latimes--2020-11-30--Councilman wants L.A. to buy an apartment building using $46 million in COVID-19 aid

Los Angeles City Councilman Gil Cedillo is pushing for the city to spend up to $ 46 million in federal coronavirus relief funds to buy an apartment building in Chinatown , saying the move would spare dozens of tenants from facing steep rent hikes .
In a proposal filed last week at City Hall , Cedillo said he wants to use money from the federal Coronavirus Aid , Relief and Economic Security Act to purchase Hillside Villa , a 124-unit building whose owner is seeking big rent increases .
Such a move , Cedillo said , would keep tenants in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis .
“ For us , it ’ s a good deal .
The building ’ s built .
The residents are already moved in .
I recognize it ’ s extraordinary , but these are extraordinary times , ” said the councilman , whose district stretches from Highland Park to Westlake .
Still , there ’ s a potentially big obstacle ahead : The city ’ s supply of COVID-19 relief money is quickly running out .
Mayor Eric Garcetti and the council have allocated nearly all of the $ 694 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city , devoting the funds to such initiatives as homeless housing , rent relief and aid to cover unpaid utility bills , according to a report from the city ’ s financial analysts .
About $ 31.7 million is still available , said City Administrative Officer Rich Llewellyn , the city ’ s top budget official .
Complicating matters further , policy analysts say the city must spend its CARES Act funds by Dec. 30 — a tight timetable for any complex real estate transaction .
And the building ’ s owner , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interested in selling , raising the prospect that the city would have to wage a legal fight over any purchase .
Cedillo has been pushing for nearly a year to have the city acquire the property using eminent domain , a process used by government agencies to force property owners to sell so that schools , fire stations and other public facilities can be built .
Kevin Brogan , a Los Angeles-based attorney who specializes in eminent domain , said it would be difficult for the city to take all the legal steps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Dec. 30 deadline .
To purchase the property using eminent domain , the city would need to make an offer and turn over a summary of the city ’ s appraisal , Brogan said .
City officials also would need to conduct a hearing on whether they need to acquire the property , which would require public notice 15 days in advance , he added .
“ That usually takes the city attorney a couple of months to get their ducks in a row , at the fastest , ” Brogan said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a pipe dream on the councilman ’ s part.
” Cedillo said he plans to move with urgency , getting the money “ locked down ” and making a formal offer to Botz .
“ We have to spend it fast , ” he said .
In the interim , Hillside Villa residents and tenant activists remain on edge .
Rene Alexzander , who lives in a two-bedroom unit with his husband and four family members , said his rent is scheduled to go from $ 1,400 a month to $ 2,500 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a waiter but is now unemployed , said his household can not absorb such an increase .
“ We have nowhere to go , ” he said .
Cedillo began pushing in January for the city to use eminent domain to acquire Hillside Villa .
At the time , tenant activists who favored that strategy said they expected the building would cost around $ 15 million .
Housing officials obtained an appraisal in September , with the estimated value coming back at three times that amount — nearly $ 46 million , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ way inaccurate ” but declined to give further details .
“ We ’ re really against this , ” he said .
“ We don ’ t think it ’ s right on a number of levels.
” Jacob Woocher , a member of the Los Angeles Tenants Union , said the acquisition of Hillside Villa would still be much more cost-effective than building affordable housing from the ground up .
Even if COVID-19 relief money proves to be unavailable , the city should be capable of identifying other funds to purchase @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s proposal is “ just getting the conversation started and signaling that we ’ re serious about putting the money up , ” he said .
Hillside Villa was built in 1988 in a partnership with the city , with the city providing around $ 5.5 million in redevelopment loans and the developers promising to keep rents at affordable prices for 30 years .
Those rent restrictions expired in 2018 .
Last year , Cedillo attempted to reach a deal with Botz to have the city cancel the remaining debt if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an additional decade .
As part of the deal , the city also would have provided $ 7.3 million to cover the difference , staffers for the councilman said .
Botz was initially interested but later decided against the deal .
Cedillo said he believes his latest strategy , which has been referred to the council ’ s committee dealing with COVID-19 relief , would benefit the seller while also keeping people from being pushed into homelessness .
“ It ’ s a good offer , ” the councilman said .
“ He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bandit .
”

L.A. City Councilman Gil Cedillo, seen in 2017, wants to use COVID-19 relief funds to help tenants in a Chinatown apartment building avoid big rent hikes.
Los Angeles City Councilman Gil Cedillo is pushing for the city to spend up to $46 million in federal coronavirus relief funds to buy an apartment building in Chinatown, saying the move would spare dozens of tenants from facing steep rent hikes.
In a proposal filed last week at City Hall, Cedillo said he wants to use money from the federal Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security Act to purchase Hillside Villa, a 124-unit building whose owner is seeking big rent increases. Such a move, Cedillo said, would keep tenants in their homes during a health and housing crisis.
“For us, it’s a good deal. The building’s built. The residents are already moved in. I recognize it’s extraordinary, but these are extraordinary times,” said the councilman, whose district stretches from Highland Park to Westlake.
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Still, there’s a potentially big obstacle ahead: The city’s supply of COVID-19 relief money is quickly running out.
Mayor Eric Garcetti and the council have allocated nearly all of the $694 million in CARES Act money received by the city, devoting the funds to such initiatives as homeless housing, rent relief and aid to cover unpaid utility bills, according to a report from the city’s financial analysts. About $31.7 million is still available, said City Administrative Officer Rich Llewellyn, the city’s top budget official.
Complicating matters further, policy analysts say the city must spend its CARES Act funds by Dec. 30 — a tight timetable for any complex real estate transaction. And the building’s owner, Thomas Botz, says he is not interested in selling, raising the prospect that the city would have to wage a legal fight over any purchase.
Cedillo has been pushing for nearly a year to have the city acquire the property using eminent domain, a process used by government agencies to force property owners to sell so that schools, fire stations and other public facilities can be built.
Kevin Brogan, a Los Angeles-based attorney who specializes in eminent domain, said it would be difficult for the city to take all the legal steps necessary needed to write a check before the Dec. 30 deadline.
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To purchase the property using eminent domain, the city would need to make an offer and turn over a summary of the city’s appraisal, Brogan said. City officials also would need to conduct a hearing on whether they need to acquire the property, which would require public notice 15 days in advance, he added.
“That usually takes the city attorney a couple of months to get their ducks in a row, at the fastest,” Brogan said. “So I think this may be a pipe dream on the councilman’s part.”
Cedillo said he plans to move with urgency, getting the money “locked down” and making a formal offer to Botz. “We have to spend it fast,” he said.
In the interim, Hillside Villa residents and tenant activists remain on edge.
Rene Alexzander, who lives in a two-bedroom unit with his husband and four family members, said his rent is scheduled to go from $1,400 a month to $2,500 in February. Alexzander, who worked as a waiter but is now unemployed, said his household cannot absorb such an increase.
“We have nowhere to go,” he said.
Cedillo began pushing in January for the city to use eminent domain to acquire Hillside Villa. At the time, tenant activists who favored that strategy said they expected the building would cost around $15 million.
Housing officials obtained an appraisal in September, with the estimated value coming back at three times that amount — nearly $46 million, Cedillo said. Botz called that estimate “way inaccurate” but declined to give further details.
“We’re really against this,” he said. “We don’t think it’s right on a number of levels.”
Jacob Woocher, a member of the Los Angeles Tenants Union, said the acquisition of Hillside Villa would still be much more cost-effective than building affordable housing from the ground up. Even if COVID-19 relief money proves to be unavailable, the city should be capable of identifying other funds to purchase Hillside Villa, he said.
Cedillo’s proposal is “just getting the conversation started and signaling that we’re serious about putting the money up,” he said.
Hillside Villa was built in 1988 in a partnership with the city, with the city providing around $5.5 million in redevelopment loans and the developers promising to keep rents at affordable prices for 30 years.
Those rent restrictions expired in 2018. Last year, Cedillo attempted to reach a deal with Botz to have the city cancel the remaining debt if the owners agreed to keep rents low for an additional decade. As part of the deal, the city also would have provided $7.3 million to cover the difference, staffers for the councilman said.
Botz was initially interested but later decided against the deal. Cedillo said he believes his latest strategy, which has been referred to the council’s committee dealing with COVID-19 relief, would benefit the seller while also keeping people from being pushed into homelessness.
“It’s a good offer,” the councilman said. “He’s going to make out like a bandit.”


latimes--2020-11-30--Column: I set out to bridge political divides with a reader. It didn't turn out like I expected

In my last column , I wrote about my dissatisfaction with the idea of bridging divides and argued that any attempt to promote healthier dialogue across political divides needs to acknowledge the chaotic influence of social media platforms .
It was a response to our Opinion section publishing a page full of letters from Trump supporters .
I was surprised , but pleased , when one of the letter writers we published wrote back to me .
In an inbox often full of angry comments and responses , Mike ( whose name I ’ m changing to protect his privacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And here was an opportunity to engage in another time-honored journalistic tradition : trying to prove myself wrong .
I rolled up my sleeves , packed up my cynicism and turned to the task of bridging divides .
A lengthy dialogue over email quickly swelled to essay-length exchanges .
Finally , I called him up , and we talked for several hours .
Mike , it turned out , was not a Trump supporter but an independent who had never voted for Trump .
And we agreed on much more than I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ competitive condemnations of Trump and his supporters were no longer useful .
We both agreed that trying to have productive exchanges over social media feels futile , like trying to have a sensitive personal conversation via billboard or lawn sign .
We both went to UCLA and studied international economics ; we both followed the Lakers and both harbored a bizarre desire to see what they would have been like with Lonzo Ball and Brandon Ingram still on the squad .
Mike , who has had three other letters on the subject published @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liberal perspectives were unfairly bleeding into what should be objective news coverage .
He said liberal journalists assume that all Trump voters are white racists .
I told him I thought pure objectivity was a myth , and news coverage has always imperfectly reflected the social concerns of its time .
I shared that , to me , the status quo is biased against open discussions of racism , and that the chaos of the discourse is a testament to how little we are taught about race and racism ; that journalism that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corrective , even if it makes white people look bad .
Our longest conversations , and our biggest disagreements , were about identity .
Mike felt that people were overemphasizing identity to the point of shutting down dialogue .
I told him I see identity as not something that is good , bad or voluntary but , rather , an immutable fact of how we relate to each other and see ourselves .
Mike openly admitted that the issue was personal for him .
Over the summer , after a testy Facebook exchange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friend with whom he had played on the same recreational basketball team for 15 years .
Mike had just gotten one of his letters published in this newspaper and shared it on Facebook .
His friend was angered by the letter and accused Mike of being a Trump supporter .
When Mike said he wasn ’ t , his friend accessed public records that showed that the person living at Mike ’ s address was a registered Republican .
( Mike is a registered independent , and the Republican is his roommate .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ post to private messages .
After his friend accused him of not believing that Black lives matter , Mike unfriended him .
Other than infrequent indirect exchanges in group text messages , they haven ’ t talked since .
“ I felt it was important to make a stand , ” Mike said .
“ I wasn ’ t saying he was wrong , but I thought what I was doing was part of positive public debate , presenting both sides.
” The man he had been seeing , also Black , was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ post and concerned that Mike was a Trump supporter .
After another lengthy exchange over direct messages , Mike sent him a list of 20 of his personal values in which he emphasized his belief that Black lives matter and that racism is an ongoing problem but also said that condemning people based on their politics is wrong .
The conversations , Mike said , have been “ painful but fruitful , ” and the two are still in contact .
I was surprised to learn that Mike was a 49-year-old gay white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out in 2011 .
Disclaimer : Mike would hate that I ’ m describing him this way , because he doesn ’ t believe his gender , religion , race or sexuality should influence your opinion of him .
But I thought it could help me understand who he is , so I asked him about it .
He told me about growing up with an alcoholic father and dealing with the resentment he felt toward his mother .
Mike has had his own struggles with alcoholism , and after attending a support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alcoholics , he decided to confront his mother with his feelings .
It didn ’ t go as planned .
His mother broke into tears and apologized , and he didn ’ t feel any better .
“ It helped me realize that there was no point in condemning her , ” Mike said .
Maybe he was right and she was wrong .
But forgiving her , not condemning her , is what brought him peace .
And Mike has tried to apply that lesson to Trump voters , racists and anyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take in what he had to say .
I pointed out that forgiving his mother was an act of deep , familial love , and that it ’ s unreasonable to expect the empathy he showed his mother in a public discourse .
But ultimately , I agreed with some of what he had to say : Traumas , racial or any other kind , are better healed with love , not with condemnation .
I asked him if being closeted for most of his life had influenced his perspective about identity .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ his identity in fear of judgment caused him to deemphasize racial and sexual identity overall ?
Mike said his skeptical , contrarian tendencies are more a product of his Catholic upbringing and the spirit of inquiry that he learned from church .
But he also admitted that his upbringing , his religion , his sexuality — in other words , his identity — probably shaped his perspective .
“ I can identify that maybe part of that is repression and growing up in an alcoholic family , ” Mike responded .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ define me , and I shouldn ’ t be judged by that … and I reject the need to have a particular identity to hang your hat on.
” At last , we had discovered some middle ground .
I can admit that a person ’ s race and identity don ’ t tell you everything , and Mike can admit that identity is not meaningless either and , in many cases , can be deeply revealing .
I asked Mike if being white and feeling condemned in racial conversations might have shaped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to hear about his falling out with his friend , the power forward of his basketball team for so many years .
I told him that talking with Black friends about race can ’ t just be a normal debate , and that it ’ s unreasonable to expect dispassionate discourse from people traumatized by endless police shootings and violence against protesters .
I told Mike that if I was his friend , what I would ask for is for him to be the bigger person : to make room for my complaints @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticized by them sometimes .
If we were friends , could he make room for that ?
Mike responded that he could .
At the end of the day , I didn ’ t have to bridge the divide myself .
Mike met me in the middle , and I ’ m grateful for that .

In my last column, I wrote about my dissatisfaction with the idea of bridging divides and argued that any attempt to promote healthier dialogue across political divides needs to acknowledge the chaotic influence of social media platforms.
It was a response to our Opinion section publishing a page full of letters from Trump supporters. I was surprised, but pleased, when one of the letter writers we published wrote back to me. In an inbox often full of angry comments and responses, Mike (whose name I’m changing to protect his privacy) stood out as sincere and respectful. And here was an opportunity to engage in another time-honored journalistic tradition: trying to prove myself wrong.
I rolled up my sleeves, packed up my cynicism and turned to the task of bridging divides. A lengthy dialogue over email quickly swelled to essay-length exchanges. Finally, I called him up, and we talked for several hours.
Advertisement
Mike, it turned out, was not a Trump supporter but an independent who had never voted for Trump. And we agreed on much more than I expected.
Opinion Opinion: About that page of pro-Trump letters... Giving a full letters page to Trump voters turned the L.A. Times into a platform for propaganda, some readers said. Others appreciated it.
We both felt that the competitive condemnations of Trump and his supporters were no longer useful. We both agreed that trying to have productive exchanges over social media feels futile, like trying to have a sensitive personal conversation via billboard or lawn sign.
We both went to UCLA and studied international economics; we both followed the Lakers and both harbored a bizarre desire to see what they would have been like with Lonzo Ball and Brandon Ingram still on the squad.
Mike, who has had three other letters on the subject published in this paper, firmly believed that liberal perspectives were unfairly bleeding into what should be objective news coverage. He said liberal journalists assume that all Trump voters are white racists.
I told him I thought pure objectivity was a myth, and news coverage has always imperfectly reflected the social concerns of its time. I shared that, to me, the status quo is biased against open discussions of racism, and that the chaos of the discourse is a testament to how little we are taught about race and racism; that journalism that has uplifted minority perspectives is a necessary corrective, even if it makes white people look bad.
Our longest conversations, and our biggest disagreements, were about identity. Mike felt that people were overemphasizing identity to the point of shutting down dialogue. I told him I see identity as not something that is good, bad or voluntary but, rather, an immutable fact of how we relate to each other and see ourselves.
Advertisement
Mike openly admitted that the issue was personal for him. Over the summer, after a testy Facebook exchange, he fell out with a Black friend with whom he had played on the same recreational basketball team for 15 years.
Mike had just gotten one of his letters published in this newspaper and shared it on Facebook. His friend was angered by the letter and accused Mike of being a Trump supporter. When Mike said he wasn’t, his friend accessed public records that showed that the person living at Mike’s address was a registered Republican. (Mike is a registered independent, and the Republican is his roommate.)
The argument moved from the public post to private messages. After his friend accused him of not believing that Black lives matter, Mike unfriended him. Other than infrequent indirect exchanges in group text messages, they haven’t talked since.
“I felt it was important to make a stand,” Mike said. “I wasn’t saying he was wrong, but I thought what I was doing was part of positive public debate, presenting both sides.”
The man he had been seeing, also Black, was similarly disturbed by Mike’s Facebook post and concerned that Mike was a Trump supporter. After another lengthy exchange over direct messages, Mike sent him a list of 20 of his personal values in which he emphasized his belief that Black lives matter and that racism is an ongoing problem but also said that condemning people based on their politics is wrong. The conversations, Mike said, have been “painful but fruitful,” and the two are still in contact.
I was surprised to learn that Mike was a 49-year-old gay white man who was raised Catholic and came out in 2011. Disclaimer: Mike would hate that I’m describing him this way, because he doesn’t believe his gender, religion, race or sexuality should influence your opinion of him. But I thought it could help me understand who he is, so I asked him about it.
He told me about growing up with an alcoholic father and dealing with the resentment he felt toward his mother. Mike has had his own struggles with alcoholism, and after attending a support group at UCLA for the children of alcoholics, he decided to confront his mother with his feelings.
It didn’t go as planned. His mother broke into tears and apologized, and he didn’t feel any better.
“It helped me realize that there was no point in condemning her,” Mike said.
Maybe he was right and she was wrong. But forgiving her, not condemning her, is what brought him peace. And Mike has tried to apply that lesson to Trump voters, racists and anyone he disagrees with.
A man in West Hollywood rips a Trump flag off a car Nov. 7 as people took to the streets to celebrate Joe Biden’s election victory. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)
I tried to take in what he had to say. I pointed out that forgiving his mother was an act of deep, familial love, and that it’s unreasonable to expect the empathy he showed his mother in a public discourse. But ultimately, I agreed with some of what he had to say: Traumas, racial or any other kind, are better healed with love, not with condemnation.
I asked him if being closeted for most of his life had influenced his perspective about identity. Was it possible that hiding part of his identity in fear of judgment caused him to deemphasize racial and sexual identity overall?
Mike said his skeptical, contrarian tendencies are more a product of his Catholic upbringing and the spirit of inquiry that he learned from church. But he also admitted that his upbringing, his religion, his sexuality — in other words, his identity — probably shaped his perspective.
“I can identify that maybe part of that is repression and growing up in an alcoholic family,” Mike responded. “I just felt that homosexuality shouldn’t define me, and I shouldn’t be judged by that … and I reject the need to have a particular identity to hang your hat on.”
At last, we had discovered some middle ground. I can admit that a person’s race and identity don’t tell you everything, and Mike can admit that identity is not meaningless either and, in many cases, can be deeply revealing.
I asked Mike if being white and feeling condemned in racial conversations might have shaped his perspective. It made me sad to hear about his falling out with his friend, the power forward of his basketball team for so many years. I told him that talking with Black friends about race can’t just be a normal debate, and that it’s unreasonable to expect dispassionate discourse from people traumatized by endless police shootings and violence against protesters.
I told Mike that if I was his friend, what I would ask for is for him to be the bigger person: to make room for my complaints and pains, even if he felt criticized by them sometimes. If we were friends, could he make room for that?
Mike responded that he could.
At the end of the day, I didn’t have to bridge the divide myself. Mike met me in the middle, and I’m grateful for that.


latimes--2020-11-30--Some federal judges plan to retire when Trump exits. Will Biden be able to replace them?

For the last four years , some federal judges postponed retirement plans rather than give President Trump the opportunity to name more conservatives to the nation ’ s powerful appeals courts .
When Joe Biden assumes office , many of those judges are expected to step aside to allow the new Democratic president to appoint their successors , especially if Democrats regain the U.S. Senate .
The stakes are considerable , especially in the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals , which decides federal law for nine Western states .
Trump ’ s 10 appointments to the court , more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , have moved the 9th Circuit to the right .
Biden could tilt it back again if his appointments win confirmation , affecting decisions on immigration , the environment , criminal justice and other issues .
All eyes are now on nine active 9th Circuit judges appointed by President Clinton .
They are in their 60s or 70s , and some have been waiting for a Democratic president so they can take senior status .
Senior status , given according to a formula based on age and length of service , allows qualified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work part time but limits their involvement in some of the most controversial cases .
Once a judge “ goes senior , ” in the parlance of the court , the president may appoint an active judge as a successor .
“ I anticipate quite a few people doing things to enter senior status , ” said one of several 9th Circuit judges who predicted turnover .
The judge , however , added a caveat .
“ They might want to wait for a Democratic Senate , although I don ’ t know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ judge and others who spoke about possible turnover declined to be identified by name , saying they were unauthorized to speak for the court or their colleagues .
Whatever the judges ’ inclinations , the outlook for an exodus will depend on which party controls the Senate , said Erwin Chemerinsky , dean of UC Berkeley ’ s law school .
“ I have certainly heard from some of the Democratic appointees that they would be inclined to take senior status with Biden winning , ” he said .
“ But if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to make sure that the Republican senators will confirm Biden nominees.
” If two Democratic Senate candidates in Georgia win runoff elections in January , the Democrats would have a majority with the assistance of Vice President-elect Kamala Harris .
Otherwise , the Republicans will continue to have the final say on judicial seats and could block any candidates deemed to be liberal , at least until the 2022 election .
Twenty-two Republican and 12 Democratic Senate seats will be up for election that year .
Typically , the party that does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Everything about the judicial nomination process has become politicized in an unprecedented way , ” Chemerinsky said .
“ And it is hard to think about any of these questions except from the political perspective.
” A 9th Circuit judge noted in an interview that “ Clinton judges across the country have just been holding on ” for a Democratic presidency .
They should make taking senior status contingent on Senate confirmation of a successor if Sen. Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) remains majority leader , the jurist advised .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ light of his treatment of Merrick Garland ’ s nomination , which I thought was a travesty.
” In March 2016 , then-President Obama nominated Garland to fill the seat left empty by the death of Justice Antonin Scalia .
Garland , considered a moderate , was chief judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C .
Circuit .
The Republican majority on the Senate Judiciary Committee refused to give Garland a hearing , saying the opening should be filled by the president selected by voters the following November .
Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Neil M. Gorsuch .
Along with blocking Garland , the GOP-led Senate also prevented Obama from filling many judicial vacancies .
More than 100 positions remained unfilled when President Trump took office .
The confirmation numbers under Obama fell substantially from previous years when different parties controlled the Senate and the White House .
“ Both sides have been playing hardball since Obama came in , ” said University of Richmond law professor Carl Tobias , who monitors the confirmation process .
A third 9th Circuit judge said politics may determine the number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The real issue is going to be the Senate , ” the judge said .
If Republicans retain the majority , the jurist said , moderate nominees may get through but liberals won ’ t .
“ And it is entirely possible that they [ Senate Republicans ] may go back to the blocking tactics they applied previously with Obama , ” the judge said .
Trump has appointed more judges to the 12 regional circuit courts — just one rung below the U.S. Supreme Court — than nearly every other president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ era .
Even as Trump ’ s term winds down , the Senate is trying to push through judicial confirmations .
As a result , Trump ’ s imprint on the federal courts will persist for decades .
Most Trump appointees are relatively young , male and conservative , and like all federal judges , they have life terms .
Trump also has appointed three of the nine justices on the Supreme Court , giving it a 6-3 conservative majority .
While Trump was filling the courts , Republican Senate leadership ended the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senators to veto any circuit court nominee from their states .
That tradition may be revived when Biden makes appointments , Tobias said .
If that happened , red state senators would have to approve Biden ’ s picks before they could have a hearing .
Sen. Charles E. Grassley ( R-Iowa ) is expected to take over the Judiciary Committee next year from Sen. Lindsey Graham ( R-S.C. ) , but little is expected to change for Democrats .
McConnell “ calls the shots , ” Tobias said .
Given the Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before Trump leaves office , Biden ’ s ability to shape the court may be limited .
President Clinton in his eight years in office appointed 62 judges to the regional circuit courts , but about a third already have taken senior status or no longer serve on the courts .
Some Obama appointees also could decide to take senior status during the next four years , and deaths and illness may bring other openings .
On the 9th Circuit , the seats filled by the late legendary Judges Harry Pregerson and Stephen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ circuit judges in the nation , are now held by Trump appointees .
Getting like-minded liberals past a Senate Republican majority probably would be challenging .
Among the Clinton appointees qualified to take senior status are 9th Circuit Judges Richard A. Paez , William A. Fletcher and Marsha S. Berzon .
“ Would the Republicans let someone replace them with people similarly liberal ?
” a 9th Circuit judge asked .
“ I don ’ t think so .
”

After Joe Biden takes office, all eyes will be on nine active 9th Circuit Court of Appeals judges appointed by President Clinton, who are in their 60s are 70s and might see an opportunity to take senior status.
For the last four years, some federal judges postponed retirement plans rather than give President Trump the opportunity to name more conservatives to the nation’s powerful appeals courts.
When Joe Biden assumes office, many of those judges are expected to step aside to allow the new Democratic president to appoint their successors, especially if Democrats regain the U.S. Senate.
The stakes are considerable, especially in the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, which decides federal law for nine Western states. Trump’s 10 appointments to the court, more than a third of its active judges, have moved the 9th Circuit to the right. Biden could tilt it back again if his appointments win confirmation, affecting decisions on immigration, the environment, criminal justice and other issues.
All eyes are now on nine active 9th Circuit judges appointed by President Clinton. They are in their 60s or 70s, and some have been waiting for a Democratic president so they can take senior status.
Senior status, given according to a formula based on age and length of service, allows qualified judges to earn their full salaries and work part time but limits their involvement in some of the most controversial cases. Once a judge “goes senior,” in the parlance of the court, the president may appoint an active judge as a successor.
“I anticipate quite a few people doing things to enter senior status,” said one of several 9th Circuit judges who predicted turnover.
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The judge, however, added a caveat. “They might want to wait for a Democratic Senate, although I don’t know whether that ever will happen.”
That judge and others who spoke about possible turnover declined to be identified by name, saying they were unauthorized to speak for the court or their colleagues.
Whatever the judges’ inclinations, the outlook for an exodus will depend on which party controls the Senate, said Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of UC Berkeley’s law school.
“I have certainly heard from some of the Democratic appointees that they would be inclined to take senior status with Biden winning,” he said. “But if the Republicans control the Senate, they will want to make sure that the Republican senators will confirm Biden nominees.”
If two Democratic Senate candidates in Georgia win runoff elections in January, the Democrats would have a majority with the assistance of Vice President-elect Kamala Harris.
Otherwise, the Republicans will continue to have the final say on judicial seats and could block any candidates deemed to be liberal, at least until the 2022 election. Twenty-two Republican and 12 Democratic Senate seats will be up for election that year. Typically, the party that does not control the White House makes gains.
“Everything about the judicial nomination process has become politicized in an unprecedented way,” Chemerinsky said. “And it is hard to think about any of these questions except from the political perspective.”
A 9th Circuit judge noted in an interview that “Clinton judges across the country have just been holding on” for a Democratic presidency. They should make taking senior status contingent on Senate confirmation of a successor if Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) remains majority leader, the jurist advised.
The judge expressed concern about McConnell “in light of his treatment of Merrick Garland’s nomination, which I thought was a travesty.”
In March 2016, then-President Obama nominated Garland to fill the seat left empty by the death of Justice Antonin Scalia. Garland, considered a moderate, was chief judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. The Republican majority on the Senate Judiciary Committee refused to give Garland a hearing, saying the opening should be filled by the president selected by voters the following November. Trump won and filled the vacancy with Justice Neil M. Gorsuch.
Along with blocking Garland, the GOP-led Senate also prevented Obama from filling many judicial vacancies. More than 100 positions remained unfilled when President Trump took office. The confirmation numbers under Obama fell substantially from previous years when different parties controlled the Senate and the White House.
“Both sides have been playing hardball since Obama came in,” said University of Richmond law professor Carl Tobias, who monitors the confirmation process.
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A third 9th Circuit judge said politics may determine the number of Clinton appointees who take semi-retirement. “The real issue is going to be the Senate,” the judge said. If Republicans retain the majority, the jurist said, moderate nominees may get through but liberals won’t.
“And it is entirely possible that they [Senate Republicans] may go back to the blocking tactics they applied previously with Obama,” the judge said.
Trump has appointed more judges to the 12 regional circuit courts — just one rung below the U.S. Supreme Court — than nearly every other president in a single term during the modern era. Even as Trump’s term winds down, the Senate is trying to push through judicial confirmations.
As a result, Trump’s imprint on the federal courts will persist for decades. Most Trump appointees are relatively young, male and conservative, and like all federal judges, they have life terms. Trump also has appointed three of the nine justices on the Supreme Court, giving it a 6-3 conservative majority.
While Trump was filling the courts, Republican Senate leadership ended the “blue slip” tradition of allowing senators to veto any circuit court nominee from their states.
That tradition may be revived when Biden makes appointments, Tobias said. If that happened, red state senators would have to approve Biden’s picks before they could have a hearing.
Sen. Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa) is expected to take over the Judiciary Committee next year from Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), but little is expected to change for Democrats. McConnell “calls the shots,” Tobias said.
Given the Republicans’ zeal to fill all judicial vacancies before Trump leaves office, Biden’s ability to shape the court may be limited. President Clinton in his eight years in office appointed 62 judges to the regional circuit courts, but about a third already have taken senior status or no longer serve on the courts. Some Obama appointees also could decide to take senior status during the next four years, and deaths and illness may bring other openings.
On the 9th Circuit, the seats filled by the late legendary Judges Harry Pregerson and Stephen Reinhardt, considered the two most liberal circuit judges in the nation, are now held by Trump appointees. Getting like-minded liberals past a Senate Republican majority probably would be challenging. Among the Clinton appointees qualified to take senior status are 9th Circuit Judges Richard A. Paez, William A. Fletcher and Marsha S. Berzon.
“Would the Republicans let someone replace them with people similarly liberal?” a 9th Circuit judge asked. “I don’t think so.”


latimes--2020-11-30--San Francisco may rename 42 schools, including Lincoln High and Dianne Feinstein Elementary

The renaming committee began its presentation with an homage to the Ramaytush Ohlone people , whose homeland is now occupied by the city of San Francisco .
Then came the list of schools whose names the committee had flagged for removal because of alleged associations with slaveholding , colonization or oppression .
There were 42 in all — a third of San Francisco ’ s public schools .
Some of the schools ’ namesakes , like California missionary Father Junipero Serra and “ The Star-Spangled Banner ” composer Francis Scott Key , have much-debated legacies .
For others , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the reasons were less obvious .
The storied magnet school Lowell High was also on the list — its namesake , James Russell Lowell , was an abolitionist but depicted Black people unfavorably in his writings .
Committee members said school names should represent the school district ’ s values , which include respecting every person equally .
“ The names of all the schools in this city should reflect people to be admired , ” said Mary Travis Allen , a member of the renaming advisory committee .
But some graduates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about potentially changing the names of their alma maters .
And the city ’ s mayor , London Breed , came out strongly against the timing of the renaming debate , describing it as an unwelcome distraction when schools are closed because of the COVID-19 pandemic .
“ It ’ s offensive to parents who are juggling their children ’ s daily at-home learning schedules with doing their own jobs and maintaining their sanity , ” Breed wrote in a news release last month .
“ It ’ s offensive to me as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who loves our public schools , and who knows how those years in the classroom are what lifted me out of poverty and into college .
It ’ s offensive to our kids who are staring at screens day after day instead of learning and growing with their classmates and friends.
” The renaming committee , which included parents , students , educators and community members , was convened by the San Francisco Unified School District ’ s board at the beginning of the year .
On Nov. 10 , the committee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whether the district will forge ahead with the name changes remains to be seen .
The 42 schools have until Dec. 18 to suggest new names , which must be approved by the school board .
“ Abraham Lincoln is not seen as much of a hero at all among many American Indian Nations and Native peoples of the United States , as the majority of his policies proved to be detrimental to them , ” a committee member wrote on a spreadsheet summarizing the reasons for the renaming recommendations .
Feinstein , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Francisco mayor , has an elementary school named after her .
The spreadsheet said of Feinstein : “ Shes responsible for the eviction of a whole Pilipino neighboorhood , and the police brutaility , allowed police dogs to atack filipino veteran elders .
She repeatly protected and flew the confederate flag in front of sf city hall.
” The eviction allegation was an apparent reference to the International Hotel , where 150 elderly Chinese and Filipino tenants were evicted in 1977 , prior to the building ’ s demolition .
Feinstein did not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had a hand in shaping the property ’ s redevelopment , according to a brochure from the hotel ’ s history committee .
According to the San Francisco Chronicle , a Confederate battle flag was flown in front of City Hall for several months in 1964 , more than a decade before Feinstein ’ s mayoral tenure , as part of a “ Pavilion of American Flags.
” A different version of the Confederate flag may have persisted on a city flagpole , the Chronicle reported .
Tom Mentzer , a Feinstein spokesman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened before Feinstein was mayor .
He added : “ The school district is free to take whatever action it deems necessary , but it ’ s important to know the flag , part of a design installed years before Sen. Feinstein was a supervisor or mayor , came down during her tenure as mayor.
” At the Nov. 10 meeting , some spoke in favor of the renaming efforts .
“ I feel like this is something that allows school communities to focus on reinventing themselves and think about who have we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not been celebrating ?
” said school board Commissioner Alison Collins .
Joan Hepperly , co-executive director for United Administrators of San Francisco , said the union supports the renamings but wants to slow down the process to ensure that it is inclusive , especially during a pandemic when families are struggling with online education .
“ A rushed process would distort what we would hope to be a unifying and transformative experience into one that instead excludes members of our communities who are most marginalized , ” Hepperly said .
Others are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a group of alumni associations that has launched a letter-writing campaign .
“ What a waste of valuable resources — better spent to enhance education for our students , ” read a statement on the Balboa High School Alumni Assn.
’ s website .
“ We truly believe that if this name change ( God forbid ) goes through , much/most of Bal ’ s history and traditions that have created our fabulous school spirit would be lost.
” Emily Sanchez Powell , 91 , graduated from Balboa High in 1946 and was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years .
“ Alums love their school , and there is this connection with the name .
It ties us together , and we ’ d like to carry this forth with the current generation , ” she said .
“ With the proposed renaming , to me , it ’ s also kind of causing a division .
We don ’ t need another division in our life.
” Of the school ’ s namesake , Vasco Núñez de Balboa , the committee ’ s spreadsheet had this to say : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hundreds of Indigenous people . ''

George Washington High is among the San Francisco schools that a committee has recommended be renamed.
The renaming committee began its presentation with an homage to the Ramaytush Ohlone people, whose homeland is now occupied by the city of San Francisco.
Then came the list of schools whose names the committee had flagged for removal because of alleged associations with slaveholding, colonization or oppression.
There were 42 in all — a third of San Francisco’s public schools.
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Some of the schools’ namesakes, like California missionary Father Junipero Serra and “The Star-Spangled Banner” composer Francis Scott Key, have much-debated legacies.
For others, such as Abraham Lincoln and Sen. Dianne Feinstein, the reasons were less obvious.
The storied magnet school Lowell High was also on the list — its namesake, James Russell Lowell, was an abolitionist but depicted Black people unfavorably in his writings.
Committee members said school names should represent the school district’s values, which include respecting every person equally.
“The names of all the schools in this city should reflect people to be admired,” said Mary Travis Allen, a member of the renaming advisory committee.
But some graduates of the schools are up in arms about potentially changing the names of their alma maters. And the city’s mayor, London Breed, came out strongly against the timing of the renaming debate, describing it as an unwelcome distraction when schools are closed because of the COVID-19 pandemic.
“It’s offensive to parents who are juggling their children’s daily at-home learning schedules with doing their own jobs and maintaining their sanity,” Breed wrote in a news release last month. “It’s offensive to me as someone who went to our public schools, who loves our public schools, and who knows how those years in the classroom are what lifted me out of poverty and into college. It’s offensive to our kids who are staring at screens day after day instead of learning and growing with their classmates and friends.”
Today I issued a statement on the need for our School District to focus on reopening our public schools, not renaming them. To address inequities, we need to get our kids back in the classroom. pic.twitter.com/nHnauVZzFe — London Breed (@LondonBreed) October 16, 2020
The renaming committee, which included parents, students, educators and community members, was convened by the San Francisco Unified School District’s board at the beginning of the year. On Nov. 10, the committee presented its recommendations to the board.
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Whether the district will forge ahead with the name changes remains to be seen. The 42 schools have until Dec. 18 to suggest new names, which must be approved by the school board.
“Abraham Lincoln is not seen as much of a hero at all among many American Indian Nations and Native peoples of the United States, as the majority of his policies proved to be detrimental to them,” a committee member wrote on a spreadsheet summarizing the reasons for the renaming recommendations.
Feinstein, the long-serving U.S. senator and former San Francisco mayor, has an elementary school named after her.
The spreadsheet said of Feinstein: “Shes responsible for the eviction of a whole Pilipino neighboorhood, and the police brutaility, allowed police dogs to atack filipino veteran elders. She repeatly protected and flew the confederate flag in front of sf city hall.”
The eviction allegation was an apparent reference to the International Hotel, where 150 elderly Chinese and Filipino tenants were evicted in 1977, prior to the building’s demolition. Feinstein did not become mayor until the following year and had a hand in shaping the property’s redevelopment, according to a brochure from the hotel’s history committee.
According to the San Francisco Chronicle, a Confederate battle flag was flown in front of City Hall for several months in 1964, more than a decade before Feinstein’s mayoral tenure, as part of a “Pavilion of American Flags.” A different version of the Confederate flag may have persisted on a city flagpole, the Chronicle reported.
Tom Mentzer, a Feinstein spokesman, noted that the International Hotel evictions happened before Feinstein was mayor.
He added: “The school district is free to take whatever action it deems necessary, but it’s important to know the flag, part of a design installed years before Sen. Feinstein was a supervisor or mayor, came down during her tenure as mayor.”
At the Nov. 10 meeting, some spoke in favor of the renaming efforts.
“I feel like this is something that allows school communities to focus on reinventing themselves and think about who have we not been uplifting, who have we not been celebrating?” said school board Commissioner Alison Collins.
Joan Hepperly, co-executive director for United Administrators of San Francisco, said the union supports the renamings but wants to slow down the process to ensure that it is inclusive, especially during a pandemic when families are struggling with online education.
“A rushed process would distort what we would hope to be a unifying and transformative experience into one that instead excludes members of our communities who are most marginalized,” Hepperly said.
Others are opposed to renaming the schools, including a group of alumni associations that has launched a letter-writing campaign.
“What a waste of valuable resources — better spent to enhance education for our students,” read a statement on the Balboa High School Alumni Assn.’s website. “We truly believe that if this name change (God forbid) goes through, much/most of Bal’s history and traditions that have created our fabulous school spirit would be lost.”
Emily Sanchez Powell, 91, graduated from Balboa High in 1946 and was president of its alumni association for 45 years.
“Alums love their school, and there is this connection with the name. It ties us together, and we’d like to carry this forth with the current generation,” she said. “With the proposed renaming, to me, it’s also kind of causing a division. We don’t need another division in our life.”
Of the school’s namesake, Vasco Núñez de Balboa, the committee’s spreadsheet had this to say: “Balboa, a Spanish explorer, killed hundreds of Indigenous people.”


latimes--2020-11-29--Dozens protest outside of home of L.A. County's public health director

Dozens of demonstrators converged outside the Echo Park home of Los Angeles County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer on Sunday afternoon to express their displeasure with a new round of COVID-19 restrictions that will take effect Monday .
Carrying signs and waving flags , the protesters called on Ferrer to “ Open L.A. ” and chanted , “ No science .
No data .
No shutdown.
” Few of the 50 or so demonstrators were wearing face masks .
The county ’ s latest Safer at Home order was announced Tuesday amid an alarming increase in coronavirus cases and COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a ban on most gatherings , stricter limits on retail businesses , and closures of playgrounds that aren ’ t part of a school or childcare center .
The order will be in effect for three weeks , until Dec. 20 .
Those restrictions came on the heels of a previously announced rule that suspended outdoor dining at restaurants throughout most of the county .
Pasadena , which has its own health department , opted to allow outdoor dining to continue .
In addition , Gov .
Gavin Newsom recently announced a statewide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of other households between the hours of 10 p.m. and 5 a.m .
The recent restrictions have drawn the ire of business owners , exhausted parents and others who are simply losing patience with the pandemic way of life .
One of the protesters outside Ferrer ’ s home carried a sign that read , “ Newsom and Ferrer are non-essential.
” Another shouted , “ How dare you take away our guns and lock us in ?
” Some of the demonstrators raised other grievances , including the outcome of the 2020 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flags , and one held a sign that declared “ Trump won.
” Several people got into heated exchanges with Ferrer ’ s neighbors , including one resident who called the protesters “ fascists ” and Nazis.
” Though noisy at times , the protest remained peaceful until the demonstrators dispersed around 5 p.m. A Los Angeles Police Department vehicle was parked in Ferrer ’ s shared driveway to monitor the protest .
LAPD officials could not be reached for comment Sunday night .
For the most part , L.A. County residents have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intended to slow the spread of the coronavirus in the community .
But patience is wearing thin , and some people have become more vocal in opposing them .
The county is now averaging nearly 4,200 new coronavirus cases each day a tally that exceeds the number of daily cases reported during the summer .
Hospitalizations have been on the rise for the past two weeks and are now just shy of 2,200 , nearly meeting the previous high from the summer .
Over the last week , L.A. County has averaged nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff writers David Zahniser and Laura Nelson contributed to this report .

L.A. County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer at a news conference in March. Protesters gathered outside of her Echo Park home on Sunday.
Dozens of demonstrators converged outside the Echo Park home of Los Angeles County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer on Sunday afternoon to express their displeasure with a new round of COVID-19 restrictions that will take effect Monday.
Carrying signs and waving flags, the protesters called on Ferrer to “Open L.A.” and chanted, “No science. No data. No shutdown.”
Few of the 50 or so demonstrators were wearing face masks.
More people here now, and a bit of a shouting match erupting between the protesters and a resident on this street. pic.twitter.com/SQ6YYZ2FcB — Laura J. Nelson 🦅 (@laura_nelson) November 30, 2020
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The county’s latest Safer at Home order was announced Tuesday amid an alarming increase in coronavirus cases and COVID-19 deaths. Its slew of restrictions includes a ban on most gatherings, stricter limits on retail businesses, and closures of playgrounds that aren’t part of a school or childcare center.
The order will be in effect for three weeks, until Dec. 20.
Those restrictions came on the heels of a previously announced rule that suspended outdoor dining at restaurants throughout most of the county. Pasadena, which has its own health department, opted to allow outdoor dining to continue.
In addition, Gov. Gavin Newsom recently announced a statewide curfew that forbids nonessential gatherings with members of other households between the hours of 10 p.m. and 5 a.m.
The recent restrictions have drawn the ire of business owners, exhausted parents and others who are simply losing patience with the pandemic way of life.
One of the protesters outside Ferrer’s home carried a sign that read, “Newsom and Ferrer are non-essential.” Another shouted, “How dare you take away our guns and lock us in?”
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Some of the demonstrators raised other grievances, including the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. Several people brought Trump flags, and one held a sign that declared “Trump won.”
Several people got into heated exchanges with Ferrer’s neighbors, including one resident who called the protesters “fascists” and Nazis.”
Though noisy at times, the protest remained peaceful until the demonstrators dispersed around 5 p.m.
A Los Angeles Police Department vehicle was parked in Ferrer’s shared driveway to monitor the protest. LAPD officials could not be reached for comment Sunday night.
For the most part, L.A. County residents have taken heed of the public health orders intended to slow the spread of the coronavirus in the community. But patience is wearing thin, and some people have become more vocal in opposing them.
The county is now averaging nearly 4,200 new coronavirus cases each day , a tally that exceeds the number of daily cases reported during the summer. Hospitalizations have been on the rise for the past two weeks and are now just shy of 2,200, nearly meeting the previous high from the summer.
Over the last week, L.A. County has averaged nearly 28 COVID-19 deaths each day.
Times staff writers David Zahniser and Laura Nelson contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-11-30--L.A. County surpasses 400,000 coronavrius cases, hits record number of hospitalizations

Los Angeles County hit two new troubling milestones in the battle with COVID-19 on Monday , surpassing 400,000 cumulative coronavirus cases and breaking a record for COVID-19 hospitalizations .
The county surpassed its previous all-time high of 2,232 hospitalizations set on July 18 .
On Sunday , the county recorded a total of 2,316 people in its hospitals with confirmed coronavirus infections , according to data released Monday .
The rate of increasing hospitalizations in L.A. County has been breathtaking : tripling from a total of 777 recorded on Halloween .
“ The increases we ’ re seeing now are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sustainable , because they ’ re gon na overwhelm not just our healthcare system , but the entire state ’ s healthcare system , ” county Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said Monday .
She added that the county is in “ the most difficult moment in the pandemic.
” The county reported more than 5,000 new coronavirus cases Monday , and officials said they are holding out hope that new restrictions might slow the spread before hospitals reach a crisis point .
“ We don ’ t really have any choice but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stop the surge , ” Ferrer said during a briefing .
“ Until there is a vaccine , each of us needs to protect all of those around us — both those we know and those we don ’ t .
The virus is running rampant through almost every part of our county.
” Officials in L.A. County a targeted safer-at-home order that is in effect through Dec. 20 .
It closes public playgrounds ; sets new capacity limits on retail stores , outdoor museums , galleries , zoos and aquariums ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different households , except for outdoor religious services and political demonstrations .
Those limitations are on top of restrictions that went into effect last week , including on outdoor dining .
Though she acknowledged the disruption that comes with new restrictions , Ferrer said health officials have tried to be more targeted in their efforts to slow the spread of the disease .
But , she said , the county can ’ t sit idly by as conditions worsen — particularly in terms of the healthcare system .
“ So we ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can , and hopefully everyone gets on board with this , ” Ferrer said .
“ It ’ s three weeks .
We ’ ve done this for much longer in the past and with many more restrictions .
”

Los Angeles County hit two new troubling milestones in the battle with COVID-19 on Monday, surpassing 400,000 cumulative coronavirus cases and breaking a record for COVID-19 hospitalizations.
The county surpassed its previous all-time high of 2,232 hospitalizations set on July 18. On Sunday, the county recorded a total of 2,316 people in its hospitals with confirmed coronavirus infections, according to data released Monday. The rate of increasing hospitalizations in L.A. County has been breathtaking: tripling from a total of 777 recorded on Halloween.
“The increases we’re seeing now are not sustainable. They’re not sustainable, because they’re gonna overwhelm not just our healthcare system, but the entire state’s healthcare system,” county Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said Monday.
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She added that the county is in “the most difficult moment in the pandemic.”
The county recorded 5,569 new coronavirus cases Monday, the second-highest number recorded in a single day, according to a Times independent tally of cases.
“We don’t really have any choice but to use all the tools at hand to stop the surge,” Ferrer said during a briefing. “Until there is a vaccine, each of us needs to protect all of those around us — both those we know and those we don’t. The virus is running rampant through almost every part of our county.”
Tracking the coronavirus in L.A. County The latest maps and charts on the spread of COVID-19 in Los Angeles County, including cases, deaths, closures and restrictions.
Officials in L.A. County rolled out a targeted ‘safer-at-home’ order that is in effect through Dec. 20. It closes public playgrounds; sets new capacity limits on retail stores, outdoor museums, galleries, zoos and aquariums; and prohibits all gatherings among people from different households, except for outdoor religious services and political demonstrations. Those limitations are on top of restrictions that went into effect last week , including a controversial renewed ban on outdoor dining.
Though she acknowledged the disruption hat comes with new restrictions, Ferrer said health officials have tried to be more targeted in their efforts to slow the spread of the disease. But, she said, the county can’t sit idly by as conditions worsen — particularly in terms of the healthcare system.
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“So we’re going to have to do everything we can, and hopefully everyone gets on board with this,” Ferrer said. “It’s three weeks. We’ve done this for much longer in the past and with many more restrictions.”


latimes--2020-11-30--A coronavirus cat-astrophe: Orange County's first cat cafe forced to close amid pandemic

Catmosphere Laguna , Orange County ’ s first cat cafe , closed over the weekend after coronavirus restrictions made it impossible to make ends meet , owner Gail Allyn Landau said .
The cafe and lounge where customers could play with adoptable cats and kittens opened in August 2018 .
It ’ s not that cat lovers lost interest in cuddling the cafe ’ s fluffy residents — demand remained strong until the end — there simply wasn ’ t enough space for visitors to safely distance themselves , Landau said .
“ I ’ m sorry to see it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place in the world , ” she said .
“ But I simply can not afford it at this point with COVID restrictions.
” Once able to accommodate 12 people , Landau said a capacity limit reduced the business ’ cafe area to only four customers .
The lounge , which had space for 10 , was also limited to four people because of coronavirus restrictions .
Catmosphere previously hosted big-draw events , including weekly Drag Bingo , which Landau cited as a boon to the business .
Those gatherings , in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , had to be shelved .
Ironically , demand for cat adoptions has skyrocketed during the pandemic .
And numbers typical spike during the holiday season as well , Landau said .
Amid a final push Friday and “ Caturday , ” as the cafe put in a Facebook post , the cafe celebrated its 195th adoption .
Landau said the business ’ closure won ’ t stop her from connecting rescued felines with their “ furever homes.
” The eponymous adoption foundation that Landau launched in 2017 will continue to operate .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ us looking for companions , ” Landau said .
“ People were working from home , and suddenly their lifestyles were different.
” In March , the cafe had 16 cats available for adoption .
They were fostered out and adopted “ immediately , ” Landau said .
That demand hasn ’ t subsided .
Pre-pandemic , Catmosphere placed about one cat per week .
Now it ’ s placing three times as many .
Those looking to adopt through Catmosphere need to fill out an application and undergo an interview and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the right cat with the right home .
The method , which Landau swears by , is continuing during the pandemic with some adjustments .
Home checks , for example , are now conducted virtually .
“ I ’ m a matchmaker to the meows , ” she joked .
Even as the curtain falls and tails are taken elsewhere , a new chapter is brewing .
Catmosphere could reopen in a new location as soon as the spring .
Landau said she already has started the scouting process and is tying the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vaccine might be available .
In the meantime , those interested in adoptions — or no-strings-attached cuddling — can look out for pop-up events that Landau says are planned for the next few months .
Catmosphere isn ’ t the only cat cafe forced to pivot amid the pandemic .
Crumbs and Whiskers , in the Fairfax area of Los Angeles , is temporarily closed “ due to COVID-19 , ” according to its Yelp page .
It ’ s slated to reopen on the first of the new year .
Other sites @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in West Los Angeles is staying open , even as it has reduced capacity by half and implemented other safety precautions required by the L.A. County Health Department .
“ Which means less people , and more one-on-one cat time , ” according to the cafe ’ s website .
CatCafe Lounge has also rolled out a “ catio , ” where customers can spend time with what the cafe calls “ kittos ” in an outdoor environment .

Catmosphere, the first cat cafe and lounge in Laguna Beach, closed this weekend after two years of operation.
A Laguna Beach storefront has lost a purr-fect tenant amid the pandemic.
Catmosphere Laguna, Orange County’s first cat cafe, closed over the weekend after coronavirus restrictions made it impossible to make ends meet, owner Gail Allyn Landau said.
The cafe and lounge where customers could play with adoptable cats and kittens opened in August 2018.
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It’s not that cat lovers lost interest in cuddling the cafe’s fluffy residents — demand remained strong until the end — there simply wasn’t enough space for visitors to safely distance themselves, Landau said.
“I’m sorry to see it go, believe me — the happiest place in the world,” she said. “But I simply cannot afford it at this point with COVID restrictions.”
Once able to accommodate 12 people, Landau said a capacity limit reduced the business’ cafe area to only four customers. The lounge, which had space for 10, was also limited to four people because of coronavirus restrictions.
Catmosphere previously hosted big-draw events, including weekly Drag Bingo, which Landau cited as a boon to the business. Those gatherings, in which attendees could be packed in like sardines, had to be shelved.
Ironically, demand for cat adoptions has skyrocketed during the pandemic. And numbers typical spike during the holiday season as well, Landau said.
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Amid a final push Friday and “Caturday,” as the cafe put in a Facebook post, the cafe celebrated its 195th adoption.
Landau said the business’ closure won’t stop her from connecting rescued felines with their “furever homes.” The eponymous adoption foundation that Landau launched in 2017 will continue to operate.
“COVID brought so many people to us looking for companions,” Landau said. “People were working from home, and suddenly their lifestyles were different.”
In March, the cafe had 16 cats available for adoption. They were fostered out and adopted “immediately,” Landau said.
That demand hasn’t subsided. Pre-pandemic, Catmosphere placed about one cat per week. Now it’s placing three times as many.
Those looking to adopt through Catmosphere need to fill out an application and undergo an interview and a home check with the intention of matching the right cat with the right home. The method, which Landau swears by, is continuing during the pandemic with some adjustments. Home checks, for example, are now conducted virtually.
“I’m a matchmaker to the meows,” she joked.
Even as the curtain falls and tails are taken elsewhere, a new chapter is brewing.
Catmosphere could reopen in a new location as soon as the spring. Landau said she already has started the scouting process and is tying the relaunch to coincide with when a widespread vaccine might be available.
In the meantime, those interested in adoptions — or no-strings-attached cuddling — can look out for pop-up events that Landau says are planned for the next few months.
Catmosphere isn’t the only cat cafe forced to pivot amid the pandemic. Crumbs and Whiskers, in the Fairfax area of Los Angeles, is temporarily closed “due to COVID-19,” according to its Yelp page. It’s slated to reopen on the first of the new year.
Other sites are adjusting as well. CatCafe Lounge in West Los Angeles is staying open, even as it has reduced capacity by half and implemented other safety precautions required by the L.A. County Health Department.
“Which means less people, and more one-on-one cat time,” according to the cafe’s website.
CatCafe Lounge has also rolled out a “catio,” where customers can spend time with what the cafe calls “kittos” in an outdoor environment.


latimes--2020-11-30--Raymond Chan, former L.A. deputy mayor, charged in federal City Hall corruption case

A former senior aide to Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti has been charged with racketeering conspiracy , bribery and other crimes in the ongoing federal probe into corruption at City Hall , according to court records made public Monday .
Raymond Chan , a deputy mayor who oversaw economic development for Garcetti in 2016 and 2017 , is the latest figure to be accused of playing a role in a sprawling scheme allegedly run by ousted Councilman Jose Huizar .
Prosecutors say both men were involved in shaking down developers seeking help pushing downtown real estate projects through the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statement , U.S. Atty .
Nick Hanna said Huizar , Chan and their network of associates “ repeatedly violated the public trust by soliciting and accepting numerous cash bribes and other financial benefits , turning Huizar ’ s city council seat into a money-making criminal enterprise.
” In addition to Chan , prosecutors Monday announced corruption charges against Wei Huang , the chairman of a Chinese real estate company that proposed a 77-story skyscraper on Figueroa Street , and Dae Yong Lee , a Bel-Air developer who won approval for a new 20-story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Companies operated by the two men were also named as defendants .
The charges against the men and the companies were detailed in an indictment issued earlier this month by a grand jury and unsealed Monday .
The 138-page document , called a superseding indictment , added the new allegations to those already filed against Huizar , signaling the government ’ s intention to prosecute Chan , Huizar and the two developers as a group .
Chan is accused of an array of illegal activities , including arranging “ indirect bribe payments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employment contracts for those officials ’ relatives .
In August 2017 , according to the indictment , Chan spoke with the aide to an unnamed City Council member about his client ’ s plan for redeveloping the Luxe Hotel in downtown Los Angeles .
Chan asked the aide — referred to in court papers as City Staffer D — to contact Garcetti ’ s office about applying pressure on the planning commission to approve the project .
Later that month , Chan ’ s company offered one of City Staffer D ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ indictment said .
The relative ultimately received $ 2,000 from Chan ’ s company , prosecutors allege .
Chan ’ s attorney , Harland Braun , denied that Chan had broken any laws , describing him as an honest public servant who was “ caught in the middle ” of a messy political ecosystem populated by politicians seeking campaign contributions , developers desperate to get projects approved and lobbyists working as middlemen .
“ Ray was just doing his job and all of a sudden along comes the U.S. attorney who thinks he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ Where do you see Ray getting any money in all of this ?
” A spokesman for Garcetti , Alex Comisar , said the mayor was not aware of any wrongdoing by Chan during his time in the mayor ’ s office .
“ The behavior outlined in this indictment is reprehensible , and Mayor Garcetti is disgusted to learn that Mr. Chan and the others charged were allegedly involved in this effort to defraud the people of our city , ” Comisar said in a statement .
“ Abhorrent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s trust in government , and there can be absolutely no place for it.
” The corruption case has resulted in guilty pleas from former City Councilman Mitchell Englander , former Huizar aide George Esparza , one longtime City Hall lobbyist and a pair of real estate consultants .
Huizar , who was suspended by his colleagues earlier this year , has pleaded not guilty to an array of charges , including racketeering , bribery and money laundering .
Chan worked for the city for 33 years , serving at one point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Building and Safety , which reviews building plans and inspects construction projects .
While working in that agency , he built a reputation as a bureaucrat who worked to cut red tape and smooth the development process .
Critics argued that under his leadership , the department treated developers , not the broader public , as their customers .
When Chan retired in 2017 , he was praised by Garcetti as a “ true public servant ” who had played a role creating “ unprecedented growth ” across the city .
Shortly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a firm called CCC Investment Group with George Chiang , a real estate broker who represented developers with projects in downtown and elsewhere .
Chan came under scrutiny from FBI agents investigating alleged pay-to-play activities involving Huizar and a series of real estate developments in Huizar ’ s district .
Chan was named in a 2018 federal search warrant seeking evidence of possible crimes involving more than a dozen people .
Chiang agreed to plead guilty earlier this year , admitting to participating in a scheme in which a Chinese real estate company @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the redevelopment of the Luxe Hotel in downtown Los Angeles .
Added Monday to the sprawling Huizar case is Lee , also known as David Lee , who received city approval three years ago for a residential tower at Hill and Olympic .
Prosecutors have accused Lee of providing a cash bribe to campaign fundraiser Justin Jangwoo Kim , some of which was intended allegedly for Huizar .
Kim pleaded guilty in June , admitting he helped arrange the bribe for Huizar .
The payoff , much of it delivered in a paper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way for Lee ’ s 20-story project , which faced a challenge from an L.A.-based labor organization , prosecutors alleged .
Ariel Neuman , Lee ’ s lawyer , said in an email that the case against his client is “ built on falsehoods and distortions coming from a single person who the government concedes is a liar and thief.
” “ It is disappointing that the government has decided to move forward with charges against my client , but we will now look forward to answering the charges in court , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expected to turn themselves in to federal authorities and are scheduled to be arraigned Tuesday afternoon in U.S. District Court in downtown Los Angeles .

A former senior aide to Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti has been charged with conspiracy, bribery, fraud and lying to FBI agents in the ongoing federal probe into corruption at City Hall, according to court records made public Monday.
Raymond Chan, a deputy mayor who oversaw economic development for Garcetti in 2016 and 2017, is the latest figure to be accused of playing a part in a sprawling scheme allegedly run by ousted Councilman Jose Huizar. Prosecutors say both men were involved in shaking down developers who sought help pushing downtown real estate projects through the city’s approval process.
In a statement, U.S. Atty. Nick Hanna said Huizar, Chan and their network of associates “repeatedly violated the public trust by soliciting and accepting numerous cash bribes and other financial benefits, turning Huizar’s city council seat into a money-making criminal enterprise.”
In addition to Chan, prosecutors announced corruption charges Monday against Wei Huang, chairman of a Chinese real estate company that proposed a 77-story skyscraper on Figueroa Street, and Dae Yong Lee, a Bel-Air developer who in 2017 won approval for a new 20-story residential tower on Hill Street. Companies operated by the two men were also named as defendants.
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The charges against the three men and the companies were detailed in an indictment issued earlier this month by a grand jury and unsealed Monday. The 138-page document, a superseding indictment, added the new allegations to those already filed against Huizar in July, signaling the government’s intention to prosecute Chan, Huizar and the two developers as a group.
Chan is accused of an array of illegal activities, including arranging “indirect bribe payments” to key city officials by securing employment contracts for the officials’ relatives.
In August 2017, according to the indictment, Chan spoke with the aide to an unnamed City Council member about his client’s plan for redeveloping the Luxe City Center Hotel in downtown Los Angeles. Chan asked the aide — referred to in court papers as “City Staffer D” — to contact Garcetti’s office about applying pressure on the planning commission to approve the project.
Later that month, Chan’s company offered a relative of City Staffer D a four-month consulting deal, the indictment said. The relative ultimately received $2,000 from Chan’s company, prosecutors allege.
Chan’s attorney, Harland Braun, denied that Chan had broken any laws, describing him as an honest public servant who was “caught in the middle” of a messy political ecosystem populated by politicians seeking campaign contributions, developers desperate to get projects approved and lobbyists working as middlemen.
“Ray was just doing his job, and all of a sudden, along comes the U.S. attorney, who thinks he’s a criminal,” Braun added. “Where do you see Ray getting any money in all of this?”
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A spokesman for Garcetti, Alex Comisar, said the mayor was not aware of any wrongdoing by Chan during his time in the mayor’s office.
“The behavior outlined in this indictment is reprehensible, and Mayor Garcetti is disgusted to learn that Mr. Chan and the others charged were allegedly involved in this effort to defraud the people of our city,” Comisar said in a statement. “Abhorrent conduct like this severely damages the public’s trust in government, and there can be absolutely no place for it.”
So far, the corruption case has resulted in guilty pleas from former City Councilman Mitchell Englander, former Huizar aide George Esparza, one longtime City Hall lobbyist and a pair of real estate consultants. Huizar, who was stripped of his pay and his duties earlier this year, has pleaded not guilty to an array of charges, including racketeering, bribery and money laundering.
Raymond Chan, left, and Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti. (Los Angeles Department of Buildings / Associated Press)
Chan worked for the city for 33 years, serving at one point as the top executive overseeing the Department of Building and Safety, which reviews building plans and inspects construction projects. While working in that agency, he built a reputation as someone who cut red tape and smoothed the way for new development.
Critics argued that under his leadership, the department treated developers, not the broader public, as its customers.
When Chan retired in 2017, he was praised by Garcetti as a “true public servant” who had played a role creating “unprecedented growth” across the city.
Shortly after leaving City Hall, Chan created a firm called CCC Investment Group with George Chiang, a real estate broker who represented developers with projects downtown and elsewhere.
Chan came under scrutiny from FBI agents investigating alleged pay-to-play activities involving Huizar and a series of real estate developments in Huizar’s district. Chan was named in a 2018 federal search warrant seeking evidence of possible crimes involving more than a dozen people.
Real estate consultant George Chiang pleaded guilty to participating in a scheme in which a developer allegedly gave bribes in exchange for help with plans for redeveloping the Luxe City Center Hotel. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)
Chiang agreed to plead guilty earlier this year, admitting to participating in a scheme in which a Chinese real estate company bribed Huizar in exchange for help with the redevelopment of the Luxe City Center Hotel.
Huang, one of the new defendants charged Monday, is the executive of Shenzhen New World, a China-based development company that is seeking to redevelop the L.A. Grand Hotel at West Third and South Figueroa streets by adding a skyscraper to the property.
A billionaire and a Chinese national, Huang provided Huizar with $600,000 in financial backing to help him settle a sexual harassment lawsuit filed by one of his former aides, the indictment said. The funds allowed Huizar to obtain a loan and secretly resolve the case without his accuser’s claims being made public. After Huizar failed to make interest payments on the loan, the bank seized Huang’s funds as collateral, the federal filing said.
Also added to the case Monday was Lee, known widely as David Lee. He received city approval three years ago to build a residential tower at the intersection of Hill Street and Olympic Boulevard downtown. Prosecutors have accused Lee of providing a cash bribe to campaign fundraiser Justin Jangwoo Kim; a portion of the bribe was allegedly intended for Huizar.
Kim pleaded guilty in June, admitting he helped arrange the bribe for Huizar. The payoff, much of it delivered in a paper bag, was meant to smooth the way for Lee’s 20-story project, which faced a challenge from an L.A.-based labor organization, prosecutors alleged.
Ariel Neuman, Lee’s lawyer, said in an email that the case against his client is “built on falsehoods and distortions coming from a single person who the government concedes is a liar and thief.”
“It is disappointing that the government has decided to move forward with charges against my client, but we will now look forward to answering the charges in court,” he said.
Chan and Lee were expected to turn themselves in to federal authorities and are scheduled to be arraigned Tuesday afternoon in U.S. District Court in downtown Los Angeles.
Times staff writer Emily Alpert Reyes contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-11-30--Four L.A. County sheriff's officials refuse to testify in Andres Guardado inquest

Four Los Angeles County sheriff ’ s officials are refusing to testify in the coroner ’ s inquest into the deputy shooting death of Andres Guardado , invoking their 5th Amendment right against self-incrimination even though none of them have been accused of a crime .
Deputies Miguel Vega , who opened fire , and his partner Chris Hernandez , as well as two homicide detectives investigating the case , have indicated they will not answer questions about what led up to the shooting of the 18-year-old Guardado , who was shot five times in the back and killed in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests .
A Sheriff ’ s Department spokesman said each person made the decision on the advice of his legal counsel , not at the direction of Sheriff Alex Villanueva .
Legal experts said the move shows a refusal by the Sheriff ’ s Department to cooperate in a proceeding that Villanueva dismissed in a radio interview earlier this month as a circus stunt .
“ I think you can take it for what it is : No one is volunteering from that sheriff ’ s office to cooperate in that inquiry , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Levenson , who was not surprised by the move .
“ I ’ m sure what they ’ re thinking is , ‘ We don ’ t know where this is headed .
We don ’ t know who this is going to target .
We don ’ t know if they ’ re going to claim there ’ s some kind of cover-up .
We don ’ t know enough not to assert our 5th Amendment right.
’ ” She added later : “ It was clearly coordinated .
It was clearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make it more difficult to make findings that could be used against them or others.
” Mike Gennaco , a policing expert who used to oversee the Sheriff ’ s Department , said he was surprised that the two homicide investigators would not testify .
“ I find that remarkable and disappointing , ” Gennaco said .
“ They were fact-finders , and there ’ s no allegation that there was some sort of conspiracy to cover up the facts.
” The coroner ’ s inquest , the first of its kind in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monday so a hearing officer , retired Judge Candace Cooper , could determine the cause and manner of death .
The coroner ’ s office has already determined that Guardado died by homicide on June 18 when he was shot five times in the back .
The official autopsy report , released in July , determined that all five gunshot wounds were fatal .
Still , the coroner ’ s office said it ordered up the inquest for an independent review of their findings in the highly scrutinized case “ in the interest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amid heightened tensions between Villanueva and county officials who accuse him of stonewalling oversight and rebuffing efforts to hold him accountable .
Four witnesses did testify in the morning : the medical examiner who performed the autopsy , a coroner ’ s investigator who responded to the scene and authored a summary of the incident , and two firefighters who tried to save Guardado ’ s life .
They answered questions from county attorneys , offering a glimpse into the aftermath of the shooting that the public normally wouldn ’ t get until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Young , a deputy medical examiner , testified that the location of the bullet wounds indicated Guardado had his back to the gun when he was shot , and that he could have been on his knees or laying prone on the ground .
Young said Guardado would have been able to move his hands and arms after he was struck by the first gunshot .
A journalist with L.A. Taco who interviewed a witness at the scene and the forensic pathologist who conducted a private autopsy for Guardado ’ s family testified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s office subpoenaed investigative documents from the Sheriff ’ s Department , which provided them to the hearing officer under seal .
Before making her findings , Cooper will also review the Sheriff ’ s Department ’ s earlier news briefings on the shooting investigation , including the most recent one in August , part of which was played at the hearing .
Cooper said she wouldn ’ t make a finding Monday and adjourned the hearing , leaving open the possibility of calling more witnesses .
It ’ s unclear when the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be an effort to compel the four sheriff ’ s officials to testify .
Not much of what was presented publicly Monday was new .
Lt. John Satterfield , a Sheriff ’ s Department spokesman , said the “ overwhelming majority ” of information presented Monday came from a briefing the Sheriff ’ s Department held months ago .
“ If +90 % of what was learned today ... was ( publicly ) actually released by the sheriff months ago , how is he stonewalling accountability ?
” he said in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Board of Supervisors earlier this year amid nationwide protests over police brutality , with Guardado ’ s shooting reigniting calls for accountability and transparency within the department .
The Sheriff ’ s Department has said that Guardado was shot and killed around 6 p.m. on June 18 , after two deputies saw him speaking to someone in a car blocking the entrance to an auto body shop on West Redondo Beach Boulevard .
Investigators said Guardado “ produced a handgun ” and ran away , and deputies chased him .
When deputies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Hernandez ’ s attorneys have told The Times that the shooting was justified .
Vega ’ s attorney , Adam L. Marangell , said his client gave multiple commands for Guardado to stop during the chase , during which Guardado pulled out the gun .
He said Guardado then obeyed commands to stop , turned around and raised both hands while still armed .
Guardado was ordered to place the firearm on the ground , which he did , Marangell said .
Guardado then positioned himself facedown on the ground , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Marangell said .
Vega holstered his weapon and began approaching Guardado to cuff him , saying , “ Don ’ t reach for the gun , ” Marangell said .
He said that ’ s when Guardado reached for the gun , and Vega opened fire .

Four Los Angeles County sheriff’s officials are refusing to testify in the coroner’s inquest into the deputy shooting death of Andres Guardado, invoking their 5th Amendment right against self-incrimination even though none of them have been accused of a crime.
Deputies Miguel Vega, who opened fire, and his partner Chris Hernandez, as well as two homicide detectives investigating the case, have indicated they will not answer questions about what led up to the shooting of the 18-year-old Guardado, who was shot five times in the back in an incident that generated weeks of large protests.
A Sheriff’s Department spokesman said each person made the decision on the advice of his legal counsel, not at the direction of Sheriff Alex Villanueva. Legal experts said the move shows a refusal by the Sheriff’s Department to cooperate in a proceeding that Villanueva dismissed in a radio interview earlier this month as a circus stunt.
“I’m sure what they’re thinking is, ‘We don’t know where this is headed. We don’t know who this is going to target. We don’t know if they’re going to claim there’s some kind of cover-up. We don’t know enough not to assert our 5th Amendment right,’” said Loyola Law School professor Laurie Levenson, who was not surprised by the move. “I think you can take it for what it is: No one is volunteering from that sheriff’s office to cooperate in that inquiry.”
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She added: “It was clearly coordinated. It was clearly designed to protect them, and to make it more difficult to make findings that could be used against them or others.”
Mike Gennaco, a policing expert who used to oversee the Sheriff’s Department, said he was surprised that the two homicide investigators would not testify.
“I find that remarkable and disappointing,” Gennaco said. “They were fact-finders, and there’s no allegation that there was some sort of conspiracy to cover up the facts.”
The coroner’s inquest was being conducted Monday so a hearing officer, retired Judge Candace Cooper, could determine the cause and manner of death. The coroner’s office has already concluded that Guardado died by homicide on June 18 when he was shot five times in the back. The official autopsy report, released in July, said that all five gunshot wounds were fatal.
Still, the coroner’s office said it ordered up the inquest for an independent review of the findings in the highly scrutinized case “in the interest of public transparency.” The hearing came amid heightened tensions between Villanueva and county officials who accuse him of stonewalling oversight and rebuffing efforts to hold him accountable.
Four witnesses did testify in the morning: the medical examiner who performed the autopsy, a coroner’s investigator who responded to the scene and authored a summary of the incident, and two firefighters who tried to save Guardado’s life. They answered questions from county attorneys, offering a glimpse into the aftermath of the shooting that the public normally wouldn’t get until a civil or criminal trial.
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Kevin Young, a deputy medical examiner, testified that the location of the bullet wounds indicated Guardado had his back to the gun when he was shot, and that he could have been on his knees or lying prone on the ground. Young said Guardado would have been able to move his hands and arms after he was struck by the first gunshot.
A journalist with L.A. Taco who interviewed a witness whom county officials couldn’t locate and the forensic pathologist who conducted a private autopsy for Guardado’s family testified in the afternoon. In video interviews, the witness told the journalist that Guardado was on his knees with his hands behind his head when he was shot.
The coroner’s office subpoenaed investigative documents from the Sheriff’s Department, which provided them to the hearing officer under seal. Before making her findings, Cooper will also review the Sheriff’s Department’s earlier news briefings on the shooting investigation, including the most recent one in August, part of which was played at the hearing.
Cooper said she wouldn’t make any findings Monday and adjourned the hearing, leaving open the possibility of calling more witnesses. It’s unclear when the proceedings will resume, or if there will be an effort to compel the four sheriff’s officials to testify.
Not much of what was presented publicly Monday was new.
Lt. John Satterfield, a Sheriff’s Department spokesman, said the “overwhelming majority” of information presented Monday came from a briefing the Sheriff’s Department held months ago. “If +90% of what was learned today...was (publicly) actually released by the sheriff months ago, how is he stonewalling accountability?” he said in a text.
The inquest was recommended by the Board of Supervisors earlier this year amid nationwide protests over police brutality, with Guardado’s shooting reigniting calls for accountability and transparency within the department.
The Sheriff’s Department has said that Guardado was shot and killed around 6 p.m. on June 18, after two deputies saw him speaking to someone in a car blocking the entrance to an auto body shop on West Redondo Beach Boulevard. Investigators said Guardado “produced a handgun” and ran away, and deputies chased him. When deputies reached him, one fired.
Vega and Hernandez’s attorneys have told The Times that the shooting was justified.
Vega’s attorney, Adam L. Marangell, said his client gave multiple commands for Guardado to stop during the chase, during which Guardado pulled out the gun. He said Guardado then obeyed commands to stop, turned around and raised both hands while still armed.
Guardado was ordered to place the firearm on the ground, which he did, Marangell said. Guardado then positioned himself facedown on the ground, but the gun was near his right hand, Marangell said.
Vega holstered his weapon and began approaching Guardado to cuff him, saying, “Don’t reach for the gun,” Marangell said. He said that’s when Guardado reached for the gun, and Vega opened fire.


latimes--2020-11-30--Bay Area rapper Lil Yase gunned down near BART station over the weekend

A 26-year-old Bay Area rapper was shot and killed over the weekend , and police are searching for suspects in the slaying , authorities said .
Police were called to the Valley Care Medical Center in the San Francisco suburb of Pleasanton about 1 a.m. Saturday after a man suffering from multiple gunshot wounds arrived at the hospital .
The victim — later identified as Alexander Antonyyo Jr. , known as Lil Yase — was then transported to Eden Medical Center in Castro Valley , where he died , authorities said .
Officers determined Antonyyo had been shot multiple times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the East Bay area of Alameda County , Dublin police said in a news release .
Antonyyo began attracting attention around the Bay Area in 2016 when he dropped a remix of “ Get It In , ” garnering more than 3 million views on YouTube .
His song “ Mad , ” featuring Los Angeles-based group Shoreline Mafia , gained more than 2 million listeners on Spotify .
The artist navigated the competitive music industry deftly , said his friend Shawn Farrell , a rapper and director known as Shawn Eff .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the studio or performing , Antonyyo was networking with other rappers , musicians and production workers , Farrell said .
He recalled a time shooting a video of Antonyyo in an alley after a show .
Ten other rappers showed up to cheer him on , then another wave came .
Soon , a crowd of 30 had gathered , catching Antonyyo ’ s “ contagious ” laugh , Farrell said .
“ If you ever met him in person , you ’ d automatically be attracted to him , ” Farrell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s laugh was “ unmatched.
” According to his independent record label , Highway 420 Productions , new music from Lil Yase was on its way .
The day before his death , the rapper had posted to Instagram , wishing fans a happy Thanksgiving .
His social media accounts were flooded with tributes over the weekend .
“ You were the first rapper to show me love , ” one person commented .
“ [ He ] really put the city/bay back on the map a few years ago , ” another @ @

Alexander Antonyyo, known as rapper Lil Yase, died early Saturday in a shooting in San Francisco, authorities said.
A 26-year-old Bay Area rapper was shot and killed over the weekend, and police are searching for suspects in the slaying, authorities said.
Police were called to the Valley Care Medical Center in the San Francisco suburb of Pleasanton about 1 a.m. Saturday after a man suffering from multiple gunshot wounds arrived at the hospital. The victim — later identified as Alexander Antonyyo Jr., known as Lil Yase — was then transported to Eden Medical Center in Castro Valley, where he died, authorities said.
Officers determined Antonyyo had been shot multiple times near the east Dublin BART station in the East Bay area of Alameda County, Dublin police said in a news release.
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Antonyyo began attracting attention around the Bay Area in 2016 when he dropped a remix of “Get It In,” garnering more than 3 million views on YouTube. His song “Mad,” featuring Los Angeles-based group Shoreline Mafia, gained more than 2 million listeners on Spotify.
The artist navigated the competitive music industry deftly, said his friend Shawn Farrell, a rapper and director known as Shawn Eff. When he wasn’t spending time in the studio or performing, Antonyyo was networking with other rappers, musicians and production workers, Farrell said.
He recalled a time shooting a video of Antonyyo in an alley after a show. Ten other rappers showed up to cheer him on, then another wave came. Soon, a crowd of 30 had gathered, catching Antonyyo’s “contagious” laugh, Farrell said.
“If you ever met him in person, you’d automatically be attracted to him,” Farrell said, adding that the artist’s laugh was “unmatched.”
According to his independent record label, Highway 420 Productions, new music from Lil Yase was on its way.
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The day before his death, the rapper had posted to Instagram, wishing fans a happy Thanksgiving.
His social media accounts were flooded with tributes over the weekend.
“You were the first rapper to show me love,” one person commented.
“[He] really put the city/bay back on the map a few years ago,” another said.