latimes--2020-02-26--Silicon Valley is roiled by feds ordering draining of reservoir to reduce quake risks

A federal order to drain Silicon Valley ’ s largest drinking water reservoir has thrown the region into disarray , with multiple agencies pointing fingers at each other and some local leaders fearful their cities could run out of water , not this summer but the following one .
On Monday , officials from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission sent a letter to the Santa Clara Valley Water District , a government agency based in San Jose , ordering them to drain Anderson Reservoir and chiding them for moving too slowly with retrofits for the reservoir ’ s dam , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ This is deeply concerning , ” said Rich Constantine , the mayor of Morgan Hill , where the reservoir is located .
“ This water is critical for people in the area .
And as we seem to be on the cusp of a drought , this move seems drastic and dramatic.
” The reservoir , located between the cities of San Jose and Morgan Hill , holds 89,278 acre-feet of water when full .
That ’ s more than the water district ’ s other nine reservoirs combined .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ following the driest February on record , down from 40 % — the level required during winter months to avoid spillover .
Recent studies show the Calaveras fault , which runs underneath the reservoir , could generate a large magnitude earthquake .
A 6.6 magnitude temblor underneath the reservoir , or a 7.2 magnitude quake one mile away , could damage the 70-year old dam — which is not built on bedrock , but on sand and gravel — causing it to “ slump , ” potentially allowing a major spillover event into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ San Francisco Bay .
“ A collapse of the Anderson reservoir could potentially kill tens of thousands of people from San Francisco Bay all the way to Monterey , ” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren ( D-San Jose ) , who supports the move by FERC .
“ I ’ ve lived in the Bay Area my whole life , ” she said .
And while “ we don ’ t know when the big one will come , we do know it ’ s coming.
” In its Feb. 24 letter , David @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dam Safety and Inspections division , wrote that the commission deemed the district ’ s 40 % drawdown inadequate , and he ordered it to drain the reservoir to “ deadpool ” starting Oct. 1 , the beginning of the rainy season .
“ Until full remediation is completed , the dam safety risk at this project is unacceptably high , ” wrote Capka , in his letter to the district .
“ Your actions to date do not demonstrate an appropriate sense of urgency regarding the interim conditions at the project.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Oroville Dam in Butte County crumbled during heavy winter storms .
Nearly 200,000 people were evacuated .
Since then , both FERC and the State Department of Water Resources have become more vigilant regarding dam safety .
Constantine , whose city would feel the brunt of a spillover event — a dramatic video released by the water district shows the city becoming inundated by a surge of water within just a few minutes of a major quake — said he was perplexed and frustrated by the move .
“ First of all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by bringing levels down ...
It ’ s the feds who have dragged their feet or asked for more , ” he said , referring to requests by the National Marine Fisheries Service for environmental studies of a dam retrofit .
Several protected species and vulnerable ecosystems live within or alongside Coyote Creek , a rivulet that runs 30 miles downstream from the reservoir , through San Jose and into San Francisco Bay .
Any disruption to the availability of water from the reservoir could impact those species .
“ I can ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drying out the creek , where steelhead trout and other riparian species live , was the agency ’ s end goal , he said .
“ But I don ’ t know .
Maybe this drastic move will kick-start everybody into action.
” “ We have made clear to Valley Water and to local officials including Mayor Constantine that public safety takes priority at Anderson Reservoir , ” he said , adding that officials with federal agency have made it clear “ we would not impose any requirements that would stand in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dam and reservoir safe.
” “ While we are of course interested in steelhead recovery , public safety takes priority , ” he said .
Lofgren , who represents the district , agreed , adding that disruption to the creek was inevitable .
She said the drastic course taken by FERC will ensure that the retrofits are made sooner rather than later , potentially saving tens of thousands of lives should a major quake hit the region .
Because the reservoir is already low , she noted , the impact on drinking water @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nina Hawk , the district ’ s chief operating officer of water utility , underscored that point , noting that 40 % of the area ’ s water is imported , and 55 % comes from groundwater .
“ The aquifers are in healthy condition , ” she said , noting the absence of water from Anderson is unlikely to affect available water for the duration of the year .
Constantine , however , questioned what could happen if this dry year is followed by a second dry winter , or a third @ @ @ @ @ @ @ water from that reservoir , ” he said .
“ If there ’ s no water coming into replenish , how long is that going to last ?
”

A federal order to drain Silicon Valley’s largest drinking water reservoir has thrown the region into disarray, with multiple agencies pointing fingers at each other and some local leaders fearful their cities could run out of water, not this summer but the following one.
On Monday, officials from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission sent a letter to the Santa Clara Valley Water District, a government agency based in San Jose, ordering them to drain Anderson Reservoir and chiding them for moving too slowly with retrofits for the reservoir’s dam, which sits atop a major earthquake fault.
“This is deeply concerning,” said Rich Constantine, the mayor of Morgan Hill, where the reservoir is located. “This water is critical for people in the area. And as we seem to be on the cusp of a drought, this move seems drastic and dramatic.”
Advertisement
The reservoir, located between the cities of San Jose and Morgan Hill, holds 89,278 acre-feet of water when full. That’s more than the water district’s other nine reservoirs combined. It is currently at just 29%, following the driest February on record, down from 40% — the level required during winter months to avoid spillover.
Recent studies show the Calaveras fault, which runs underneath the reservoir, could generate a large magnitude earthquake. A 6.6 magnitude temblor underneath the reservoir, or a 7.2 magnitude quake one mile away, could damage the 70-year old dam — which is not built on bedrock, but on sand and gravel — causing it to “slump,” potentially allowing a major spillover event into the Santa Clara Valley and up to San Francisco Bay.
“A collapse of the Anderson reservoir could potentially kill tens of thousands of people from San Francisco Bay all the way to Monterey,” said Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-San Jose), who supports the move by FERC.
“I’ve lived in the Bay Area my whole life,” she said. And while “we don’t know when the big one will come, we do know it’s coming.”
In its Feb. 24 letter, David Capka, director of FERC’s Dam Safety and Inspections division, wrote that the commission deemed the district’s 40% drawdown inadequate, and he ordered it to drain the reservoir to “deadpool” starting Oct. 1, the beginning of the rainy season.
Advertisement
“Until full remediation is completed, the dam safety risk at this project is unacceptably high,” wrote Capka, in his letter to the district. “Your actions to date do not demonstrate an appropriate sense of urgency regarding the interim conditions at the project.”
Three years ago, the spillway of the Oroville Dam in Butte County crumbled during heavy winter storms. Nearly 200,000 people were evacuated. Since then, both FERC and the State Department of Water Resources have become more vigilant regarding dam safety.
Constantine, whose city would feel the brunt of a spillover event — a dramatic video released by the water district shows the city becoming inundated by a surge of water within just a few minutes of a major quake — said he was perplexed and frustrated by the move.
“First of all, the district has already reduced risk by bringing levels down ... It’s the feds who have dragged their feet or asked for more,” he said, referring to requests by the National Marine Fisheries Service for environmental studies of a dam retrofit.
Several protected species and vulnerable ecosystems live within or alongside Coyote Creek, a rivulet that runs 30 miles downstream from the reservoir, through San Jose and into San Francisco Bay. Any disruption to the availability of water from the reservoir could impact those species.
“I can’t imagine draining the reservoir” and drying out the creek, where steelhead trout and other riparian species live, was the agency’s end goal, he said. “But I don’t know. Maybe this drastic move will kick-start everybody into action.”
Michael Milstein, federal fisheries spokesman, took issue with Constantine’s characterization.
“We have made clear to Valley Water and to local officials including Mayor Constantine that public safety takes priority at Anderson Reservoir,” he said, adding that officials with federal agency have made it clear “we would not impose any requirements that would stand in the way of work necessary to make the dam and reservoir safe.”
“While we are of course interested in steelhead recovery, public safety takes priority,” he said.
Lofgren, who represents the district, agreed, adding that disruption to the creek was inevitable. She said the drastic course taken by FERC will ensure that the retrofits are made sooner rather than later, potentially saving tens of thousands of lives should a major quake hit the region.
Because the reservoir is already low, she noted, the impact on drinking water availability is likely to be minimal.
Nina Hawk, the district’s chief operating officer of water utility, underscored that point, noting that 40% of the area’s water is imported, and 55% comes from groundwater.
“The aquifers are in healthy condition,” she said, noting the absence of water from Anderson is unlikely to affect available water for the duration of the year.
Constantine, however, questioned what could happen if this dry year is followed by a second dry winter, or a third.
“Our groundwater is replenished by water from that reservoir,” he said. “If there’s no water coming into replenish, how long is that going to last?”


latimes--2020-02-26--Lopez: New Yorkers say we hug too much in L.A. Really?

It ’ s not that I enjoy wagging my finger when Los Angeles is stereotyped by outsiders who know nothing about us .
But once again , duty calls .
The culprit here , unsurprisingly , is an East Coast media outlet .
The gist of an article published this week by the New York Times , as far as I can tell , is that we are prone to over-hugging here in La La Land .
It is a first-person account in which the author , a New Yorker currently living in California , describes being hugged by a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a shaman hadn ’ t tipped you off already , ” the story continues , “ that hug occurred in Los Angeles.
” Actually , what that comment tipped me off to is that the story was written by a New Yorker .
Raise your hand if you live in Los Angeles and you ’ ve ever been hugged by a shaman .
I thought not .
At this point , I had a few options .
I could stop reading .
I could begin writing a letter to the editor of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to please stop .
Or I could keep reading in the same way I might keep watching a car chase that can not end well .
“ But the shaman was not an outlier , ” we are told .
“ In my entirely unscientific research , this is the way that some people in Los Angeles — you know , the cliched touchy-feely types the city has always been associated with — seem to greet each other.
” I would like to address each of the things wrong with that sentence , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pages of space to work with .
So let ’ s just move on .
We are introduced to a 30-year-old Sherman Oaks publicist who says her hugs typically last between seven and 10 seconds , which makes one wonder if she carries a stopwatch .
Then we get a 25-year-old recent transplant who says , “ I got a hug from a girl waiting in line to use the bathroom last weekend.
” As if we needed more evidence that this was not a scientific survey .
The author is rolling now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ together in search of a clever observation that never quite materializes .
“ Call it the ‘ L.A .
hug , ’ ” we are told , which sets up this : “ It ’ s easy to see how , in the land of sunshine and MoonJuice , heart chakras and alternative milks — where most people spend most of their lives in their vehicles — there would be a common need for , well , human contact.
” This writer , I should point out , is apparently in California to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is difficult to do when you lean so heavily on sunshine and MoonJuice while missing the many wonders of , well , the deep and expansive local culture .
Another expert source in the hugging story , who lives not in Los Angeles but in New York , offers this explanation of L.A. residents ’ alleged need to embrace : A twentysomething friend of the author describes three-minute hugs from the dealer who sells her psychedelic mushrooms .
And a childhood friend of Jennifer Aniston , who hosts “ goddess circles , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Against my better instincts , I have not canceled my subscription to the New York Times , because there is some darn good reporting sprinkled in with this kind of ludicrous punditry about California .
“ Sick unsubstantiated claims , ” one person said on Twitter .
“ There ’ s not a single reference to the number of people who hug versus the number who don ’ t. ” “ I am really curious about this ‘ Los Angeles ’ that the NYT keeps writing about , ” another Tweet said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” We did actually have one inveterate hugger in L.A.
I ’ m talking about legislator Bob Hertzberg , who represents the San Fernando Valley in Sacramento and was once referred to as “ Huggy Bear ” for his signature embraces .
But he retired from hugging some years ago , when the appropriateness of his greetings came into question .
I have hugged on occasion , and been hugged .
But no more so than when I lived in New York City and Philadelphia .
In the latter , I must admit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hugging by people who suspected they were the targets of criminal investigations .
The hug was a way to feel for concealed recording devices and avoid prison time rather than to fill a need for human contact .
It ’ s possible , I thought , that I ’ m the one who doesn ’ t get Los Angeles .
Maybe there is more hugging than I was aware of .
So on Tuesday , I drove from southwest to northeast , looking for huggers .
I didn ’ t find any .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ traffic is pretty bad , which might be the subject of the NYT ’ s next expose .
My research was perhaps no more scientific than that of the New York Times writer , but I did talk to 10 people , not one of whom believed there was more hugging in Los Angeles than anywhere else .
But then , none of them was drinking MoonJuice , communing with a shaman or buying ’ shrooms , so they might not be living in the hugging bubble .
Actually , I did see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Crenshaw Imperial Center strip mall hugged a high school student who was leaving a charter high school .
“ More huggin ’ means more lovin ’ is going on , ” said Melia Nash , although the security guard discounted the likelihood that we are particularly hug-prone in L.A. Jose and Adriana Romo were holding hands on their way to lunch , but they looked at me like I was crazy when I asked if we seemed to have a hugging problem here .
At 71st and Crenshaw , LAPD Officer David @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hugger .
“ I hug my wife , my son and my dog , ” he said , but when writing tickets for moving violations , he said , he holds off on the embraces .
At Pan Pacific Park , I found Heather Hannasch , who was visiting from Dallas , with her friend Melissa Pearson , who lives in Santa Clarita .
Hannasch said she thinks there ’ s more hugging in Dallas than in L.A. , a tip which I offer free of charge to the NYT culture reporter , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of her work .
Pearson , meanwhile , said she thinks of L.A. as a place where it ’ s hard to connect , let alone do much hugging .
At the mall in Eagle Rock , Biddhut Barua said he ’ s from India , which has more of a handshake culture , but he said he also hasn ’ t found L.A. to be one big hugging party .
Jennifer Payne said she ’ s a local who once lived in Texas , where there was more hugging than here .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ visiting from their home in Santa Barbara , said there ’ s more hugging in Santa Barbara than in L.A. because it ’ s a small community and people tend to know one another well enough to hug upon meeting .
I got a late start on this column and tried unsuccessfully to reach out to the New York Times writer for comment .
When I first got to L.A. , there were probably more than a few things I didn ’ t understand about this place .
Twenty years later , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to define in simple terms .
It defies stereotyping and begs you to challenge your own narrow perspective and celebrate its many wonders .
If you agree , send a nice note .
But I will not be accepting any hugs , even if you happen to be a shaman .

Sure we hug in Los Angeles — like this grandmother, Ola Tanner, 79, who hugged her great-granddaughter, Alani Hayes, 11, on Thanksgiving Day 2017.
It’s not that I enjoy wagging my finger when Los Angeles is stereotyped by outsiders who know nothing about us.
But once again, duty calls.
The culprit here, unsurprisingly, is an East Coast media outlet.
The gist of an article published this week by the New York Times, as far as I can tell, is that we are prone to over-hugging here in La La Land. It is a first-person account in which the author, a New Yorker currently living in California, describes being hugged by a shaman.
Advertisement
“If the involvement of a shaman hadn’t tipped you off already,” the story continues, “that hug occurred in Los Angeles.”
Actually, what that comment tipped me off to is that the story was written by a New Yorker. Raise your hand if you live in Los Angeles and you’ve ever been hugged by a shaman. I thought not.
At this point, I had a few options. I could stop reading. I could begin writing a letter to the editor of the New York Times pleading for the paper to please stop. Or I could keep reading in the same way I might keep watching a car chase that cannot end well.
I kept reading.
“But the shaman was not an outlier,” we are told. “In my entirely unscientific research, this is the way that some people in Los Angeles — you know, the cliched touchy-feely types the city has always been associated with — seem to greet each other.”
I would like to address each of the things wrong with that sentence, but I don’t have six pages of space to work with. So let’s just move on.
We are introduced to a 30-year-old Sherman Oaks publicist who says her hugs typically last between seven and 10 seconds, which makes one wonder if she carries a stopwatch. Then we get a 25-year-old recent transplant who says, “I got a hug from a girl waiting in line to use the bathroom last weekend.”
As if we needed more evidence that this was not a scientific survey.
Advertisement
The author is rolling now, stringing anecdotes, stereotypes and generalizations together in search of a clever observation that never quite materializes.
“Call it the ‘L.A. hug,’ ” we are told, which sets up this:
“It’s easy to see how, in the land of sunshine and MoonJuice, heart chakras and alternative milks — where most people spend most of their lives in their vehicles — there would be a common need for, well, human contact.”
This writer, I should point out, is apparently in California to write about gender and culture, which is difficult to do when you lean so heavily on sunshine and MoonJuice while missing the many wonders of, well, the deep and expansive local culture.
Another expert source in the hugging story, who lives not in Los Angeles but in New York, offers this explanation of L.A. residents’ alleged need to embrace:
“They’re gluten deprived.”
A twentysomething friend of the author describes three-minute hugs from the dealer who sells her psychedelic mushrooms. And a childhood friend of Jennifer Aniston, who hosts “goddess circles,” describes endless hugs that facilitate conversation.
Against my better instincts, I have not canceled my subscription to the New York Times, because there is some darn good reporting sprinkled in with this kind of ludicrous punditry about California.
Other Angelenos shared my disgust.
“Sick unsubstantiated claims,” one person said on Twitter. “There’s not a single reference to the number of people who hug versus the number who don’t.”
“I am really curious about this ‘Los Angeles’ that the NYT keeps writing about,” another Tweet said. “I’ve never been there.”
We did actually have one inveterate hugger in L.A. I’m talking about legislator Bob Hertzberg, who represents the San Fernando Valley in Sacramento and was once referred to as “Huggy Bear” for his signature embraces.
But he retired from hugging some years ago, when the appropriateness of his greetings came into question.
I have hugged on occasion, and been hugged. But no more so than when I lived in New York City and Philadelphia. In the latter, I must admit, there was quite a bit of hugging by people who suspected they were the targets of criminal investigations. The hug was a way to feel for concealed recording devices and avoid prison time rather than to fill a need for human contact.
It’s possible, I thought, that I’m the one who doesn’t get Los Angeles. Maybe there is more hugging than I was aware of. So on Tuesday, I drove from southwest to northeast, looking for huggers.
I didn’t find any. I did, however, find that traffic is pretty bad, which might be the subject of the NYT’s next expose.
My research was perhaps no more scientific than that of the New York Times writer, but I did talk to 10 people, not one of whom believed there was more hugging in Los Angeles than anywhere else. But then, none of them was drinking MoonJuice, communing with a shaman or buying ’shrooms, so they might not be living in the hugging bubble.
Actually, I did see one hug. A security guard at the Crenshaw Imperial Center strip mall hugged a high school student who was leaving a charter high school.
“More huggin’ means more lovin’ is going on,” said Melia Nash, although the security guard discounted the likelihood that we are particularly hug-prone in L.A.
Jose and Adriana Romo were holding hands on their way to lunch, but they looked at me like I was crazy when I asked if we seemed to have a hugging problem here.
At 71st and Crenshaw, LAPD Officer David Heilman told me he’s a hugger.
“I hug my wife, my son and my dog,” he said, but when writing tickets for moving violations, he said, he holds off on the embraces.
At Pan Pacific Park, I found Heather Hannasch, who was visiting from Dallas, with her friend Melissa Pearson, who lives in Santa Clarita. Hannasch said she thinks there’s more hugging in Dallas than in L.A., a tip which I offer free of charge to the NYT culture reporter, should she choose to expand the scope of her work.
Pearson, meanwhile, said she thinks of L.A. as a place where it’s hard to connect, let alone do much hugging.
At the mall in Eagle Rock, Biddhut Barua said he’s from India, which has more of a handshake culture, but he said he also hasn’t found L.A. to be one big hugging party. Jennifer Payne said she’s a local who once lived in Texas, where there was more hugging than here.
And Pete Huang and Chris Zhao, visiting from their home in Santa Barbara, said there’s more hugging in Santa Barbara than in L.A. because it’s a small community and people tend to know one another well enough to hug upon meeting.
I got a late start on this column and tried unsuccessfully to reach out to the New York Times writer for comment.
When I first got to L.A., there were probably more than a few things I didn’t understand about this place. Twenty years later, I appreciate how difficult a metropolis it is to define in simple terms.
It defies stereotyping and begs you to challenge your own narrow perspective and celebrate its many wonders.
If you agree, send a nice note. But I will not be accepting any hugs, even if you happen to be a shaman.
steve.lopez@latimes.com


latimes--2020-02-26--Labor unions flex their muscle in fight with California cannabis industry

California ’ s largest marijuana association is in a bind after powerful labor unions accused the organization of distributing an anti-union document and asked Democratic politicians to “ refrain from engaging with ” the group in a display of organized labor ’ s immense political muscle at the state Capitol .
The call to cut off the California Cannabis Industry Assn .
's access to decision makers marks a major blow to the state ’ s most influential marijuana lobbying group and comes at a precarious time for its more than 500 member companies , which operate in a legal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ market , laying off workers and hovering near insolvency .
The association , which represents companies working across the marijuana supply chain , went into 2020 hoping to push legislation this year to cut taxes , open more cities to pot shops and create a banking system for the industry .
Now some are concerned those efforts could be stymied by the tussle with the unions .
“ The obstacles are so high and so challenging that in my view they can only be overcome if the industry and organized labor work together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ D-Alameda ) .
“ When I saw this white paper from CCIA , I was very disappointed and frankly worried about what the future holds.
” Californians voted in 2016 to approve Proposition 64 , legalizing growing and selling marijuana for recreational use .
But so far only about 1,070 retailers and delivery firms have been licensed , a fraction of the 1,800 dispensaries that were selling marijuana for medical purposes before the initiative and the 6,000 sellers that were originally anticipated by state officials .
Industry leaders say legal cannabis firms have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local taxes that can add 45 % to the cost of legal marijuana , and a provision of the law that has allowed three-quarters of California cities to ban pot shops .
State law requires applicants for cannabis licenses with 20 or more employees to enter into a labor peace agreement , a sort of neutrality accord in which the employer promises not to disrupt a union ’ s attempts to organize employees and the union agrees not to picket , boycott or otherwise interfere with the employer ’ s business .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advocated for pot legalization , originally championed the provision in a law regulating medical marijuana in 2015 and again when guidelines for medical and recreational sales were merged in 2018 .
But UFCW , the California Labor Federation and International Brotherhood of Teamsters in California alleged earlier this month that a document the association distributed to its members is evidence of an attempt to weaken the law .
The unions sent a letter to the Democratic caucuses in the Senate and Assembly that included a copy of the paper , which offered guidance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peace agreements .
“ The common belief is [ labor peace agreements ] make it substantially more likely a union will successfully organize employees and represent them in negotiating a collective bargaining agreement , ” the association told its members .
“ If that happens , a cannabis employer will encounter decreased flexibility and increased costs in operating their business and administering the collective bargaining relationship.
” Jim Araby of UFCW Local 5 alleges that the association ’ s recommendations have been mirrored in at least three labor peace agreements proposed by its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shows that it looks like the intent of CCIA is to drive a wedge between the industry and labor , ” Araby said .
“ I ’ ve seen it as a pattern.
” Lindsay Robinson , executive director of the California Cannabis Industry Assn.
, said it was a mistake for her organization to send members the document , and her group sent a letter to Democratic lawmakers to set the record straight .
“ We did not intend for this document to be anti-union and have since retracted the white paper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ This white paper does not reflect priorities in our legislative platform , nor our guiding policies.
” Association spokesman Josh Drayton declined to comment on the complaint by labor groups that this was not the first time there has been a dispute with CCIA members over the role of unions in the industry .
“ Our goal is to move forward to strengthen the relationship between the industry and labor in order to keep people working , ” he said .
But the organization ’ s decision to retract the paper did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Capitol .
The cannabis association had promoted Gov .
Gavin Newsom , Lt. Gov .
Eleni Kounalakis and three state lawmakers as featured speakers at its upcoming policy conference next month .
Shortly after the unions distributed the letter , Newsom and the other politicians were removed from the agenda .
A spokesman for Newsom said the governor doesn ’ t plan to attend the conference .
“ Supporting workers and their organized representatives is crucial to promoting economic justice and opportunity for Californians in the cannabis industry , ” said Jesse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The governor hopes that the industry association will correct course and partner with organized labor going forward.
” A representative for Kounalakis said she had never confirmed that she would attend the conference and will participate in a University of California regents meeting that day instead .
Now labor unions are meeting with lawmakers and discussing potential legislation that would lower the threshold that triggers labor peace agreements to any company that employs at least five workers , which would make it easier to organize more employees in the cannabis industry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diverse cannabis workforce is essential to realizing the voters ’ intent in passing Prop 64 — a regulated marketplace that assures safety for consumers , communities , and workers , ” said Amber Baur , executive director of UFCW Western States Council .
“ To this end , UFCW Western States Council is actively engaged on many issues with both industry and labor partners .
Among them is lowering the threshold for labor peace agreements.
” Bonta said he ’ s encouraged the cannabis association to support the idea .
“ I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big step forward and in partnership with labor and embracing the threshold of five employees for the labor peace agreements to kick in could be part of that step , ” he said .
Political consultant Mike Madrid said it isn ’ t uncommon for labor to use its political muscle to force businesses to bend to its will .
While unions were helpful in allowing the cannabis industry to get off the ground , the honeymoon is over , Madrid said .
“ You ’ re off the ground floor now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is what it ’ s like , ” he said .
“ I think what you ’ re witnessing is [ the industry ’ s ] new understanding of how business is done in California , which is : you have to play by union rules , or you don ’ t exist.
” Robinson would not say whether some legislators have cut off communication since the labor warning went out .
“ I can ’ t really speak to that at the moment , ” she said .
“ We are trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allies and the unions.
” Asked about the impact of the dispute , Robinson added , “ It ’ s not a positive thing and it ’ s not something that we would want .
We do not want this rift with organized labor .
And we are working to correct it and find a pathway forward.
” CCIA said it is proactively responding to pressure from lawmakers for the industry and labor to work out their differences .
“ Obviously I don ’ t think that the letter from the unions to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and strengthening relations with the legislators , ” Robinson said .
“ But I do think that the legislators understand how critical this time period is for everyone involved in the cannabis space.
” Formed seven years ago , the California Cannabis Industry Assn .
has more than 500 active members , including cultivators , distributors , manufacturers , delivery services , retail stores and testing labs , as well as ancillary service providers that include insurers and attorneys .
The dispute boiled over as lawmakers introduced their legislative proposals for 2020 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ cannabis-related bills per year in previous sessions , but the number introduced this year is down , with about two dozen in the pipeline in addition to several spot bills where the proposal has not yet been defined .
Having a role in determining how new bills are written is “ extremely important , ” Robinson said .
“ The language that goes into those bills really needs to be coming from the industry in many ways , so they can really understand the practicality of that language and how it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
A bill to temporarily cut taxes was revived before the labor dispute , but legislation has not yet been reintroduced to address other priorities of the industry , including a measure that stalled last year that would require more cities to allow marijuana shops .
Sen. Robert Hertzberg ( D-Van Nuys ) still has hopes for action on a proposal to create a banking system for the industry , but is “ engaging with stakeholders on how to move forward , ” said Katie Hanzlik , a spokeswoman .
“ As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our office is aware of it but not interested in commenting at this time.
” Other lawmakers also declined to discuss the labor-industry skirmish , which has been a sensitive issue at the Capitol .
One industry insider , who spoke on condition of anonymity because of concern over political retaliation , said the dispute has roiled the cannabis world in California and put in doubt whether sufficient changes will be made this year to keep some in the legal market afloat .
“ It ’ s a mess .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insider said .
“ The industry was on the verge of consolidating around a few key agenda items this year and this throws a massive wrench into the works.
” Robinson said she ’ s optimistic that all sides will recognize the need to work together given the problems facing the regulated market .
“ Now more than ever , ” she said , “ we recognize that we need to come together with greater communications and collaboration .
”

A major cannabis industry group has run afoul of organized labor. Above, a worker tends to marijuana plants in Santa Barbara County.
California’s largest marijuana association is in a bind after powerful labor unions accused the organization of distributing an anti-union document and asked Democratic politicians to “refrain from engaging with” the group in a display of organized labor’s immense political muscle at the state Capitol.
The call to cut off the California Cannabis Industry Assn.’s access to decision makers marked a major blow to the state’s most influential marijuana lobbying group and came at a precarious time for its more than 500 member companies, which operate in a legal industry struggling to compete with the illicit market, laying off workers and hovering near insolvency.
The association, which represents companies working across the marijuana supply chain, went into 2020 hoping to push legislation this year to cut taxes, open more cities to pot shops and create a banking system for the industry. Now some are concerned those efforts could be stymied by the tussle with the unions.
“The obstacles are so high and so challenging that in my view they can only be overcome if the industry and organized labor work together,” said Assemblyman Rob Bonta (D-Alameda). “When I saw this white paper from CCIA, I was very disappointed and frankly worried about what the future holds.”
Advertisement
Californians voted in 2016 to approve Proposition 64, legalizing growing and selling marijuana for recreational use. But so far only about 1,070 retailers and delivery firms have been licensed, a fraction of the 1,800 dispensaries that were selling marijuana for medical purposes before the initiative and the 6,000 sellers that were originally anticipated by state officials.
Industry leaders say legal cannabis firms have faced numerous impediments, including state and local taxes that can add 45% to the cost of legal marijuana and a provision of the law that has allowed three-quarters of California cities to ban pot shops.
State law requires applicants for cannabis licenses with 20 or more employees to enter into a labor peace agreement, a sort of neutrality accord in which the employer promises not to disrupt a union’s attempts to organize employees and the union agrees not to picket, boycott or otherwise interfere with the employer’s business. The United Food and Commercial Workers, which advocated for pot legalization, originally championed the provision in a law regulating medical marijuana in 2015 and again when guidelines for medical and recreational sales were merged in 2018.
But UFCW, the California Labor Federation and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters in California alleged last month that a document the association distributed to its members is evidence of an attempt to weaken the law. The unions sent a letter to the Democratic caucuses in the Senate and Assembly that included a copy of the paper, which offered guidance for pot businesses that are negotiating labor peace agreements.
“The common belief is [labor peace agreements] make it substantially more likely a union will successfully organize employees and represent them in negotiating a collective bargaining agreement,” the association told its members. “If that happens, a cannabis employer will encounter decreased flexibility and increased costs in operating their business and administering the collective bargaining relationship.”
Jim Araby of UFCW Local 5 alleged that the association’s recommendations have been mirrored in at least three labor peace agreements proposed by its members.
“This white paper essentially shows that it looks like the intent of CCIA is to drive a wedge between the industry and labor,” Araby said. “I’ve seen it as a pattern.”
Lindsay Robinson, executive director of the California Cannabis Industry Assn., said it was a mistake for her organization to send members the document, and her group sent a letter to Democratic lawmakers to set the record straight.
Advertisement
“We did not intend for this document to be anti-union and have since retracted the white paper,” Robinson wrote to legislators. “This white paper does not reflect priorities in our legislative platform, nor our guiding policies.”
Association spokesman Josh Drayton declined to comment on the complaint by labor groups that this was not the first time there has been a dispute with CCIA members over the role of unions in the industry.
“Our goal is to move forward to strengthen the relationship between the industry and labor in order to keep people working,” he said.
But the organization’s decision to retract the paper did little to stem the immediate fallout at the Capitol.
The cannabis association had promoted Gov. Gavin Newsom, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and three state lawmakers as featured speakers at its upcoming policy conference. Shortly after the unions distributed the letter, Newsom and the other politicians were removed from the agenda.
The association canceled the conference, which was slated to take place this week, because of concerns over the coronavirus.
“Supporting workers and their organized representatives is crucial to promoting economic justice and opportunity for Californians in the cannabis industry,” said Jesse Melgar, Newsom’s press secretary. “The governor hopes that the industry association will correct course and partner with organized labor going forward.”
Now labor unions are considering potential legislation that would lower the threshold that triggers labor peace agreements to any company that employs at least 10 workers, which would make it easier to organize more employees in the cannabis industry.
“A strong, empowered, diverse cannabis workforce is essential to realizing the voters’ intent in passing Prop 64 — a regulated marketplace that assures safety for consumers, communities and workers,” said Amber Baur, executive director of UFCW Western States Council. “To this end, UFCW Western States Council is actively engaged on many issues with both industry and labor partners. Among them is lowering the threshold for labor peace agreements.”
The California Cannabis Industry Assn. agreed to support a lowering of the threshold.
Political consultant Mike Madrid said it isn’t uncommon for labor to use its political muscle to force businesses to bend to its will. Though unions were helpful in allowing the cannabis industry to get off the ground, the honeymoon is over, Madrid said.
“You’re off the ground floor now, welcome to the biz community, this is what it’s like,” he said. “I think what you’re witnessing is [the industry’s] new understanding of how business is done in California, which is: You have to play by union rules, or you don’t exist.”
Asked about the effects of the dispute, Robinson said “It’s not a positive thing and it’s not something that we would want. We do not want this rift with organized labor. And we are working to correct it and find a pathway forward.”
CCIA said it is proactively responding to pressure from lawmakers for the industry and labor to work out their differences.
“Obviously I don’t think that the letter from the unions to the Democratic Caucus was helpful in building and strengthening relations with the legislators,” Robinson said. “But I do think that the legislators understand how critical this time period is for everyone involved in the cannabis space.”
Formed seven years ago, the California Cannabis Industry Assn. has more than 500 active members, including cultivators, distributors, manufacturers, delivery services, retail stores and testing labs, as well as ancillary service providers that include insurers and attorneys.
The dispute boiled over as lawmakers introduced their legislative proposals for 2020. The association has seen 50 or more cannabis-related bills a year in previous sessions, but the number introduced this year is down, with about two dozen in the pipeline in addition to several spot bills where the proposal has not yet been defined.
Having a role in determining how new bills are written is “extremely important,” Robinson said.
“The language that goes into those bills really needs to be coming from the industry in many ways, so they can really understand the practicality of that language and how it’s going to impact businesses,” she said.
A bill to temporarily cut taxes was revived before the labor dispute, but legislation has not yet been reintroduced to address other priorities of the industry, including a measure that stalled last year that would require more cities to allow marijuana shops.
Sen. Bob Hertzberg (D-Van Nuys) still has hopes for action on a proposal to create a banking system for the industry, but he is “engaging with stakeholders on how to move forward,” said Katie Hanzlik, a spokeswoman. “As far as the labor stuff goes, our office is aware of it but not interested in commenting at this time.”
Other lawmakers also declined to discuss the labor-industry skirmish, which has been a sensitive issue at the Capitol.
One industry insider, who spoke on condition of anonymity because of concern over political retaliation, said the dispute has roiled the cannabis world in California and put in doubt whether sufficient changes will be made this year to keep some in the legal market afloat.
“It’s a mess. It’s a very bad situation,” the insider said. “The industry was on the verge of consolidating around a few key agenda items this year, and this throws a massive wrench into the works.”
Robinson said she’s optimistic that all sides will recognize the need to work together given the problems facing the regulated market.
“Now more than ever,” she said, “we recognize that we need to come together with greater communications and collaboration.”


latimes--2020-02-26--With $5.49 billion haul, UCLA rivals private colleges in fundraising —  it's part of a trend

UCLA has raised $ 5.49 billion in one of the nation ’ s most successful public university fundraising campaigns , as an “ arms race ” heats up throughout the country for private philanthropy to offset state funding shortfalls .
The final tally , announced Wednesday by campus officials , surpassed its initial goal by more than $ 1 billion after its public launch in 2014 to commemorate UCLA ’ s centennial anniversary this academic year .
The funds will help support a range of initiatives at one of the nation ’ s leading public research universities , including student @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , research projects and building needs .
“ The primary goal of this effort was to let UCLA ’ s future eclipse even the greatest achievements of our past , ” Chancellor Gene Block said .
“ This campaign , fueled by so many passionate supporters , provides the foundation we need to move into our second century with confidence.
” The massive campaign reflects a growing national trend as more campuses launch larger and longer fundraising efforts in a scramble to find new sources of revenue for needs that state funding no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hit a critical tipping point in 2017 , when more than half of all states relied more heavily on tuition dollars to fund their public colleges and universities than on government appropriations for the first time in the nation ’ s history .
At University of California campuses , state support has fallen from 84 % of its core budget in 1990 to 42 % today .
Four-fifths of 913 public and private colleges and universities recently surveyed were either in a fundraising campaign or about to enter one , according to Linda @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Council for Advancement and Support of Education .
More than 50 campuses have launched $ 1-billion fundraising campaigns .
Fourteen have aimed even higher , at $ 5 billion or more , including five public institutions : UCLA , UC San Francisco , University of Washington , University of Virginia and University of Michigan .
USC raised $ 7 billion in its recent campaign .
“ There ’ s definitely been an uptick , ” Durant said .
“ There used to be a pause between campaigns , and institutions are really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , co-chairman of the UCLA fundraising committee , said that to build excellence and a competitive edge the university had to move aggressively because “ there ’ s a bit of an arms race to attract and retain top faculty and researchers.
” Some fear that the growing reliance by public universities on private philanthropy will weaken the case to elected officials for more state funding .
Block , however , noted that the vast majority of donations are restricted to donor desires and can not be used for ongoing operational expenses .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keep the lights on or keep the physical plant in good shape , ” Block said .
“ Philanthropy is not a substitution for state support.
” Others are concerned that philanthropy can skew institutional priorities to the desires of donors , exacerbating inequalities among campuses and within them .
Areas such as engineering and biomedical research tend to draw more donor interest than , for instance , the humanities , said Christopher Newfield , a UC Santa Barbara professor and expert on university finance .
He said his own English department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for research projects .
“ When everybody was mostly dependent on state funds , your history department was basically in the same social class as your engineering departments , and that ’ s no longer true , ” Newfield said .
“ It creates haves and have-nots on campus.
” Private donations can also cause occasional flareups over academic independence and integrity .
In 2016 , UC Irvine declined two multimillion-dollar gifts to establish endowed chairs in Hindu and India studies after faculty members and students raised concerns about the donors ’ suspected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or returned a few gifts because they “ failed to meet our threshold for protecting UCLA ’ s control over academic freedom , ” said Laura Lavado Parker , associate vice chancellor of development .
She declined to elaborate on details .
Block , however , said undue influence of donors was not an issue .
“ The academic enterprise and the university ’ s priorities remain firmly in the hands of the faculty , deans and university leadership , ” he said .
When donor passions align with university interests , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One example he cited was the $ 20-million gift from Jennifer and Matthew C. Harris to form the Bedari Kindness Institute , which will showcase interdisciplinary research on how kindness can improve health .
Block said that news of the institute generated a worldwide reaction — and an unsolicited $ 1 million donation from a non-alumnus moved by the promise of the research .
Rhea Turteltaub , vice chancellor for external affairs , said UCLA was able to use the “ very magical milestone ” of its centennial anniversary to excite the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s next century .
Overall , the campaign outstripped expectations by drawing gifts from more than 220,000 donors from all 50 states and 99 countries .
With more than 400 fundraising officials and 1,500 volunteers , Turteltaub said , the campaign relied on a strategy to attract a small cadre of very large contributors and a broad base of smaller ones .
Donations ranged from $ 1 to $ 100 million , with 81 % less than $ 1,000 .
Those who gave more than $ 100 million included : David Geffen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school for students in grades six through 12 ; Meyer and Renee Luskin for their endowment to the school of public affairs and the construction of a campus conference center ; Henry and Susan Samueli , whose gift expanded engineering education and research ; and the late Marion Anderson for student financial aid and fellowships , faculty and research funding , program innovations and a new building for the UCLA Anderson School of Management .
The many more smaller donors included Carlos Collard , a 2003 graduate who grew up in foster care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Now an administrator with the city of Santa Monica , Collard said he contributes about $ 1,000 annually to various causes , including academic support for former foster youth and underrepresented minority students , the Fowler Museum and cultural study programs .
Health sciences received 37 % of gifts , the largest proportion , which will support research in such fields as brain health and cancer .
But UCLA also received gifts to support such areas as Japanese humanities , entertainment , human rights and care for foster youth and veterans .
New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ areas as geriatric medicine , developmental disability studies , history , women ’ s health , literary studies and art .
Block ’ s top priority , however , is expanding student scholarships and fellowships to make UCLA more affordable for a greater diversity of students .
His matching fund has received 58,000 gifts of a total $ 665 million so far , and Block said he would continue to work to “ reach the moon ” of his ultimate $ 1-billion goal .
Antonia Sanchez is one student who has benefited from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Sanchez , who grew up in Soledad , Calif. , as the daughter of immigrant agricultural workers , received state and UC financial aid to cover her tuition but never realized that supplies needed for her art major would be so expensive .
She said she would call her father in tears , apologizing for the expense , until UCLA awarded her a $ 1,500 Centennial Scholarship .
Touching such lives is why Pritzker , a Los Angeles billionaire and cofounder of a private equity firm , agreed to donate nearly $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family foundation .
“ Investing in UCLA is investing in California , ” Pritzker said .
“ We ’ re giving these kids an opportunity they deserve at what is now the No .
1 public university in the country .
That ’ s a pretty special thing .
”

Antonia Sanchez works on an art project in class at UCLA. She received a $1,500 scholarship from the UCLA Centennial Campaign.
UCLA has raised $5.49 billion in one of the nation’s most successful public university fundraising campaigns, as an “arms race” heats up throughout the country for private philanthropy to offset state funding shortfalls.
The final tally, announced Wednesday by campus officials, surpassed its initial goal by more than $1 billion after its public launch in 2014 to commemorate UCLA’s centennial anniversary this academic year. The funds will help support a range of initiatives at one of the nation’s leading public research universities, including student scholarships and support, endowed faculty chairs, research projects and building needs.
“The primary goal of this effort was to let UCLA’s future eclipse even the greatest achievements of our past,” Chancellor Gene Block said. “This campaign, fueled by so many passionate supporters, provides the foundation we need to move into our second century with confidence.”
Advertisement
The massive campaign reflects a growing national trend as more campuses launch larger and longer fundraising efforts in a scramble to find new sources of revenue for needs that state funding no longer fully supports.
U.S. higher education hit a critical tipping point in 2017, when more than half of all states relied more heavily on tuition dollars to fund their public colleges and universities than on government appropriations for the first time in the nation’s history. At University of California campuses, state support has fallen from 84% of its core budget in 1990 to 42% today.
Four-fifths of 913 public and private colleges and universities recently surveyed were either in a fundraising campaign or about to enter one, according to Linda Durant, vice president of development for the Council for Advancement and Support of Education. More than 50 campuses have launched $1-billion fundraising campaigns. Fourteen have aimed even higher, at $5 billion or more, including five public institutions: UCLA, UC San Francisco, University of Washington, University of Virginia and University of Michigan. USC raised $7 billion in its recent campaign.
“There’s definitely been an uptick,” Durant said. “There used to be a pause between campaigns, and institutions are really no longer doing that.”
Anthony Pritzker, co-chairman of the UCLA fundraising committee, said that to build excellence and a competitive edge the university had to move aggressively because “there’s a bit of an arms race to attract and retain top faculty and researchers.”
Some fear that the growing reliance by public universities on private philanthropy will weaken the case to elected officials for more state funding. Block, however, noted that the vast majority of donations are restricted to donor desires and cannot be used for ongoing operational expenses.
“People don’t generally donate to keep the lights on or keep the physical plant in good shape,” Block said. “Philanthropy is not a substitution for state support.”
Advertisement
Others are concerned that philanthropy can skew institutional priorities to the desires of donors, exacerbating inequalities among campuses and within them. Areas such as engineering and biomedical research tend to draw more donor interest than, for instance, the humanities, said Christopher Newfield, a UC Santa Barbara professor and expert on university finance. He said his own English department has been struggling to find private support for research projects.
“When everybody was mostly dependent on state funds, your history department was basically in the same social class as your engineering departments, and that’s no longer true,” Newfield said. “It creates haves and have-nots on campus.”
Private donations can also cause occasional flareups over academic independence and integrity.
In 2016, UC Irvine declined two multimillion-dollar gifts to establish endowed chairs in Hindu and India studies after faculty members and students raised concerns about the donors’ suspected ties to Hindu nationalists. UCLA declined or returned a few gifts because they “failed to meet our threshold for protecting UCLA’s control over academic freedom,” said Laura Lavado Parker, associate vice chancellor of development. She declined to elaborate on details.
Block, however, said undue influence of donors was not an issue. “The academic enterprise and the university’s priorities remain firmly in the hands of the faculty, deans and university leadership,” he said.
When donor passions align with university interests, he said, creative new initiatives can result. One example he cited was the $20-million gift from Jennifer and Matthew C. Harris to form the Bedari Kindness Institute, which will showcase interdisciplinary research on how kindness can improve health. Block said that news of the institute generated a worldwide reaction — and an unsolicited $1 million donation from a non-alumnus moved by the promise of the research.
Rhea Turteltaub, vice chancellor for external affairs, said UCLA was able to use the “very magical milestone” of its centennial anniversary to excite the campus and community into envisioning the university’s next century.
Overall, the campaign outstripped expectations by drawing gifts from more than 220,000 donors from all 50 states and 99 countries. With more than 400 fundraising officials and 1,500 volunteers, Turteltaub said, the campaign relied on a strategy to attract a small cadre of very large contributors and a broad base of smaller ones. Donations ranged from $1 to $100 million, with 81% less than $1,000.
Those who gave more than $100 million included: David Geffen for medical student scholarships and a UCLA-affiliated school for students in grades six through 12; Meyer and Renee Luskin for their endowment to the school of public affairs and the construction of a campus conference center; Henry and Susan Samueli, whose gift expanded engineering education and research; and the late Marion Anderson for student financial aid and fellowships, faculty and research funding, program innovations and a new building for the UCLA Anderson School of Management.
The many more smaller donors included Carlos Collard, a 2003 graduate who grew up in foster care and says UCLA changed his life. Now an administrator with the city of Santa Monica, Collard said he contributes about $1,000 annually to various causes, including academic support for former foster youth and underrepresented minority students, the Fowler Museum and cultural study programs.
Health sciences received 37% of gifts, the largest proportion, which will support research in such fields as brain health and cancer. But UCLA also received gifts to support such areas as Japanese humanities, entertainment, human rights and care for foster youth and veterans.
New endowed chairs will be established in such areas as geriatric medicine, developmental disability studies, history, women’s health, literary studies and art.
Block’s top priority, however, is expanding student scholarships and fellowships to make UCLA more affordable for a greater diversity of students. His matching fund has received 58,000 gifts of a total $665 million so far, and Block said he would continue to work to “reach the moon” of his ultimate $1-billion goal.
Antonia Sanchez works on an art project in her art class at UCLA. (Christina House/Los Angeles Times)
Antonia Sanchez is one student who has benefited from the campaign’s new scholarship funds. Sanchez, who grew up in Soledad, Calif., as the daughter of immigrant agricultural workers, received state and UC financial aid to cover her tuition but never realized that supplies needed for her art major would be so expensive. She said she would call her father in tears, apologizing for the expense, until UCLA awarded her a $1,500 Centennial Scholarship.
Touching such lives is why Pritzker, a Los Angeles billionaire and cofounder of a private equity firm, agreed to donate nearly $100 million to the campaign through his family foundation.
“Investing in UCLA is investing in California,” Pritzker said. “We’re giving these kids an opportunity they deserve at what is now the No. 1 public university in the country. That’s a pretty special thing.”


latimes--2020-02-26--In race for L.A. County supervisor, homelessness crisis leads to finger-pointing

With some 19,000 homeless residents living in Los Angeles County ’ s 2nd Supervisorial District , the candidates running to replace Mark Ridley-Thomas on the Board of Supervisors are united in their pledge to ease housing costs and bring people indoors .
At debates , they pitch expanded emergency street services , building prefabricated housing , and policies to stop speculative developers from snatching up homes and driving up housing prices .
But of the seven candidates running in the March 3 primary election , many have served in political office as homelessness has worsened and tents have proliferated in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That has prompted attacks in a race rife with questions over whether more could have been done to head off the crisis .
“ People who have been in positions of power to do something , ” candidate and social entrepreneur Jorge Nuño said at a debate in downtown L.A. last week , “ from the City Council to the state , where were they ?
” In addition to Nuño , the field includes state Sen. Holly Mitchell , L.A. City Councilman Herb Wesson , former L.A. City Councilwoman Jan Perry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rigard and Carson Mayor Albert Robles .
Ridley-Thomas is termed out and running for the Los Angeles council seat being vacated by Wesson .
Whoever wins will join the five-member Board of Supervisors , which manage a $ 36-billion budget and oversee social services for the county ’ s 10 million residents .
In unincorporated areas of the district , the board is the equivalent of residents ’ city council and the supervisor their mayor .
As of late February , Wesson had raised the most money in the race , making him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burnish their records and policy proposals .
This is especially true on homelessness and housing — the top issues in the race to represent 2 million people in a district that includes skid row , Ladera Heights , Inglewood , Lawndale , Gardena , Compton and Lynwood .
Mitchell , in an interview with The Times , took a swipe at Wesson , accusing him of failing to include more affordable housing in the Los Angeles developments he approved on the City Council .
Mailers sent by Perry ’ s campaign blame Wesson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of homeless housing , as funded under the citywide bond program Proposition HHH .
At debates , moderators quiz the candidates on gentrification , affordable housing and laws targeting homeless people .
Audience members do the same .
The 2nd District has the largest homeless population in the county , and a significant number of the region ’ s Latino and black residents .
The district also has a high percentage of adults and families living in vehicles , said John Maceri , chief executive of homeless services provider the People Concern .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Assisting the Homeless , or PATH , said rents have risen so much , that it has become hard for her agency to continue paying rent for tenants on the verge of losing their housing .
Mitchell told The Times that there was “ room for a more aggressive vision and leadership ” from Wesson on affordable housing .
When asked about Mitchell ’ s comments , Wesson shot back : “ What did she do ?
“ I ’ m not knocking her , but what did she do ?
We put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than anyone.
” Wesson served as council president from 2011 until January .
His campaign touts a record that includes helping pass a citywide plan to address homelessness and helping put Proposition HHH before voters .
The first housing development funded with the $ 1.2-billion bond program opened recently at Vermont Avenue and 88th Street after numerous delays .
More are expected to open this year .
If elected supervisor , Wesson wants to create an emergency rental assistance program to provide loans to tenants .
To curb displacement , he also has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new luxury housing and allowing the county to buy apartment buildings where developers are seeking to evict tenants .
At a debate last month , Mitchell targeted a city policy that Wesson helped spearhead , which requires some unused city land to be used for affordable housing .
The senator argued the policy would segregate poorer residents and result in smaller tax revenue for local schools .
“ Social scientists and urban planners have opined for years that a healthy community is an integrated community , ” Mitchell told the audience .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the county to include at least 20 % affordable housing .
Mitchell ’ s record on homelessness includes legislation she authored to prevent landlords from rejecting tenants solely for using government rent subsidies .
She also has pushed to expand housing and resources for foster children , and require law enforcement to be trained to handle people with mental health issues .
During the January debate , she praised the county for its work shifting people from its General Relief financial aid program to federal aid .
Recipients get more money and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mitchell also wants to create a community land trust to buy properties and resell them to residents at a more reasonable price .
She also wants to offer homeowners tax breaks to build accessory dwelling units and rent them to low-income tenants .
Perry touts her record representing some of the city ’ s most impoverished areas while she served on the City Council from 2001 to 2013 .
She helped open a 650-bed homeless shelter in South L.A. and organized monthly walks to skid row to coax people to seek services as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has proposed creating an “ emergency village ” equipped with doctors to treat those with mental health issues and physical ailments , and help transition people into housing .
Although federal aid hasn ’ t kept pace with the scope of the problem , Perry said she ’ d create a Marshall Plan — referring to the aid program for Europe after World War II — to convene federal , state , county and city governments to fund housing , and preventive and supportive homeless services .
Asked about the high percentage of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a debate last week , Perry said that she ’ d seek to increase how much people can get from the county ’ s current General Relief program , which is $ 221 a month .
She told The Times that many people “ run out of money before the end of the month and wind up on the street.
” Perry , the chief executive of a nonprofit focused on infrastructure development , also has told voters she will “ rewrite ” Proposition HHH to encourage developers to build housing faster and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was approved by city of L.A. voters , not the county , and the money has largely been allocated for projects .
Rigard , who founded an investment company , said he wants to create a “ public investment ” department to teach underserved communities about managing their personal finances and investing .
He also wants to study “ capsule hotels , ” in which people sleep in pods , as a model for affordable housing .
Nuño , who runs a marketing and printing company , has proposed a partnership between the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and families at risk of becoming homeless .
Jeong helped lead opposition against a city-backed homeless shelter in Koreatown two years ago .
He said he supports such emergency housing but questioned the effectiveness of the city ’ s current program .
He drew applause at a debate last month when he said that political leaders fell short of their promises on homelessness .
“ What has happened up until today ?
” Jeong said .
Many of the ideas being touted by the candidates for supervisor aren ’ t new .
Neither @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among the highest in the country , elected officials at all levels of government have been pushing plans to build shelters and housing faster , do it quicker and cheaper , and be more efficient about helping homeless people with mental illness and addiction issues .
Such efforts have invariably been slow to get off the ground , though .
One of the latest plans to fail was Senate Bill 50 , which , if passed by the state Legislature , would have allowed mid-rise apartment complexes near transit stops and job centers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across California .
Mitchell was part of the contingent of L.A.-based lawmakers who came out in opposition to the bill , which had been roundly criticized by residents of South L.A. as a vehicle for gentrification .
However , Robles , a candidate for supervisor and the mayor of Carson , supported the bill .
In an opinion piece he co-wrote , he said it would ensure that every city “ fairly shares ” the responsibility of building housing .
In an interview , Robles also pointed to new veterans ’ housing units @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his leadership .
Robles said residents approach him at the grocery store and when he ’ s getting his car washed to talk about the crisis .
“ The No .
1 issue on every voter ’ s mind is homelessness , ” he said .

With some 19,000 homeless residents living in Los Angeles County’s 2nd Supervisorial District, the candidates running to replace Mark Ridley-Thomas on the Board of Supervisors are united in their pledge to ease housing costs and bring people indoors.
At debates, they pitch expanded emergency street services, building prefabricated housing, and policies to stop speculative developers from snatching up homes and driving up housing prices.
But of the seven candidates running in the March 3 primary election, many have served in political office as homelessness has worsened and tents have proliferated in South L.A. and elsewhere in the district. That has prompted attacks in a race rife with questions over whether more could have been done to head off the crisis.
Advertisement
“People who have been in positions of power to do something,” candidate and social entrepreneur Jorge Nuño said at a debate in downtown L.A. last week, “from the City Council to the state, where were they?”
In addition to Nuño, the field includes state Sen. Holly Mitchell, L.A. City Councilman Herb Wesson, former L.A. City Councilwoman Jan Perry, attorney Jake Jeong, businessman René Rigard and Carson Mayor Albert Robles.
Ridley-Thomas is termed out and running for the Los Angeles council seat being vacated by Wesson.
Whoever wins will join the five-member Board of Supervisors, which manage a $36-billion budget and oversee social services for the county’s 10 million residents. In unincorporated areas of the district, the board is the equivalent of residents’ city council and the supervisor their mayor.
L.A. City Councilman Herb Wesson, who served as council president, is running for L.A. County supervisor. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
As of late February, Wesson had raised the most money in the race, making him a target for rival candidates seeking to burnish their records and policy proposals. This is especially true on homelessness and housing — the top issues in the race to represent 2 million people in a district that includes skid row, Ladera Heights, Inglewood, Lawndale, Gardena, Compton and Lynwood.
Mitchell, in an interview with The Times, took a swipe at Wesson, accusing him of failing to include more affordable housing in the Los Angeles developments he approved on the City Council.
Mailers sent by Perry’s campaign blame Wesson for the tents and the rising cost of homeless housing, as funded under the citywide bond program Proposition HHH.
At debates, moderators quiz the candidates on gentrification, affordable housing and laws targeting homeless people. Audience members do the same. The 2nd District has the largest homeless population in the county, and a significant number of the region’s Latino and black residents.
The district also has a high percentage of adults and families living in vehicles, said John Maceri, chief executive of homeless services provider the People Concern. Jennifer Hark-Dietz, executive director of People Assisting the Homeless, or PATH, said rents have risen so much, that it has become hard for her agency to continue paying rent for tenants on the verge of losing their housing.
Advertisement
Mitchell told The Times that there was “room for a more aggressive vision and leadership” from Wesson on affordable housing.
When asked about Mitchell’s comments, Wesson shot back: “What did she do? “I’m not knocking her, but what did she do? We put more resources together to address this issue than anyone.”
Wesson served as council president from 2011 until January. His campaign touts a record that includes helping pass a citywide plan to address homelessness and helping put Proposition HHH before voters. The first housing development funded with the $1.2-billion bond program opened recently at Vermont Avenue and 88th Street after numerous delays. More are expected to open this year.
If elected supervisor, Wesson wants to create an emergency rental assistance program to provide loans to tenants. To curb displacement, he also has proposed capping rents in apartment buildings near new luxury housing and allowing the county to buy apartment buildings where developers are seeking to evict tenants.
At a debate last month, Mitchell targeted a city policy that Wesson helped spearhead, which requires some unused city land to be used for affordable housing. The senator argued the policy would segregate poorer residents and result in smaller tax revenue for local schools.
“Social scientists and urban planners have opined for years that a healthy community is an integrated community,” Mitchell told the audience. She wants all new housing developments built in the county to include at least 20% affordable housing.
Mitchell’s record on homelessness includes legislation she authored to prevent landlords from rejecting tenants solely for using government rent subsidies. She also has pushed to expand housing and resources for foster children, and require law enforcement to be trained to handle people with mental health issues.
During the January debate, she praised the county for its work shifting people from its General Relief financial aid program to federal aid. Recipients get more money and the county is able to save money.
Mitchell also wants to create a community land trust to buy properties and resell them to residents at a more reasonable price. She also wants to offer homeowners tax breaks to build accessory dwelling units and rent them to low-income tenants.
Perry touts her record representing some of the city’s most impoverished areas while she served on the City Council from 2001 to 2013. She helped open a 650-bed homeless shelter in South L.A. and organized monthly walks to skid row to coax people to seek services as a councilmember.
Candidates Jorge Nuño, from left, former City Councilwoman Jan Perry and Rene Rigard participate in the L.A. County supervisors debate in Los Angeles. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
If elected, Perry has proposed creating an “emergency village” equipped with doctors to treat those with mental health issues and physical ailments, and help transition people into housing. Although federal aid hasn’t kept pace with the scope of the problem, Perry said she’d create a Marshall Plan — referring to the aid program for Europe after World War II — to convene federal, state, county and city governments to fund housing, and preventive and supportive homeless services.
Asked about the high percentage of black families who are becoming homeless at a debate last week, Perry said that she’d seek to increase how much people can get from the county’s current General Relief program, which is $221 a month. She told The Times that many people “run out of money before the end of the month and wind up on the street.”
Perry, the chief executive of a nonprofit focused on infrastructure development, also has told voters she will “rewrite” Proposition HHH to encourage developers to build housing faster and cheaper. However, the bond program was approved by city of L.A. voters, not the county, and the money has largely been allocated for projects.
Rigard, who founded an investment company, said he wants to create a “public investment” department to teach underserved communities about managing their personal finances and investing. He also wants to study “capsule hotels,” in which people sleep in pods, as a model for affordable housing.
Nuño, who runs a marketing and printing company, has proposed a partnership between the county and public schools to monitor students and families at risk of becoming homeless.
Jeong helped lead opposition against a city-backed homeless shelter in Koreatown two years ago. He said he supports such emergency housing but questioned the effectiveness of the city’s current program. He drew applause at a debate last month when he said that political leaders fell short of their promises on homelessness.
“What has happened up until today?” Jeong said.
Many of the ideas being touted by the candidates for supervisor aren’t new. Neither is the criticism.
With housing costs among the highest in the country, elected officials at all levels of government have been pushing plans to build shelters and housing faster, do it quicker and cheaper, and be more efficient about helping homeless people with mental illness and addiction issues.
Such efforts have invariably been slow to get off the ground, though.
One of the latest plans to fail was Senate Bill 50, which, if passed by the state Legislature, would have allowed mid-rise apartment complexes near transit stops and job centers, increasing the density of single-family neighborhoods across California. Mitchell was part of the contingent of L.A.-based lawmakers who came out in opposition to the bill, which had been roundly criticized by residents of South L.A. as a vehicle for gentrification.
However, Robles, a candidate for supervisor and the mayor of Carson, supported the bill. In an opinion piece he co-wrote, he said it would ensure that every city “fairly shares” the responsibility of building housing. In an interview, Robles also pointed to new veterans’ housing units built in his city as an example of his leadership.
Robles said residents approach him at the grocery store and when he’s getting his car washed to talk about the crisis.
“The No. 1 issue on every voter’s mind is homelessness,” he said.


latimes--2020-02-26--Most California Democrats have made a presidential pick. Gov. Gavin Newsom hasn't

With the closely watched California presidential primary just days away , Gov .
Gavin Newsom remains cagey about which of the remaining Democratic contenders will earn his vote .
Extremely popular among California Democrats , Newsom could put a leading contender over the top .
Or he could shake up the status quo and place his bet on one of the candidates in desperate need of a jump-start .
Either option could be appealing .
But by wading into a race that ’ s become a bruising free-for-all among Democrats , Newsom risks alienating entire factions of his deeply divided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contentious , bordering on hostile , ” said Sacramento-based Democratic political consultant Bill Wong .
“ You don ’ t usually want to break up a school fight .
You ’ re usually the one who gets punched.
” If Newsom endorsed a moderate , such as former Vice President Joseph R. Biden , former South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg or Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar , he almost certainly would infuriate California ’ s many supporters of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders , Wong said .
Endorse Sanders or Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liberal wing , and Newsom could face criticism for tipping the scales in favor of a candidate who , some Democrats fear , might not fare well against President Trump in November .
Newsom ’ s first pick in the race , longtime political ally Sen. Kamala Harris of California , bowed out in December .
Wong suspects that since Newsom already endorsed a candidate , he should be insulated from any criticism that he stayed on the sidelines in what may be the most consequential presidential election in generations .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of pretty potent issues that he can focus on as governor , and can let that define who he is instead of who he endorsed , ” Wong said .
Newsom has been asked repeatedly in recent weeks if he plans to endorse one of the remaining candidates and has avoided the question each time .
He was asked point-blank who he planned to vote for during an interview that aired Sunday on Fox 11 in Los Angeles .
“ This may be surprising to you , you may not believe it : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Newsom said .
“ I had my candidate in Kamala Harris , and I have not made up my mind .
That ’ s why I have not publicly come out in support of anybody .
I ’ m watching as bewildered , it seems at times , as everyone else [ after ] these debates , wondering what the heck is going on.
” After attending a National Governor ’ s Assn .
meeting in Washington earlier this month , Newsom expressed concern about a “ deep anxiety ” among governors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ note that he didn ’ t share that point of view , the governor said there were concerns of a party “ civil war ” breaking out due in part to Sanders ’ ascension in the Democratic field and the free-spending candidacy of billionaire former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg .
Newsom made the comments during an appearance on ABC ’ s daytime show “ The View.
” Other California politicians and politicos have not been shy about supporting one of the remaining presidential contenders .
Biden is backed by a number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti , Sen. Dianne Feinstein and Secretary of State Alex Padilla .
Sanders has been endorsed by Rep. Ro Khanna ( D-Fremont ) , Los Angeles City Councilman Mike Bonin and San Francisco Dist .
Atty .
Chesa Boudin .
Warren is backed by U.S. Rep. Katie Porter ( D-Irvine ) , Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez ( D-San Diego ) and former Secretary of Labor and Berkeley professor Robert Reich .
Lt. Gov .
Eleni Kounalakis backs Buttigieg , Rep. Linda Sánchez ( D-Whittier ) supports Klobuchar and Bloomberg has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Breed , state Treasurer Fiona Ma and former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa .
If Newsom did throw his weight behind one of the remaining candidates , it could have a significant impact on the March 3 California primary and breathe life into candidates who have lagged behind Sanders in early contests .
“ He ’ s well liked among Democrats , ” Democratic pollster Ruth Bernstein said of Newsom .
“ It may not carry weight with those that are really committed to their candidate , obviously , but for those that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it may be a factor that could make a difference.
” According to a statewide poll released last week by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California , 75 % of likely Democratic voters give Newsom a favorable job approval rating .
That same poll showed Sanders is by far the top choice among the state ’ s likely Democratic voters .
Sanders was backed by 32 % , compared to 14 % for Biden , 13 % for Warren , 12 % for Bloomberg , and 12 % for Buttigieg .
Newsom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bond with any of the remaining Democrats in the race , despite his role as the leader of the nation ’ s largest state , which is home base to the Democratic political resistance against the Trump administration , said Mark Baldassare , PPIC president and CEO .
“ Primaries always are trickier for endorsements for elected officials , ” Baldassare said .
“ Very often in primaries , for that reason , electeds say , ‘ I ’ m going to stay out of it .
I ’ m going to let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wife , documentary filmmaker Jennifer Siebel Newsom , has often praised Warren .
After the primary debate in Los Angeles in December , she posted pictures of her and the governor meeting with Warren , saying she has been a “ huge admirer.
” For Halloween , the Newsoms and their children dressed up as Democratic presidential candidates : Newsom as Biden , Jennifer Siebel Newsom as Warren and their four children as Harris , Sanders , Klobuchar and Buttigieg .
“ Make Halloween Great Again !
” the governor quipped in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Newsom may align with candidates on certain issues , that alone doesn ’ t indicate who he may favor .
Newsom , Sanders and Warren all support universal healthcare , but the California governor appears to favor a more incremental approach than “ Medicare for all , ” which Sanders advocates , Baldassare said .
“ While Newsom and Bernie Sanders may agree on health coverage for all , they may differ in how they will approach that , ” Baldassare said .
Both Newsom and Bloomberg have been vocal advocates for combating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measures .
But Bloomberg donated millions of dollars to a charter school organization that opposed Newsom ’ s 2018 campaign for governor .
The organization ran ads portraying Newsom as a dilettante and criticizing his work ethic when he served as mayor of San Francisco .
Bloomberg , who in 2014 vowed to spend $ 50 million in support of stronger gun control laws nationwide , did not contribute to a gun control initiative spearheaded by Newsom in 2016 .
Proposition 63 , which was approved by California voters , mandated background checks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and levied fines for failing to report lost or stolen guns .
That same election cycle , Bloomberg made more than $ 20 million in political donations to other causes and groups in California .

Gavin Newsom initially endorsed Sen. Kamala Harris, but has yet to settle on a second choice.
With the closely watched California presidential primary just days away, Gov. Gavin Newsom remains cagey about which of the remaining Democratic contenders will earn his vote.
Extremely popular among California Democrats, Newsom could put a leading contender over the top. Or he could shake up the status quo and place his bet on one of the candidates in desperate need of a jump-start.
Either option could be appealing. But by wading into a race that’s become a bruising free-for-all among Democrats, Newsom risks alienating entire factions of his deeply divided party.
“The presidential primary is contentious, bordering on hostile,” said Sacramento-based Democratic political consultant Bill Wong. “You don’t usually want to break up a school fight. You’re usually the one who gets punched.”
Advertisement
If Newsom endorsed a moderate, such as former Vice President Joseph R. Biden, former South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg or Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar, he almost certainly would infuriate California’s many supporters of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, Wong said.
Endorse Sanders or Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, two favorites of the party’s liberal wing, and Newsom could face criticism for tipping the scales in favor of a candidate who, some Democrats fear, might not fare well against President Trump in November.
Newsom’s first pick in the race, longtime political ally Sen. Kamala Harris of California, bowed out in December. Wong suspects that since Newsom already endorsed a candidate, he should be insulated from any criticism that he stayed on the sidelines in what may be the most consequential presidential election in generations.
“I think he’s got a lot of pretty potent issues that he can focus on as governor, and can let that define who he is instead of who he endorsed,” Wong said.
Newsom has been asked repeatedly in recent weeks if he plans to endorse one of the remaining candidates and has avoided the question each time.
He was asked point-blank who he planned to vote for during an interview that aired Sunday on Fox 11 in Los Angeles.
“This may be surprising to you, you may not believe it: I don’t know yet,” Newsom said. “I had my candidate in Kamala Harris, and I have not made up my mind. That’s why I have not publicly come out in support of anybody. I’m watching as bewildered, it seems at times, as everyone else [after] these debates, wondering what the heck is going on.”
After attending a National Governor’s Assn. meeting in Washington earlier this month, Newsom expressed concern about a “deep anxiety” among governors about the primary election. Careful to note that he didn’t share that point of view, the governor said there were concerns of a party “civil war” breaking out due in part to Sanders’ ascension in the Democratic field and the free-spending candidacy of billionaire former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg.
Advertisement
Newsom made the comments during an appearance on ABC’s daytime show “The View.”
Other California politicians and politicos have not been shy about supporting one of the remaining presidential contenders.
Biden is backed by a number of top Democratic leaders in California: Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, Sen. Dianne Feinstein and Secretary of State Alex Padilla. Sanders has been endorsed by Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Fremont), Los Angeles City Councilman Mike Bonin and San Francisco Dist. Atty. Chesa Boudin. Warren is backed by U.S. Rep. Katie Porter (D-Irvine), Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez (D-San Diego) and former Secretary of Labor and Berkeley professor Robert Reich. Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis backs Buttigieg, Rep. Linda Sánchez (D-Whittier) supports Klobuchar and Bloomberg has been endorsed by San Francisco Mayor London Breed, state Treasurer Fiona Ma and former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa.
If Newsom did throw his weight behind one of the remaining candidates, it could have a significant impact on the March 3 California primary and breathe life into candidates who have lagged behind Sanders in early contests.
“He’s well liked among Democrats,” Democratic pollster Ruth Bernstein said of Newsom. “It may not carry weight with those that are really committed to their candidate, obviously, but for those that are having a hard time deciding, it may be a factor that could make a difference.”
According to a statewide poll released last week by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California, 75% of likely Democratic voters give Newsom a favorable job approval rating. That same poll showed Sanders is by far the top choice among the state’s likely Democratic voters. Sanders was backed by 32%, compared to 14% for Biden, 13% for Warren, 12% for Bloomberg, and 12% for Buttigieg.
Newsom does not appear have a strong political bond with any of the remaining Democrats in the race, despite his role as the leader of the nation’s largest state, which is home base to the Democratic political resistance against the Trump administration, said Mark Baldassare, PPIC president and CEO.
“Primaries always are trickier for endorsements for elected officials,” Baldassare said. “Very often in primaries, for that reason, electeds say, ‘I’m going to stay out of it. I’m going to let voters decide.’”
Newsom’s wife, documentary filmmaker Jennifer Siebel Newsom, has often praised Warren. After the primary debate in Los Angeles in December, she posted pictures of her and the governor meeting with Warren, saying she has been a “huge admirer.”
For Halloween, the Newsoms and their children dressed up as Democratic presidential candidates: Newsom as Biden, Jennifer Siebel Newsom as Warren and their four children as Harris, Sanders, Klobuchar and Buttigieg. “Make Halloween Great Again!” the governor quipped in an Instagram post.
Baldassare said that while Newsom may align with candidates on certain issues, that alone doesn’t indicate who he may favor.
Newsom, Sanders and Warren all support universal healthcare, but the California governor appears to favor a more incremental approach than “Medicare for all,” which Sanders advocates, Baldassare said.
“While Newsom and Bernie Sanders may agree on health coverage for all, they may differ in how they will approach that,” Baldassare said.
Both Newsom and Bloomberg have been vocal advocates for combating climate change and enacting stronger gun control measures.
But Bloomberg donated millions of dollars to a charter school organization that opposed Newsom’s 2018 campaign for governor. The organization ran ads portraying Newsom as a dilettante and criticizing his work ethic when he served as mayor of San Francisco.
Bloomberg, who in 2014 vowed to spend $50 million in support of stronger gun control laws nationwide, did not contribute to a gun control initiative spearheaded by Newsom in 2016. Proposition 63, which was approved by California voters, mandated background checks for ammunition purchases, outlawed high-capacity magazines and levied fines for failing to report lost or stolen guns.
That same election cycle, Bloomberg made more than $20 million in political donations to other causes and groups in California.