanent resolution to the problem .
“ This is a deeply temporary solution to the crisis at hand , ” he said .
“ No one is in denial about the scale and scope of the crisis , either , and none of us are naive that 15 trailers … is going to solve the crisis .
It ’ s about catalyzing a focus , catalyzing investment and beginning to leverage our resources and resourcefulness to meet this moment head-on.
” The governor has described the trailers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deploy as a way to establish triage centers for state , local and social service groups to connect with the homeless population in different communities and offer assistance .
Newsom ’ s staff provided few details in response to questions about the deployment of all 100 trailers , which they said would be made available by the end of March .
It has not been determined which communities will receive them .
The governor ’ s office anticipates that up to 11 people could fit in each trailer and said it will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do with them , including whether the trailers will be connected to electricity or water .
The plan is just one example of efforts Newsom included in his proposal to spend $ 1.4 billion on homelessness in the new state budget .
The governor called for allocating $ 750 million to a new California Access to Housing and Services Fund to support rent subsidies and develop affordable units to provide more stable housing options .
If approved by the Legislature , the funding would follow a plan to provide $ 650 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Through executive order , the governor has also tasked his administration with identifying excess state land and property that could be used for short-term emergency shelters .
Stutzman said Newsom ’ s ability to solve or at least stem homelessness could define his administration .
For better or worse , the governor has publicly acknowledged that he owns the problem .
“ We ’ ve seen public polling that shows this is an increasing crisis in the minds of voters and it cuts across ideological spectrums , ” Stutzman said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s a public health crisis that comes out of this , or if the problem continues to grow at a substantial volume , then he could end up being defined by this crisis , which is uniquely pronounced in California .
”

L.A. County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas, left, and California Gov. Gavin Newsom appear at a news conference during their visit to the Lone Star Board and Care home in Los Angeles on Tuesday.
Gov. Gavin Newsom repeatedly promoted a temporary solution to California’s most visible problem this week during a tour on homelessness that began at a shelter in the Sierra foothills and ended in a vacant city-owned lot in the shadow of the Oakland Coliseum: The state would dispatch 100 travel trailers to provide immediate shelter.
Newsom and his aides publicized their plan again Thursday, posting a video on social media showcasing a caravan of 15 trailers traveling down the highway toward the Bay Area, where the shelters were on display for a news conference.
“We need to tackle the issue of homelessness head on,” the governor tweeted. “Eight days ago, I issued an executive order to rapidly increase housing and shelter options across CA. Just a few days later, we’re deploying trailers to communities in need to provide services & shelter.”
“California is responding to a crisis,” tweeted Jason Elliott, Newsom’s senior counselor for housing and homelessness.
Standing next to the governor on Thursday, Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf announced that the 15 trailers would house 50 to 70 people in her city. But with federal estimates suggesting more than 150,000 Californians lack permanent housing — with more than 100,000 living outdoors or in their cars — 100 trailers would fail to help even 1% of the population in need across the state.
Advertisement
“On one hand, it’s a little bit of a publicity stunt, but on the other hand, it’s evidence that someone is finally paying attention to this,” said Steven Maviglio, a Democratic strategist and former communications director for Gov. Gray Davis. “Does it solve the problem? No. Is it a start? Yes.”
While their benefits will be limited, the trailers are symbolic of the public pressure Newsom faces to address homelessness, motivating the governor to show he’s trying to tackle the problem — a top-of-mind concern to California voters — with a sense of urgency, Maviglio said.
A poll released by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California this week found that 23% of likely voters considered homelessness the most important issue for Newsom and the Legislature in 2020, followed by housing costs and availability at 11%.
“This is something the state can do right now, today, to help members of the public,” said Brian Ferguson, a spokesman at the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, who said the trailers were sent to Oakland from Butte County, where state workers were using them in response to the Camp fire.
Rob Stutzman, a Republican consultant and former communications director to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, said he doesn’t fault Newsom for using the trailers to show action on homelessness, which is difficult to do by touting wonky spending proposals and policy changes.
“There are no pictures of that,” Stutzman said. “It’s hard to demonstrate to voters that ‘I get it, something needs to be done and I’m doing something.’ This at least presents a visual of something tangible that demonstrates he is doing something, but you have to be careful not to somehow oversell to voters that he thinks this is an actual solution.”
Newsom told reporters that he recognized the trailers didn’t offer a permanent resolution to the problem.
“This is a deeply temporary solution to the crisis at hand,” he said. “No one is in denial about the scale and scope of the crisis, either, and none of us are naive that 15 trailers … is going to solve the crisis. It’s about catalyzing a focus, catalyzing investment and beginning to leverage our resources and resourcefulness to meet this moment head-on.”
The governor has described the trailers and dozens of tents he intends to deploy as a way to establish triage centers for state, local and social service groups to connect with the homeless population in different communities and offer assistance.
Advertisement
Newsom’s staff provided few details in response to questions about the deployment of all 100 trailers, which they said would be made available by the end of March. It has not been determined which communities will receive them. The governor’s office anticipates that up to 11 people could fit in each trailer and said it will be up to local governments to decide what to do with them, including whether the trailers will be connected to electricity or water.
The plan is just one example of efforts Newsom included in his proposal to spend $1.4 billion on homelessness in the new state budget. The governor called for allocating $750 million to a new California Access to Housing and Services Fund to support rent subsidies and develop affordable units to provide more stable housing options. Kaiser Permanente announced Friday that it would donate an additional $25 million the fund, which Newsom set up as a public-private partnership.
If approved by the Legislature, the funding would follow a plan to provide $650 million to communities this year to address homelessness. Through executive order, the governor has also tasked his administration with identifying excess state land and property that could be used for short-term emergency shelters.
Stutzman said Newsom’s ability to solve or at least stem homelessness could define his administration. For better or worse, the governor has publicly acknowledged that he owns the problem.
“We’ve seen public polling that shows this is an increasing crisis in the minds of voters and it cuts across ideological spectrums,” Stutzman said. “The risk is that if there’s a public health crisis that comes out of this, or if the problem continues to grow at a substantial volume, then he could end up being defined by this crisis, which is uniquely pronounced in California.”


latimes--2020-01-16--About 170 people sickened at Yosemite with gastrointestinal illness

About 170 people have contracted a gastrointestinal illness since early January while visiting Yosemite , park officials confirmed Thursday .
The majority of affected individuals were park visitors and employees , most of whom spent time in Yosemite Valley , the most popular area of the national park .
Most cases occurred around the first week of January , and the number of new cases has been declining since , according to the park .
Yosemite National Park officials and medical professionals with the National Park Service Office of Public Health are interviewing sickened guests and employees .
The overwhelming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with norovirus , a highly contagious virus that causes vomiting and diarrhea , according to the park and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
A person can contract norovirus from having direct contact with an infected person , touching contaminated surfaces and then putting their unwashed hands in their mouths or eating contaminated food or water .
Federal officials were working with Aramark , the concessionaire that operates Yosemite ’ s restaurants , snack shops and hotels , to clean up and disinfect food service facilities in the park , including the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gediman told the San Francisco Chronicle .
The Associated Press contributed to this report .

Yosemite National Park as seen from Valley View.
About 170 people have contracted a gastrointestinal illness since early January while visiting Yosemite, park officials confirmed Thursday.
The majority of affected individuals were park visitors and employees, most of whom spent time in Yosemite Valley, the most popular area of the national park.
Most cases occurred around the first week of January, and the number of new cases has been declining since, according to the park.
Yosemite National Park officials and medical professionals with the National Park Service Office of Public Health are interviewing sickened guests and employees.
The overwhelming majority of the reported cases are consistent with norovirus, a highly contagious virus that causes vomiting and diarrhea, according to the park and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Advertisement
A person can contract norovirus from having direct contact with an infected person, touching contaminated surfaces and then putting their unwashed hands in their mouths or eating contaminated food or water.
Federal officials were working with Aramark, the concessionaire that operates Yosemite’s restaurants, snack shops and hotels, to clean up and disinfect food service facilities in the park, including the famous Ahwahnee Hotel, Yosemite spokesman Scott Gediman told the San Francisco Chronicle.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-01-16--UC proposes annual tuition increases over five years to boost predictability, financial aid

The University of California is proposing annual tuition increases over five years under a sweeping plan to raise more money for financial aid and campus needs while providing a predictable roadmap of future cost hikes for students and parents .
The proposed tuition increase , which UC regents will consider next Wednesday , would be the second in nine years and the amount would vary depending on two plans presented .
One plan — to raise tuition and fees for all students annually by the cost of inflation — would amount to a projected 2.8 % increase of $ 348 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for fall 2020 .
The second plan would raise tuition and fees once for each incoming class , called cohorts , but keep those costs flat for six years .
Under that plan , the costs for the entering class of 2020-21 would increase over last year by 4.8 % , or $ 606 , to $ 13,176 for California undergraduates .
The tuition of existing students would be frozen at their current levels .
In addition to those base costs , supplemental tuition for nonresident undergraduates would increase $ 840 , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first plan and an additional $ 1,440 , to $ 31,194 , under the second plan .
More than half of UC in-state undergraduates with the greatest economic need would pay less than they do today under both plans to raise tuition because they would receive more financial aid .
That ’ s because one-third of every tuition dollar goes to financial aid , which can be used not only for tuition and fees but also for housing , food , transportation and other costs .
Under the first plan , for instance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 80,000 would receive $ 488 in additional financial aid , fully covering the $ 348 tuition increase and leaving an additional $ 140 for housing , books and other expenses .
With no tuition increase , the student would receive no extra financial aid .
UC President Janet Napolitano is recommending that the Board of Regents approve either of the plans “ so that , as campuses begin extending offers of admission in February for the fall 2020 term , prospective UC students can make informed enrollment decisions , continuing students can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to expect and campuses can prepare to provide the educational opportunities , academic support , financial aid , and student services needed to sustain the University ’ s unparalleled track record of access , affordability , and academic excellence , ” according to a UC memo .
The UC Student Association , however , is opposing the plans , and leaders say they were caught off guard by the proposed multiyear increases .
UCSA President Varsha Sarveshwar said she was “ stunned ” and disappointed by the proposal .
She said locking in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was unnecessary and would hurt the tens of thousands of students who would not qualify for more financial aid and lower costs , including those from other states and countries .
She also said a multiyear plan would discourage students from lobbying Sacramento for more funding and wondered who would bear the burden if a recession triggered major cuts in state support .
In addition , some critics say it ’ s unfair to charge some students more than others for tuition .
Under the cohort plan , California undergraduates entering in fall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and fees while those entering in 2024 would pay $ 15,414 .
“ A long-term tuition plan is completely premature and unfair to students , ” Sarveshwar said .
But UC chancellors have long pressed for predictable increases so they can better plan their campus budgets , accommodate demands to enroll more California students and maintain the quality of the nation ’ s top public research university system .
UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ , for instance , told regents in 2018 that the campus had added 4,700 more students since 2013-14 but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the costs of educating them .
As a result , she said , the average size of lower-division engineering and computer science classes had gone from 65 in 2011-12 to 227 in 2016-17 .
She also said then that Berkeley ’ s $ 700-million backlog of much-needed maintenance was affecting its stature .
The campus lost its bid to recruit one of the world ’ s leading chemists , she said , because it could not afford to renovate a laboratory to meet his needs .
UC budget officials have told regents that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just for maintenance but also for new classrooms , dorms and labs , salary increases and to cover escalating pension and health costs .
UC spending per student has dropped by 31 % between 2000 and 2017 because state funding has not risen to fully cover the additional 100,830 students enrolled during that time .
The proportion of state funding for UC ’ s core budget has plummeted from 84 % in 1990 to 42 % this academic year ; tuition now accounts for a greater share .
UC San Diego Chancellor Pradeep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cohort tuition plan because it laid out the most predictable increases for students and families .
He also said ruling out increases and keeping tuition flat “ disproportionately affects the neediest students , as living costs have been going up but the financial aid is constant.
” Board Chairman John A. Pérez has said that , short of adequate increases in state funding , he also favors a cohort-based plan that raises tuition once for an incoming class rather than annual increases while a student is enrolled .
“ My values say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ places that their student gets accepted to , they ought to be able to have a clear sense of what it ’ s going to cost them .
Not just the top-line cost , but the real family cost — what the family contributes , what the student contributes , ” he told The Times last year .
“ And so I am predisposed against voting for any tuition increase that impacts current students .
That means from my worldview , the only two options that make sense are increased state investment or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ admission , you ’ re guaranteed what the rate is for your time as a student.
” The tuition memo expresses appreciation for Gov .
Gavin Newsom ’ s proposed 2020-21 budget , which includes more than $ 217 million in new , permanent UC funding over last year .
The money will help pay for such things as additional student support , research initiatives , expanded medical education , agricultural initiatives and immigrant legal services .
But UC officials say that ’ s not enough to cover their ambitious plan to increase @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to raise graduation rates and reduce achievement gaps , repair long-neglected infrastructure , strengthen student mental health services and address faculty and staff salary gaps .
UC is currently projecting a budget shortfall of $ 250 million for the 2020-21 school year , growing to $ 734 million in five years , without more funding .
“ Moderate and predictable increases in tuition and fee revenue would significantly narrow , although not close , the budget gap , ” the memo said .
Napolitano is asking the regents to allow lower tuition hikes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 5 % increase in UC ’ s permanent base budget over the previous year .

The University of California is proposing annual tuition increases over five years under a sweeping plan to raise more money for financial aid and campus needs while providing a predictable roadmap of future cost hikes for students and parents.
The proposed tuition increase, which UC regents will consider next Wednesday, would be the second in nine years and the amount would vary depending on two plans presented.
One plan — to raise tuition and fees for all students annually by the cost of inflation — would amount to a projected 2.8% increase of $348 over last year, to $12,918 for fall 2020.
The second plan would raise tuition and fees once for each incoming class, called cohorts, but keep those costs flat for six years. Under that plan, the costs for the entering class of 2020-21 would increase over last year by 4.8%, or $606, to $13,176 for California undergraduates. The tuition of existing students would be frozen at their current levels.
Advertisement
In addition to those base costs, supplemental tuition for nonresident undergraduates would increase $840, to $30,594, this fall under the first plan and an additional $1,440, to $31,194, under the second plan.
More than half of UC in-state undergraduates with the greatest economic need would pay less than they do today under both plans to raise tuition because they would receive more financial aid. That’s because one-third of every tuition dollar goes to financial aid, which can be used not only for tuition and fees but also for housing, food, transportation and other costs.
Under the first plan, for instance, students whose parents earn less than $80,000 would receive $488 in additional financial aid, fully covering the $348 tuition increase and leaving an additional $140 for housing, books and other expenses. With no tuition increase, the student would receive no extra financial aid.
UC President Janet Napolitano is recommending that the Board of Regents approve either of the plans “so that, as campuses begin extending offers of admission in February for the fall 2020 term, prospective UC students can make informed enrollment decisions, continuing students can know what level of tuition and fees to expect and campuses can prepare to provide the educational opportunities, academic support, financial aid, and student services needed to sustain the University’s unparalleled track record of access, affordability, and academic excellence,” according to a UC memo.
The UC Student Association, however, is opposing the plans, and leaders say they were caught off guard by the proposed multiyear increases.
UCSA President Varsha Sarveshwar said she was “stunned” and disappointed by the proposal. She said locking in five years of tuition increases at once was unnecessary and would hurt the tens of thousands of students who would not qualify for more financial aid and lower costs, including those from other states and countries. She also said a multiyear plan would discourage students from lobbying Sacramento for more funding and wondered who would bear the burden if a recession triggered major cuts in state support.
Advertisement
In addition, some critics say it’s unfair to charge some students more than others for tuition. Under the cohort plan, California undergraduates entering in fall 2020 would pay $13,176 in tuition and fees while those entering in 2024 would pay $15,414.
“A long-term tuition plan is completely premature and unfair to students,” Sarveshwar said.
But UC chancellors have long pressed for predictable increases so they can better plan their campus budgets, accommodate demands to enroll more California students and maintain the quality of the nation’s top public research university system.
UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ, for instance, told regents in 2018 that the campus had added 4,700 more students since 2013-14 but had not received enough money to cover the costs of educating them. As a result, she said, the average size of lower-division engineering and computer science classes had gone from 65 in 2011-12 to 227 in 2016-17.
She also said then that Berkeley’s $700-million backlog of much-needed maintenance was affecting its stature. The campus lost its bid to recruit one of the world’s leading chemists, she said, because it could not afford to renovate a laboratory to meet his needs.
UC budget officials have told regents that billions of dollars more are needed not just for maintenance but also for new classrooms, dorms and labs, salary increases and to cover escalating pension and health costs.
UC spending per student has dropped by 31% between 2000 and 2017 because state funding has not risen to fully cover the additional 100,830 students enrolled during that time. The proportion of state funding for UC’s core budget has plummeted from 84% in 1990 to 42% this academic year; tuition now accounts for a greater share.
UC San Diego Chancellor Pradeep Khosla said Thursday that he favored the cohort tuition plan because it laid out the most predictable increases for students and families. He also said ruling out increases and keeping tuition flat “disproportionately affects the neediest students, as living costs have been going up but the financial aid is constant.”
Board Chairman John A. Pérez has said that, short of adequate increases in state funding, he also favors a cohort-based plan that raises tuition once for an incoming class rather than annual increases while a student is enrolled.
“My values say that when a family looks at all those places that their student gets accepted to, they ought to be able to have a clear sense of what it’s going to cost them. Not just the top-line cost, but the real family cost — what the family contributes, what the student contributes,” he told The Times last year. “And so I am predisposed against voting for any tuition increase that impacts current students. That means from my worldview, the only two options that make sense are increased state investment or a very modest cohort-based increase where upon admission, you’re guaranteed what the rate is for your time as a student.”
The tuition memo expresses appreciation for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s proposed 2020-21 budget, which includes more than $217 million in new, permanent UC funding over last year. The money will help pay for such things as additional student support, research initiatives, expanded medical education, agricultural initiatives and immigrant legal services.
But UC officials say that’s not enough to cover their ambitious plan to increase California undergraduate enrollment, expand academic support to raise graduation rates and reduce achievement gaps, repair long-neglected infrastructure, strengthen student mental health services and address faculty and staff salary gaps. UC is currently projecting a budget shortfall of $250 million for the 2020-21 school year, growing to $734 million in five years, without more funding.
“Moderate and predictable increases in tuition and fee revenue would significantly narrow, although not close, the budget gap,” the memo said.
Napolitano is asking the regents to allow lower tuition hikes if the state provides more than a 5% increase in UC’s permanent base budget over the previous year.


latimes--2020-01-16--Former sheriff's deputy who lied about being shot by a sniper is arrested

A former Los Angeles County sheriff ’ s deputy who lied about being shot by a sniper , a fabrication that prompted a massive law enforcement response to hunt down the perpetrator , was arrested Thursday .
On Aug. 21 , Angel Raul Reinosa , then a 21-year-old deputy assigned to the department ’ s Lancaster station , radioed into dispatch that while on his way to his car in the station ’ s parking lot , he was hit by rifle fire from a nearby apartment building .
He claimed the protective vest he was wearing stopped a shot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had grazed his shoulder .
Soon , law enforcement officers swarmed the area , using binoculars to scan the building for a possible sniper .
The SWAT team and armored vehicles were also at the scene , and the public was told to avoid the area .
The mayor of Lancaster quickly blamed the incident on people with mental illnesses who live in the apartment building .
But officials soon began to doubt whether the deputy was telling the truth , and the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s Homicide Bureau launched a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no longer employed by the department .
The investigation was then presented to the district attorney ’ s office for potential prosecution , according to the Sheriff ’ s Department .
On Thursday , the district attorney ’ s office filed three criminal charges against Reinosa : filing a false police report , which is a misdemeanor , and two felony counts of insurance fraud related to a workers ’ compensation claim .
A warrant was also issued for his arrest .
At 2:30 p.m. Thursday , detectives from the Sheriff ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ served the warrant , arresting Reinosa during a traffic stop in Sylmar .
He was taken to L.A. County Jail , where his bail was set at $ 40,000 .
“ Two felonies and a misdemeanor are a sad ending to a promising career , ” Sheriff Alex Villanueva said .
“ We have an ethical standard for every employee , one that I will always maintain in order to earn the public ’ s trust.
” Authorities have not released any information about Reinosa ’ s motive for the deception .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had been with the Sheriff ’ s Department for only a year .
He joined the Lancaster station in May for patrol training .
Sources previously told The Times that the rookie lawman had been investigated in the past for another incident involving dishonesty and that he was set to move into a job in the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s detention system .
The day of the hoax , Reinosa was taken to a hospital , where doctors found no obvious injuries that backed up his claims of having been shot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the holes in his shirt were unconvincing .
At the scene , investigators grew concerned when they couldn ’ t find any bullets in the parking lot and found that no resident had called 911 to report hearing gunshots .
Nonetheless , officials initially stuck with the story that Reinosa had been shot and that his vest saved his life .
“ He is doing great , thankfully , ” Sheriff ’ s Capt .
Todd Weber said at the time .
“ The wound was minor and he ’ s been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in high spirits.
” If convicted as charged , Reinosa faces a possible maximum sentence of five years and six months in county jail .
He is expected in court Friday .

L.A. County Sheriff Alex Villanueva provides an update Aug. 29 on an investigation that found then-Deputy Angel Raul Reinosa had lied about being shot outside the Lancaster sheriff’s station.
A former Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputy who lied about being shot by a sniper, a fabrication that prompted a massive law enforcement response to hunt down the perpetrator, was arrested Thursday.
On Aug. 21, Angel Raul Reinosa, then a 21-year-old deputy assigned to the department’s Lancaster station, radioed into dispatch that while on his way to his car in the station’s parking lot, he was hit by rifle fire from a nearby apartment building. He claimed the protective vest he was wearing stopped a shot to his chest, while another bullet had grazed his shoulder.
Soon, law enforcement officers swarmed the area, using binoculars to scan the building for a possible sniper. The SWAT team and armored vehicles were also at the scene, and the public was told to avoid the area. The mayor of Lancaster quickly blamed the incident on people with mental illnesses who live in the apartment building.
Advertisement
But officials soon began to doubt whether the deputy was telling the truth, and the Sheriff’s Department’s Homicide Bureau launched a criminal investigation into Reinosa, who is no longer employed by the department.
The investigation was then presented to the district attorney’s office for potential prosecution, according to the Sheriff’s Department.
On Thursday, the district attorney’s office filed three criminal charges against Reinosa: filing a false police report, which is a misdemeanor, and two felony counts of insurance fraud related to a workers’ compensation claim. A warrant was also issued for his arrest.
At 2:30 p.m. Thursday, detectives from the Sheriff’s Department’s Internal Criminal Investigations Bureau served the warrant, arresting Reinosa during a traffic stop in Sylmar. He was taken to L.A. County Jail, where his bail was set at $40,000.
“Two felonies and a misdemeanor are a sad ending to a promising career,” Sheriff Alex Villanueva said. “We have an ethical standard for every employee, one that I will always maintain in order to earn the public’s trust.”
Authorities have not released any information about Reinosa’s motive for the deception.
At the time of the incident, he had been with the Sheriff’s Department for only a year. He joined the Lancaster station in May for patrol training.
Sources previously told The Times that the rookie lawman had been investigated in the past for another incident involving dishonesty and that he was set to move into a job in the Sheriff’s Department’s detention system.
The day of the hoax, Reinosa was taken to a hospital, where doctors found no obvious injuries that backed up his claims of having been shot. A small wound to his shoulder and the holes in his shirt were unconvincing. At the scene, investigators grew concerned when they couldn’t find any bullets in the parking lot and found that no resident had called 911 to report hearing gunshots.
Nonetheless, officials initially stuck with the story that Reinosa had been shot and that his vest saved his life.
“He is doing great, thankfully,” Sheriff’s Capt. Todd Weber said at the time. “The wound was minor and he’s been treated and he’s doing well, in high spirits.”
Advertisement
If convicted as charged, Reinosa faces a possible maximum sentence of five years and six months in county jail. He is expected in court Friday.
Times staff writer Joel Rubin contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-01-16--Lori Loughlin told Rick Singer her daughters 'love USC' months before arrest in admissions scandal

In November 2018 , William “ Rick ” Singer picked up the phone in a government building in Boston and dialed a Los Angeles number .
“ Lori , it ’ s Rick Singer .
How are you ?
” “ They ’ re really good , ” she said .
“ They love USC .
They ’ re really happy.
” Approached by federal agents two months earlier and convinced to cooperate , Singer was recording the call .
He turned to a practiced script : He was being audited , he told the actress , and the Internal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like her and her husband , had donated to his foundation , purportedly to help “ underserved kids.
” “ So we — so we just — so we just have to say we made a donation to your foundation , ” Loughlin asked , “ and that ’ s it , end of story ?
” “ That is correct.
” He wanted to give her a heads up , he explained , in case the IRS called .
“ Ok , yeah .
Ok .
Totally .
All right .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So it ’ s — it ’ s the IRS .
It ’ s not anyone from USC , it ’ s the IRS.
” Four months later , Loughlin and her husband , J. Mossimo Giannulli , were arrested and charged with conspiring to defraud USC .
They have pleaded not guilty to three felony counts .
Prosecutors on Tuesday made public a transcript of the call between Singer and Loughlin , among a cache of transcripts , emails , financial records and other documents they filed in court that had not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the public ’ s knowledge of a scandal that has rocked academia and in which she has become a central figure .
The actress and her husband are charged with conspiracy to commit fraud , bribery and money laundering .
They have pleaded not guilty despite coming under successive waves of pressure from prosecutors , who warned the couple and co-defendants that they would face more charges if they turned down a plea deal .
Prosecutors from the U.S. attorney ’ s office in Boston have made good on that promise , twice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What does the government say Loughlin did ?
Loughlin and Giannulli conspired with Singer , the scheme ’ s confessed mastermind , to guarantee their two daughters ’ admission to USC by misrepresenting them as rowing recruits , prosecutors allege .
The couple took photographs of their daughters on rowing machines , paid Singer $ 400,000 and sent another $ 100,000 to a USC account controlled by Singer ’ s alleged conspirator , a USC administrator , prosecutors say .
The administrator , Donna Heinel , presented the girls to an admissions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they were not , according to prosecutors .
Heinel has pleaded not guilty to conspiracy to commit racketeering , fraud and bribery .
She was fired on the day of her arrest from her post as the third-ranking official in USC ’ s athletic department .
What do Loughlin and Giannulli say they did ?
The couple , through their lawyers , argue that they believed their payments to Singer ’ s foundation and a USC account were legitimate donations , not bribes that would suborn university employees .
The couple thought Singer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonprofit , their lawyers said in a motion , and that the money they wired to it would “ support programs geared toward helping underprivileged children.
” As for the checks to USC , they trusted the funds would go toward a “ legitimate , university-approved purpose , ” their lawyers wrote .
Singer ’ s Key Worldwide Foundation has since been exposed as a sham , with little use beyond funneling money from parents to coaches and test proctors on his payroll .
Who are the co-defendants ?
Of the 36 parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pleaded guilty or said they plan to .
One mother , Xiaoning Sui , was arrested in Spain and has not yet entered a plea ; prosecutors are trying to extradite Sui , who is accused of paying Singer $ 400,000 to have her son admitted to UCLA as a phony soccer player .
Fifteen parents have pleaded not guilty , a group that includes some of the scandal ’ s most high-profile defendants : Loughlin and Giannulli ; Bill McGlashan , a former private equity chief ; Robert Zangrillo , a Miami @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former casino magnate .
How does USC figure into this ?
Eleven of the 15 parents who have maintained their innocence are charged with defrauding USC .
As the cases inch closer to trial , the school ’ s admissions and fundraising practices — sensitive and to this point tightly guarded secrets — have come into sharper focus .
Defense attorneys have argued that the school eagerly solicited donations and that their clients rightfully believed giving the school money made it far more likely their children would be admitted .
The government maintains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It is one thing , prosecutors say , for a school to take into account the giving history of an applicant ’ s family ; it is another for a family to secretly funnel money to an employee who helps admits a student who , but for their falsified credentials and the bribe , would have otherwise been turned away .

Actress Lori Loughlin, front, and husband, clothing designer J. Mossimo Giannulli, rear, depart federal court in Boston on April 3 after facing charges in the nationwide college admissions bribery scandal.
In November 2018, William “Rick” Singer picked up the phone in a government building in Boston and dialed a Los Angeles number. “Lori, it’s Rick Singer. How are you?”
“I’m good, Rick,” Lori Loughlin said. “How are you?”
“Good. The girls good?”
“They’re really good,” she said. “They love USC. They’re really happy.”
Approached by federal agents two months earlier and convinced to cooperate, Singer was recording the call. He turned to a practiced script: He was being audited, he told the actress, and the Internal Revenue Service was calling families who, like her and her husband, had donated to his foundation, purportedly to help “underserved kids.”
Advertisement
“So we — so we just — so we just have to say we made a donation to your foundation,” Loughlin asked, “and that’s it, end of story?”
“That is correct.” He wanted to give her a heads up, he explained, in case the IRS called.
“Ok, yeah. Ok. Totally. All right. So, so that’s it. So it’s — it’s the IRS. It’s not anyone from USC, it’s the IRS.”
“That is correct.”
Four months later, Loughlin and her husband, J. Mossimo Giannulli, were arrested and charged with conspiring to defraud USC. They have pleaded not guilty to three felony counts. Prosecutors on Tuesday made public a transcript of the call between Singer and Loughlin, among a cache of transcripts, emails, financial records and other documents they filed in court that had not been previously disclosed.
They add to the public’s knowledge of a scandal that has rocked academia and in which she has become a central figure.
What charges does Loughlin face?
The actress and her husband are charged with conspiracy to commit fraud, bribery and money laundering. They have pleaded not guilty despite coming under successive waves of pressure from prosecutors, who warned the couple and co-defendants that they would face more charges if they turned down a plea deal. Prosecutors from the U.S. attorney’s office in Boston have made good on that promise, twice leveling new charges against Loughlin and Giannulli.
Advertisement
What does the government say Loughlin did?
Loughlin and Giannulli conspired with Singer, the scheme’s confessed mastermind, to guarantee their two daughters’ admission to USC by misrepresenting them as rowing recruits, prosecutors allege. The couple took photographs of their daughters on rowing machines, paid Singer $400,000 and sent another $100,000 to a USC account controlled by Singer’s alleged conspirator, a USC administrator, prosecutors say.
The administrator, Donna Heinel, presented the girls to an admissions committee as elite rowers when she knew they were not, according to prosecutors. Heinel has pleaded not guilty to conspiracy to commit racketeering, fraud and bribery. She was fired on the day of her arrest from her post as the third-ranking official in USC’s athletic department.
What do Loughlin and Giannulli say they did?
The couple, through their lawyers, argue that they believed their payments to Singer’s foundation and a USC account were legitimate donations, not bribes that would suborn university employees.
The couple thought Singer’s charity was a bona fide nonprofit, their lawyers said in a motion, and that the money they wired to it would “support programs geared toward helping underprivileged children.” As for the checks to USC, they trusted the funds would go toward a “legitimate, university-approved purpose,” their lawyers wrote.
Singer’s Key Worldwide Foundation has since been exposed as a sham, with little use beyond funneling money from parents to coaches and test proctors on his payroll.
Who are the co-defendants?
Of the 36 parents charged in the scandal, 20 have pleaded guilty or said they plan to. One mother, Xiaoning Sui, was arrested in Spain and has not yet entered a plea; prosecutors are trying to extradite Sui, who is accused of paying Singer $400,000 to have her son admitted to UCLA as a phony soccer player.
Fifteen parents have pleaded not guilty, a group that includes some of the scandal’s most high-profile defendants: Loughlin and Giannulli; Bill McGlashan, a former private equity chief; Robert Zangrillo, a Miami financier; and Gamal Abdelaziz, a former casino magnate.
How does USC figure into this?
Eleven of the 15 parents who have maintained their innocence are charged with defrauding USC. As the cases inch closer to trial, the school’s admissions and fundraising practices — sensitive and to this point tightly guarded secrets — have come into sharper focus. Defense attorneys have argued that the school eagerly solicited donations and that their clients rightfully believed giving the school money made it far more likely their children would be admitted.
The government maintains that USC is a victim of fraud. It is one thing, prosecutors say, for a school to take into account the giving history of an applicant’s family; it is another for a family to secretly funnel money to an employee who helps admits a student who, but for their falsified credentials and the bribe, would have otherwise been turned away.


latimes--2020-01-16--Hollister Ranch sues California, calling new public access law unconstitutional

In a new twist to one of the most high-profile — and longest — beach access battles in California , Hollister Ranch sued state officials Thursday over a new law designed to open its exclusive coastline to the public after decades of stops and stalls .
The law , which went into effect this month , declares that the public must be allowed to enter the ranch by land and access some of its 8.5 miles of shoreline by April 2022 .
Further access would be phased in under a comprehensive plan to be developed in the next two years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crime , punishable by tens of thousands of dollars in fines , for any person or group “ to impede , delay , or otherwise obstruct the implementation of ” public access to these coveted beaches and surf breaks in Santa Barbara County .
Public access advocates have celebrated the new law as a significant move forward on an issue that had faltered in the face of powerful landowners .
But ranch officials , who opposed the legislation last year , call many of the provisions an overreach of the state ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Hollister Ranch Owners Assn.
, said the ranch had no objections to the original legislation , Assembly Bill 1680 .
But as passed , “ AB 1680 transformed , without hearings or debate , into an overreaching and unconstitutional bill that tramples on protections of due process , illegal search and seizure , free speech , and the taking of private property without compensation , ” Ward said .
Provisions of particular concern include the fines and fees , and allowing state agencies to enter the ranch and to search and use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gathering data .
The ranch made these concerns clear to the bill ’ s author , the Legislature and the governor before he signed it into law , Ward said , but “ our concerns were ignored.
” Assemblywoman Monique Limón ( D-Santa Barbara ) , who wrote the bill , said she had multiple meetings with the ranch and included them throughout the process .
The legislation came together after months of talks with everyone involved , she said , and even had the support of the state ’ s attorney general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not a surprise .
...
This has been Hollister ’ s go-to for almost four decades — they fight access to a public beach in the courts , ” she said .
“ The need for this legislation speaks for itself.
” The lawsuit was filed in federal court by the Pacific Legal Foundation , a nonprofit known for high-profile cases defending private property rights and what it says are “ Americans threatened by government overreach and abuse.
” David Breemer , an attorney at Pacific Legal Foundation who is representing the ranch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a right way and wrong way to deal with access issues.
” “ Requiring property owners to submit to searches of property without notice or limits and threatening them with fines for speaking out or acting in other lawful ways to defend their private property is the wrong way , ” he said .
“ If California uses these overreaching means at Hollister Ranch in pursuit of its access goals , no one ’ s property is safe.
” In recent months , coastal officials and the ranch have been working together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plan that would balance everyone ’ s concerns .
Many owners worry about what unfettered access , unmanaged trash and extra foot traffic could do to their years of work protecting the land .
In an agreement signed last year , the state Coastal Conservancy , the California Coastal Commission , the State Lands Commission and California State Parks pledged to work efficiently to expand and enhance “ meaningful , safe , environmentally sustainable and operationally feasible public access to and along the coast at the ranch.
” Efforts so far , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In July , about 20 officials from all four agencies , as well as Santa Barbara County , met with the Hollister Ranch Owners Assn .
and toured the shoreline — yet another milestone in a standoff that in past decades had blocked state agencies from even entering the ranch .
Surveyors from the State Lands Commission have also been allowed in to map the public beaches for the first time .
The new law specifies that the ranch must continue to grant access to state officials as they work on the public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director of the coastal commission , has said this legislation provides important guardrails if these good faith efforts take a turn .
Wade Crowfoot , California Secretary for Natural Resources , which oversees the four state agencies named in the lawsuit , reiterated in a statement Thursday that “ the governor believes every person has a right to experience the state ’ s beaches.
” “ Access for all to our state ’ s coastline is a basic fundamental right ... ” he said .
“ We will protect Californians ’ ability to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breathtaking coastline , and continue to work with the Hollister Ranch homeowners and stakeholders to develop a public access plan for Hollister Ranch through a collaborative process.
” Ward said the ranch also wants to continue working with the state .
He acknowledged that officials have not exercised any of the provisions of concern , but the way the law is written is not acceptable .
“ This is not an action we wanted to take , ” he said .
“ Indeed , we have been encouraged by the unprecedented effort ... @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fresh look at the facts on the ground and , through collaboration and cooperation , develop a new access plan that preserves a wilderness coastline rich in biodiversity and cultural resources , while protecting the ranch ’ s privacy and traditions.
” Lawsuits have become par for the course in this public access issue that has dragged on since the state ’ s landmark Coastal Act was passed in 1976 .
Increased public scrutiny last year exposed a history of litigation and exceptionalism that kept the public gated off for decades .
Public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2018 after ranch and coastal officials agreed to a controversial deal that would have allowed access only to ranch owners , their guests , visitors with guides and those who could boat or paddle in from two miles away .
The Times published the terms of this deal , which was struck behind closed doors .
A coalition of nonprofits has been fighting its own battle against Hollister and this controversial settlement in court .
Coastal officials heeded the public outcry and have since looked for new ways to obtain access once and @ @ @

In a new twist to one of the most high-profile — and longest — beach access battles in California, Hollister Ranch sued state officials Thursday over a new law designed to open its exclusive coastline to the public after decades of stops and stalls.
The law, which went into effect this month, declares that the public must be allowed to enter the ranch by land and access some of its 8.5 miles of shoreline by April 2022. Further access would be phased in under a comprehensive plan to be developed in the next two years.
The law also makes it a crime, punishable by tens of thousands of dollars in fines, for any person or group “to impede, delay, or otherwise obstruct the implementation of” public access to these coveted beaches and surf breaks in Santa Barbara County.
Advertisement
Public access advocates have celebrated the new law as a significant move forward on an issue that had faltered in the face of powerful landowners. But ranch officials, who opposed the legislation last year, call many of the provisions an overreach of the state’s authority.
Monte Ward, president of the Hollister Ranch Owners Assn., said the ranch had no objections to the original legislation, Assembly Bill 1680. But as passed, “AB 1680 transformed, without hearings or debate, into an overreaching and unconstitutional bill that tramples on protections of due process, illegal search and seizure, free speech, and the taking of private property without compensation,” Ward said.
Provisions of particular concern include the fines and fees, and allowing state agencies to enter the ranch and to search and use all common areas for the purpose of gathering data.
California Newsom signs bill to open Hollister Ranch beaches to the public The law declares that the public must be allowed to enter Hollister Ranch by land and access some of its 8.5 miles of shoreline by April 2022.
The ranch made these concerns clear to the bill’s author, the Legislature and the governor before he signed it into law, Ward said, but “our concerns were ignored.”
Assemblywoman Monique Limón (D-Santa Barbara), who wrote the bill, said she had multiple meetings with the ranch and included them throughout the process. The legislation came together after months of talks with everyone involved, she said, and even had the support of the state’s attorney general.
“Regrettably, this lawsuit is not a surprise. ... This has been Hollister’s go-to for almost four decades — they fight access to a public beach in the courts,” she said. “The need for this legislation speaks for itself.”
The lawsuit was filed in federal court by the Pacific Legal Foundation, a nonprofit known for high-profile cases defending private property rights and what it says are “Americans threatened by government overreach and abuse.”
David Breemer, an attorney at Pacific Legal Foundation who is representing the ranch pro bono, said, “There is a right way and wrong way to deal with access issues.”
Advertisement
“Requiring property owners to submit to searches of property without notice or limits and threatening them with fines for speaking out or acting in other lawful ways to defend their private property is the wrong way,” he said. “If California uses these overreaching means at Hollister Ranch in pursuit of its access goals, no one’s property is safe.”
In recent months, coastal officials and the ranch have been working together to come up with a public access plan that would balance everyone’s concerns. Many owners worry about what unfettered access, unmanaged trash and extra foot traffic could do to their years of work protecting the land.
In an agreement signed last year, the state Coastal Conservancy, the California Coastal Commission, the State Lands Commission and California State Parks pledged to work efficiently to expand and enhance “meaningful, safe, environmentally sustainable and operationally feasible public access to and along the coast at the ranch.”
Efforts so far, the parties say, have been collaborative.
In July, about 20 officials from all four agencies, as well as Santa Barbara County, met with the Hollister Ranch Owners Assn. and toured the shoreline — yet another milestone in a standoff that in past decades had blocked state agencies from even entering the ranch.
Surveyors from the State Lands Commission have also been allowed in to map the public beaches for the first time.
The new law specifies that the ranch must continue to grant access to state officials as they work on the public access plan. Jack Ainsworth, executive director of the coastal commission, has said this legislation provides important guardrails if these good faith efforts take a turn.
Wade Crowfoot, California Secretary for Natural Resources, which oversees the four state agencies named in the lawsuit, reiterated in a statement Thursday that “the governor believes every person has a right to experience the state’s beaches.”
“Access for all to our state’s coastline is a basic fundamental right...” he said. “We will protect Californians’ ability to access all of our 1,000-plus miles of breathtaking coastline, and continue to work with the Hollister Ranch homeowners and stakeholders to develop a public access plan for Hollister Ranch through a collaborative process.”
Ward said the ranch also wants to continue working with the state. He acknowledged that officials have not exercised any of the provisions of concern, but the way the law is written is not acceptable.
“This is not an action we wanted to take,” he said. “Indeed, we have been encouraged by the unprecedented effort ... state leaders have made to take a fresh look at the facts on the ground and, through collaboration and cooperation, develop a new access plan that preserves a wilderness coastline rich in biodiversity and cultural resources, while protecting the ranch’s privacy and traditions.”
Lawsuits have become par for the course in this public access issue that has dragged on since the state’s landmark Coastal Act was passed in 1976. Increased public scrutiny last year exposed a history of litigation and exceptionalism that kept the public gated off for decades.
Public pressure to open the beaches mounted in 2018 after ranch and coastal officials agreed to a controversial deal that would have allowed access only to ranch owners, their guests, visitors with guides and those who could boat or paddle in from two miles away.
The Times published the terms of this deal, which was struck behind closed doors. A coalition of nonprofits has been fighting its own battle against Hollister and this controversial settlement in court.
Coastal officials heeded the public outcry and have since looked for new ways to obtain access once and for all.


latimes--2020-01-16--Former L.A. County Sheriff Lee Baca must report to prison by Feb. 5, judge rules

Former Los Angeles County Sheriff Lee Baca must report to prison by Feb. 5 to begin serving a three-year sentence for his role in a scheme to obstruct an FBI investigation of abuses inside the county ’ s jails , a judge ruled Thursday .
The ruling by U.S. District Judge Percy Anderson came three days after the U.S. Supreme Court denied a last-ditch , longshot request to review Baca ’ s case .
Baca , 77 , who has been diagnosed with Alzheimer ’ s disease , was sentenced in 2017 after a jury found he oversaw the plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later lied to prosecutors about his role in the scheme .
He had been permitted to remain free while his case was on appeal .
On Monday , the high court denied Baca ’ s writ of certiorari , filed July 18 , which would have reopened his case for review .
Last year , a panel of judges from the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that his conviction for helping orchestrate a scheme to interfere with an FBI investigation into abuses at the county ’ s jails was fair and legally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s requests for another hearing or a new hearing in front of the entire 9th Circuit .
The Supreme Court ’ s decision cleared the way for Anderson , who sentenced Baca , to set a date when the former lawman must begin serving his sentence .
The 9th Circuit issued a mandate sending notice to Anderson , effectively putting the case back in his jurisdiction , on Wednesday .
On Thursday , Anderson ordered that Baca surrender within 21 days of the notice .
He has until noon on the 21st @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states .
Baca was the last in a group of Sheriff ’ s Department deputies and commanders to be accused of playing a role in the 2011 scandal , which involved hiding an inmate who was an FBI informant and threatening to arrest the agent who was leading the investigation .
All 10 of the people who faced charges in the case have either pleaded guilty or been convicted .
They included Baca ’ s second-in-command , former Undersheriff Paul Tanaka , who in 2016 was sentenced to five years in prison after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a leading role in the scheme .

Former Los Angeles County Sheriff Lee Baca must report to prison by Feb. 5 to begin serving a three-year sentence for his role in a scheme to obstruct an FBI investigation of abuses inside the county’s jails, a judge ruled Thursday.
The ruling by U.S. District Judge Percy Anderson came three days after the U.S. Supreme Court denied a last-ditch, longshot request to review Baca’s case.
Baca, 77, who has been diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease, was sentenced in 2017 after a jury found he oversaw the plan to interfere with the jails investigation and later lied to prosecutors about his role in the scheme.
Advertisement
He had been permitted to remain free while his case was on appeal.
On Monday, the high court denied Baca’s writ of certiorari, filed July 18, which would have reopened his case for review. Last year, a panel of judges from the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that his conviction for helping orchestrate a scheme to interfere with an FBI investigation into abuses at the county’s jails was fair and legally sound. The panel also denied Baca’s requests for another hearing or a new hearing in front of the entire 9th Circuit.
The Supreme Court’s decision cleared the way for Anderson, who sentenced Baca, to set a date when the former lawman must begin serving his sentence.
The 9th Circuit issued a mandate sending notice to Anderson, effectively putting the case back in his jurisdiction, on Wednesday. On Thursday, Anderson ordered that Baca surrender within 21 days of the notice. He has until noon on the 21st day — Feb. 5 — the order states.
Baca was the last in a group of Sheriff’s Department deputies and commanders to be accused of playing a role in the 2011 scandal, which involved hiding an inmate who was an FBI informant and threatening to arrest the agent who was leading the investigation. All 10 of the people who faced charges in the case have either pleaded guilty or been convicted. They included Baca’s second-in-command, former Undersheriff Paul Tanaka, who in 2016 was sentenced to five years in prison after a jury found that he had played a leading role in the scheme.


latimes--2020-01-16--Dramatic video shows arsonist setting fire at Lake Forest apartment complex

A man was captured on surveillance video deliberately setting fire at an apartment complex in Lake Forest this week , officials said .
Video shows the man approaching the leasing office of the River Oaks Apartments in the 20700 block of El Toro Road .
He is wearing a black hooded jacket that he uses to obscure his face and is carrying a large bottle with liquid in it .
The man walks toward the front of the building and calmly and deliberately pours the accelerant in front of the door , splashing the liquid along the exterior of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the video , he then lights a match and runs away .
Arson investigators think the building was singled out , said the Orange County Fire Authority ’ s William Lackey .
“ We do believe it was a specific target .
We don ’ t know the reason for that right now.
” The agency received a call about the fire just after 1 a.m. Tuesday , about an hour before officials think the blaze was lit , Lackey said .
The fire charred the roof and front half of the leasing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from occupied apartments .
Authorities estimate the fire caused about $ 100,000 in damage .
The fire authority is hoping the video will help identify the arsonist , who they fear may strike again .
He is described as being 5-foot-9 and weighing about 180 pounds .
Evidence collected from the scene was sent to the Orange County crime lab for analysis .
Anyone with information about the fire can call Lackey at ( 714 ) 573-6709 .

Surveillance video caught a man setting a fire at an apartment complex in Lake Forest. Authorities are requesting the public’s help in finding the arsonist.
A man was captured on surveillance video deliberately setting fire at an apartment complex in Lake Forest this week, officials said.
Video shows the man approaching the leasing office of the River Oaks Apartments in the 20700 block of El Toro Road. He is wearing a black hooded jacket that he uses to obscure his face and is carrying a large bottle with liquid in it.
The man walks toward the front of the building and calmly and deliberately pours the accelerant in front of the door, splashing the liquid along the exterior of the building and down a pathway. In the video, he then lights a match and runs away.
Arson investigators think the building was singled out, said the Orange County Fire Authority’s William Lackey.
Advertisement
“We do believe it was a specific target. We don’t know the reason for that right now.”
We need your help identifying an arsonist in Lake Forest. He set fire to a building in an apartment complex on El Toro Road early yesterday putting residents in danger. He is approx 5’9 and weighs 180 pds. Please call investigator Lackey with suspect info at 714.573.6709. pic.twitter.com/dlWN2EMvSA — OCFA PIO (@OCFA_PIO) January 16, 2020
The agency received a call about the fire just after 1 a.m. Tuesday, about an hour before officials think the blaze was lit, Lackey said.
The fire charred the roof and front half of the leasing office, which sits about 50 feet from occupied apartments. Authorities estimate the fire caused about $100,000 in damage.
The fire authority is hoping the video will help identify the arsonist, who they fear may strike again. He is described as being 5-foot-9 and weighing about 180 pounds. Evidence collected from the scene was sent to the Orange County crime lab for analysis.
Anyone with information about the fire can call Lackey at (714) 573-6709.


latimes--2020-01-16--UCLA gets $25-million gift from Uniqlo CEO for Japanese humanities endowment

UCLA has received a $ 25-million gift from Tadash Yanai , the chairman , president and CEO of Japan-based Fast Retailing and founder of clothing company Uniqlo , the school said in a statement .
The funds will endow the Tadashi Yanai Initiative for Globalizing Japanese Humanities , which will bolster UCLA ’ s status as a leading center for the study of Japanese literature , language and culture .
The gift is the largest from an individual donor in the history of the UCLA College of Humanities .
A previous donation of $ 2.5 million from Yanai in 2014 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between UCLA and Waseda University , one of Japan ’ s most prestigious universities .
The program supports academic and cultural programming and enables student and faculty exchanges between the two universities .
This latest gift will ensure the initiative ’ s long-term future , according to the statement .
“ Mr .
Yanai ’ s extraordinary gifts are a testament to UCLA ’ s longstanding commitment to educate global citizens who can thrive in careers — and cultures — anywhere in the world , ” UCLA Chancellor Gene Block said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Humanities will have a profound and lasting impact on this campus.
” The Yanai Initiative is housed in the department of Asian languages and cultures and directed by professor Michael Emmerich .
The latest gift will fund and establish an endowed chair in Japanese literature and will fund conferences , public lectures , faculty research , cultural performances and community outreach .
It will support graduate and postdoctoral fellowships and undergraduate awards , the statement said .

UCLA has received a $25-million gift from Tadash Yanai, the chairman, president and CEO of Japan-based Fast Retailing and founder of clothing company Uniqlo, the school said in a statement.
The funds will endow the Tadashi Yanai Initiative for Globalizing Japanese Humanities, which will bolster UCLA’s status as a leading center for the study of Japanese literature, language and culture. The gift is the largest from an individual donor in the history of the UCLA College of Humanities.
A previous donation of $2.5 million from Yanai in 2014 created the Yanai Initiative, a collaboration between UCLA and Waseda University, one of Japan’s most prestigious universities. The program supports academic and cultural programming and enables student and faculty exchanges between the two universities.
Advertisement
This latest gift will ensure the initiative’s long-term future, according to the statement.
“Mr. Yanai’s extraordinary gifts are a testament to UCLA’s longstanding commitment to educate global citizens who can thrive in careers — and cultures — anywhere in the world,” UCLA Chancellor Gene Block said. “The Tadashi Yanai Initiative for Globalizing Japanese Humanities will have a profound and lasting impact on this campus.”
The Yanai Initiative is housed in the department of Asian languages and cultures and directed by professor Michael Emmerich. The latest gift will fund and establish an endowed chair in Japanese literature and will fund conferences, public lectures, faculty research, cultural performances and community outreach. It will support graduate and postdoctoral fellowships and undergraduate awards, the statement said.