latimes--2020-11-04--Column: Millions in California voted for Trump. This is deeper than white grievance politics

Four years ago , the morning after election day , I climbed into an elevator in Sacramento a little hungover from alcohol and from absorbing the news that Donald Trump — as I had suspected — would be our next president .
A woman I had never met dashed in just as the doors were closing and suddenly burst into tears .
“ I can ’ t believe he won !
” she wailed , awkwardly reaching out for a hug .
“ How is this even possible ?
” All I could do was pat her back and mumble @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” even though I knew that it wouldn ’ t be .
A majority of Californians believed then , as they did right up until election day this year , that Americans wouldn ’ t vote for a man who began his campaign by calling Mexican immigrants rapists and criminals .
As it turns out , more than 4 million people voted for him in California alone in 2016 .
And while we don ’ t yet know who won this presidential election , we do know that millions of Americans — including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — again voted for Trump , this time over Joe Biden .
I get that California is the most populous state in the union , but still that ’ s a lot of red for a supposedly solidly blue state .
How is this even possible ?
The story we tell ourselves is that it ’ s all about white grievance politics .
And it is .
There are a lot of white people who are irrationally angry because they are afraid of losing power when the country , like California , becomes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We also tell ourselves that this desperate attempt to hold on to white supremacy won ’ t work .
We point to the sorry state of California ’ s Republican Party — still smarting from its decision to take a hardline stance on immigration by backing Proposition 187 even as the state ’ s Latino population surged — as proof .
But I also can ’ t help but wonder if there ’ s more to the call of Trumpism .
Early exit polls show that , Trump , in addition to his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ managed to nab a not insignificant number of Black , Latino , Asian American and even LGBTQ voters .
He even made gains , though some of that could change as more votes from cities with large Black populations , such as Detroit and Philadelphia , are counted .
Meanwhile , Biden , though predictably winning over most Americans of color , generally underperformed Hillary Clinton with those voters , according to some preliminary polling .
Of course , no demographic is a monolith and , for sure , some of these same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too .
But at least then there was a veneer of plausible deniability .
The willfully ignorant could claim they were merely Trump curious .
But now we know for sure what Trump is .
In 2020 , these voters — in addition to a whole lot of white people — opted to reelect a man who held a news conference in which he called a bunch of tiki-torch-carrying racists “ very fine people , ” tossed innocent migrant children into cages and , out of spite , rolled back civil rights for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real people .
Real Californians .
Real Angelenos .
I spoke to several of them on Tuesday evening , while polls were closing on the East Coast , as they gathered for yet another Trump rally in Beverly Hills .
The diversity of the crowd was as surprising as it was disturbing .
A man from Puerto Rico summed up his support as realizing he was “ mad at the wrong white people.
” Asked about Trump ’ s blatantly racist statements , a Black woman dismissed it as “ identity stuff ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ need to grow up and find productive ways to get past the divides and things have happened in our nation before Trump.
” She supports him , she told me , because he ’ s a businessperson and knows how to handle the country more like a corporation than politics .
Also , she likes that he ’ s about “ unifying people , ” and bringing people together on their strengths , not their weaknesses .
So many others had similar things to say — and their explanations weren ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden ’ s involvement in the 1994 crime bill came up a few times , as did the many Black and brown men who ended up in prison during Kamala Harris ’ stint as San Francisco ’ s district attorney and then as California ’ s attorney general .
It ’ s easy for me to understand how a white person living in a homogenous rural town could have such praise for Trump .
Yet it ’ s harder to wrap my brain around it coming from a Black person living in Los @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even possible ?
While I don ’ t know the answer , I do know that , we — both as a state and as a country — need to figure it out .
Because if the old adage is true and where California goes , the country goes , I worry about what this allegiance to a strongman that I found in the heart of Beverly Hills means for the future of the country .
As Jean Guerrero , author of the biography “ Hatemonger ” about Trump advisor Stephen Miller , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the L.A. Times Festival of Books , some of Trump ’ s more extreme followers will have to be talked off the ledge of radicalization .
“ If we ’ re going to come together as a nation , ” she said during the panel discussion , “ we have to understand how people fall into these rabbit holes.
” Just because Trump might be moving out of the Oval Office — peacefully , if we ’ re lucky — doesn ’ t mean that his supporters are ready to move on , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system will continue to become more liberal , as it has in California , because demographics are destiny .
But what ’ s clear is that it ’ s going to take a while .
The millions of Californians who voted for Trump again should serve as a reminder of that .
In the meantime , there must be some sort of reckoning , and it can ’ t be left to left-leaning Black and brown people to do it , while white liberals move on with their lives thinking we ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pulls through .
Sticking our collective heads in the sand is not the way to heal the many divisions that are threatening to rip this country apart .
Because if we ’ ve learned anything this week , it ’ s that Biden was wrong about Trump being an aberration .
“ It ’ s not who we are , ” he has said again and again on the campaign trail .
“ It ’ s not what America is.
” This is who we are as Americans , including far too many @ @ @ @

Four years ago, the morning after election day, I climbed into an elevator in Sacramento a little hungover from alcohol and from absorbing the news that Donald Trump — as I had suspected — would be our next president.
A woman I had never met dashed in just as the doors were closing and suddenly burst into tears.
“I can’t believe he won!” she wailed, awkwardly reaching out for a hug. “How is this even possible?” All I could do was pat her back and mumble, “It’s OK,” even though I knew that it wouldn’t be.
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A majority of Californians believed then, as they did right up until election day this year, that Americans wouldn’t vote for a man who began his campaign by calling Mexican immigrants rapists and criminals.
As it turns out, more than 4 million people voted for him in California alone in 2016. And while we don’t yet know who won this presidential election, we do know that millions of Americans — including about 4 million of them in California — again voted for Trump, this time over Joe Biden. I get that California is the most populous state in the union, but still that’s a lot of red for a supposedly solidly blue state.
How is this even possible?
The story we tell ourselves is that it’s all about white grievance politics. And it is. There are a lot of white people who are irrationally angry because they are afraid of losing power when the country, like California, becomes majority minority in a few decades.
We also tell ourselves that this desperate attempt to hold on to white supremacy won’t work. We point to the sorry state of California’s Republican Party — still smarting from its decision to take a hardline stance on immigration by backing Proposition 187 even as the state’s Latino population surged — as proof.
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But I also can’t help but wonder if there’s more to the call of Trumpism.
Early exit polls show that, Trump, in addition to his usual base of white voters, also managed to nab a not insignificant number of Black, Latino, Asian American and even LGBTQ voters. He even made gains, though some of that could change as more votes from cities with large Black populations, such as Detroit and Philadelphia, are counted.
Meanwhile, Biden, though predictably winning over most Americans of color, generally underperformed Hillary Clinton with those voters, according to some preliminary polling.
Of course, no demographic is a monolith and, for sure, some of these same people voted for Trump in 2016, too. But at least then there was a veneer of plausible deniability. The willfully ignorant could claim they were merely Trump curious.
But now we know for sure what Trump is. In 2020, these voters — in addition to a whole lot of white people — opted to reelect a man who held a news conference in which he called a bunch of tiki-torch-carrying racists “very fine people,” tossed innocent migrant children into cages and, out of spite, rolled back civil rights for transgender Americans.
And these voters are real people. Real Californians. Real Angelenos. I spoke to several of them on Tuesday evening, while polls were closing on the East Coast, as they gathered for yet another Trump rally in Beverly Hills. The diversity of the crowd was as surprising as it was disturbing.
A man from Puerto Rico summed up his support as realizing he was “mad at the wrong white people.”
Asked about Trump’s blatantly racist statements, a Black woman dismissed it as “identity stuff” and said that people of all races “need to grow up and find productive ways to get past the divides and things have happened in our nation before Trump.”
She supports him, she told me, because he’s a businessperson and knows how to handle the country more like a corporation than politics. Also, she likes that he’s about “unifying people,” and bringing people together on their strengths, not their weaknesses.
So many others had similar things to say — and their explanations weren’t chocked full of conspiracy theories either. Biden’s involvement in the 1994 crime bill came up a few times, as did the many Black and brown men who ended up in prison during Kamala Harris’ stint as San Francisco’s district attorney and then as California’s attorney general.
It’s easy for me to understand how a white person living in a homogenous rural town could have such praise for Trump. Yet it’s harder to wrap my brain around it coming from a Black person living in Los Angeles.
Indeed, how is this even possible?
While I don’t know the answer, I do know that, we — both as a state and as a country — need to figure it out. Because if the old adage is true and where California goes, the country goes, I worry about what this allegiance to a strongman that I found in the heart of Beverly Hills means for the future of the country.
Latinos for Trump attend a pre-election rally in Beverly Hills on Oct. 31. (Armando Garcia)
As Jean Guerrero, author of the biography “Hatemonger” about Trump advisor Stephen Miller, said during a recent panel discussion for the L.A. Times Festival of Books, some of Trump’s more extreme followers will have to be talked off the ledge of radicalization.
“If we’re going to come together as a nation,” she said during the panel discussion, “we have to understand how people fall into these rabbit holes.”
Just because Trump might be moving out of the Oval Office — peacefully, if we’re lucky — doesn’t mean that his supporters are ready to move on, too. For sure, our political system will continue to become more liberal, as it has in California, because demographics are destiny. But what’s clear is that it’s going to take a while. The millions of Californians who voted for Trump again should serve as a reminder of that.
In the meantime, there must be some sort of reckoning, and it can’t be left to left-leaning Black and brown people to do it, while white liberals move on with their lives thinking we’ve won and all is well if Biden pulls through. Sticking our collective heads in the sand is not the way to heal the many divisions that are threatening to rip this country apart.
Because if we’ve learned anything this week, it’s that Biden was wrong about Trump being an aberration.
“It’s not who we are,” he has said again and again on the campaign trail. “It’s not what America is.”
This is who we are as Americans, including far too many of us Californians.


latimes--2020-11-04--Column: Lots of Latinos voted for Trump. That should not be a surprise.

No matter who ends up winning the presidential election , one thing is already clear : It ’ s all the fault of Latino voters .
We were supposed to be the phalanx in the war against Donald J. Trump .
An immovable mass of multihued tribes hurtling like an unstoppable force to smash white supremacy in the name of democracy .
Instead , too many of us broke ranks .
Too many vendidos .
Sellouts .
That was the narrative pushed — at least during the programming of this crazy election when Trump seemed on the fast road to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operatives and leftists aghast that Latinos didn ’ t unanimously go for Joe Biden .
Never mind that he will end up winning the Latino vote in every state .
The problem was that we didn ’ t vote enough against a president who caged Central American children , referred to Mexicans as rapists , tossed paper towels to Puerto Ricans when they needed electricity and cavalierly dismisses the coronavirus as insignificant even as the pandemic disproportionately affects Latinos .
How could we possibly side with someone who despises us so , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it turns out .
Preliminary exit polls show that Trump didn ’ t just hold his Latino support from 2016 ; he built on it .
Some have him winning 32 % of Latino voters .
Others peg the number at 27 % .
That ’ s still a Biden wipeout .
But those Latino Trumpers delivered Florida to their caudillo , saved Texas and damped Biden ’ s chances in swing states like Georgia and North Carolina .
This happened even though Trump barely lifted a little finger to try to court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really didn ’ t need to do anything : His tax cuts , strongman persona and — yes — scorched-earth immigration policy appealed to enough Latinos under the spell of the rancho libertarianism streak that runs among many of us .
It was more than Biden ’ s efforts , whose weak-salsa outreach was criticized by Bronx Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on election night .
In other words , Dems , you should ’ ve had the Biden campaign do more than use a song by reggaeton megastar Bad Bunny for a YouTube commercial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , like a “ Scooby-Doo ” villain , make excuses for why more Latinos didn ’ t go for Scranton Joe .
It ’ s the fault of those pesky Cuban exiles .
It ’ s because too many Latinos assimilate .
Last-minute misinformation campaigns by Russians .
Voter fraud .
The rancor is especially real among the Latino left , who have spent the Trump years gleefully mocking their conservative cousins and now want to break up the concept of “ Latino ” altogether so they never have to be grouped together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Anyone surprised that a good chunk of Latinos would vote for Trump needs to realize once and for all those people are , well , Latinos .
It ’ s a truism that we ’ re not a monolith , but that ’ s a political cliche trotted out under the assumption that Latinos are nevertheless mostly liberal , with only a few regional anomalies .
But that ’ s not the case .
They ’ re not just the much-maligned Cubans of the Sunshine State .
They ’ re the recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of anything that reeks of liberalism because it reminds them of the socialist tendencies in their native countries .
They ’ re the Mexican Americans of Zapata County , Texas , which sits right on the U.S.-Mexico border and just voted for a Republican presidential candidate for the first time since Warren G. Harding .
The retired Chicano police officer who moved to Idaho .
The Maywood construction worker who never heard about white privilege until Joe Rogan mocked it .
The God-fearing abuelita who worried Sen. Kamala Harris would unleash a wave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not outcasts ; they are us .
Yet Democrats didn ’ t do enough to try to win them over , instead just hoping that Latino Trumpers would eventually see themselves for the joke that they are .
None of this is new , and I ’ m frankly getting bored of having to explain Latino conservatives every election cycle .
I sure hope Biden pulls off the victory over Trump .
But I do take glee in seeing the Democratic establishment flap around for answers when it comes to Latinos .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ needed a stone-cold reckoning with us , it ’ s them .
This is an ossified institution that continuously banks on Latinos running to it for protection from the mean GOP , then does little to keep us .
It ’ s one that didn ’ t learn anything from the presidential campaign of Bernie Sanders , who actually listened to young Latinos , built a campaign that was more than just never-Trump and created an electoral powerhouse that the Biden campaign largely ignored and definitely never energized .
Instead , Democrats have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Proposition 187 .
That was the 1994 California ballot initiative that proposed to make life miserable for immigrants in the U.S. illegally and instead radicalized a generation of Latino voters and turned the Golden State into the deep blue it is today .
Ever since , Democrats have waited to see the phenomenon spread .
It did this year in Arizona , where a generation of Latinos who grew up in the shadow of Senate Bill 1070 — that state ’ s take on Proposition 187 — is being credited for taking Arizona @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even there , Trump still got sizable Latino support .
Even in California , where 77 % of Latinos voted for Biden , not enough of them favored propositions that would bring back affirmative action , enact more rent control and roll back tax breaks — all liberal dreams , all seemingly headed for defeat because Latinos will never be as progressive as everyone insists they ought to be .
Trump , in many ways , is a quintessential Latin American leader .
Too many of them in the region ’ s tortured @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personality cults built on fear .
But as the rebels who eventually toppled those tin-pot dictators knew , the best way to victory is to inspire in Latinos an emotion just as visceral , and one that Democrats have seemed to forget : hope .
Then again , Biden might eke out the presidency and every Democrat will go back to patting Latinos on the back for a job done well enough .

A “Latinos por Trump” sign at a rally for then-candidate Donald Trump in Anaheim in 2016. Preliminary exit polls Tuesday showed that Trump didn’t just hold his Latino support from 2016; he built on it.
No matter who ends up winning the presidential election, one thing is already clear:
It’s all the fault of Latino voters.
We were supposed to be the phalanx in the war against Donald J. Trump. An immovable mass of multihued tribes hurtling like an unstoppable force to smash white supremacy in the name of democracy.
Instead, too many of us broke ranks. Too many vendidos. Sellouts.
That was the narrative pushed — at least during the programming of this crazy election when Trump seemed on the fast road to victory — by liberal pundits, Democratic operatives and leftists aghast that Latinos didn’t unanimously go for Joe Biden. Never mind that he will end up winning the Latino vote in every state.
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The problem was that we didn’t vote enough against a president who caged Central American children, referred to Mexicans as rapists, tossed paper towels to Puerto Ricans when they needed electricity and cavalierly dismisses the coronavirus as insignificant even as the pandemic disproportionately affects Latinos.
How could we possibly side with someone who despises us so, the Trump haters howl.
Very easily, it turns out.
Preliminary exit polls show that Trump didn’t just hold his Latino support from 2016; he built on it. Some have him winning 32% of Latino voters. Others peg the number at 27%. That’s still a Biden wipeout. But those Latino Trumpers delivered Florida to their caudillo, saved Texas and damped Biden’s chances in swing states like Georgia and North Carolina.
This happened even though Trump barely lifted a little finger to try to court Latinos outside of Miami-Dade County. He really didn’t need to do anything: His tax cuts, strongman persona and — yes — scorched-earth immigration policy appealed to enough Latinos under the spell of the rancho libertarianism streak that runs among many of us. It was more than Biden’s efforts, whose weak-salsa outreach was criticized by Bronx Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on election night.
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In other words, Dems, you should’ve had the Biden campaign do more than use a song by reggaeton megastar Bad Bunny for a YouTube commercial.
I’m already seeing Democrats, like a “Scooby-Doo” villain, make excuses for why more Latinos didn’t go for Scranton Joe. It’s the fault of those pesky Cuban exiles. It’s because too many Latinos assimilate. Last-minute misinformation campaigns by Russians. Voter fraud.
The rancor is especially real among the Latino left, who have spent the Trump years gleefully mocking their conservative cousins and now want to break up the concept of “Latino” altogether so they never have to be grouped together again.
This silliness needs to stop. Anyone surprised that a good chunk of Latinos would vote for Trump needs to realize once and for all those people are, well, Latinos.
It’s a truism that we’re not a monolith, but that’s a political cliche trotted out under the assumption that Latinos are nevertheless mostly liberal, with only a few regional anomalies. But that’s not the case.
They’re not just the much-maligned Cubans of the Sunshine State. They’re the recent South American immigrants who arrive with hatred of anything that reeks of liberalism because it reminds them of the socialist tendencies in their native countries. They’re the Mexican Americans of Zapata County, Texas, which sits right on the U.S.-Mexico border and just voted for a Republican presidential candidate for the first time since Warren G. Harding.
The retired Chicano police officer who moved to Idaho. The Maywood construction worker who never heard about white privilege until Joe Rogan mocked it. The God-fearing abuelita who worried Sen. Kamala Harris would unleash a wave of abortions upon this land.
They are not outcasts; they are us. Yet Democrats didn’t do enough to try to win them over, instead just hoping that Latino Trumpers would eventually see themselves for the joke that they are.
None of this is new, and I’m frankly getting bored of having to explain Latino conservatives every election cycle. I sure hope Biden pulls off the victory over Trump. But I do take glee in seeing the Democratic establishment flap around for answers when it comes to Latinos.
If ever there was a group that needed a stone-cold reckoning with us, it’s them.
This is an ossified institution that continuously banks on Latinos running to it for protection from the mean GOP, then does little to keep us. It’s one that didn’t learn anything from the presidential campaign of Bernie Sanders, who actually listened to young Latinos, built a campaign that was more than just never-Trump and created an electoral powerhouse that the Biden campaign largely ignored and definitely never energized.
Instead, Democrats have become too spoiled with the promise of Proposition 187. That was the 1994 California ballot initiative that proposed to make life miserable for immigrants in the U.S. illegally and instead radicalized a generation of Latino voters and turned the Golden State into the deep blue it is today.
Ever since, Democrats have waited to see the phenomenon spread. It did this year in Arizona, where a generation of Latinos who grew up in the shadow of Senate Bill 1070 — that state’s take on Proposition 187 — is being credited for taking Arizona to the brink of blue.
But even there, Trump still got sizable Latino support.
Even in California, where 77% of Latinos voted for Biden, not enough of them favored propositions that would bring back affirmative action, enact more rent control and roll back tax breaks — all liberal dreams, all seemingly headed for defeat because Latinos will never be as progressive as everyone insists they ought to be.
Trump, in many ways, is a quintessential Latin American leader. Too many of them in the region’s tortured history have held on to power with personality cults built on fear. But as the rebels who eventually toppled those tin-pot dictators knew, the best way to victory is to inspire in Latinos an emotion just as visceral, and one that Democrats have seemed to forget: hope.
Then again, Biden might eke out the presidency and every Democrat will go back to patting Latinos on the back for a job done well enough.


latimes--2020-11-04--Orange County, once a GOP bastion, goes for Biden over Trump

For the second straight presidential election , a Democratic candidate appears poised to splash a coat of blue over the former conservative stronghold of Orange County .
But perhaps the most surprising thing about former Vice President Joe Biden ’ s early lead in the county — once so reliably ruby red that President Reagan quipped it ’ s “ where the good Republicans go before they die ” — is the fact that it was not unexpected .
“ That ’ s not at all surprising , given the registration and the other trends that are making this a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , an associate professor of political science at Chapman University .
Biden was leading President Trump in the county , 54 % to 44.2 % , Wednesday morning , with a margin of more than 124,000 votes , according to the Orange County registrar of voters office .
While there are still plenty of ballots left to tally , the preliminary numbers demonstrate the potential endurance of shifts in demographics and voter attitudes that four years ago made Hillary Clinton the first Democratic presidential candidate to win the county since the Great Depression @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a genius to see that if Orange County supported Hillary Clinton , who many people felt was a flawed candidate , that they would also support , perhaps in even greater numbers , Joe Biden , ” Smoller said .
Clinton beat Trump in the county by a margin of 50.9 % to 42.3 % .
In 2012 , Republican candidate Mitt Romney prevailed over then-President Obama by more than 6 percentage points .
There are a few reasons for Orange County ’ s political metamorphosis , experts say .
One is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changing .
“ Older white males , conservatives , have been exiting the electorate — either dying or retiring to Arizona — and they ’ re being replaced by younger people , particularly people of color , who are trending Democratic , ” Smoller said .
Louis DeSipio , a professor of political science and Chicano/Latino studies at UC Irvine , said the county also has experienced “ sort of the national demographic trend of white women being a little bit more suspicious of the Republican Party.
” “ It ’ s been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county ’ s shift toward swing status , “ and the building story is a demographic story.
” Another factor , DeSipio said , is Democrats ’ increased attention and activity in the county .
They ’ ve made significant gains in voter registration — overtaking Republicans in that metric last year — and swept the county ’ s seven congressional seats in 2018 .
“ That sort of investment serves to mobilize new voters , ” he said , “ because if there ’ s an area that ’ s so solidly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that there ’ s no competition , younger voters are slower to get involved in the process because they think , ‘ What difference does it make ?
’ ” That ’ s not to say Orange County is on the cusp of transforming into a blue bastion , though .
Republicans remain competitive down the ballot and had staked narrow leads in two of the county ’ s congressional races as of early Wednesday .
It ’ s also impossible to write the definitive account of Orange County in 2020 when there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to count , according to an estimate from the registrar of voters .
But both Smoller and DeSipio said the trends that have pushed the county into the purple realm are unlikely to dissipate anytime soon .
“ It always used to be red , it wasn ’ t even worth talking about because everything was red , ” Smoller said .
“ But now you ’ re going to see competitive races : Some are going to go to Democrats , some to Republicans and several of them are going to be @ @ @ @ @ @

For the second straight presidential election, a Democratic candidate appears poised to splash a coat of blue over the former conservative stronghold of Orange County.
But perhaps the most surprising thing about former Vice President Joe Biden’s early lead in the county — once so reliably ruby red that President Reagan quipped it’s “where the good Republicans go before they die” — is the fact that it was not unexpected.
“That’s not at all surprising, given the registration and the other trends that are making this a purple county,” said Fred Smoller, an associate professor of political science at Chapman University.
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Biden was leading President Trump in the county, 54% to 44.2%, Wednesday morning, with a margin of more than 124,000 votes, according to the Orange County registrar of voters office.
While there are still plenty of ballots left to tally, the preliminary numbers demonstrate the potential endurance of shifts in demographics and voter attitudes that four years ago made Hillary Clinton the first Democratic presidential candidate to win the county since the Great Depression.
“It doesn’t take a genius to see that if Orange County supported Hillary Clinton, who many people felt was a flawed candidate, that they would also support, perhaps in even greater numbers, Joe Biden,” Smoller said.
Clinton beat Trump in the county by a margin of 50.9% to 42.3%. In 2012, Republican candidate Mitt Romney prevailed over then-President Obama by more than 6 percentage points.
Politics Hillary Clinton turned Orange County blue. Minorities and college-educated women helped her. It may be small comfort for Democrats who are devastated that Hillary Clinton lost her bid for the White House, but the former secretary of State managed to do something no Democrat has done since the Great Depression — win Orange County.
There are a few reasons for Orange County’s political metamorphosis, experts say. One is that the makeup of the county itself is changing.
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“Older white males, conservatives, have been exiting the electorate — either dying or retiring to Arizona — and they’re being replaced by younger people, particularly people of color, who are trending Democratic,” Smoller said.
Louis DeSipio, a professor of political science and Chicano/Latino studies at UC Irvine, said the county also has experienced “sort of the national demographic trend of white women being a little bit more suspicious of the Republican Party.”
“It’s been building,” he said of the county’s shift toward swing status, “and the building story is a demographic story.”
Another factor, DeSipio said, is Democrats’ increased attention and activity in the county. They’ve made significant gains in voter registration — overtaking Republicans in that metric last year — and swept the county’s seven congressional seats in 2018.
“That sort of investment serves to mobilize new voters,” he said, “because if there’s an area that’s so solidly with Democrats or so solidly with Republicans that there’s no competition, younger voters are slower to get involved in the process because they think, ‘What difference does it make?’ ”
That’s not to say Orange County is on the cusp of transforming into a blue bastion, though. Republicans remain competitive down the ballot and had staked narrow leads in two of the county’s congressional races as of early Wednesday.
It’s also impossible to write the definitive account of Orange County in 2020 when there are still more than 211,000 ballots left to count, according to an estimate from the registrar of voters.
But both Smoller and DeSipio said the trends that have pushed the county into the purple realm are unlikely to dissipate anytime soon.
“It always used to be red, it wasn’t even worth talking about because everything was red,” Smoller said. “But now you’re going to see competitive races: Some are going to go to Democrats, some to Republicans and several of them are going to be very, very close.”


latimes--2020-11-04--Federal judge slams U.S. Postal Service and orders search for mail ballots in Texas facilities

A federal judge harshly criticized the U.S .
Postal Service on Wednesday , saying the agency had failed to comply with his order to sweep postal facilities for leftover mail-in ballots in battleground states where election officials continue to count votes .
Judge Emmet G. Sullivan of Washington , D.C. , also ordered postal officials to instruct mail processing facilities in Texas to conduct two searches for mail ballots Wednesday afternoon and deliver any votes to local elections offices by 5 p.m .
The Texas order comes a day after Sullivan instructed the Postal Service ’ s law enforcement arm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mail ballots in a dozen postal facilities , including in central Pennsylvania , Philadelphia , Atlanta , Arizona and Michigan ’ s upper peninsula .
The Postal Service said in court filings Wednesday that it did search for ballots in all the ordered locations Tuesday , but that the 3 p.m. deadline was not “ operationally possible.
” The sweep eventually turned up 13 delayed mail ballots : three in a Johnstown , Pa. , mail facility and 10 in Lancaster , Pa. All were referred to Postal Service management for expedited delivery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m not pleased about this eleventh hour development last night , ” Sullivan said in a hearing Wednesday .
“ Someone might have a price to pay for that.
” The Wednesday hearing took place as election workers continued to count thousands of mail-in ballots in Pennsylvania , Michigan and Georgia , where the outcome between former Vice President Joe Biden and President Trump remains unclear .
Sullivan ’ s latest order focused on Texas because Postal Service data show that mail facilities have struggled to process ballots on time .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ postmarked by election day and arrive by 5 p.m. Wednesday .
It ’ s not likely that any new findings would affect the electoral outcome in the state , where Trump is leading by more than 700,000 votes .
Indeed , only 815 mail-in ballots were found during two sweeps of facilities in Texas that were ordered by the court on Wednesday .
Nearly all the ballots were delivered directly to boards of election by the 5 p.m. deadline , with a few ballots delayed due to travel time .
Attorneys for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the judge to consider additional orders that would mandate sweeps in postal facilities in central Pennsylvania , Philadelphia , Greensboro , N.C. , and the mid-Carolinas district , which includes Charlotte and surrounding areas .
The orders would direct ballots in those facilities that were postmarked by election day to be promptly delivered to election boards .
In Pennsylvania , the deadline for those ballots is Friday , and in North Carolina , the cutoff is Nov. 12 .
In an explanation of ballot delivery procedures , the Postal Service ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a court filing that sweeps in the afternoon , as Sullivan ordered , would not yield many ballots .
That ’ s because processing facilities are typically busiest between 4 and 11 p.m. , as mail is returned from carrier routes and local post offices , according to the the executive , Kevin Bray .
Sullivan also said that the postmaster general , Louis DeJoy , should also have to explain his agency ’ s failures to make meaningful changes within the agency after an injunction in early October aimed at boosting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ general ] is either going to have to be deposed or appear before me and testify under oath about why some measures were not taken after the court issued its injunction , ” Sullivan said .
The Postal Service said in court filings earlier this week that nearly 300,000 ballots had been scanned into the U.S. mail system since Oct. 24 but had not been scanned again to show they had been delivered , including more than 11,000 in Pennsylvania , nearly 16,000 in Florida and more than 6,000 in Michigan .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups that some mail ballots could be delivered too late to be counted .
Postal Service officials said that a missing destination scan does not automatically mean that a ballot was not delivered .
They said workers were pulling ballots from the automated processing system and delivering them directly to elections officials , while other mail is sorted by hand because of physical flaws like smudged barcodes .
For example , Bray said , a processing plant in North Texas has an agreement with most of the state ’ s elections officials to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to clerks without a delivery scan .
Bray also said that some stray ballots were found in the system because people mistakenly placed mail ballots in local ballot drop boxes — not postal collection boxes — even though the ballots were destined for out-of-state election boards .
Those ballots were recovered and later delivered by the Postal Service .
“ The assumption that there are unaccounted ballots within the Postal Service network is inaccurate , ” spokesman David Partenheimer said in an email .
He said the agency used “ extraordinary measures ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to local boards of elections .
Ballots circumventing the automated processing system , and not receiving a destination scan , was by design , Partenheimer said .
The order is part of one of several lawsuits against the Postal Service over cost-cutting measures that slowed mail delivery this year amid concerns that mail-in ballots would not be delivered on time .
The Postal Service raised concerns about complying with the judge ’ s order , saying that it didn ’ t have enough inspectors to finish the sweep in the required time .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ heading back to elections officials rose from 89.59 % Monday to 93.25 % on election day , the Postal Service said .
Performance was lower in some regions , including the Great Lakes distribution area , which includes the battleground states of Michigan and Wisconsin .
There , just 78.8 % of ballots were processed on time Tuesday , the agency said .
In the Atlanta area , 82.17 % of ballots heading back to election officials were processed on time Tuesday , the agency said .
Georgia does not count mail ballots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election day .

The U.S. Postal Service said it turned up only 13 delayed mail-in ballots in sweeps in Pennsylvania on Tuesday.
A federal judge harshly criticized the U.S. Postal Service on Wednesday, saying the agency had failed to comply with his order to sweep postal facilities for leftover mail-in ballots in battleground states where election officials continue to count votes.
Judge Emmet G. Sullivan of Washington, D.C., also ordered postal officials to instruct mail processing facilities in Texas to conduct two searches for mail ballots Wednesday afternoon and deliver any votes to local elections offices by 5 p.m.
The Texas order comes a day after Sullivan instructed the Postal Service’s law enforcement arm to conduct a series of sweeps for mail ballots in a dozen postal facilities, including in central Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Atlanta, Arizona and Michigan’s upper peninsula.
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The Postal Service said in court filings Wednesday that it did search for ballots in all the ordered locations Tuesday, but that the 3 p.m. deadline was not “operationally possible.” The sweep eventually turned up 13 delayed mail ballots: three in a Johnstown, Pa., mail facility and 10 in Lancaster, Pa. All were referred to Postal Service management for expedited delivery, the agency said.
“I’m not pleased about this eleventh hour development last night,” Sullivan said in a hearing Wednesday. “Someone might have a price to pay for that.”
The Wednesday hearing took place as election workers continued to count thousands of mail-in ballots in Pennsylvania, Michigan and Georgia, where the outcome between former Vice President Joe Biden and President Trump remains unclear.
Sullivan’s latest order focused on Texas because Postal Service data show that mail facilities have struggled to process ballots on time. The state will only count ballots that are postmarked by election day and arrive by 5 p.m. Wednesday. It’s not likely that any new findings would affect the electoral outcome in the state, where Trump is leading by more than 700,000 votes.
Indeed, only 815 mail-in ballots were found during two sweeps of facilities in Texas that were ordered by the court on Wednesday. Nearly all the ballots were delivered directly to boards of election by the 5 p.m. deadline, with a few ballots delayed due to travel time.
Attorneys for the plaintiffs suing the Postal Service are pushing for the judge to consider additional orders that would mandate sweeps in postal facilities in central Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Greensboro, N.C., and the mid-Carolinas district, which includes Charlotte and surrounding areas. The orders would direct ballots in those facilities that were postmarked by election day to be promptly delivered to election boards. In Pennsylvania, the deadline for those ballots is Friday, and in North Carolina, the cutoff is Nov. 12.
In an explanation of ballot delivery procedures, the Postal Service’s top executive for election mail said Wednesday in a court filing that sweeps in the afternoon, as Sullivan ordered, would not yield many ballots. That’s because processing facilities are typically busiest between 4 and 11 p.m., as mail is returned from carrier routes and local post offices, according to the the executive, Kevin Bray.
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Sullivan also said that the postmaster general, Louis DeJoy, should also have to explain his agency’s failures to make meaningful changes within the agency after an injunction in early October aimed at boosting mail delivery speeds.
“The postmaster [general] is either going to have to be deposed or appear before me and testify under oath about why some measures were not taken after the court issued its injunction,” Sullivan said.
The Postal Service said in court filings earlier this week that nearly 300,000 ballots had been scanned into the U.S. mail system since Oct. 24 but had not been scanned again to show they had been delivered, including more than 11,000 in Pennsylvania, nearly 16,000 in Florida and more than 6,000 in Michigan.
The data raised alarm among voting rights groups that some mail ballots could be delivered too late to be counted.
Postal Service officials said that a missing destination scan does not automatically mean that a ballot was not delivered. They said workers were pulling ballots from the automated processing system and delivering them directly to elections officials, while other mail is sorted by hand because of physical flaws like smudged barcodes.
For example, Bray said, a processing plant in North Texas has an agreement with most of the state’s elections officials to set aside ballots and deliver them directly to clerks without a delivery scan.
Bray also said that some stray ballots were found in the system because people mistakenly placed mail ballots in local ballot drop boxes — not postal collection boxes — even though the ballots were destined for out-of-state election boards. Those ballots were recovered and later delivered by the Postal Service.
“The assumption that there are unaccounted ballots within the Postal Service network is inaccurate,” spokesman David Partenheimer said in an email. He said the agency used “extraordinary measures” to expedite ballots and deliver them directly to local boards of elections.
Ballots circumventing the automated processing system, and not receiving a destination scan, was by design, Partenheimer said.
The order is part of one of several lawsuits against the Postal Service over cost-cutting measures that slowed mail delivery this year amid concerns that mail-in ballots would not be delivered on time.
The Postal Service raised concerns about complying with the judge’s order, saying that it didn’t have enough inspectors to finish the sweep in the required time.
Nationally, on-time processing for mail ballots heading back to elections officials rose from 89.59% Monday to 93.25% on election day, the Postal Service said. Performance was lower in some regions, including the Great Lakes distribution area, which includes the battleground states of Michigan and Wisconsin. There, just 78.8% of ballots were processed on time Tuesday, the agency said.
In the Atlanta area, 82.17% of ballots heading back to election officials were processed on time Tuesday, the agency said. Georgia does not count mail ballots that arrive after the polls close on election day.


latimes--2020-11-04--Photos: Trump supporters converge on Beverly Hills

Police across the Southland were on heightened alert Tuesday at the climax of a highly contentious presidential election that sparked @ @ @ @ @ regardless of who won .
In Beverly Hills , supporters of President Trump gathered at @ @ @ @ @ afternoon and into the evening , according to Beverly Hills police , who said the @ @ @ @ @ business owners prepared for the possibility of chaos and looting by boarding up their windows @ @ @ @ @ and store fronts .

City News Service, LA Times Photography by Jay L. Clendenin and Brian van der Brug

Police across the Southland were on heightened alert Tuesday at the climax of a highly contentious presidential election that sparked fears of large demonstrations, regardless of who won.
In Beverly Hills, supporters of President Trump gathered at Beverly Gardens Park on Tuesday afternoon and into the evening, according to Beverly Hills police, who said the assembly was peaceful.
Some business owners prepared for the possibility of chaos and looting by boarding up their windows or removing merchandise from shops and store fronts.
A Trump supporter waves a Trump 2020 flag in front of a line of Beverly Hills police in Beverly Gardens Park on Santa Monica Boulevard on Tuesday night. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
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A motorist flying a Trump flag drives past Beverly Gardens Park in Beverly Hills on Tuesday night. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times)
Trump supporter Ivan Valencia of Los Angeles, center, joins demonstration on Santa Monica Boulevard in Beverly Hills on Tuesday night. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
Faviala Raley of Ventura signals four more years for President Trump at Beverly Gardens Park on Tuesday night. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times)
Trump supporters wave flags and cheer at Beverly Gardens Park on Tuesday night. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
A Trump supporter holds an Israeli flag at a gathering on Santa Monica Boulevard in Beverly Hills on Tuesday. (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)
Jesslynn Valencia, 7, center, of East Los Angeles joins her family at a gathering of Trump supporters in Beverly Hills. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times)
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latimes--2020-11-04--Soaring high temps will give way to chilly fall-like conditions, Weather Service says

In a weather pattern as much of a roller coaster ride as the presidential race , high temperatures will sear the Southland Wednesday and Thursday ahead of a sharp cooling trend over the weekend .
The National Weather Service said much warmer conditions will return Wednesday afternoon and last through Thursday evening , with temperatures expected to climb as high as 91 degrees in downtown L.A. Thursday .
The high temperatures are expected to be joined by Santa Ana wind gusts of up to 40 mph , elevating the region ’ s fire risk through Thursday .
“ Use extra @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the weather service wrote on Twitter .
“ Brush fires will ignite easily and spread rapidly.
” But a significant change will roll in Friday , with temperatures expected to “ drop like a rock , ” falling as much as 30 degrees by Friday night .
Daytime temperatures Saturday and Sunday will be in the low 60s .
“ The temperatures are going to be quite a bit cooler , ” said Mike Wofford , meteorologist with the National Weather Service in Oxnard .
“ Normally , we average low to mid-70s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but it ’ s going to be in the 60s .
That , by definition , is not normal.
” The low pressure system that will deliver the cold air will also carry a slight chance of light rain in L.A. County , Wofford said .
The coastal areas of San Luis Obispo and Santa Maria , as well as the San Gabriel Valley and foothills , stand the greatest chance of seeing the most rain .
The cool temperatures will be accompanied by gusty northwest winds , which are expected to begin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creating dangerous sea and surf conditions that may necessitate several advisories , the weather service said .
Wind , rain and changing temperatures aren ’ t unusual for this time of year , Wofford said , but the rapid swing is noteworthy .
“ In the grand scheme of things , we get Santa Anas and we get rain in November , ” he said .
“ So we ’ re getting both of those — just in a much shorter period of time .
”

Brittany Castro, 5, of Santa Ana, plays in a splash pool during an October heat wave at Mile Square Regional Park in Fountain Valley.
In a weather pattern as much of a roller coaster ride as the presidential race, high temperatures will sear the Southland Wednesday and Thursday ahead of a sharp cooling trend over the weekend.
The National Weather Service said much warmer conditions will return Wednesday afternoon and last through Thursday evening, with temperatures expected to climb as high as 91 degrees in downtown L.A. Thursday.
The high temperatures are expected to be joined by Santa Ana wind gusts of up to 40 mph, elevating the region’s fire risk through Thursday.
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“Use extra caution with potential fire sources!” the weather service wrote on Twitter. “Brush fires will ignite easily and spread rapidly.”
But a significant change will roll in Friday, with temperatures expected to “drop like a rock,” falling as much as 30 degrees by Friday night. Daytime temperatures Saturday and Sunday will be in the low 60s.
Ready for a weather roller coaster? We're expecting downtown LA to swing from a high of 91 on Thursday down to a high of only 62 on Saturday and Sunday. Add to that some wind and a slight chance of precipitation and it'll for sure feel like fall! #CAwx #SoCal pic.twitter.com/tKvMWU3IAl — NWS Los Angeles (@NWSLosAngeles) November 3, 2020
“The temperatures are going to be quite a bit cooler,” said Mike Wofford, meteorologist with the National Weather Service in Oxnard. “Normally, we average low to mid-70s, 80s, something like that, but it’s going to be in the 60s. That, by definition, is not normal.”
The low pressure system that will deliver the cold air will also carry a slight chance of light rain in L.A. County, Wofford said. The coastal areas of San Luis Obispo and Santa Maria, as well as the San Gabriel Valley and foothills, stand the greatest chance of seeing the most rain.
The cool temperatures will be accompanied by gusty northwest winds, which are expected to begin Friday and last through the weekend, creating dangerous sea and surf conditions that may necessitate several advisories, the weather service said.
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Wind, rain and changing temperatures aren’t unusual for this time of year, Wofford said, but the rapid swing is noteworthy.
“In the grand scheme of things, we get Santa Anas and we get rain in November,” he said. “So we’re getting both of those — just in a much shorter period of time.”


latimes--2020-11-04--Photos: LAPD arrests dozens after declaring gathering near Staples Center unlawful

Los Angeles police on Tuesday night shadowed groups of people near Staples Center , arresting about 50 on charges of @ @ @ @ @ gathering was declared unlawful .

Los Angeles police on Tuesday night shadowed groups of people near Staples Center, arresting about 50 on charges of failing to disperse after their gathering was declared unlawful.
A protester and a police officer face off in downtown Los Angeles on Tuesday night. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
Protesters march in downtown Los Angeles on Tuesday night. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Protesters fleeing police jump a fence near 18th and Figueroa streets in downtown Los Angeles on Tuesday night. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
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LAPD officers detain a protester on Figueroa Street downtown Tuesday night. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
Protesters march down Figueroa Street in downtown Los Angeles on Tuesday night. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
A police helicopters hovers over the intersection of Washington Boulevard and Figueroa Street in downtown Los Angeles, where protesters gathered on Tuesday night (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times)
Police take positions along Figueroa Street in downtown Los Angeles on Tuesday night. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
LAPD officers detain protesters on Figueroa Street downtown Tuesday night. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Police clear the intersection of Washington Boulevard and Figueroa Street in downtown Los Angeles on Tuesday night. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)


latimes--2020-11-04--From George Gascón to jail diversion, criminal justice reform got a big boost in California

The racial reckoning in America this summer brought protests to the streets of California and a major push for criminal justice reform .
In the California Legislature , many of the proposals fell flat amid opposition from police unions .
Among those that died : proposals to give citizens access to more police personnel records and curtail the use of tear gas and rubber bullets at protests .
But voters on Tuesday gave a big boost the criminal justice reform movement , with some key measures ahead .
Perhaps the biggest was the strong showing of George Gascón for Los @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But candidates for L.A. County supervisor ( Holly J. Mitchell ) and L.A. City Council ( Nithya Raman ) who pushed for aggressive reform also are ahead .
Votes are still being counted , but here is what we know : In one of the most closely watched local races in the nation , George Gascón leads Jackie Lacey for Los Angeles County district attorney , a contest that centered on criminal justice reform .
Gascón , 66 , who served as San Francisco ’ s top prosecutor from 2011 to 2019 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on reducing the criminal justice system ’ s footprint while maintaining public safety .
The movement has achieved election victories in Chicago , Philadelphia and St. Louis in recent years , and a public defender was elected to replace Gascón last year in San Francisco .
A career prosecutor , Lacey , 63 , showed some deference to the reform movement earlier this year when she moved to vacate tens of thousands of marijuana convictions and expressed an openness to letting outside agencies , such as the California attorney general ’ s office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the two , Lacey , the first woman and first African American to head the district attorney ’ s office , is considered the more traditional tough-on-crime prosecutor and has remained a favorite of law enforcement .
Protests over the deaths of George Floyd in Minneapolis and Breonna Taylor in Louisville , Ky. , appeared to be a factor in the race , after sparking massive protests against police brutality in Los Angeles and across the U.S. Lacey has often faced criticism for declining to charge Los Angeles police officers and sheriff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shootings of unarmed men during her eight years in office .
Lacey collected roughly $ 7 million in her reelection bid , much of it coming in a flood of law enforcement union contributions from organizations representing rank-and-file L.A. police officers and county sheriff ’ s deputies .
Gascón ’ s coffers surged above $ 12 million by the end of the race , with much of his funding coming from Bay Area mega-donors who have backed reforms such as Proposition 47 , which reclassified some nonviolent offenses from felonies to misdemeanors , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Liberal philanthropist George Soros also gave more than $ 2 million to Gascón , and the political action committee Color Of Change raised more than $ 3 million for Gascón in the final two months of the race .
Voters also appeared to back a ballot measure that would divert more Los Angeles County funds to social services and jail diversion programs , .
Measure J would require that 10 % of locally generated , unrestricted county money — estimated between $ 360 million and $ 900 million — be spent on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing , mental health treatment and investments in communities disproportionally harmed by racism .
The county would be prohibited from using the money on prisons , jails or law enforcement agencies .
The measure was placed on the ballot by the L.A. County Board of Supervisors amid growing calls for criminal justice reforms after a spate of local police shootings and thedeath of Floyd .
While Measure J doesn ’ t call directly for police budget cuts , opponents say that money would inevitably be slashed from law enforcement .
Californians who were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parole will be allowed to vote in elections under a ballot measure , Proposition 17 , which appeared to be winning easily .
The measure restores the vote to some 50,000 parolees by changing the state Constitution , which disqualifies people with felony convictions from voting until their incarceration and parole are completed .
It was not all good news from criminal justice reform advocates on election day .
A ballot measure that would abolish California ’ s cash bail system was trailing early Wednesday .
Proposition 25 would replace the use of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of jail while awaiting trial with a system allowing release by judges based on a determination of public safety or a defendant ’ s flight risk .
The bail industry put up more than $ 10 million for the campaign to defeat , while supporters raised $ 13.4 million , including $ 6 million from Steve Ballmer , the former Microsoft chief executive who owns the Los Angeles Clippers , and his wife , Connie .
Those wanting to eliminate the payment of money as a condition of release say it unfairly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ awaiting trial , even though they have not been convicted of a crime , while defendants with money are released .
Compiled from reports by James Queally , Patrick McGreevy and Jaclyn Cosgrove .

George Gascón, left, is introduced by Mark Gonzalez, chair of the Los Angeles County Democratic Party, at an election night party.
The racial reckoning in America this summer brought protests to the streets of California and a major push for criminal justice reform.
In the California Legislature, many of the proposals fell flat amid opposition from police unions. Among those that died: proposals to give citizens access to more police personnel records and curtail the use of tear gas and rubber bullets at protests.
But voters on Tuesday gave a big boost the criminal justice reform movement, with some key measures ahead. Perhaps the biggest was the strong showing of George Gascón for Los Angeles County’s top prosecutor. But candidates for L.A. County supervisor (Holly J. Mitchell) and L.A. City Council (Nithya Raman) who pushed for aggressive reform also are ahead.
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Los Angeles District Attorney Jackie Lacey. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)
Votes are still being counted, but here is what we know:
Los Angeles County district attorney
In one of the most closely watched local races in the nation, George Gascón leads Jackie Lacey for Los Angeles County district attorney, a contest that centered on criminal justice reform.
Gascón, 66, who served as San Francisco’s top prosecutor from 2011 to 2019, represents a wave of progressive prosecutors focused on reducing the criminal justice system’s footprint while maintaining public safety. The movement has achieved election victories in Chicago, Philadelphia and St. Louis in recent years, and a public defender was elected to replace Gascón last year in San Francisco.
A career prosecutor, Lacey, 63, showed some deference to the reform movement earlier this year when she moved to vacate tens of thousands of marijuana convictions and expressed an openness to letting outside agencies, such as the California attorney general’s office, review controversial officer-involved shootings.
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But of the two, Lacey, the first woman and first African American to head the district attorney’s office, is considered the more traditional tough-on-crime prosecutor and has remained a favorite of law enforcement.
Protests over the deaths of George Floyd in Minneapolis and Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Ky., appeared to be a factor in the race, after sparking massive protests against police brutality in Los Angeles and across the U.S. Lacey has often faced criticism for declining to charge Los Angeles police officers and sheriff’s deputies in a number of shootings of unarmed men during her eight years in office.
Lacey collected roughly $7 million in her reelection bid, much of it coming in a flood of law enforcement union contributions from organizations representing rank-and-file L.A. police officers and county sheriff’s deputies.
Gascón’s coffers surged above $12 million by the end of the race, with much of his funding coming from Bay Area mega-donors who have backed reforms such as Proposition 47, which reclassified some nonviolent offenses from felonies to misdemeanors, and measures to abolish the death penalty. Liberal philanthropist George Soros also gave more than $2 million to Gascón, and the political action committee Color Of Change raised more than $3 million for Gascón in the final two months of the race.
Money for jail diversion
Voters also appeared to back a ballot measure that would divert more Los Angeles County funds to social services and jail diversion programs,.
Measure J would require that 10% of locally generated, unrestricted county money — estimated between $360 million and $900 million — be spent on a variety of social services, including housing, mental health treatment and investments in communities disproportionally harmed by racism. The county would be prohibited from using the money on prisons, jails or law enforcement agencies.
The measure was placed on the ballot by the L.A. County Board of Supervisors amid growing calls for criminal justice reforms after a spate of local police shootings and thedeath of Floyd.
While Measure J doesn’t call directly for police budget cuts, opponents say that money would inevitably be slashed from law enforcement.
Voting
Californians who were convicted of felonies but who are on parole will be allowed to vote in elections under a ballot measure, Proposition 17, which appeared to be winning easily.
The measure restores the vote to some 50,000 parolees by changing the state Constitution, which disqualifies people with felony convictions from voting until their incarceration and parole are completed.
Cash bail
It was not all good news from criminal justice reform advocates on election day.
A ballot measure that would abolish California’s cash bail system was trailing early Wednesday. Proposition 25 would replace the use of money bail as a condition for getting out of jail while awaiting trial with a system allowing release by judges based on a determination of public safety or a defendant’s flight risk.
The bail industry put up more than $10 million for the campaign to defeat Proposition 25 , while supporters raised $13.4 million, including $6 million from Steve Ballmer, the former Microsoft chief executive who owns the Los Angeles Clippers, and his wife, Connie.
Those wanting to eliminate the payment of money as a condition of release say it unfairly results in low-income defendants remaining in jail awaiting trial, even though they have not been convicted of a crime, while defendants with money are released.
Compiled from reports by James Queally, Patrick McGreevy and Jaclyn Cosgrove.


latimes--2020-11-04--California voters embrace special rules for app-based drivers, reject rent control plan

California ’ s most expensive ballot measure campaign season ended Tuesday with a split decision on the year ’ s most high-profile proposals , with voters granting companies such as Uber and Lyft the right to keep their drivers as independent contractors but rejecting a plan to expand rent control to more homes and communities .
Election night returns offered no clear sign in a fierce battle to raise business property taxes , a bitter campaign that surfaced long-simmering tensions over the legacy of the iconic tax-cutting law , Proposition 13 .
In all , political action committees spent more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oppose the 12 propositions on the November ballot , according to an analysis by The Times .
Four of the 10 most costly ballot measure campaigns in California history were weighed by voters in this election , led by the $ 226 million in contributions either for or against Proposition 22 , the effort by Uber and Lyft to ensure the companies ’ drivers aren ’ t classified as company employees .
Proposition 22 maintained a steady lead in Tuesday returns , one of five ballot measures winning support from voters in urban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consortium of other app-based companies joined Uber and Lyft in support of the proposed law , which would establish a unique employment classification for the companies ’ drivers .
The workers would be considered independent contractors but provided wage guarantees for time spent behind the wheel and eligibility for healthcare subsidies .
Those benefits would not , however , be as generous as the ones guaranteed under state law to company employees .
The initial returns suggested a clear rebuke of criticisms leveled against the companies by liberal Democrats and organized labor , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s drivers an exemption from employee rules .
Democratic lawmakers also saw their interests cast aside in the likely defeat of Proposition 16 , an attempt to reinstate affirmative action policies , allowing race and gender preferences in college admissions and government employment .
Voters banned those programs in 1996 and civil rights groups have long argued that the ban stands as a barrier to racial equity and equality .
Election night returns were in line with a spate of recent polls showing a majority of voters opposed Proposition 16 , choosing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies enshrined in the California Constitution .
Few ballot measures could claim to have sparked a more historic political battle than Proposition 15 , the most far-reaching effort in more than four decades to rewrite the rules governing taxes levied on commercial and industrial properties .
The proposal sought to limit the protections enshrined in 1978 ’ s landmark Proposition 13 to homeowners and agricultural land , earmarking billions of dollars of new business property tax revenues for public schools and local governments .
Opponents of Proposition 15 may have been dealt an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ California ’ s pandemic-induced recession as the wrong time to raise taxes on businesses .
While the measure trailed for most of Tuesday night , the margin was very close with ballots still left uncounted .
Two of three criminal justice measures on the statewide ballot came up short in election night returns .
Proposition 25 , which would outlaw the use of cash payments for release from jail while awaiting a court hearing , was behind in late-night returns with 54 % of the tallied votes opposed .
The proposal was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reject the law written by the California Legislature in 2018 .
That statute has been on hold for almost two years , left in limbo after groups funded by the bail bonds industry gathered enough voter signatures to place the issue on the ballot .
Still , it is unlikely to be the end of the debate .
While a diverse coalition of groups supported the effort at the state Capitol to abolish cash bail , there was sharp disagreement over the law in question and its use of judge-approved formulas designed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flee or commit another crime while back in the community .
State lawmakers could try again to craft a plan for ending cash bail once they reconvene in Sacramento for the new two-year legislative session .
Proposition 20 , an attempt to ensure people convicted of any of several serious crimes would be ineligible for early release , was resoundingly defeated .
The proposition was opposed by former Gov .
Jerry Brown , who said the proposal would have unraveled portions of the 2016 ballot measure he persuaded voters to enact as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The only criminal justice measure to win Tuesday was Proposition 17 , an effort to offer voting rights to adults on parole .
Voters were less thrilled with extending new voting rights to some 17-year olds in California , sharply rejecting Proposition 18 , which would have allowed those teens to vote in primary elections if their 18th birthday falls before the general election .
Two expensive ballot measure campaigns , both appearing to end in defeat , were largely repeats of proposals that were rejected by voters in 2018 .
Proposition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bring more apartments and even some single-family homes under rent control , was rejected with almost 60 % of voters opposed in early returns .
The initiative promised to expand the use of rent control to more California communities and loosen the rules so that more apartments and some single-family residences would qualify .
Nor was there success for the healthcare union that championed Proposition 23 , the second attempt to rewrite the regulations governing the kidney dialysis centers .
The $ 114-million slugfest followed a similar unsuccessful effort two years ago by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the measure failed to win a majority of votes .
Voters faced a different kind of do-over in Proposition 24 , a ballot measure designed to add rules governing the privacy of consumer data .
Supporters of a 2018 law that launched the effort , the California Consumer Privacy Act , were split on whether this year ’ s ballot measure was the right call .
The initiative ’ s supporters promised it would give Californians additional control over their personal information and ensure online privacy for children , but the campaign took @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the election over accusations that Google searches for information about Proposition 24 wrongly highlighted information written by opponents .
Passage also seemed certain for Proposition 14 , a plan for borrowing $ 5.5 billion to keep the state ’ s stem cell research operations in place .
The money would provide a new lifeline for the research programs overseen by a quasi-government agency created by voters in 2004 , which has spent almost all of its initial state bond funding .
Proposition 19 , a generous new property tax break for older @ @ @ @ @ @ @ removing a low-tax guarantee for those who inherit a home from a parent or grandparent , also seemed poised to pass .
Supporters highlighted that the property tax benefit also would be given to those who lose a home in a wildfire .
In all , Californians weighed the merits or pitfalls of a dozen statewide propositions , a mixture of ideas placed on the Nov. 3 ballot either through the backing of well-funded political action committees or submitted to voters by the Legislature .
Most of the 12 ballot measures failed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
Unlike prior elections , most of the state ’ s ballots were counted on election night .
More than 11 million ballots had been received by elections officials before in-person voting began Tuesday , representing roughly half of all registered voters .
The volume of ballot counting stretched the capacity of county elections offices , operating in many cases under special rules in response to the COVID-19 pandemic .
No change in response to the public health crisis was more pronounced than the push toward remote voting .
With every registered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last month , the state ’ s most populous counties established a network of drop boxes at government buildings , grocery stores and other high-traffic locations .
Many counties that stuck with traditional election day polling places in the past chose this time to open early voting sites , hoping to minimize the size of crowds that would otherwise show up Tuesday .
For much of the past decade , the tabulation of votes has routinely taken days or even weeks , the result of a series of state laws designed to ensure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Elections officials have until early December to complete the counting of ballots .

California’s most expensive ballot measure campaign season ended Tuesday with a split decision on the year’s most high-profile proposals, with voters granting companies such as Uber and Lyft the right to keep their drivers as independent contractors but rejecting a plan to expand rent control to more homes and communities.
Election night returns offered no clear sign in a fierce battle to raise business property taxes, a bitter campaign that surfaced long-simmering tensions over the legacy of the iconic tax-cutting law, Proposition 13.
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In all, political action committees spent more than $785 million to support or oppose the 12 propositions on the November ballot, according to an analysis by The Times. Four of the 10 most costly ballot measure campaigns in California history were weighed by voters in this election, led by the $226 million in contributions either for or against Proposition 22, the effort by Uber and Lyft to ensure the companies’ drivers aren’t classified as company employees.
Proposition 22 maintained a steady lead in Tuesday returns, one of five ballot measures winning support from voters in urban and rural regions of California.
A consortium of other app-based companies joined Uber and Lyft in support of the proposed law, which would establish a unique employment classification for the companies’ drivers. The workers would be considered independent contractors but provided wage guarantees for time spent behind the wheel and eligibility for healthcare subsidies. Those benefits would not, however, be as generous as the ones guaranteed under state law to company employees.
The initial returns suggested a clear rebuke of criticisms leveled against the companies by liberal Democrats and organized labor, who had balked at giving the industry’s drivers an exemption from employee rules.
Democratic lawmakers also saw their interests cast aside in the likely defeat of Proposition 16, an attempt to reinstate affirmative action policies, allowing race and gender preferences in college admissions and government employment. Voters banned those programs in 1996 and civil rights groups have long argued that the ban stands as a barrier to racial equity and equality. Election night returns were in line with a spate of recent polls showing a majority of voters opposed Proposition 16, choosing instead to keep the ban on preferential policies enshrined in the California Constitution.
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Few ballot measures could claim to have sparked a more historic political battle than Proposition 15, the most far-reaching effort in more than four decades to rewrite the rules governing taxes levied on commercial and industrial properties. The proposal sought to limit the protections enshrined in 1978’s landmark Proposition 13 to homeowners and agricultural land, earmarking billions of dollars of new business property tax revenues for public schools and local governments.
Opponents of Proposition 15 may have been dealt an especially lucky political hand, pointing to California’s pandemic-induced recession as the wrong time to raise taxes on businesses. While the measure trailed for most of Tuesday night, the margin was very close with ballots still left uncounted.
Two of three criminal justice measures on the statewide ballot came up short in election night returns. Proposition 25, which would outlaw the use of cash payments for release from jail while awaiting a court hearing, was behind in late-night returns with 54% of the tallied votes opposed. The proposal was a referendum that asked voters to approve or reject the law written by the California Legislature in 2018. That statute has been on hold for almost two years, left in limbo after groups funded by the bail bonds industry gathered enough voter signatures to place the issue on the ballot.
Still, it is unlikely to be the end of the debate. While a diverse coalition of groups supported the effort at the state Capitol to abolish cash bail, there was sharp disagreement over the law in question and its use of judge-approved formulas designed to assess the risk that a person would flee or commit another crime while back in the community. State lawmakers could try again to craft a plan for ending cash bail once they reconvene in Sacramento for the new two-year legislative session.
Proposition 20, an attempt to ensure people convicted of any of several serious crimes would be ineligible for early release, was resoundingly defeated. The proposition was opposed by former Gov. Jerry Brown, who said the proposal would have unraveled portions of the 2016 ballot measure he persuaded voters to enact as a major step toward focusing on prisoner rehabilitation.
The only criminal justice measure to win Tuesday was Proposition 17, an effort to offer voting rights to adults on parole.
Voters were less thrilled with extending new voting rights to some 17-year olds in California, sharply rejecting Proposition 18, which would have allowed those teens to vote in primary elections if their 18th birthday falls before the general election.
Two expensive ballot measure campaigns, both appearing to end in defeat, were largely repeats of proposals that were rejected by voters in 2018. Proposition 21, a closely watched proposal to bring more apartments and even some single-family homes under rent control, was rejected with almost 60% of voters opposed in early returns. The initiative promised to expand the use of rent control to more California communities and loosen the rules so that more apartments and some single-family residences would qualify.
Nor was there success for the healthcare union that championed Proposition 23, the second attempt to rewrite the regulations governing the kidney dialysis centers. The $114-million slugfest followed a similar unsuccessful effort two years ago by Service Employees International Union-Healthcare Workers West and the measure failed to win a majority of votes.
Voters faced a different kind of do-over in Proposition 24, a ballot measure designed to add rules governing the privacy of consumer data. Supporters of a 2018 law that launched the effort, the California Consumer Privacy Act, were split on whether this year’s ballot measure was the right call. The initiative’s supporters promised it would give Californians additional control over their personal information and ensure online privacy for children, but the campaign took an unexpected turn in the final days of the election over accusations that Google searches for information about Proposition 24 wrongly highlighted information written by opponents.
Passage also seemed certain for Proposition 14, a plan for borrowing $5.5 billion to keep the state’s stem cell research operations in place. The money would provide a new lifeline for the research programs overseen by a quasi-government agency created by voters in 2004, which has spent almost all of its initial state bond funding.
Proposition 19, a generous new property tax break for older California homeowners, partly paid for by removing a low-tax guarantee for those who inherit a home from a parent or grandparent, also seemed poised to pass. Supporters highlighted that the property tax benefit also would be given to those who lose a home in a wildfire.
In all, Californians weighed the merits or pitfalls of a dozen statewide propositions, a mixture of ideas placed on the Nov. 3 ballot either through the backing of well-funded political action committees or submitted to voters by the Legislature. Most of the 12 ballot measures failed to break through the cacophony of the presidential election.
Unlike prior elections, most of the state’s ballots were counted on election night. More than 11 million ballots had been received by elections officials before in-person voting began Tuesday, representing roughly half of all registered voters. The volume of ballot counting stretched the capacity of county elections offices, operating in many cases under special rules in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
No change in response to the public health crisis was more pronounced than the push toward remote voting. With every registered voter receiving a ballot in the mail last month, the state’s most populous counties established a network of drop boxes at government buildings, grocery stores and other high-traffic locations. Many counties that stuck with traditional election day polling places in the past chose this time to open early voting sites, hoping to minimize the size of crowds that would otherwise show up Tuesday.
For much of the past decade, the tabulation of votes has routinely taken days or even weeks, the result of a series of state laws designed to ensure as many votes are counted as possible. Elections officials have until early December to complete the counting of ballots.


latimes--2020-11-04--Republican Rep. Devin Nunes wins reelection in District 22

As of just after 2 p.m. Wednesday , Nunes had received 53.5 % of votes cast in the district , @ @ @ @ @ to the northeastern corner of Fresno , according to the California secretary of state ’ @ @ @ @ @ been in office since 2003 and won reelection without difficulty until 2018 , when he @ @ @ @ @ , a Fresno County prosecutor .
Both Janz and Phil Arballo , who was challenging @ @ @ @ @ , have portrayed the incumbent as being out of touch with issues in the Central @ @ @ @ @ .
Arballo had captured 46.5 % of the vote by Wednesday afternoon .
“ There @ @ @ @ @ Trump and Devin Nunes .
[ Voters ] want someone that is not trying to @ @ @ @ @ that is not a career politician , ” Arballo told ABC30 last month .
On @ @ @ @ @ supporters just before the polls closed .
“ Now , on to victory !
” @ @ @ @ @ official winner had been declared .

Republican Rep. Devin Nunes (R-Tulare) won reelection in the 22nd Congressional District.
As of just after 2 p.m. Wednesday, Nunes had received 53.5% of votes cast in the district, which spans south of Tulare to the northeastern corner of Fresno, according to the California secretary of state’s office.
Nunes has been in office since 2003 and won reelection without difficulty until 2018, when he faced Democratic challenger Andrew Janz, a Fresno County prosecutor.
Both Janz and Phil Arballo, who was challenging Nunes in the latest race,
have portrayed the incumbent as being out of touch with issues in the Central Valley and a Trump ally. Arballo had captured 46.5% of the vote by Wednesday afternoon.
“There is no separation between Donald Trump and Devin Nunes. [Voters] want someone that is not trying to push a political agenda, that is not a career politician,” Arballo told ABC30 last month.
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On Twitter, Arballo thanked his supporters just before the polls closed. “Now, on to victory!” he said, although no official winner had been declared.
I’d like to take a moment before polls close to thank everyone who supported me over the past year. We’ve run a powerful grassroots campaign & that was only possible because of the tremendous effort from each & every one of you. I am grateful. Now, on to victory! — Phil Arballo (@PhilArballo2020) November 4, 2020
Times staff writer Lila Seidman contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-11-04--LAPD arrests dozens, declaring election-night gathering near Staples Center unlawful

Fifty-one people were arrested on election night near Staples Center , many of them on suspicion of failure to disperse , and 30 others were cited after the LAPD declared the gatherings unlawful , authorities said Wednesday .
The Los Angeles Police Department earlier said there had been 54 people arrested but later adjusted the count .
Dozens of officers were dispatched as protests emerged during the night .
They arrested several who had been tracked as they walked the streets together throughout the evening .
Police in riot gear surrounded the group near Washington Boulevard and South Grand Avenue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and loaded them onto buses about 11 p.m. “ They were running around downtown causing trouble , ” LAPD Deputy Chief Vito Palazzolo said .
“ We gave them every opportunity to disperse and they chose to remain , so we made the decision to make arrests.
” Among those arrested were demonstrators as well as legal observers — and some who argued that they were innocent bystanders caught in the police roundup .
All were loaded onto white-and-navy buses and driven away as a small group left behind screamed at the police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” to those on the buses .
Richard Ybarra , interim executive director of the National Lawyers Guild in Los Angeles , said five legal observers wearing the organization ’ s trademark green hats were among those arrested , and he expressed frustration with the LAPD ’ s actions toward the attorneys .
“ It ’ s very unusual .
The LAPD is well aware of our role there , ” Ybarra said .
Activist groups are already calling for more people to take to the streets Wednesday as the presidential election remains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handful of battleground states .
A few people who had been detained were released late Tuesday , including a 17-year-old who said he , his sister and his friend who uses a wheelchair had just gotten off a Metro train on Washington Boulevard when officers “ started running in from both sides , yelling , ‘ Move , move , move !
’ ” he said .
“ Everyone was like , ‘ Move where ?
You ’ re boxing us in !
’ ” The arrests followed the brief detention hours earlier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of carrying items banned at protests by city law , the LAPD said .
Those six were released not long after .
Repeatedly , police announced to crowds around the downtown entertainment complex and along streets nearby that they had formed unlawful assemblies and had to disperse or face arrest .
Capt .
Stacy Spell , an LAPD spokesman , said all the arrests late Tuesday were related to dispersal orders .
Spell did not identify the banned items the detained individuals were suspected of carrying , but noted that the LAPD had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a range of items , including large sticks , shields and laser pointers , are restricted at such gatherings .
Chip Sneed , 24 , an independent photographer from Orange County , said he was detained after he stepped behind a police line to listen to a briefing from a captain .
The captain noticed him and told an officer to check his press credentials .
When Sneed said he didn ’ t have credentials , the captain ordered him detained , he said .
“ Specifically , I heard him say , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ” Sneed said .
“ That ’ s a direct quote.
” Sneed said he walked forward with his hands on his head because he “ wasn ’ t trying to get my nose broken.
” He was then lined up with others against a wall of the L.A. Convention Center for about an hour , their hands zip-tied behind them as police searched their belongings , photographed them and took note of their tattoos , Sneed said .
Some of those who were detained were wearing helmets and protection for their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who has covered recent protests and unrest in Los Angeles and Portland , Ore. , was carrying a gas mask in his backpack .
Some in the crowd flung water bottles in the direction of officers .
Earlier Tuesday , the L.A. City Council made it illegal to wield laser pointers at protests after LAPD officials complained officers had suffered eye injuries when the devices were pointed at them during protests this year .
Firearms and other weapons , bats , shields , flammable liquids , bricks and rocks , among other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lead-up to election night , LAPD officials warned that violence or destruction of property would not be tolerated .
All officers were put on tactical alert Tuesday and police on city streets was ramped up considerably , officials said .
The quick crackdown was part of a new approach ordered by Police Chief Michel Moore .
Moore has instructed field commanders to act early and swiftly to declare gatherings unlawful if crowds grow disruptive and not to wait for violence to ratchet up , according to two sources familiar with the department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comes after large crowds that gathered after the Dodgers and Lakers victories last month and during major protests against police brutality this summer devolved into chaos and clashes with police on skirmish lines .
Many protesters and police were injured in those incidents , and dozens of stores were damaged .
Police said they would staff up and pre-deploy officers in large numbers to avoid anything similar from happening on election night .
At Staples Center on Tuesday evening , officers were wearing helmets and carrying batons .
Some held rifles that fire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a crowd of about 100 was ordered to disperse , the crowd had thinned considerably .
Then , shortly after 9:30 p.m. , LAPD declared another gathering unlawful — this one near South Figueroa and West 18th streets .
According to a department statement , about “ 30 individuals were cited for being in the intersection , ” while “ approximately 40 individuals were arrested for blocking the train tracks ” in the area “ and failing to disperse after an unlawful assembly was declared.
” Earlier in the evening , the mood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ excitement as election results were flowing in from around the country while the last stragglers cast their votes at the Staples Center polling center .
Bruce Harper , 52 , traveled from San Bernardino with his fiancee , Mariana Franco , 47 , to take “ part in the excitement.
” “ I ’ m really surprised with what happened at the end , ” Harper said of the police dispersal of the crowd .
“ This was a peaceful gathering .
We ’ ve been here for hours and nothing bad was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of what started the clash between the crowd and police but was sad to see the crowd leave .
“ It was great to be a part of this , ” she said .
South Park resident Teresa Hillery , who lives about two blocks from Staples Center , came out to see the commotion .
It ’ s been a frustrating couple of months for Hillery , as protests and celebrations have repeatedly occurred in her neighborhood .
“ As a community , we deserve to be protected , too , not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” said Hillery , referring to the Anschutz Entertainment Group , the owner of Staples Center .
“ Whenever something happens here , the police go out of their way to protect AEG property and push protesters into our community.
” Times staff writers James Queally and Luke Money contributed to this report .

Kevin Rector, Matthew Ormseth, Andrew J. Campa, Richard Winton

Fifty-one people were arrested on election night near Staples Center, many of them on suspicion of failure to disperse, and 30 others were cited after the LAPD declared the gatherings unlawful, authorities said Wednesday.
The Los Angeles Police Department earlier said there had been 54 people arrested but later adjusted the count. Dozens of officers were dispatched as protests emerged during the night.
They arrested several who had been tracked as they walked the streets together throughout the evening. Police in riot gear surrounded the group near Washington Boulevard and South Grand Avenue, cuffed their hands in zip ties and loaded them onto buses about 11 p.m.
“They were running around downtown causing trouble,” LAPD Deputy Chief Vito Palazzolo said. “We gave them every opportunity to disperse and they chose to remain, so we made the decision to make arrests.”
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Among those arrested were demonstrators as well as legal observers — and some who argued that they were innocent bystanders caught in the police roundup. All were loaded onto white-and-navy buses and driven away as a small group left behind screamed at the police and cried “We love you!” to those on the buses.
Richard Ybarra, interim executive director of the National Lawyers Guild in Los Angeles, said five legal observers wearing the organization’s trademark green hats were among those arrested, and he expressed frustration with the LAPD’s actions toward the attorneys.
“It’s very unusual. The LAPD is well aware of our role there,” Ybarra said.
Activist groups are already calling for more people to take to the streets Wednesday as the presidential election remains undecided and vote counting continues in a handful of battleground states.
× Fifty-four people are arrested and 30 others are cited on election night.
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A few people who had been detained were released late Tuesday, including a 17-year-old who said he, his sister and his friend who uses a wheelchair had just gotten off a Metro train on Washington Boulevard when officers “started running in from both sides, yelling, ‘Move, move, move!’ ” he said.
“Everyone was like, ‘Move where? You’re boxing us in!’”
The arrests followed the brief detention hours earlier of at least six people on suspicion of carrying items banned at protests by city law, the LAPD said. Those six were released not long after.
Repeatedly, police announced to crowds around the downtown entertainment complex and along streets nearby that they had formed unlawful assemblies and had to disperse or face arrest.
Capt. Stacy Spell, an LAPD spokesman, said all the arrests late Tuesday were related to dispersal orders.
Spell did not identify the banned items the detained individuals were suspected of carrying, but noted that the LAPD had issued warnings earlier in the day that a range of items, including large sticks, shields and laser pointers, are restricted at such gatherings.
Protesters jump a fence to get away from LAPD officers after getting hemmed in at 18th and Figueroa streets in downtown Los Angeles on election night. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Chip Sneed, 24, an independent photographer from Orange County, said he was detained after he stepped behind a police line to listen to a briefing from a captain. The captain noticed him and told an officer to check his press credentials.
When Sneed said he didn’t have credentials, the captain ordered him detained, he said.
“Specifically, I heard him say, ‘He’s antifa surveillance,’ ” Sneed said. “That’s a direct quote.”
Police clear protesters from 18th Street in downtown Los Angeles on election night. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Sneed said he walked forward with his hands on his head because he “wasn’t trying to get my nose broken.” He was then lined up with others against a wall of the L.A. Convention Center for about an hour, their hands zip-tied behind them as police searched their belongings, photographed them and took note of their tattoos, Sneed said.
Some of those who were detained were wearing helmets and protection for their chests, knees and elbows. Sneed, who has covered recent protests and unrest in Los Angeles and Portland, Ore., was carrying a gas mask in his backpack.
Some in the crowd flung water bottles in the direction of officers.
Earlier Tuesday, the L.A. City Council made it illegal to wield laser pointers at protests after LAPD officials complained officers had suffered eye injuries when the devices were pointed at them during protests this year.
Firearms and other weapons, bats, shields, flammable liquids, bricks and rocks, among other items, are also illegal.
In the lead-up to election night, LAPD officials warned that violence or destruction of property would not be tolerated. All officers were put on tactical alert Tuesday and police on city streets was ramped up considerably, officials said.
LAPD officers arrest a protester along Figueroa Street in downtown Los Angeles on election night. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
The quick crackdown was part of a new approach ordered by Police Chief Michel Moore. Moore has instructed field commanders to act early and swiftly to declare gatherings unlawful if crowds grow disruptive and not to wait for violence to ratchet up, according to two sources familiar with the department’s decision making.
The change comes after large crowds that gathered after the Dodgers and Lakers victories last month and during major protests against police brutality this summer devolved into chaos and clashes with police on skirmish lines. Many protesters and police were injured in those incidents, and dozens of stores were damaged.
Police said they would staff up and pre-deploy officers in large numbers to avoid anything similar from happening on election night.
At Staples Center on Tuesday evening, officers were wearing helmets and carrying batons. Some held rifles that fire hard-foam projectiles.
By 8:15, after a crowd of about 100 was ordered to disperse, the crowd had thinned considerably. Then, shortly after 9:30 p.m., LAPD declared another gathering unlawful — this one near South Figueroa and West 18th streets.
According to a department statement, about “30 individuals were cited for being in the intersection,” while “approximately 40 individuals were arrested for blocking the train tracks” in the area “and failing to disperse after an unlawful assembly was declared.”
Earlier in the evening, the mood had been light and there was an excitement as election results were flowing in from around the country while the last stragglers cast their votes at the Staples Center polling center.
Bruce Harper, 52, traveled from San Bernardino with his fiancee, Mariana Franco, 47, to take “part in the excitement.”
“I’m really surprised with what happened at the end,” Harper said of the police dispersal of the crowd. “This was a peaceful gathering. We’ve been here for hours and nothing bad was happening.”
Franco said she was unaware of what started the clash between the crowd and police but was sad to see the crowd leave.
“It was great to be a part of this,” she said.
South Park resident Teresa Hillery, who lives about two blocks from Staples Center, came out to see the commotion. It’s been a frustrating couple of months for Hillery, as protests and celebrations have repeatedly occurred in her neighborhood.
“As a community, we deserve to be protected, too, not just AEG and the Staples Center,” said Hillery, referring to the Anschutz Entertainment Group, the owner of Staples Center. “Whenever something happens here, the police go out of their way to protect AEG property and push protesters into our community.”
Times staff writers James Queally and Luke Money contributed to this report.