latimes--2020-01-11--Day labor center in Westlake fights eviction, arguing it is 'safety net' for community

Eight days before Christmas , a day labor center in the Westlake district of Los Angeles received an eviction notice .
According to the landowner , the site has become a “ nuisance ” and a “ blight.
” As a result , the organization that runs it has been given until mid-January to vacate .
But the Central American Resource Center , or CARECEN , the 37-year-old nonprofit organization that runs the day labor center , plans to do no such thing .
CARECEN founded the Day Labor Center in 2004 , strategically placing it in a strip mall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s throw away from a Home Depot .
There , day laborers — the vast majority of them Latin American immigrants — can stop by to use the restroom ; get safety and computer literacy training ; and receive assistance to address wage theft , among other services .
In a letter issued to CARECEN , the landowner , Wilshire Union Center , alleges that : “ Numerous photos , videos , and first-hand accounts have revealed an alarming amount of illegal alcohol and drug use ” on the property .
The missive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , theft , and , most worryingly , threatening behavior ” towards the strip mall ’ s customers and employees .
The company attributes the conduct to “ individuals who appear to be applicants to the Day Labor Center ” and demands that the organization vacate the property by Jan. 17 .
Instead , CARECEN responded by hosting a rally on Thursday , inviting day laborers who ’ ve benefited from the resources offered at the center to share their experiences .
CARECEN ’ s executive director , Martha Arevalo , who took @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the eviction notice came without warning and that it offered no suggestions for improvement .
She said she also believes it ’ s unfair and counterproductive to blame the activity in the parking lot on the center .
With what she described as “ the housing crisis in Los Angeles and the anti-immigrant crisis across the United States , ” she added , “ right now is not the time to be closing our center.
” “ We ’ re actually part of the community ’ s safety net , ” she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Labor Center mitigates some of the landlord ’ s complaints .
We allow the workers to use the restroom .
We facilitate the hiring process to ensure fair wages .
We ’ re the reason why there aren ’ t more people living in those encampments across the street from the parking lot.
” In response to a request for comment , attorney Geoffrey Gold , who is representing Wilshire Union Center , shared a letter with The Times , addressed to Los Angeles City Councilman Gil Cedillo on Dec. 17 .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noted in the eviction letter .
He also adds that the landowner ’ s “ willingness to support charitable organizations benefiting the community remains steadfast ” and “ invites [ Cedillo ’ s ] office to assist in identifying or proposing another charitable organization that may make use of the property without fostering or permitting the criminal and hostile activity that Wilshire Union has been exposed to.
” The landowner , he adds in the letter , “ would be happy to consider offering the space previously occupied by CARECEN to such a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rigo Torres , a 63-year-old immigrant from El Salvador , was among the workers who took part in Thursday ’ s rally .
Clad in a blue and neon green vest , he carried a clipboard and gathered signatures for a petition that will be presented to the landowner and city officials .
Torres has lived in Koreatown for 45 years and has worked in roofing for decades .
The center is a reliable source of support in his otherwise unpredictable routine .
“ I wake up at 5 a.m. every day , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a.m. , I ’ m out here , not knowing if I ’ ll find work .
There is no guarantee.
” The CARECEN Day Labor Center , Torres underscored , has helped him to resolve several incidents of wage theft .
He used that money to put food on his family ’ s table and to help put his three children through school .
One of them graduated from UC Berkeley .
On Thursday afternoon , Arevalo met with Cedillo ’ s staff .
CARECEN , she said , hopes that Cedillo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the landowner and the organization can address their concerns .
“ Maybe one restroom is not enough , ” she said .
“ All right , then .
Let ’ s talk .
Maybe we need two .
Let ’ s look for solutions.
” Conrado TerrazasCross , who serves as the councilman ’ s communications director , said that his office is “ doing everything it can ” to keep the day labor center at its current location .
But should the landowner decline to come together to find a solution , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take action .
“ Everything is on the table , ” she said .
Following the rally on Thursday , day laborers and their supporters marched around the block on which the property is located , making their way up Union Avenue and across Wilshire Boulevard .
Marlon Aguilera , who came to the center after living on the street for six months , helped lead the way .
When he lost his restaurant job , he said , he lost everything , including his apartment in Rancho Cucamonga .
Ultimately , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where he was assaulted three times .
Hoping to earn some money , he made his way over to Home Depot in Westlake .
But “ no one would hire me , ” he said , “ because of my appearance.
” Noting his predicament , a fellow worker recommended that he go to the day labor center .
“ They gave me coffee .
They gave me bread .
And they gave me a clean set of clothes , ” said Aguilera , a native of Honduras who has lived in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ center , he added , also provided him with a workshop on mental health , something that enabled him to pull himself out of his self-destructive state .
“ Why don ’ t I want this center to be shuttered ?
” Aguilera asked .
“ Because I don ’ t want anyone else to go through what I did .
”

Demonstrators rally in support of the Central American Resource Center, or CARECEN, which runs a day labor center near a Home Depot in Westlake. The organization was told to vacate its offices by Jan. 17.
Eight days before Christmas, a day labor center in the Westlake district of Los Angeles received an eviction notice.
According to the landowner, the site has become a “nuisance” and a “blight.” As a result, the organization that runs it has been given until mid-January to vacate.
But the Central American Resource Center, or CARECEN, the 37-year-old nonprofit organization that runs the day labor center, plans to do no such thing.
CARECEN founded the Day Labor Center in 2004, strategically placing it in a strip mall parking lot, just a rock’s throw away from a Home Depot. There, day laborers — the vast majority of them Latin American immigrants — can stop by to use the restroom; get safety and computer literacy training; and receive assistance to address wage theft, among other services.
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In a letter issued to CARECEN, the landowner, Wilshire Union Center, alleges that: “Numerous photos, videos, and first-hand accounts have revealed an alarming amount of illegal alcohol and drug use” on the property.
The missive also cites “public urination, vandalism, theft, and, most worryingly, threatening behavior” towards the strip mall’s customers and employees.
The company attributes the conduct to “individuals who appear to be applicants to the Day Labor Center” and demands that the organization vacate the property by Jan. 17.
Instead, CARECEN responded by hosting a rally on Thursday, inviting day laborers who’ve benefited from the resources offered at the center to share their experiences.
Martha Arevalo, executive director of CARECEN, holds up the center’s eviction notice. Citing the state’s housing crisis and anti-immigration sentiment across the country, she said, “right now is not the time to be closing our center.” (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
CARECEN’s executive director, Martha Arevalo, who took part in the rally, said that the eviction notice came without warning and that it offered no suggestions for improvement.
She said she also believes it’s unfair and counterproductive to blame the activity in the parking lot on the center. With what she described as “the housing crisis in Los Angeles and the anti-immigrant crisis across the United States,” she added, “right now is not the time to be closing our center.”
“We’re actually part of the community’s safety net,” she said. “If anything, the Day Labor Center mitigates some of the landlord’s complaints. We allow the workers to use the restroom. We facilitate the hiring process to ensure fair wages. We’re the reason why there aren’t more people living in those encampments across the street from the parking lot.”
In response to a request for comment, attorney Geoffrey Gold, who is representing Wilshire Union Center, shared a letter with The Times, addressed to Los Angeles City Councilman Gil Cedillo on Dec. 17.
In it, Gold outlines the same concerns noted in the eviction letter. He also adds that the landowner’s “willingness to support charitable organizations benefiting the community remains steadfast” and “invites [Cedillo’s] office to assist in identifying or proposing another charitable organization that may make use of the property without fostering or permitting the criminal and hostile activity that Wilshire Union has been exposed to.”
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The landowner, he adds in the letter, “would be happy to consider offering the space previously occupied by CARECEN to such a better, managed and responsible organization.”
Rigo Torres, a 63-year-old immigrant from El Salvador, was among the workers who took part in Thursday’s rally. Clad in a blue and neon green vest, he carried a clipboard and gathered signatures for a petition that will be presented to the landowner and city officials.
Torres has lived in Koreatown for 45 years and has worked in roofing for decades. The center is a reliable source of support in his otherwise unpredictable routine. “I wake up at 5 a.m. every day,” he said. “By 6:30 a.m., I’m out here, not knowing if I’ll find work. There is no guarantee.”
Day laborers wait for work outside CARECEN in Westlake. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
The CARECEN Day Labor Center, Torres underscored, has helped him to resolve several incidents of wage theft. He used that money to put food on his family’s table and to help put his three children through school. One of them graduated from UC Berkeley.
On Thursday afternoon, Arevalo met with Cedillo’s staff. CARECEN, she said, hopes that Cedillo can help facilitate a meeting in which the landowner and the organization can address their concerns.
“Maybe one restroom is not enough,” she said. “All right, then. Let’s talk. Maybe we need two. Let’s look for solutions.”
Conrado TerrazasCross, who serves as the councilman’s communications director, said that his office is “doing everything it can” to keep the day labor center at its current location.
But should the landowner decline to come together to find a solution, Arevalo added, CARECEN is prepared to take action. “Everything is on the table,” she said.
Following the rally on Thursday, day laborers and their supporters marched around the block on which the property is located, making their way up Union Avenue and across Wilshire Boulevard.
Marlon Aguilera, who came to the center after living on the street for six months, helped lead the way.
When he lost his restaurant job, he said, he lost everything, including his apartment in Rancho Cucamonga. Ultimately, he wound up sleeping in MacArthur Park, where he was assaulted three times.
Hoping to earn some money, he made his way over to Home Depot in Westlake. But “no one would hire me,” he said, “because of my appearance.”
Noting his predicament, a fellow worker recommended that he go to the day labor center.
“They gave me coffee. They gave me bread. And they gave me a clean set of clothes,” said Aguilera, a native of Honduras who has lived in the United States for 15 years. The center, he added, also provided him with a workshop on mental health, something that enabled him to pull himself out of his self-destructive state.
“Why don’t I want this center to be shuttered?” Aguilera asked. “Because I don’t want anyone else to go through what I did.”


latimes--2020-01-10--Newsom's budget includes $20 million for California's biggest new state park in decades

California is in the land market to create a new state park .
The only questions are — where ?
And at what price ?
Gov .
Gavin Newsom announced Friday that he wants legislative leaders to dedicate $ 20 million from a one-time budget surplus to help purchase new public parkland , possibly creating one of the largest new state parks in decades .
In his budget briefing , the governor declined to state where the new park might be , suggesting the purchase price could “ go up ” if he revealed details .
But for several days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the governor to help appropriate $ 20 million — the exact amount he proposed Friday — to help preserve a legendary property , the N3 Ranch near Livermore .
California state parks officials declined to comment late Friday , but it has been known since Wednesday that funding was coming together to make an offer on the ranch , which covers nearly 51,000 acres of mostly untrammeled Bay Area wilderness that is home to elk , deer and hundreds of species of migrating birds .
The Nature Conservancy and the Trust for Public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ largest conservation organizations — have already secured commitments to cover $ 30 million of the negotiated purchase price , state Sen. Steve Glazer ( D-Orinda ) said .
He and 14 other Bay Area lawmakers , including state Sen. Bob Wieckowski ( D-Fremont ) have argued that a $ 20-million appropriation from the state , if approved , would help complete the N3 Ranch purchase package and create one of the largest public parks in the state .
“ This is a matter of urgent concern because this irreplaceable property is for sale @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nonprofit conservation groups have assembled funding commitments that could finance more than half the cost .
We need to move on this quickly.
” “ The N3 Ranch property is a critical asset in the efforts to protect our open spaces and fight climate change — Californians deserve this opportunity to be provided clean air , clean water and access to parklands , ” added Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan , ( D-Orinda ) .
“ I am proud to be working with my colleagues to preserve this natural treasure.
” But that won ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broker and principal owner of Vacaville-based California Outdoor Properties , said the N3 Ranch was listed for sale in July 2019 for the first time in 85 years and has attracted purchase offers and interest from around the country and world .
The owners are two Southern California sisters who don ’ t want to sell the property piecemeal , Renfrew said in an interview .
“ They want to whoever buys the ranch to keep it whole.
” “ So far , I ’ ve shown the property to 14 prospective buyers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of them want to remain confidential , but several are qualified to buy the whole thing.
” Roughly 500 head of cattle roam the rarely visited 80-square-mile ranch within an hour ’ s drive of San Francisco , Oakland , San Jose , Stockton and Modesto .
An estimated 80 % of the property , including 9,600 acres of the Alameda Creek watershed , captures drinking water for Bay Area residents and millions of Californians .
The property comes with a four-bedroom headquarters , a one-bedroom annex , a bunkhouse , shops , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 14 hunting cabins and some cattle .
“ It ’ s quite a place , ” Renfrew said .
“ This is a landscape that looks like it did more than a century ago .
”

California is in the land market to create a new state park. The only questions are — where? And at what price?
Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday that he wants legislative leaders to dedicate $20 million from a one-time budget surplus to help purchase new public parkland, possibly creating one of the largest new state parks in decades.
In his budget briefing, the governor declined to state where the new park might be, suggesting the purchase price could “go up” if he revealed details. But for several days, Bay Area lawmakers have been lobbying the governor to help appropriate $20 million — the exact amount he proposed Friday — to help preserve a legendary property, the N3 Ranch near Livermore.
California state parks officials declined to comment late Friday, but it has been known since Wednesday that funding was coming together to make an offer on the ranch, which covers nearly 51,000 acres of mostly untrammeled Bay Area wilderness that is home to elk, deer and hundreds of species of migrating birds.
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The Nature Conservancy and the Trust for Public Lands — the nation’s two largest conservation organizations — have already secured commitments to cover $30 million of the negotiated purchase price, state Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda) said.
He and 14 other Bay Area lawmakers, including state Sen. Bob Wieckowski (D-Fremont) have argued that a $20-million appropriation from the state, if approved, would help complete the N3 Ranch purchase package and create one of the largest public parks in the state.
“This is a matter of urgent concern because this irreplaceable property is for sale now,” Glazer said. “Nonprofit conservation groups have assembled funding commitments that could finance more than half the cost. We need to move on this quickly.”
“The N3 Ranch property is a critical asset in the efforts to protect our open spaces and fight climate change — Californians deserve this opportunity to be provided clean air, clean water and access to parklands,” added Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, (D-Orinda). “I am proud to be working with my colleagues to preserve this natural treasure.”
But that won’t be easy. Todd Renfrew, broker and principal owner of Vacaville-based California Outdoor Properties, said the N3 Ranch was listed for sale in July 2019 for the first time in 85 years and has attracted purchase offers and interest from around the country and world.
The current asking price: $72 million.
The owners are two Southern California sisters who don’t want to sell the property piecemeal, Renfrew said in an interview. “They want to whoever buys the ranch to keep it whole.”
“So far, I’ve shown the property to 14 prospective buyers,” he added. “Most of them want to remain confidential, but several are qualified to buy the whole thing.”
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Roughly 500 head of cattle roam the rarely visited 80-square-mile ranch within an hour’s drive of San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Stockton and Modesto. An estimated 80% of the property, including 9,600 acres of the Alameda Creek watershed, captures drinking water for Bay Area residents and millions of Californians.
The property comes with a four-bedroom headquarters, a one-bedroom annex, a bunkhouse, shops, outbuildings, four cabins for employee housing, 14 hunting cabins and some cattle.
“It’s quite a place,” Renfrew said. “This is a landscape that looks like it did more than a century ago.”


latimes--2020-01-12--She embodied the hopes for L.A.'s cannabis program. Can she overcome its stumbles?

When Cat Packer was chosen to head a Los Angeles city department that would help usher in the legalization of marijuana , then-Council President Herb Wesson billed her appointment as a bold example of what Los Angeles stood for .
Packer had been an activist with the Drug Policy Alliance who was firmly focused on how the war on drugs had battered communities of color .
She was young , black and openly gay , with tailored suits , hair cut in a fade , and the cool , deliberate speech of a lawyer , and she had wowed Wesson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statistics about racial inequity .
The Department of Cannabis Regulation , her new agency , was not just going to hand out permits for pot shops .
It was supposed to do something much more ambitious and radical : Ensure that the communities hit hardest by the criminalization of marijuana would benefit from its legalization .
Many saw the effort as a kind of reparations for the drug war .
Two years later , Packer would face a furious and disappointed crowd of cannabis applicants and activists in the marble chambers of City @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disappointed too .
That the city had ended up hurting hundreds of people who took financial risks as they tried to nab a limited number of licenses .
That she routinely told other cities not to do what L.A. did .
If Packer had once seemed to personify L.A. 's progressive vision for cannabis , she was now the public face of its stumbles in realizing that goal .
Licensing for new shops had been put on hold .
Wesson and Mayor Eric Garcetti had called for an audit .
Packer was being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and facing threats in her inbox .
“ It ’ s one thing to pass an equitable policy , ” she told the crowd of applicants and activists .
“ It ’ s another thing in its entirety for it to be implemented.
” Cat was not the name she was given when she was born in Germany , a military kid who was shuttled to Virginia , Arizona and Virginia again .
Her mother still calls her “ Rina , ” a shortening of the German version of her name .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police department to report being sexually assaulted by an officer , but the charges were ultimately dropped for insufficient evidence .
Packer said that friends of the officer were involved in the investigation and even her attorney said it would be her word against his .
It was an early experience , she said , of feeling let down by those in power .
“ That ’ s part of what led me to want to be an attorney , ” Packer said .
“ I knew that I did not have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made.
” After reporting the assault , Packer left Virginia to join her father in Ohio , where she would go on to college , grad school and law school at Ohio State University .
She had envisioned herself fighting for marriage equality when she took a course on marijuana policy while reading Michelle Alexander ’ s “ The New Jim Crow : Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness.
” The words in one passage rang in her head : “ Nothing has contributed more to the systematic mass incarceration of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the war on drugs.
” Yet her privileged classmates casually smoked pot , and cannabis was already becoming a legal business in some states .
“ Part of what was so astonishing to me , ” Packer said , “ was how easy it was for us to shift public policy when there was profit as a motive.
” In Ohio , an initiative to legalize a limited number of marijuana growers was headed for the ballot , a proposal criticized by some activists as setting up a monopoly .
Packer recalled sparring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her class , pointing out to him that “ this initiative wasn ’ t going to do anything for people of color.
” When her professor , Doug Berman , stopped her after class and urged her to go to work for the campaign once she graduated , Packer said she asked , “ Why ?
” “ Her seriousness of purpose was evident from the get-go , ” Berman recalled of his former student .
He argued that , despite the shortcomings that Packer had pinpointed , the campaign would teach her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a classroom .
“ She could have reacted by saying , ‘ These folks are never going to get it , ’ ” Berman said .
Instead , she joined the campaign as its assistant director of internal communications — a position she said amounted to doing just about everything .
The Ohio initiative ultimately failed .
Packer had gotten back into grass-roots organizing in Ohio when she saw that the Drug Policy Alliance , a group seeking to reduce criminalization in drug policy , was hosting a strategy session in New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice Reform.
” She hitched a Megabus east with a file folder loaded with business cards and copies of her resume .
The bus broke down , but she was still the first person to arrive at the conference .
Lynne Lyman , the former California state director of the Drug Policy Alliance , said she immediately knew that Packer was the person who would help her secure passage of Proposition 64 — the 2016 measure to legalize recreational pot — and swiftly hired her as campaign coordinator .
In her new job @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cities about local programs to ensure “ social equity.
” Just months after Packer had moved to Los Angeles , she went to City Hall to urge L.A. to put equity at the forefront of its cannabis regulations , recounting statistics about black people being disproportionately arrested on marijuana charges .
When she stopped talking , Wesson piped up from his seat , “ Hey , Cat , do you have a resume ?
You just impress the hell out of me .
Send one to me , please.
” When Packer was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Regulation , many were elated .
Kika Keith , a South L.A. resident who wants to open a shop selling cannabis-infused beverages , said it was the same kind of hope she once had about another young , vibrant black leader — Barack Obama — and that it had ended in the same disappointment .
“ I still have love for her .
I think she ’ s a brilliant person , ” Keith said .
“ But she failed us.
” Packer said she should have done a better job at managing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide licenses for everyone who wanted them and that moved slower than they had hoped .
But many of the problems now roiling the department were rooted in decisions made years earlier , she said , some before she was even appointed .
Under rules approved by the City Council , the Department of Cannabis Regulation had to first grant approval to existing shops that had followed city rules , then the growers and manufacturers who had supplied them , before it could start licensing new operators like Keith .
It was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only a handful of employees in January 2018 .
“ No one could have done what they were asking her to do , ” said Adam Spiker , executive director of the cannabis industry group Southern California Coalition .
As the department struggled to get through the paperwork for hundreds of businesses , more than a year and a half passed before it was ready to start licensing new shops under its social equity program , which was meant to help those hit hardest by the war on drugs .
Many of those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , were already forking over steep rents .
Amid pleas for the city to get moving , Wesson moved to set a hard deadline for the next round of licensing .
L.A. ended up moving forward with the process before it had set up most of its programs to help train and guide applicants in its social equity program , which is meant to help people from communities disproportionately affected by marijuana criminalization .
That decision , Packer later said , left those entrepreneurs vulnerable to “ predatory practices ” from corporate investors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Herb Wesson were serious about social equity , they would have funded it first , ” Lyman said , pointing out that the bulk of the funding for the program was not provided until midway through 2019 .
“ Instead they pressured her to give out licenses without a program being developed.
” Packer had also raised concerns about another fateful decision : Council members decided that a limited number of licenses for new shops would be handed out on a first-come , first-served basis , in what Spiker later called a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with hundreds of applications in minutes , far exceeding the available licenses .
In October , after activists released a video showing someone accessing the system early , Packer publicly stated that two people had gotten in minutes early after resetting passwords but were pushed back in line to where they would have been if they ’ d started right on time .
But a top aide to Wesson privately told an applicant that more people had gotten in early .
“ You got ta be completely transparent about what happened .
You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” Andrew Westall said on a video of that discussion , recorded without his knowledge .
“ Because as my wife always tells me , it ’ s still lying if you don ’ t tell me.
” In December , days before parts of that video were released , the department confirmed the system had opened a little early and a dozen more people had gotten in seconds before the 10 a.m. start time .
City officials said those applicants also were bumped back , but Keith and other applicants felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ There ’ s no trust there , ” said Virgil Grant , a cannabis industry leader who had pushed for the social equity program .
“ They were covering up when they should have been honest.
” Packer said when she spoke in October , department officials saw “ early access ” as people getting into the system before it was activated , not before 10 a.m .
Still , “ I wish that I could have communicated and would have communicated things better , ” she said .
Local activists have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ultimately help people of color , whose communities bore the brunt of the drug war .
Grant has repeatedly drawn attention to the number of likely licensees with Armenian surnames .
The program does not single out anyone by race and can not do so under California law .
It is aimed at poor people with marijuana arrests , as well as people who have lived in areas heavily affected by such arrests .
Packer pointed out that researchers had pinpointed the policing districts where marijuana arrests were especially steep , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — a decision that ended up looping in areas such as Los Feliz , where arrests weren ’ t as common .
If cities want to target black and brown communities , Packer said , “ we have to be surgical with our approach.
” One of the enduring concerns among activists is whether Packer was vocal enough about such concerns as the council hammered out and tweaked its rules .
“ She should have pushed back , ” Grant said .
“ Don ’ t explain to the council after the fact.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ privately with council members and to mobilize community members to push publicly for needed changes .
When her department was short on staff , for instance , cannabis activists turned up at City Hall to prod the council for more resources .
Many blame city leaders for not equipping her department properly .
“ They definitely set her up to fail , ” said Luis Rivera , who once worked for Mayor Eric Garcetti and now heads a nonprofit that assists social equity applicants .
But he argued that Packer could have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have assistance programs up and running before new shops could apply .
Wesson and other officials picked “ a token person they felt they could work with ” because of her inexperience at City Hall , Rivera said .
Lyman likewise said that because Packer “ was young and didn ’ t have any political connections of her own , City Council felt like they could push her around.
” Wesson has declined to be interviewed about Packer while the audit of the application process requested by Garcetti is pending .
When the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wesson spokesman said their office had “ met with concerned applicants in confidence to hear their grievances and assure them we will do everything possible to restore trust and integrity to the application process.
” Outraged applicants have flocked to City Hall , denouncing the process as tainted .
At the last meeting of the Cannabis Regulation Commission , industry activist Donnie Anderson declared that if nothing was fixed , “ it ’ s gon na be 1992 all over again ” — an allusion to the violence that roiled South L.A. after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rodney King .
Spiker , of the Southern California Coalition , said the city was bad at managing expectations about the program but so were cannabis consultants who led people to bank on getting a license .
In the face of overwhelming demand , “ you had a minute chance , ” Spiker said .
“ Was anyone talking about that ?
No.
” For Packer , the pressures of the job are compounded by the historic nature of her appointment .
She said her impeccable suits are , in part , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ State who insisted Packer would have to wear skirts in the workplace .
It ’ s also a form of professional armor as a millennial queer woman of color .
“ I ’ m trying to be my truest self in ways that are going to be advantageous for the communities that I serve , ” she said .
The concern is that “ if I do something that ’ s too radical , they ’ re not letting any more young people in here , they ’ re not letting any more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re not letting any more black people in here , and the women got ta watch out.
” But Packer doesn ’ t regret taking the job .
“ We have to be willing to take on the tough jobs , ” she said .
“ There ’ s no substitute for the work .
We can pontificate all we want .
But someone has to do the work .
”

Cat Packer, executive director of L.A.’s Department of Cannabis Regulation, took an ambitious approach to her office: Ensure that the communities hit hardest by the criminalization of marijuana would benefit from its legalization.
When Cat Packer was chosen to head a Los Angeles city department that would help usher in the legalization of marijuana, then-Council President Herb Wesson billed her appointment as a bold example of what Los Angeles stood for.
Packer had been an activist with the Drug Policy Alliance who was firmly focused on how the war on drugs had battered communities of color. She was young, black and openly gay, with tailored suits, hair cut in a fade, and the cool, deliberate speech of a lawyer, and she had wowed Wesson at City Hall when she laid out statistics about racial inequity.
The Department of Cannabis Regulation, her new agency, was not just going to hand out permits for pot shops. It was supposed to do something much more ambitious and radical: Ensure that the communities hit hardest by the criminalization of marijuana would benefit from its legalization. Many saw the effort as a kind of reparations for the drug war.
Two years later, Packer would face a furious and disappointed crowd of cannabis applicants and activists in the marble chambers of City Hall and tell them that she was disappointed too. That the city had ended up hurting hundreds of people who took financial risks as they tried to nab a limited number of licenses. That she routinely told other cities not to do what L.A. did.
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Cat Packer, L.A.’s cannabis czar, faced backlash from activists and applicants after a portal for license applications opened seconds early. Now, licensing for new shops has been put on hold. (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
If Packer had once seemed to personify L.A.’s progressive vision for cannabis, she was now the public face of its stumbles in realizing that goal. Licensing for new shops had been put on hold. Wesson and Mayor Eric Garcetti had called for an audit. Packer was being berated by cannabis activists at public meetings and facing threats in her inbox.
“It’s one thing to pass an equitable policy,” she told the crowd of applicants and activists. “It’s another thing in its entirety for it to be implemented.”
**
Cat was not the name she was given when she was born in Germany, a military kid who was shuttled to Virginia, Arizona and Virginia again. Her mother still calls her “Rina,” a shortening of the German version of her name.
As a young teen, she turned to the police department to report being sexually assaulted by an officer, but the charges were ultimately dropped for insufficient evidence. Packer said that friends of the officer were involved in the investigation and even her attorney said it would be her word against his. It was an early experience, she said, of feeling let down by those in power.
“That’s part of what led me to want to be an attorney,” Packer said. “I knew that I did not have to make the same decisions that they made.”
After reporting the assault, Packer left Virginia to join her father in Ohio, where she would go on to college, grad school and law school at Ohio State University. She had envisioned herself fighting for marriage equality when she took a course on marijuana policy while reading Michelle Alexander’s “The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness.”
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The words in one passage rang in her head: “Nothing has contributed more to the systematic mass incarceration of people of color in the United States than the war on drugs.” Yet her privileged classmates casually smoked pot, and cannabis was already becoming a legal business in some states.
“Part of what was so astonishing to me,” Packer said, “was how easy it was for us to shift public policy when there was profit as a motive.” In Ohio, an initiative to legalize a limited number of marijuana growers was headed for the ballot, a proposal criticized by some activists as setting up a monopoly.
Packer recalled sparring with a campaign official when he visited her class, pointing out to him that “this initiative wasn’t going to do anything for people of color.” When her professor, Doug Berman, stopped her after class and urged her to go to work for the campaign once she graduated, Packer said she asked, “Why?”
“Her seriousness of purpose was evident from the get-go,” Berman recalled of his former student. He argued that, despite the shortcomings that Packer had pinpointed, the campaign would teach her things she couldn’t learn in a classroom.
“She could have reacted by saying, ‘These folks are never going to get it,’” Berman said. Instead, she joined the campaign as its assistant director of internal communications — a position she said amounted to doing just about everything.
The Ohio initiative ultimately failed. Packer had gotten back into grass-roots organizing in Ohio when she saw that the Drug Policy Alliance, a group seeking to reduce criminalization in drug policy, was hosting a strategy session in New York called “Drug Policy Reform Is Racial Justice Reform.” She hitched a Megabus east with a file folder loaded with business cards and copies of her resume.
The bus broke down, but she was still the first person to arrive at the conference. Lynne Lyman, the former California state director of the Drug Policy Alliance, said she immediately knew that Packer was the person who would help her secure passage of Proposition 64 — the 2016 measure to legalize recreational pot — and swiftly hired her as campaign coordinator.
In her new job, Packer soon began reaching out to cities about local programs to ensure “social equity.” Just months after Packer had moved to Los Angeles, she went to City Hall to urge L.A. to put equity at the forefront of its cannabis regulations, recounting statistics about black people being disproportionately arrested on marijuana charges.
When she stopped talking, Wesson piped up from his seat, “Hey, Cat, do you have a resume? You just impress the hell out of me. Send one to me, please.”
A “cannaboss” coffee mug sits in Cat Packer’s office. As a millennial queer woman of color, Packer says, “I’m trying to be my truest self in ways that are going to be advantageous for the communities that I serve.” (Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
***
When Packer was chosen to head the Department of Cannabis Regulation, many were elated. Kika Keith, a South L.A. resident who wants to open a shop selling cannabis-infused beverages, said it was the same kind of hope she once had about another young, vibrant black leader — Barack Obama — and that it had ended in the same disappointment.
“I still have love for her. I think she’s a brilliant person,” Keith said. “But she failed us.”
Packer said she should have done a better job at managing expectations about a program that would never provide licenses for everyone who wanted them and that moved slower than they had hoped. But many of the problems now roiling the department were rooted in decisions made years earlier, she said, some before she was even appointed.
Under rules approved by the City Council, the Department of Cannabis Regulation had to first grant approval to existing shops that had followed city rules, then the growers and manufacturers who had supplied them, before it could start licensing new operators like Keith.
It was a huge task for a fledgling department with only a handful of employees in January 2018. “No one could have done what they were asking her to do,” said Adam Spiker, executive director of the cannabis industry group Southern California Coalition.
As the department struggled to get through the paperwork for hundreds of businesses, more than a year and a half passed before it was ready to start licensing new shops under its social equity program, which was meant to help those hit hardest by the war on drugs. Many of those entrepreneurs, eager to grab coveted storefronts, were already forking over steep rents.
Amid pleas for the city to get moving, Wesson moved to set a hard deadline for the next round of licensing. L.A. ended up moving forward with the process before it had set up most of its programs to help train and guide applicants in its social equity program, which is meant to help people from communities disproportionately affected by marijuana criminalization. That decision, Packer later said, left those entrepreneurs vulnerable to “predatory practices” from corporate investors and landlords
“If the city and Herb Wesson were serious about social equity, they would have funded it first,” Lyman said, pointing out that the bulk of the funding for the program was not provided until midway through 2019. “Instead they pressured her to give out licenses without a program being developed.”
Packer had also raised concerns about another fateful decision: Council members decided that a limited number of licenses for new shops would be handed out on a first-come, first-served basis, in what Spiker later called a “fastest computer contest.” L.A. was flooded with hundreds of applications in minutes, far exceeding the available licenses.
In October, after activists released a video showing someone accessing the system early, Packer publicly stated that two people had gotten in minutes early after resetting passwords but were pushed back in line to where they would have been if they’d started right on time. But a top aide to Wesson privately told an applicant that more people had gotten in early.
“You gotta be completely transparent about what happened. You can’t omit information, right?” Andrew Westall said on a video of that discussion, recorded without his knowledge. “Because as my wife always tells me, it’s still lying if you don’t tell me.”
In December, days before parts of that video were released, the department confirmed the system had opened a little early and a dozen more people had gotten in seconds before the 10 a.m. start time. City officials said those applicants also were bumped back, but Keith and other applicants felt that Packer had lied to them.
“There’s no trust there,” said Virgil Grant, a cannabis industry leader who had pushed for the social equity program. “They were covering up when they should have been honest.”
Packer said when she spoke in October, department officials saw “early access” as people getting into the system before it was activated, not before 10 a.m. Still, “I wish that I could have communicated and would have communicated things better,” she said.
Local activists have also questioned whether L.A.’s program will ultimately help people of color, whose communities bore the brunt of the drug war. Grant has repeatedly drawn attention to the number of likely licensees with Armenian surnames.
The program does not single out anyone by race and cannot do so under California law. It is aimed at poor people with marijuana arrests, as well as people who have lived in areas heavily affected by such arrests.
Packer pointed out that researchers had pinpointed the policing districts where marijuana arrests were especially steep, but the council based its program on ZIP Codes — a decision that ended up looping in areas such as Los Feliz, where arrests weren’t as common. If cities want to target black and brown communities, Packer said, “we have to be surgical with our approach.”
**
One of the enduring concerns among activists is whether Packer was vocal enough about such concerns as the council hammered out and tweaked its rules. “She should have pushed back,” Grant said. “Don’t explain to the council after the fact.”
Packer said she preferred to advocate privately with council members and to mobilize community members to push publicly for needed changes. When her department was short on staff, for instance, cannabis activists turned up at City Hall to prod the council for more resources. Many blame city leaders for not equipping her department properly.
“They definitely set her up to fail,” said Luis Rivera, who once worked for Mayor Eric Garcetti and now heads a nonprofit that assists social equity applicants. But he argued that Packer could have been more forceful in insisting that the city have assistance programs up and running before new shops could apply.
Wesson and other officials picked “a token person they felt they could work with” because of her inexperience at City Hall, Rivera said. Lyman likewise said that because Packer “was young and didn’t have any political connections of her own, City Council felt like they could push her around.”
Wesson has declined to be interviewed about Packer while the audit of the application process requested by Garcetti is pending. When the video of Westall came out, a Wesson spokesman said their office had “met with concerned applicants in confidence to hear their grievances and assure them we will do everything possible to restore trust and integrity to the application process.”
Outraged applicants have flocked to City Hall, denouncing the process as tainted. At the last meeting of the Cannabis Regulation Commission, industry activist Donnie Anderson declared that if nothing was fixed, “it’s gonna be 1992 all over again” — an allusion to the violence that roiled South L.A. after officers were acquitted in the beating of Rodney King.
Spiker, of the Southern California Coalition, said the city was bad at managing expectations about the program but so were cannabis consultants who led people to bank on getting a license. In the face of overwhelming demand, “you had a minute chance,” Spiker said. “Was anyone talking about that? No.”
For Packer, the pressures of the job are compounded by the historic nature of her appointment. She said her impeccable suits are, in part, a rejoinder to the college advisor at Ohio State who insisted Packer would have to wear skirts in the workplace.
It’s also a form of professional armor as a millennial queer woman of color.
“I’m trying to be my truest self in ways that are going to be advantageous for the communities that I serve,” she said. The concern is that “if I do something that’s too radical, they’re not letting any more young people in here, they’re not letting any more queer people in here, they’re not letting any more black people in here, and the women gotta watch out.”
But Packer doesn’t regret taking the job. “We have to be willing to take on the tough jobs,” she said. “There’s no substitute for the work. We can pontificate all we want. But someone has to do the work.”


latimes--2020-01-11--Suspect arrested in armed robbery in Beverly Hills, police say

Police have arrested a man suspected of firing a gun outside a Rite Aid in Beverly Hills during a robbery Saturday evening , authorities said .
About 5:35 p.m. , an assailant approached another man on the sidewalk near the Rite Aid at 300 N. Canon Drive , showed a gun and demanded the man ’ s property , the Beverly Hills Police Department said in a statement .
After taking the man ’ s jewelry , the assailant ran from the scene .
He fired at least one round from the gun as he fled , police said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the robbery , Beverly Hills Police Sgt .
Jay Kim said .
Officers found the suspect inside a retail store in the 200 block of North Beverly Drive , but he ran out the back of the business .
Police established a large perimeter , closing portions of Beverly Drive and Dayton Way , during a three-hour search for the suspect .
Police found him hiding in a nearby alley about 8:30 p.m. and took him into custody , said Beverly Hills Police Lt. Todd Withers .
The suspect ’ s name @ @ @ @ @ @ @ released .
The man had discarded a handgun in a store on Beverly Drive , Withers said .

Police say shots were fired during a robbery outside a Rite Aid store at 300 N. Canon Drive in Beverly Hills on Saturday.
Police have arrested a man suspected of firing a gun outside a Rite Aid in Beverly Hills during a robbery Saturday evening, authorities said.
About 5:35 p.m., an assailant approached another man on the sidewalk near the Rite Aid at 300 N. Canon Drive, showed a gun and demanded the man’s property, the Beverly Hills Police Department said in a statement. After taking the man’s jewelry, the assailant ran from the scene.
He fired at least one round from the gun as he fled, police said.
No one was injured by gunfire or during the robbery, Beverly Hills Police Sgt. Jay Kim said.
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Officers found the suspect inside a retail store in the 200 block of North Beverly Drive, but he ran out the back of the business. Police established a large perimeter, closing portions of Beverly Drive and Dayton Way, during a three-hour search for the suspect.
Police found him hiding in a nearby alley about 8:30 p.m. and took him into custody, said Beverly Hills Police Lt. Todd Withers. The suspect’s name and other identifying factors were not immediately released.
The man had discarded a handgun in a store on Beverly Drive, Withers said.


latimes--2020-01-11--Police fatally shoot man while responding to report of armed person in Palms

Los Angeles police shot and killed a man in Palms on Saturday afternoon while responding to a report of a @ @ @ @ @ Police received a radio call at 12:40 p.m. saying that an armed person was on @ @ @ @ @ and the 405 Freeway , said Officer Drake Madison , an LAPD spokesman .
The @ @ @ @ @ Reagan UCLA Medical Center , where he was declared dead .
The man was described @ @ @ @ @ , Madison said .
He was struck at least once by gunfire .
Venice Boulevard @ @ @ @ @ and Globe Avenue while the LAPD ’ s Force Investigation Division investigated the shooting .

Los Angeles police shot and killed a man in Palms on Saturday afternoon while responding to a report of a person with a gun.
Police received a radio call at 12:40 p.m. saying that an armed person was on Venice Boulevard between Sepulveda Boulevard and the 405 Freeway, said Officer Drake Madison, an LAPD spokesman. The man was taken to Ronald Reagan UCLA Medical Center, where he was declared dead.
The man was described as Latino, age unknown, Madison said. He was struck at least once by gunfire.
Venice Boulevard was closed between Sepulveda Boulevard and Globe Avenue while the LAPD’s Force Investigation Division investigated the shooting.


latimes--2020-01-12--Baldwin Park shooting kills man, injures another near store that 50 Cent visited earlier

A shooting in the parking lot of a Baldwin Park liquor store killed one man and injured another Saturday evening @ @ @ @ @ Park Police Department responded to a report of shots fired in front of JNJ Liquor @ @ @ @ @ Park Blvd .
shortly after 6:15 p.m. , the Los Angeles County Sheriff ’ s @ @ @ @ @ a man had been shot in the upper torso .
He died at the scene @ @ @ @ @ a second man had been shot twice in the abdomen .
He was taken to @ @ @ @ @ surgery .
Authorities are investigating the incident as possibly being gang-related , the Sheriff ’ @ @ @ @ @ shooting took place about an hour and a half after rapper 50 Cent made a @ @ @ @ @ store , but the Sheriff ’ s Department said there was no indication that the @ @ @ @ @ appearance .
There was no word on a suspect , and investigators reported no arrest @

A shooting in the parking lot of a Baldwin Park liquor store killed one man and injured another Saturday evening.
Officers from the Baldwin Park Police Department responded to a report of shots fired in front of JNJ Liquor and Market at 3216 Baldwin Park Blvd. shortly after 6:15 p.m., the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department said.
They found a man had been shot in the upper torso. He died at the scene.
Detectives later learned that a second man had been shot twice in the abdomen. He was taken to a hospital and was undergoing surgery.
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Authorities are investigating the incident as possibly being gang-related, the Sheriff’s Department said.
The shooting took place about an hour and a half after rapper 50 Cent made a promotional appearance at the liquor store, but the Sheriff’s Department said there was no indication that the shooting was related to the appearance.
There was no word on a suspect, and investigators reported no arrest.


latimes--2020-01-12--California sends disaster specialists to help Puerto Rico recover from earthquakes

California is sending a team of disaster specialists on Sunday to help Puerto Rico recover from a series of earthquakes that caused more than $ 100 million in damage along the island ’ s southern coast , the Governor ’ s Office of Emergency Services announced .
The deployment of 35 specialists came in response to a request for assistance from the Puerto Rican government to the California Governor ’ s Office , Cal OES said in a news release .
“ California stands with the people of Puerto Rico , ” Gov .
Gavin Newsom said in the statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the devastating toll of natural disasters and we will provide aid and support as our brothers and sisters rebuild and recover.
” The personnel include experts in incident and emergency management , engineering and safety assessment , planning , public information , debris management and crisis counseling , Cal OES said .
Most of them were scheduled to depart from Sacramento on Sunday morning and were headed to San Juan .
They are expected to deploy for 16 days .
“ Here in California , we have some of the most talented and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Cal OES Director Mark Ghilarducci said in a statement .
“ We are ready to provide their valuable skill sets to our partners in Puerto Rico.
” A magnitude 5.9 quake struck Puerto Rico on Saturday morning , four days after a 6.4 magnitude quake in the same area and amid a swarm of more than 1,200 mostly small quakes over the last 15 days .
The earthquakes have severely damaged infrastructure and left more than 2,000 people in shelters , while nearly 1 million remain without power and hundreds of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said in a statement .
Earlier in the week , the state sent four California Urban Search and Rescue firefighters from Sacramento and Orange County to assist with search and rescue operations in Puerto Rico .

Parroquia Inmaculada Concepción church was heavily damaged after a magnitude 6.4 earthquake hit just south of the island in Guayanilla, Puerto Rico.
California is sending a team of disaster specialists on Sunday to help Puerto Rico recover from a series of earthquakes that caused more than $100 million in damage along the island’s southern coast, the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services announced.
The deployment of 35 specialists came in response to a request for assistance from the Puerto Rican government to the California Governor’s Office, Cal OES said in a news release.
“California stands with the people of Puerto Rico,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in the statement. “Our nation-sized state knows first-hand the devastating toll of natural disasters and we will provide aid and support as our brothers and sisters rebuild and recover.”
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The personnel include experts in incident and emergency management, engineering and safety assessment, planning, public information, debris management and crisis counseling, Cal OES said. Most of them were scheduled to depart from Sacramento on Sunday morning and were headed to San Juan. They are expected to deploy for 16 days.
“Here in California, we have some of the most talented and experienced emergency management staff in the world,” Cal OES Director Mark Ghilarducci said in a statement. “We are ready to provide their valuable skill sets to our partners in Puerto Rico.”
A magnitude 5.9 quake struck Puerto Rico on Saturday morning, four days after a 6.4 magnitude quake in the same area and amid a swarm of more than 1,200 mostly small quakes over the last 15 days.
The earthquakes have severely damaged infrastructure and left more than 2,000 people in shelters, while nearly 1 million remain without power and hundreds of thousands are without water, Cal OES said in a statement.
Earlier in the week, the state sent four California Urban Search and Rescue firefighters from Sacramento and Orange County to assist with search and rescue operations in Puerto Rico.


latimes--2020-01-12--After years of financial woes, Los Angeles hospital running out of prayers

Many years ago , Gilbert San Juan watched as a wrecking ball demolished the old St. Vincent Medical Center .
An elevator operator and painter there at the time , San Juan wanted to fetch some old furniture from the building , but backed down after seeing the massive , threatening ball hanging from a crane .
Still , he knew he would enter its doors again , when the new hospital near downtown Los Angeles sprung just yards away from the old .
For 47 years , San Juan worked in that facility .
So it hasn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually shutter for good after its owners announced that a sale fell through , he said .
Verity Health asked a bankruptcy court for permission to close its doors .
A judge gave approval for the closure last week .
“ They ’ re going to have to call the SWAT team to get me out of here , ” San Juan joked as he walked through the hospital hallways .
Pointing at a sepia-toned framed photograph of the old building labeled “ 1927 , ” San Juan declared : “ It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3rd and Alvarado streets was founded in 1858 by the Daughters of Charity — six nuns who wanted to offer services to the poor and saw a need for healthcare in a growing L.A. Now , several hundred patients will need to be transferred to nearby Good Samaritan Hospital and St. Francis Medical Center .
Community leaders and experts fear the hospital ’ s closing will have a ripple effect throughout the community and force the poor and elderly to travel farther away for care .
About 1,000 people , including San Juan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is unclear what will happen to those jobs .
Throughout the decades , the mission of the hospital to serve the most needy remained consistent .
St Vincent Medical Center ’ s “ disproportionate share percentage ” is 70 % , which means it serves mostly low-income patients who rely on Medicare and Medicaid , said John Romley , associate professor of pharmaceutical and health economics at USC .
The hospital leans heavily on Medicaid and Medicare , which reimburses the hospital at lower rates than commercial insurance , according to experts .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latino neighborhood with large Mexican and Central American immigrant populations .
The hospital ’ s community work had decreased over the years as its financial problems worsened , but it had a history of working with organizations such as the Central American Resource Center , or CARECEN , to offer health screenings and general checkups for free to the area ’ s immigrant and day laborer communities .
“ Having institutions that are anchored in a community such as Westlake and Pico Union are critical to the continued growth and strength of an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive director Martha Arevalo .
“ When we lose those anchors , that has a tremendous ripple effect.
” In its early days , the Daughters of Charity offered care for $ 1.50 per day to the working class : fishermen , shop owners , stable keepers and watchmakers .
Doctors treated pneumonia , typhoid and malaria they said was brought by “ newcomers , not wearing sufficiently heavy clothing , particularly in the evening , ” according to a Los Angeles Times article in 1887 .
According to its website , doctors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become the first to perform an open heart surgery on the West Coast , the first to offer hemodialysis to kidney failure patients , the first to perform an artificial heart implant and the first to perform a human heart transplantation .
As L.A. prospered , so did the hospital .
An 1885 article in The Times boasted of the hospital ’ s views of the city and far-off orange groves and vineyards from its sparkling new building on Beaudry and Sunset : “ The valley can be seen for from thirty to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on clear days the ocean plainly appears .
“ As a public institution , it is without an equal south of San Francisco , ” the article read .
But financial woes soon trailed the hospital .
The Daughters of Charity racked up debt to construct new facilities .
When the hospital moved to its current location on Third and Alvarado in the 1920s , one Times article noted the nuns were “ unable to accumulate the capital to defray the cost of the institution ” due to the thousands of patients who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even a moderate fee.
” In recent years , the hospital had changed ownership several times , though that ’ s not unusual in today ’ s market-driven healthcare landscape , according to experts .
Among the creditors in the bankruptcy is the hospital system ’ s former management company , Integrity Healthcare , controlled by entrepreneur-physician Patrick Soon-Shiong ’ s company NantWorks .
Soon-Shiong also owns The Times .
Verity , the nonprofit operator of six California hospitals , filed for bankruptcy protection in 2018 .
At the time , officials said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion of debt from bonds and unfunded pension liabilities and needed cash to make seismic repairs to its aging facilities .
They said they ’ d purchased the hospitals in 2017 hoping to get back to financial health but could not .
The bankruptcy sparked concerns in communities about the fate of the hospitals .
Santa Clara County has taken over operations of two of the hospitals — O ’ Connor Hospital in San Jose and St. Louise Regional Hospital in Gilroy .
The move came after the California attorney general demanded oversight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Center in Lynwood has also been the subject of debate , because of its importance to the southeast Los Angeles County region .
Lynwood officials last year even discussed purchasing the medical center .
Verity said last week it would continue operating St. Francis as well as Seton Medical Center and Seton Coastside in San Mateo County .
St. Vincent Medical Center ( which is not related to the New York health system of the same name ) is home to the Asian Pacific Liver Center , which focuses on Hepatitis B awareness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American population , which is disproportionately affected by the disease .
The hospital ’ s volunteer department has for years supported operations and deployed people to participate in organizations such as Meals on Wheels .
Through a spokeswoman , Verity Health declined to allow longtime staff members and heads of these organizations to speak to a Times reporter .
St. Vincent ’ s isn ’ t the only hospital to face financial challenges .
There has been much variability in the healthcare industry in terms of ownership changes and mergers , Romley said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of all California hospitals are operating at a loss .
St. Vincent Medical Center , lost $ 67 million in 2018 , he said .
“ This organization has been in some turmoil for some time , ” Romley said .
“ It ’ s been heading in this direction for a while.
” It ’ s the neediest populations that are often more at risk of losing their hospitals .
According to a study on trauma centers by UC San Francisco researchers , emergency rooms in hospitals located in low-income neighborhoods are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those patients are affected more severely than other areas .
When the Martin Luther King Jr. Hospital closed in 2007 , the number of uninsured patients that one local hospital treated tripled from 12.9 % in 1999 to 44.6 % in 2009 , according to a 2016 study co-authored by Renee Hsia , a professor in the Department of Emergency Medicine at UC San Francisco .
When a hospital closes its emergency room and its patients are diverted to the next closest hospital , both the patients being transported and the patients who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience higher mortality rates , Hsia said .
She cited a mix of factors , including longer distances patients need to travel to receive care and overcrowded hospitals .
“ Peoples ’ emergencies don ’ t go away when an ER closes , ” Hsia said .
“ There is a very real and documented domino effect , especially in areas where there is need.
” “ It ’ s important people realize the supply of hospitals is not regulated , ” she added .
“ Hospitals can decide whether to open and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Verity Health has said patients in need of emergency care will be directed to eight hospitals within a three-mile radius of St. Vincent Medical Center , although it didn ’ t name which hospitals .
Good Samaritan , a 408-bed hospital also in the Westlake neighborhood , has a 70 % disproportionate share percentage and lost $ 8 million in 2018 .
St. Francis Medical Center , which has 384 beds , did not suffer losses in 2018 , but 100 % of its patients are low-income .
Teresa Henrique , 75 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Center for years , said she didn ’ t know the hospital would be closing .
“ I ’ ll have to find a new hospital , ” she said .
“ I ’ ll have to see if they ’ ll take my insurance .
They treated me really well at [ St. Vincent Medical Center ] .
I like it.
” Kay Kim , 65 , said she has relied on the hospital for emergency care , for herself , her parents and other family members .
It was where both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ It ’ s close to where I live , ” she said .
“ Whenever I have an emergency , I come here .
I hope someone else buys it .
That ’ s very sad.
” At the hospital ’ s “ Cafe on 3rd ” last week , employees whispered about the closure .
A maintenance supervisor tapping on his phone announced he was being ordered to redo the coverings for the emergency room signage .
“ We leave the 24th , ” said one woman in the hospital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the last ones out.
” One employee fretted about being without work for an extended time .
Carlos Bueno , the maintenance supervisor , said his company will stay behind after the hospital ’ s closure , but some co-workers are already tweaking their resumes .
As he covered signs around the hospital , he saw staff members congregate in groups taking photos .
For the memories , he guessed .
Elpidio Villaneda , who in March would have reached his 30-year work anniversary at the hospital , said it has been his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city or something would jump in , ” Villaneda said .
“ It ’ s a landmark , you know ?
We could use another hospital .
There ’ s enough people here to support it.
” “ Everybody is sad , everybody is down right now , ” Bueno said .
Huddled around a cafe table , San Juan took out his phone to play a song , “ Todo Tiene Su Final.
” “ Like Willie Colon and Hector Lavoe say , everything comes to its end , ” San Juan @ @

Many years ago, Gilbert San Juan watched as a wrecking ball demolished the old St. Vincent Medical Center.
An elevator operator and painter there at the time, San Juan wanted to fetch some old furniture from the building, but backed down after seeing the massive, threatening ball hanging from a crane.
Still, he knew he would enter its doors again, when the new hospital near downtown Los Angeles sprung just yards away from the old. For 47 years, San Juan worked in that facility.
So it hasn’t quite hit him that the hospital might actually shutter for good after its owners announced that a sale fell through, he said. Verity Health asked a bankruptcy court for permission to close its doors. A judge gave approval for the closure last week.
“They’re going to have to call the SWAT team to get me out of here,” San Juan joked as he walked through the hospital hallways.
Pointing at a sepia-toned framed photograph of the old building labeled “1927,” San Juan declared: “It was beautiful.”
St. Vincent Medical Center on 3rd and Alvarado streets was founded in 1858 by the Daughters of Charity — six nuns who wanted to offer services to the poor and saw a need for healthcare in a growing L.A.
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Now, several hundred patients will need to be transferred to nearby Good Samaritan Hospital and St. Francis Medical Center. Community leaders and experts fear the hospital’s closing will have a ripple effect throughout the community and force the poor and elderly to travel farther away for care.
About 1,000 people, including San Juan, work at the hospital and it is unclear what will happen to those jobs.
Throughout the decades, the mission of the hospital to serve the most needy remained consistent. St Vincent Medical Center’s “disproportionate share percentage” is 70%, which means it serves mostly low-income patients who rely on Medicare and Medicaid, said John Romley, associate professor of pharmaceutical and health economics at USC.
The hospital leans heavily on Medicaid and Medicare, which reimburses the hospital at lower rates than commercial insurance, according to experts. It sits in a working-class, predominantly Latino neighborhood with large Mexican and Central American immigrant populations.
The hospital’s community work had decreased over the years as its financial problems worsened, but it had a history of working with organizations such as the Central American Resource Center, or CARECEN, to offer health screenings and general checkups for free to the area’s immigrant and day laborer communities.
“Having institutions that are anchored in a community such as Westlake and Pico Union are critical to the continued growth and strength of an area,” said CARECEN’s executive director Martha Arevalo. “When we lose those anchors, that has a tremendous ripple effect.”
In its early days, the Daughters of Charity offered care for $1.50 per day to the working class: fishermen, shop owners, stable keepers and watchmakers. Doctors treated pneumonia, typhoid and malaria they said was brought by “newcomers, not wearing sufficiently heavy clothing, particularly in the evening,” according to a Los Angeles Times article in 1887.
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According to its website, doctors at St. Vincent Medical Center would later become the first to perform an open heart surgery on the West Coast, the first to offer hemodialysis to kidney failure patients, the first to perform an artificial heart implant and the first to perform a human heart transplantation.
Gilbert San Juan, a painter, has worked at St. Vincent Medical Center for 47 years. (Alejandra Reyes-Velarde / Los Angeles Times)
As L.A. prospered, so did the hospital. An 1885 article in The Times boasted of the hospital’s views of the city and far-off orange groves and vineyards from its sparkling new building on Beaudry and Sunset: “The valley can be seen for from thirty to forty miles south and east, and on clear days the ocean plainly appears.
“As a public institution, it is without an equal south of San Francisco,” the article read.
But financial woes soon trailed the hospital.
The Daughters of Charity racked up debt to construct new facilities. When the hospital moved to its current location on Third and Alvarado in the 1920s, one Times article noted the nuns were “unable to accumulate the capital to defray the cost of the institution” due to the thousands of patients who received care “without the payment of even a moderate fee.”
In recent years, the hospital had changed ownership several times, though that’s not unusual in today’s market-driven healthcare landscape, according to experts.
Among the creditors in the bankruptcy is the hospital system’s former management company, Integrity Healthcare, controlled by entrepreneur-physician Patrick Soon-Shiong’s company NantWorks. Soon-Shiong also owns The Times.
Verity, the nonprofit operator of six California hospitals, filed for bankruptcy protection in 2018. At the time, officials said the company had more than $1 billion of debt from bonds and unfunded pension liabilities and needed cash to make seismic repairs to its aging facilities. They said they’d purchased the hospitals in 2017 hoping to get back to financial health but could not.
The bankruptcy sparked concerns in communities about the fate of the hospitals. Santa Clara County has taken over operations of two of the hospitals — O’Connor Hospital in San Jose and St. Louise Regional Hospital in Gilroy. The move came after the California attorney general demanded oversight of the transfer.
St. Francis Medical Center in Lynwood has also been the subject of debate, because of its importance to the southeast Los Angeles County region. Lynwood officials last year even discussed purchasing the medical center.
Verity said last week it would continue operating St. Francis as well as Seton Medical Center and Seton Coastside in San Mateo County.
St. Vincent Medical Center (which is not related to the New York health system of the same name) is home to the Asian Pacific Liver Center, which focuses on Hepatitis B awareness, screenings and care for the Asian American population, which is disproportionately affected by the disease.
The hospital’s volunteer department has for years supported operations and deployed people to participate in organizations such as Meals on Wheels.
Through a spokeswoman, Verity Health declined to allow longtime staff members and heads of these organizations to speak to a Times reporter.
St. Vincent’s isn’t the only hospital to face financial challenges. There has been much variability in the healthcare industry in terms of ownership changes and mergers, Romley said. Between 25% and 30% of all California hospitals are operating at a loss. St. Vincent Medical Center, lost $67 million in 2018, he said.
“This organization has been in some turmoil for some time,” Romley said. “It’s been heading in this direction for a while.”
It’s the neediest populations that are often more at risk of losing their hospitals. According to a study on trauma centers by UC San Francisco researchers, emergency rooms in hospitals located in low-income neighborhoods are 1.5 times more likely to close and those patients are affected more severely than other areas.
When the Martin Luther King Jr. Hospital closed in 2007, the number of uninsured patients that one local hospital treated tripled from 12.9% in 1999 to 44.6% in 2009, according to a 2016 study co-authored by Renee Hsia, a professor in the Department of Emergency Medicine at UC San Francisco.
When a hospital closes its emergency room and its patients are diverted to the next closest hospital, both the patients being transported and the patients who were already receiving care in the hospital experience higher mortality rates, Hsia said.
She cited a mix of factors, including longer distances patients need to travel to receive care and overcrowded hospitals.
“Peoples’ emergencies don’t go away when an ER closes,” Hsia said. “There is a very real and documented domino effect, especially in areas where there is need.”
“It’s important people realize the supply of hospitals is not regulated,” she added. “Hospitals can decide whether to open and close where and when they want.”
Verity Health has said patients in need of emergency care will be directed to eight hospitals within a three-mile radius of St. Vincent Medical Center, although it didn’t name which hospitals.
Good Samaritan, a 408-bed hospital also in the Westlake neighborhood, has a 70% disproportionate share percentage and lost $8 million in 2018. St. Francis Medical Center, which has 384 beds, did not suffer losses in 2018, but 100% of its patients are low-income.
Teresa Henrique, 75, who has gone to St. Vincent Medical Center for years, said she didn’t know the hospital would be closing.
“I’ll have to find a new hospital,” she said. “I’ll have to see if they’ll take my insurance. They treated me really well at [St. Vincent Medical Center]. I like it.”
Kay Kim, 65, said she has relied on the hospital for emergency care, for herself, her parents and other family members. It was where both her parents, Korean immigrants, died.
“It’s close to where I live,” she said. “Whenever I have an emergency, I come here. I hope someone else buys it. That’s very sad.”
At the hospital’s “Cafe on 3rd” last week, employees whispered about the closure. A maintenance supervisor tapping on his phone announced he was being ordered to redo the coverings for the emergency room signage.
“We leave the 24th,” said one woman in the hospital’s cafe. “Well be the last ones out.”
“Que tristeza,” a cafe employee told colleagues in Spanish. What a shame.
One employee fretted about being without work for an extended time.
Carlos Bueno, the maintenance supervisor, said his company will stay behind after the hospital’s closure, but some co-workers are already tweaking their resumes.
As he covered signs around the hospital, he saw staff members congregate in groups taking photos. For the memories, he guessed.
Elpidio Villaneda, who in March would have reached his 30-year work anniversary at the hospital, said it has been his second home.
“I thought the city or something would jump in,” Villaneda said. “It’s a landmark, you know? We could use another hospital. There’s enough people here to support it.”
“Everybody is sad, everybody is down right now,” Bueno said.
Huddled around a cafe table, San Juan took out his phone to play a song, “Todo Tiene Su Final.”
“Like Willie Colon and Hector Lavoe say, everything comes to its end,” San Juan said.


latimes--2020-01-12--Same candidates, new race. Could turnout change the results of this L.A. council rematch?

Just months after he was sworn in at City Hall , Los Angeles City Councilman John Lee is facing a rematch for his seat against Loraine Lundquist , the astrophysicist and college educator who lost to Lee in a special election in August .
But key things are different this time around : The presidential primary is expected to drive much bigger turnout in March , likely giving Democrats such as Lundquist a boost at the polls .
Despite the northwest San Fernando Valley district ’ s reputation as a relatively conservative part of L.A. , Democrats now outnumber Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now has the advantage of running as an incumbent .
And he has recently shed his Republican registration , campaigning as an unaffiliated candidate in a district where “ no party preference ” voters make up 27 % of registrants .
Lundquist argued that the switch showed “ his lack of conviction on anything ” and willingness to “ say anything that he needs to say in order to get elected.
” Lee , who had been registered as a Republican for roughly four years and was “ no party preference ” before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was an “ independent voice.
” “ I ’ m tired of party politics playing such a big influence , ” Lee said .
“ I ’ m going to do what I feel is best for the city.
” Neither candidate will be identified by political party on the March ballot .
Eric Hacopian , a political consultant who is not working with either candidate , said that Lundquist needs to “ nationalize the race ” as a Democratic cause in order to win .
Lee , in turn , benefits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonpartisan issues , Hacopian said .
“ If there were Ds or Rs next to their names , this would be over , ” Hacopian said .
Political progressives threw their weight behind Lundquist last year , hoping to flip a council district long represented by Republicans .
Lundquist embraced L.A. 's version of the Green New Deal and made climate change a central part of her campaign , tying the issue to the Aliso Canyon methane disaster .
She and her supporters argued that Lee , who followed a long dynasty of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ represented the “ status quo.
” Lee touted his history representing the district as a City Hall aide , emphasizing his familiarity with neighborhood issues , and said he would bring a “ different voice ” to the council as a fiscal conservative .
He and his allies — including the union that represents Department of Water and Power employees — attacked Lundquist as too extreme for the district and said she would drive up taxes and other costs for residents .
The rival candidates also sparred over the homelessness crisis .
Lundquist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homeless people in the Valley district , decrying its failure to build new units under Proposition HHH , a $ 1.2-billion bond measure for supportive housing .
Lee argued that drug addiction and mental illness needed more attention than they were getting at City Hall , saying that L.A. was not only facing a housing crisis , but also a “ drug crisis ” and a “ mental illness crisis.
” One of the first issues facing Lee after his election was a planned site for HHH housing in Chatsworth — the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Topanga Canyon Boulevard site , which is close to an elementary school and backs up to homes .
“ It ’ s not that we don ’ t support this project .
We just don ’ t support the location , ” Lee said .
He ultimately voted with the rest of the council to award funding for the Chatsworth project after a council committee balked at pulling the item from a package of housing proposals , but continued to argue that the project should be built somewhere else .
Lundquist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chatsworth site was ideal , but “ given what we have now , I ’ m in support of this project because I feel we have to attack this crisis.
” She argued that previous leaders — including council members Lee had worked for — should have been more proactive in finding possible sites .
The councilman has touted how he and his staff responded to the Saddleridge fire and trumpeted his continued opposition to a proposed route for bus rapid transit on Nordhoff Street , a hot topic in the last campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and resolutions since taking office in August , including a resolution seeking to loosen state rules about how cities can regulate sidewalk vending , another resolution backing any efforts to decommission the Aliso Canyon facility , and a motion to reexamine protected bike lanes and other alterations on Reseda Boulevard .
“ Businesses have complained that business is down because people can ’ t turn into their parking lots , ” Lee said .
Lee has resisted pressure to be “ politically correct ” and instead focused on “ just doing the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Lee supporter and Sherwood Forest homeowner who said he appreciated the positions that Lee had taken on the Chatsworth project and the Nordhoff transit route .
“ I really respect him for taking a stand.
” Lundquist said that if she were in office , she would have focused on rolling out L.A. 's new rules on street vending effectively and seeing how they work before pushing to change the state law , as Lee did in his resolution .
She has not ruled out the proposed route on Nordhoff Street , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the possible routes and get community input before it makes any decision .
And Lundquist argued that safety has improved on Reseda Boulevard with the bike lanes and other aspects of the Great Streets program , something that should be included in any assessment of its value .
“ I ’ m all for revisiting and improving what we ’ ve put in place , ” Lundquist said , “ but the motion didn ’ t have any indication that they were going to be looking at the data in terms of safety.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that on homelessness , transit and other issues , Lee had catered to “ only one type of his constituents — older , wealthier homeowners.
” “ If you ’ re a renter or a bus rider or a progressive person , you don ’ t have a voice in this district politically , ” said Morton , a college student who supports Lundquist .
The Lundquist campaign has also made a key change to its team since August : Last month , the candidate said that one of her campaign consultants was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic Party activist publicly accused him of sexual assault .
Her campaign has since brought on veteran consultant Steve Barkan .
Because only two candidates qualified for the ballot , the race is likely to be decided in March , with little chance of a November runoff .
Another possible contender , Asaad Alnajjar , did not make the ballot , but said he is continuing to run as a write-in candidate .

Loraine Lundquist and John Lee stand for the pledge of allegiance before a debate in July in their San Fernando Valley City Council race. Lee won the special election in August and now faces Lundquist in a rematch.
Just months after he was sworn in at City Hall, Los Angeles City Councilman John Lee is facing a rematch for his seat against Loraine Lundquist, the astrophysicist and college educator who lost to Lee in a special election in August.
But key things are different this time around: The presidential primary is expected to drive much bigger turnout in March, likely giving Democrats such as Lundquist a boost at the polls. Despite the northwest San Fernando Valley district’s reputation as a relatively conservative part of L.A., Democrats now outnumber Republicans nearly 2-to-1 among registered voters.
Lee now has the advantage of running as an incumbent. And he has recently shed his Republican registration, campaigning as an unaffiliated candidate in a district where “no party preference” voters make up 27% of registrants.
Lundquist argued that the switch showed “his lack of conviction on anything” and willingness to “say anything that he needs to say in order to get elected.” Lee, who had been registered as a Republican for roughly four years and was “no party preference” before that, said he wanted to show he was an “independent voice.”
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“I’m tired of party politics playing such a big influence,” Lee said. “I’m going to do what I feel is best for the city.”
Neither candidate will be identified by political party on the March ballot. Eric Hacopian, a political consultant who is not working with either candidate, said that Lundquist needs to “nationalize the race” as a Democratic cause in order to win. Lee, in turn, benefits from keeping the focus on local, nonpartisan issues, Hacopian said.
“If there were Ds or Rs next to their names, this would be over,” Hacopian said.
Political progressives threw their weight behind Lundquist last year, hoping to flip a council district long represented by Republicans.
Lundquist embraced L.A.’s version of the Green New Deal and made climate change a central part of her campaign, tying the issue to the Aliso Canyon methane disaster. She and her supporters argued that Lee, who followed a long dynasty of council aides taking over the job, represented the “status quo.”
Lee touted his history representing the district as a City Hall aide, emphasizing his familiarity with neighborhood issues, and said he would bring a “different voice” to the council as a fiscal conservative. He and his allies — including the union that represents Department of Water and Power employees — attacked Lundquist as too extreme for the district and said she would drive up taxes and other costs for residents.
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The rival candidates also sparred over the homelessness crisis.
Lundquist emphasized the need for more housing for homeless people in the Valley district, decrying its failure to build new units under Proposition HHH, a $1.2-billion bond measure for supportive housing. Lee argued that drug addiction and mental illness needed more attention than they were getting at City Hall, saying that L.A. was not only facing a housing crisis, but also a “drug crisis” and a “mental illness crisis.”
One of the first issues facing Lee after his election was a planned site for HHH housing in Chatsworth — the first proposed in his district. Lee objected to the Topanga Canyon Boulevard site, which is close to an elementary school and backs up to homes.
“It’s not that we don’t support this project. We just don’t support the location,” Lee said.
He ultimately voted with the rest of the council to award funding for the Chatsworth project after a council committee balked at pulling the item from a package of housing proposals, but continued to argue that the project should be built somewhere else.
Lundquist said that she did not think the Chatsworth site was ideal, but “given what we have now, I’m in support of this project because I feel we have to attack this crisis.” She argued that previous leaders — including council members Lee had worked for — should have been more proactive in finding possible sites.
The councilman has touted how he and his staff responded to the Saddleridge fire and trumpeted his continued opposition to a proposed route for bus rapid transit on Nordhoff Street, a hot topic in the last campaign.
He has put forward 21 motions and resolutions since taking office in August, including a resolution seeking to loosen state rules about how cities can regulate sidewalk vending, another resolution backing any efforts to decommission the Aliso Canyon facility, and a motion to reexamine protected bike lanes and other alterations on Reseda Boulevard.
“Businesses have complained that business is down because people can’t turn into their parking lots,” Lee said.
Lee has resisted pressure to be “politically correct” and instead focused on “just doing the right thing,” said Steve Slutzah, a Lee supporter and Sherwood Forest homeowner who said he appreciated the positions that Lee had taken on the Chatsworth project and the Nordhoff transit route. “I really respect him for taking a stand.”
Lundquist said that if she were in office, she would have focused on rolling out L.A.’s new rules on street vending effectively and seeing how they work before pushing to change the state law, as Lee did in his resolution.
She has not ruled out the proposed route on Nordhoff Street, saying that Metro needs to assess all the possible routes and get community input before it makes any decision. And Lundquist argued that safety has improved on Reseda Boulevard with the bike lanes and other aspects of the Great Streets program, something that should be included in any assessment of its value.
“I’m all for revisiting and improving what we’ve put in place,” Lundquist said, “but the motion didn’t have any indication that they were going to be looking at the data in terms of safety.”
West Hills resident Christina Morton complained that on homelessness, transit and other issues, Lee had catered to “only one type of his constituents — older, wealthier homeowners.”
“If you’re a renter or a bus rider or a progressive person, you don’t have a voice in this district politically,” said Morton, a college student who supports Lundquist.
The Lundquist campaign has also made a key change to its team since August: Last month, the candidate said that one of her campaign consultants was no longer working for her after a Democratic Party activist publicly accused him of sexual assault. Her campaign has since brought on veteran consultant Steve Barkan.
Because only two candidates qualified for the ballot, the race is likely to be decided in March, with little chance of a November runoff. Another possible contender, Asaad Alnajjar, did not make the ballot, but said he is continuing to run as a write-in candidate.


latimes--2020-01-12--Postal Service unveils Year of the Rat stamp for Lunar New Year

The Postal Service booth did a brisk business Saturday among the street food stalls , vendors and carnival rides that filled Garvey Avenue in Monterey Park during the city ’ s popular Lunar New Year Festival .
“ First day of issue !
Lunar New Year stamps , get ’ em right here , ” said Rob Lindbloom , a local post office official who waded into the crowd holding a sheet of new postage stamps high above his head .
“ Commemorate the Year of the Rat !
” The Year of the Rat stamp is the first in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ launching to celebrate Lunar New Year , which occurs each year on the second new moon after the winter solstice .
The rat is the first animal in the 12-year cycle of the Chinese zodiac , which restarts on Jan. 25 with the Lunar New Year .
The U.S .
Postal Service on Saturday formally unveiled the stamp with a phalanx of local officials and sponsors at the opening ceremony of the two-day festival .
It marks the third time the Postal Service has launched Lunar New Year stamps , having released a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and again from 2008 to 2019 .
William Chan , himself a postal clerk who lives in Pomona , was in a cheerful mood as he bought some of the new stamps in anticipation of a special occasion later this month , when he will celebrate his 64th birthday , on the day the Year of the Rat begins .
“ I ’ m going to keep them , because I don ’ t know how long I ’ ll have to wait before that happens again , ” he said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ special year .
It ’ s a double celebration.
” Some die-hard collectors showed up at the Postal Service booth first thing in the morning Saturday while workers were still setting up their display of stamps , envelopes , mugs and other commemorative items tied to the Chinese zodiac , Lindbloom said .
Some even flew in from out of state just to get the new stamp on the first day it was issued , he said .
“ For the rest of the people , it ’ s just a cool new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Especially if it ’ s their year.
” “ We ’ re starting it again because they ’ ve proved to be extremely popular over the years , ” said Luke Grossmann , senior vice president of finance and strategy for the U.S .
Postal Service , during the dedication ceremony for the new stamp .
“ We are very proud of their beautiful and intricate designs.
” The stamp depicts a stylized blue-colored rat mask similar to those used in dragon dances performed during Lunar New Year parades .
It has small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the Chinese zodiac .
On its forehead is a circle representing the new moon on which the Lunar New Year begins .
Between its ears is a resplendent golden crown highlighting the rat ’ s importance as the first of the 12 animal signs in the Chinese zodiac .
According to legend , the animals of the Chinese zodiac swam across a river in a race to determine their order in the cycle .
The rat rode on the ox , then jumped ahead at the last moment to cross the finish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people born in the Year of the Rat are said to be clever , self-aware and resourceful .
Gordon Lo of Monterey Park , born in 1954 during the Year of the Horse , bought some of the new stamps , saying he thinks he will hold onto them as collectibles , or perhaps as gifts for his grandchildren .
“ Because it ’ s finally a new decade , ” he said .
“ It ’ s 2020 .
”

U.S. Postal Service official Rob Lindbloom promotes the Year of the Rat stamp at the Lunar New Year Festival in Monterey Park.
The Postal Service booth did a brisk business Saturday among the street food stalls, vendors and carnival rides that filled Garvey Avenue in Monterey Park during the city’s popular Lunar New Year Festival.
“First day of issue! Lunar New Year stamps, get ’em right here,” said Rob Lindbloom, a local post office official who waded into the crowd holding a sheet of new postage stamps high above his head. “Commemorate the Year of the Rat!”
The Year of the Rat stamp is the first in a new series the Postal Service is launching to celebrate Lunar New Year, which occurs each year on the second new moon after the winter solstice. The rat is the first animal in the 12-year cycle of the Chinese zodiac, which restarts on Jan. 25 with the Lunar New Year.
The U.S. Postal Service on Saturday formally unveiled the stamp with a phalanx of local officials and sponsors at the opening ceremony of the two-day festival. It marks the third time the Postal Service has launched Lunar New Year stamps, having released a series of them from 1992 to 2005 and again from 2008 to 2019.
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William Chan, himself a postal clerk who lives in Pomona, was in a cheerful mood as he bought some of the new stamps in anticipation of a special occasion later this month, when he will celebrate his 64th birthday, on the day the Year of the Rat begins.
“I’m going to keep them, because I don’t know how long I’ll have to wait before that happens again,” he said. “For me, it’s a special year. It’s a double celebration.”
Michael Henry, left, and Charles Williams of the U.S. Postal Service with a replica of the Year of the Rat stamp at the Lunar New Year Festival in Monterey Park. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
Some die-hard collectors showed up at the Postal Service booth first thing in the morning Saturday while workers were still setting up their display of stamps, envelopes, mugs and other commemorative items tied to the Chinese zodiac, Lindbloom said. Some even flew in from out of state just to get the new stamp on the first day it was issued, he said.
“For the rest of the people, it’s just a cool new stamp,” he said. “Especially if it’s their year.”
“We’re starting it again because they’ve proved to be extremely popular over the years,” said Luke Grossmann, senior vice president of finance and strategy for the U.S. Postal Service, during the dedication ceremony for the new stamp. “We are very proud of their beautiful and intricate designs.”
Advertisement
The stamp depicts a stylized blue-colored rat mask similar to those used in dragon dances performed during Lunar New Year parades. It has small protruding teeth and is adorned with symbols from the Chinese zodiac.
On its forehead is a circle representing the new moon on which the Lunar New Year begins. Between its ears is a resplendent golden crown highlighting the rat’s importance as the first of the 12 animal signs in the Chinese zodiac.
According to legend, the animals of the Chinese zodiac swam across a river in a race to determine their order in the cycle. The rat rode on the ox, then jumped ahead at the last moment to cross the finish line first. For that reason, people born in the Year of the Rat are said to be clever, self-aware and resourceful.
Gordon Lo of Monterey Park, born in 1954 during the Year of the Horse, bought some of the new stamps, saying he thinks he will hold onto them as collectibles, or perhaps as gifts for his grandchildren.
“Because it’s finally a new decade,” he said. “It’s 2020.”