latimes--2020-08-06--Funeral service held for LAPD Officer Valentin Martinez, first officer to die of complications from

Funeral service held for LAPD Officer Valentin Martinez, first officer to die of complications from COVID-19

Los Angeles Police Department officers , family and friends attended the funeral of Officer Valentin Martinez , the agency ’ @ @ @ @ @ die of complications from COVID-19 .
A memory service was held Thursday at Forest Lawn @ @ @ @ @ Liberty .
Martinez , 45 , was a 13-year veteran of the LAPD and is @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus while on duty .
He he died on July 24 , leaving behind his @ @ @ @ @ his siblings and his domestic partner , Megan Flynn , who is pregnant with their @ @ @ @ @ Memorial Fund has been established for the family .

Los Angeles Police Department officers, family and friends attended the funeral of Officer Valentin Martinez, the agency’s first sworn employee to die of complications from COVID-19. A memory service was held Thursday at Forest Lawn Hollywood Hills’ Hall of Liberty. Martinez, 45, was a 13-year veteran of the LAPD and is presumed to have contracted the coronavirus while on duty. He he died on July 24, leaving behind his mother, Maria Martinez, his siblings and his domestic partner, Megan Flynn, who is pregnant with their twins. A Val Martinez Memorial Fund has been established for the family.
LAPD Officer Valentin Martinez’s flag-covered coffin is carried into Forest Lawn Hollywood Hills. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
A photo of Officer Valentin Martinez at the memorial service. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
A bagpiper leads the funeral procession. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
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An officer wipes a tear during the service. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
A flag honoring Officer Valentin Martinez is folded. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Mourners embrace at the memorial service. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
L.A. Police Chief Michel Moore holds the flag to present to Megan Flynn, Martinez’s partner. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Chief Michel Moore presents the flag to Megan Flynn. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti consoles Maria Martinez, the officer’s mother. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
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latimes--2020-08-12--Police reform enjoys broad support among California voters, new poll finds

After weeks of protests in the wake of George Floyd ’ s death , a new poll shows that a majority of Californians support sweeping reforms to law enforcement — including measures that would make it easier to prosecute and sue police officers , limit the negotiating power of police unions and shift police funding to social workers and mental health providers .
The backing for such measures comes amid growing concern about race relations in the state , the poll found , and despite the fact that a majority of respondents expressed some satisfaction with their local police force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s widespread public concern about police practices , ” said Eric Schickler , co-director of UC Berkeley ’ s Institute of Governmental Studies , which conducted the poll of likely voters at the end of July .
“ For many voters , that does not translate into a simple condemnation of police but a more nuanced position that reforms are needed.
” G. Cristina Mora , Schickler ’ s co-director , said the data show that people still trust their local cops , but it is “ not a blind trust.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ favored passing laws that would make it easier to prosecute police officers who use excessive force , 78 % favored banning officers from using chokeholds and strangleholds when detaining suspects , 70 % favored granting civilians the right to sue officers for misconduct and excessive force , and 61 % favored limiting the power of police unions by reducing their collective bargaining rights .
In Los Angeles County , where satisfaction with police was significantly lower than it was in other parts of the state , a majority of respondents — 63 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” or “ somewhat satisfied ” with the work of their local police force .
The data did not distinguish between specific agencies or isolate the city of L.A. from the rest of the county .
At the same time , nearly three-quarters of county respondents favored redirecting police funding to other agencies for incidents involving substance abuse , mental illness and homelessness , and a similar percentage said it should be easier for civilians to sue officers .
Statewide , 63 % of respondents had a favorable view of the Black Lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Black people in California are more likely to experience police violence than white people .
In L.A. County , those figures were 67 % and 72 % , respectively .
“ It definitely sounds like a victory for the protests .
It sounds like our messaging was heard , ” said Melina Abdullah , a co-founder of Black Lives Matter-L.A. and a leader at recent demonstrations .
An LAPD spokesman did not respond to a request for comment on the polling data .
Lt. Craig Lally , president of the union that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not surprised that a majority of respondents reported being satisfied with the work of their local police , because similar results are routinely found in polling at the national level .
Police unions hold sway because police are popular , he said , and they shouldn ’ t be targeted for negotiating just like other public-sector unions .
He said police also would like to see some of their responsibilities shifted to other agencies , but he has yet to see a coherent explanation as to how such changes would work — or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will do when incidents to which they have responded suddenly turn violent .
“ They ’ ve put the cart before the horse , ” he said of activists and public officials who have pushed for a “ re-imagining ” of public safety in recent months .
While some activists have called for abolishing police altogether , others have educated Californians on the nuances of a “ defunding ” platform that calls for reallocating a proportion of police funding toward alternative mental health and other social services while retaining police to address and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across Los Angeles and cities nationwide following the May 25 death of Floyd , a Black man who was killed when a white Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck .
Since then , the “ defund ” platform has gone mainstream , and many cities , including Los Angeles , have begun to implement changes .
The Democrat-controlled L.A. City Council recently cut $ 150 million from the budget of the Los Angeles Police Department , and LAPD commanders are contemplating a future in which more of their duties are shifted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other police supporters have attempted to cast the movement to defund the police as an existential threat to law and order and a harbinger of chaos on the streets and upticks in crime .
Schickler said the latest polling data reflect some familiar fault lines among voters , with white people expressing far more support for police than Latino and Black respondents , conservatives expressing more support for police than liberals , and older residents expressing more support for police than younger ones .
Overall satisfaction with police was highest in Orange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said they were “ very satisfied , ” compared with 26 % in Los Angeles County .
The data show a broad base of support for specific reforms — and a level of intellectual sophistication among voters on law enforcement issues that could inform policymakers moving forward , Schickler said .
While a wholesale rejection of policing likely wouldn ’ t enjoy widespread support , specific reforms would , he said .
“ When it comes to a lot of the specific proposed reforms or potential reforms on policing , you see really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Abdullah ’ s group had called for a dramatically larger cut to the LAPD budget , and she said the new polling seems to reflect a desire among the public for greater change than has occurred to date .
“ People are ready for more transformative change , rather than tinkering around the edges , ” she said .
“ That is what the defunding call is about — larger-scale change — and it sounds like people are ready to move in that direction.
” Statewide , 83 % of respondents said they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state , with 49 % saying they were “ extremely concerned.
” In a similar poll in 2010 , just 14 % said they were “ extremely concerned.
” In the new poll , 70 % of Black respondents said they were “ extremely concerned , ” compared to 45 % of white respondents , 50 % of Asian and Pacific Islander respondents and 54 % of Latino respondents .
Abdullah said differences in how people of various races responded to the poll questions are telling .
While 74 % of white people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 72 % of Asian people and Pacific Islanders said they were “ very satisfied ” or “ somewhat satisfied ” with their local police , 50 % of Black people said they were satisfied .
While 70 % of white people , 67 % of Latino people and 75 % of Asian people and Pacific Islanders said they felt Black people are more likely to experience police violence , 92 % of Black people felt that way .
Abdullah said the gaps were not surprising but nonetheless “ stark.
” “ Those who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence are Black people , ” Abdullah said .
“ We ’ re the closest to that , so we have the highest levels of dissatisfaction with police.
” The poll was conducted via email in English and Spanish from July 21 to July 27 among 8,328 registered voters in California .
It did not include input from undocumented residents .
Researchers estimated that the findings are subject to a sampling error of plus or minus 2 % .

LAPD officers monitor a peaceful protest in June in Los Angeles after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis.
After weeks of protests in the wake of George Floyd’s death, a new poll shows that a majority of Californians support sweeping reforms to law enforcement — including measures that would make it easier to prosecute and sue police officers, limit the negotiating power of police unions and shift police funding to social workers and mental health providers.
The backing for such measures comes amid growing concern about race relations in the state, the poll found, and despite the fact that a majority of respondents expressed some satisfaction with their local police force.
“The data suggest that there’s widespread public concern about police practices,” said Eric Schickler, co-director of UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies, which conducted the poll of likely voters at the end of July. “For many voters, that does not translate into a simple condemnation of police but a more nuanced position that reforms are needed.”
G. Cristina Mora, Schickler’s co-director, said the data show that people still trust their local cops, but it is “not a blind trust.”
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Across California, 80% of respondents favored passing laws that would make it easier to prosecute police officers who use excessive force, 78% favored banning officers from using chokeholds and strangleholds when detaining suspects, 70% favored granting civilians the right to sue officers for misconduct and excessive force, and 61% favored limiting the power of police unions by reducing their collective bargaining rights.
In Los Angeles County, where satisfaction with police was significantly lower than it was in other parts of the state, a majority of respondents — 63% — still reported being “very satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” with the work of their local police force. The data did not distinguish between specific agencies or isolate the city of L.A. from the rest of the county.
At the same time, nearly three-quarters of county respondents favored redirecting police funding to other agencies for incidents involving substance abuse, mental illness and homelessness, and a similar percentage said it should be easier for civilians to sue officers.
Statewide, 63% of respondents had a favorable view of the Black Lives Matter movement, and 70% agreed that Black people in California are more likely to experience police violence than white people. In L.A. County, those figures were 67% and 72%, respectively.
Police made arrests June 2 for curfew violations after a day of peaceful protests in Los Angeles. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)
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“It definitely sounds like a victory for the protests. It sounds like our messaging was heard,” said Melina Abdullah, a co-founder of Black Lives Matter-L.A. and a leader at recent demonstrations.
An LAPD spokesman did not respond to a request for comment on the polling data.
Lt. Craig Lally, president of the union that represents LAPD officers, said he was not surprised that a majority of respondents reported being satisfied with the work of their local police, because similar results are routinely found in polling at the national level.
Police unions hold sway because police are popular, he said, and they shouldn’t be targeted for negotiating just like other public-sector unions.
He said police also would like to see some of their responsibilities shifted to other agencies, but he has yet to see a coherent explanation as to how such changes would work — or what social workers or mental health providers will do when incidents to which they have responded suddenly turn violent.
“They’ve put the cart before the horse,” he said of activists and public officials who have pushed for a “re-imagining” of public safety in recent months.
While some activists have called for abolishing police altogether, others have educated Californians on the nuances of a “defunding” platform that calls for reallocating a proportion of police funding toward alternative mental health and other social services while retaining police to address and respond to violent crime.
Protests raged across Los Angeles and cities nationwide following the May 25 death of Floyd, a Black man who was killed when a white Minneapolis police officer knelt on his neck.
Since then, the “defund” platform has gone mainstream, and many cities, including Los Angeles, have begun to implement changes. The Democrat-controlled L.A. City Council recently cut $150 million from the budget of the Los Angeles Police Department, and LAPD commanders are contemplating a future in which more of their duties are shifted to other agencies.
Meanwhile, some Republicans and other police supporters have attempted to cast the movement to defund the police as an existential threat to law and order and a harbinger of chaos on the streets and upticks in crime.
Schickler said the latest polling data reflect some familiar fault lines among voters, with white people expressing far more support for police than Latino and Black respondents, conservatives expressing more support for police than liberals, and older residents expressing more support for police than younger ones.
Overall satisfaction with police was highest in Orange County, where 50% of respondents said they were “very satisfied,” compared with 26% in Los Angeles County.
The data show a broad base of support for specific reforms — and a level of intellectual sophistication among voters on law enforcement issues that could inform policymakers moving forward, Schickler said. While a wholesale rejection of policing likely wouldn’t enjoy widespread support, specific reforms would, he said.
“When it comes to a lot of the specific proposed reforms or potential reforms on policing, you see really wide-ranging support,” he said.
Abdullah’s group had called for a dramatically larger cut to the LAPD budget, and she said the new polling seems to reflect a desire among the public for greater change than has occurred to date.
Demonstrators in front of the North Hollywood police station protested police brutality on June 4. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
“People are ready for more transformative change, rather than tinkering around the edges,” she said. “That is what the defunding call is about — larger-scale change — and it sounds like people are ready to move in that direction.”
Statewide, 83% of respondents said they were concerned about race relations in the state, with 49% saying they were “extremely concerned.” In a similar poll in 2010, just 14% said they were “extremely concerned.” In the new poll, 70% of Black respondents said they were “extremely concerned,” compared to 45% of white respondents, 50% of Asian and Pacific Islander respondents and 54% of Latino respondents.
Abdullah said differences in how people of various races responded to the poll questions are telling.
While 74% of white people, 64% of Latino people and 72% of Asian people and Pacific Islanders said they were “very satisfied” or “somewhat satisfied” with their local police, 50% of Black people said they were satisfied. While 70% of white people, 67% of Latino people and 75% of Asian people and Pacific Islanders said they felt Black people are more likely to experience police violence, 92% of Black people felt that way.
Abdullah said the gaps were not surprising but nonetheless “stark.”
“Those who most experience police corruption, abuse and violence are Black people,” Abdullah said. “We’re the closest to that, so we have the highest levels of dissatisfaction with police.”
The poll was conducted via email in English and Spanish from July 21 to July 27 among 8,328 registered voters in California. It did not include input from undocumented residents. Researchers estimated that the findings are subject to a sampling error of plus or minus 2%.


latimes--2020-08-12--Californians' reactions to Kamala Harris' VP nod range from excited to disappointed

Not long after 1 p.m. Tuesday on the West Coast , Google searches for “ Kamala Harris ” skyrocketed across the U.S .
The searches , in large part , originated from computers in Washington D.C. , Delaware and Massachusetts .
But as the rest of the nation began its up-close look at the politician who could make history three times over — if elected alongside Joe Biden , Harris would be the first woman , the first Black person and the first person of Indian descent to ever hold the job of vice president — many Californians already had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They knew her from the flats in Berkeley , where she grew up , and from San Francisco , where she earned a law degree at UC Hastings College of the Law , which she then used to prosecute crimes in Alameda County and later back in San Francisco .
They knew her too in Los Angeles , where she now lives with her husband , an entertainment lawyer , and down in Calexico , on the U.S.-Mexico border , where she toured drug-smuggling tunnels as the state ’ s attorney general from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people up and down the Golden State began to foreshadow what their future might look like with a California-born politician in the second-highest job in the land — only the second time in history , following Richard Nixon ’ s stint as the nation ’ s 36th vice-president .
As word began to swirl Tuesday that an announcement was imminent , Aizehi Nomo and her sister , Ivie , sat near a computer searching for information .
“ Who ’ s he going to pick ?
” Ivie asked , refreshing the computer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ looked down at her phone and saw a notification .
She showed it to her sister and they sat in silence .
“ It ’ s not who we wanted , ” said Nomo , of Sherman Oaks , explaining that she and her sister disagreed with some of Harris ’ decisions as a prosecutor , as well as her ties with some corporations .
Their top choice was Elizabeth Warren , she said , but a Biden-Harris ticket was better than the alternative of the current White House occupant .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
But for Tyree Robinson , 33 , of Koreatown , it was exactly the right choice .
Harris has a stern , to-the-point energy that he really appreciates .
“ She ’ s from the Bay and she ’ s Black .
She ’ s smart .
She ’ s educated , ” said Robinson , a fashion publicist .
“ I ’ m just excited.
” The pick also pleased many local and state politicos .
L.A. City Councilman Herb Wesson , who for years regularly met Harris for lunch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , has followed her political moves with excitement since she joined the campaign for president last year .
“ I always love campaign season , but this time it ’ s personal and different , ” said Wesson , who noted that he ’ d recently sent “ good luck ” texts to both Harris and Rep. Karen Bass , who had emerged as another possible Biden running mate .
Former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown , who dated Harris years ago , penned a piece a few days ago saying that should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ d advise her to “ politely decline , ” saying he thought her skill set would be put to better use as , say , attorney general in a Biden administration .
But reached on Tuesday , Brown expressed excitement , saying he suspects that many Black voters will be as thrilled by this announcement as they were when Barack Obama was nominated as the Democratic party ’ s pick in 2008 .
He thinks Black women — a key voting bloc — will be particularly loyal to Harris .
“ A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he said .
For some other Angelenos , the news elicited more subdued responses .
Tony Jolly , 46 , who owns Hot and Cool Cafe in Leimert Park , said he was hoping that Biden would pick Bass , who he said he trusted would be a fierce advocate for South L.A. “ We were kind of disappointed , ” Jolly said , before adding that he was pleased that Biden had ultimately picked a Black woman .
Biden ’ s pick earned praise from some immigrants ’ rights groups @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emigrated from Jamaica and her mother from India — sent a forceful statement .
But other immigrants ’ advocates weren ’ t as enthusiastic .
In a letter to Harris , Gov .
Gavin Newsom and Atty .
Gen. Xavier Becerra last month , nearly 70 groups urged the three leaders to take concrete action to protect detained immigrants .
The letter specifically called out what advocates describe as Harris ’ hypocrisy , saying she has positioned herself as a champion for racial equality , but ignored the plight of Black immigrants , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ managing attorney for Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland .
Melina Abdullah , co-founder of Black Lives Matter Los Angeles , said she had hoped Biden would pick Bass , whom she saw as the most progressive option .
Still , she said , BLM leaders had had several positive interactions with Harris shortly after the group ’ s founding .
Abdullah also praised the criminal justice data produced by Open Justice , a transparency initiative spearheaded by Harris at the California Department of Justice , as well as Harris ’ willingness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and her strong stance against the death penalty .
But Abdullah criticized what she called Harris ’ refusal to authorize independent investigations into police shootings of Black people .
After Harris was announced as the pick on Tuesday , Abdullah tweeted , “ I told y ’ all from the beginning ” that Biden would pick Harris .
“ Somebody owes me a dollar , ” she joked , adding her Venmo and CashApp usernames .
Within an hour , she had $ 46 .
Times staff writers Dakota Smith and David Zahniser @ @ @ @ @

Kailyn Brown, Marisa Gerber, Andrea Castillo, Susanne Rust

Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden, left, and Sen. Kamala Harris, D-Calif. shake hands after a Democratic presidential primary debate hosted at Texas Southern University in Houston.
Not long after 1 p.m. Tuesday on the West Coast, Google searches for “Kamala Harris” skyrocketed across the U.S. The searches, in large part, originated from computers in Washington D.C., Delaware and Massachusetts.
But as the rest of the nation began its up-close look at the politician who could make history three times over — if elected alongside Joe Biden, Harris would be the first woman, the first Black person and the first person of Indian descent to ever hold the job of vice president — many Californians already had well-solidified views of the 55-year-old senator.
They knew her from the flats in Berkeley, where she grew up, and from San Francisco, where she earned a law degree at UC Hastings College of the Law, which she then used to prosecute crimes in Alameda County and later back in San Francisco. They knew her too in Los Angeles, where she now lives with her husband, an entertainment lawyer, and down in Calexico, on the U.S.-Mexico border, where she toured drug-smuggling tunnels as the state’s attorney general from 2011 to 2017.
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On Tuesday, people up and down the Golden State began to foreshadow what their future might look like with a California-born politician in the second-highest job in the land — only the second time in history, following Richard Nixon’s stint as the nation’s 36th vice-president.
1 / 21 Kamala Harris hugs Joe Biden after endorsing him at a campaign rally in Detroit on March 9. (Jeff Kowalsky / AFP-Getty Images) 2 / 21 Kamala Harris and Joe Biden in a Democratic primary debate. (Jim Watson / AFP-Getty Images) 3 / 21 After a debate. (David J. Phillip / Associated Press ) 4 / 21 Before a debate. (Paul Sancya / Associated Press) 5 / 21 Sen. Kamala Harris launches her presidential campaign in her hometown of Oakland in January 2019. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times) 6 / 21 A sizable crowd attends the campaign kickoff speech by Sen. Kamala Harris in Oakland. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times) 7 / 21 From left, Cory Booker, Tulsi Gabbard, Amy Klobuchar, Pete Buttigieg, Elizabeth Warren, Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, Kamala Harris, Andrew Yang and Tom Steyer in Atlanta on Nov. 20 for the fifth Democratic primary debate. (Nicholas Kamm / AFP-Getty Images) 8 / 21 Kamala Harris speaks at a protest in Washington over the Supreme Court nomination of Brett M. Kavanaugh on Oct. 4, 2018. (Drew Angerer / Getty Images) 9 / 21 Kamala Harris recognizes a friend in the crowd during a visit to Long Beach. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 10 / 21 Kamala Harris, with Joe Biden, takes part in a reenacted swearing-in at the Capitol on Jan. 3, 2017. Earlier in the day, Biden swore in the newly elected and returning members on the Senate floor. (Kevin Wolf / Associated Press) 11 / 21 Sen. Kamala Harris shares a moment backstage with her godson before her campaign kickoff speech in Oakland. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times) 12 / 21 Kamala Harris waits backstage before making her appearance at the Oakland rally. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times) 13 / 21 Kamala Harris takes the stage at her election night party in downtown L.A. after winning a Senate seat on Nov. 8, 2016. (Barbara Davidson / Los Angeles Times) 14 / 21 Kamala Harris greets people who were sworn in as citizens in a ceremony on the battleship Iowa in Los Angeles on July 3, 2017. (Christian K. Lee / Los Angeles Times) 15 / 21 Gavin Newsom and Kamala Harris with President Obama in San Francisco in 2012. (Eric Risberg / Associated Press) 16 / 21 Sen. Dianne Feinstein, right, talks with California’s then-Atty. Gen. Kamala Harris and Democratic State Party Chairman John Burton in 2011 in Sacramento. (Rich Pedroncelli / Associated Press) 17 / 21 Kamala Harris endorses Gavin Newsom for California governor at USC on Feb. 16, 2018. (Damian Dovarganes / Associated Press) 18 / 21 Then-Gov. Jerry Brown endorses Kamala Harris for U.S. Senate in May 2016. (Rich Pedroncelli / Associated Press ) 19 / 21 Kamala Harris, in April 2017, speaks at a downtown L.A. news conference on police bias, alongside former L.A. County Sheriff Jim McDonnell and former LAPD Chief Charlie Beck, second from right. (Barbara Davidson / Los Angeles Times) 20 / 21 Kamala Harris receives an honorary degree from USC in May 2015. (Patrick T. Fallon / Los Angeles Times) 21 / 21 Kamala Harris, left, sister Maya and mom Shyamala outside their Berkeley apartment in 1970. (Kamala Harris campaign)
As word began to swirl Tuesday that an announcement was imminent, Aizehi Nomo and her sister, Ivie, sat near a computer searching for information.
“Who’s he going to pick?” Ivie asked, refreshing the computer screen constantly. Moments later, Nomo looked down at her phone and saw a notification. She showed it to her sister and they sat in silence.
“It’s not who we wanted,” said Nomo, of Sherman Oaks, explaining that she and her sister disagreed with some of Harris’ decisions as a prosecutor, as well as her ties with some corporations.
Their top choice was Elizabeth Warren, she said, but a Biden-Harris ticket was better than the alternative of the current White House occupant.
“The lesser of two evils,” she said.
But for Tyree Robinson, 33, of Koreatown, it was exactly the right choice. Harris has a stern, to-the-point energy that he really appreciates.
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“She’s from the Bay and she’s Black. She’s smart. She’s educated,” said Robinson, a fashion publicist. “I’m just excited.”
The pick also pleased many local and state politicos.
L.A. City Councilman Herb Wesson, who for years regularly met Harris for lunch at a vegan spot in downtown L.A., has followed her political moves with excitement since she joined the campaign for president last year.
“I always love campaign season, but this time it’s personal and different,” said Wesson, who noted that he’d recently sent “good luck” texts to both Harris and Rep. Karen Bass, who had emerged as another possible Biden running mate.
Former San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who dated Harris years ago, penned a piece a few days ago saying that should Biden offer Harris the vice presidency he’d advise her to “politely decline,” saying he thought her skill set would be put to better use as, say, attorney general in a Biden administration.
But reached on Tuesday, Brown expressed excitement, saying he suspects that many Black voters will be as thrilled by this announcement as they were when Barack Obama was nominated as the Democratic party’s pick in 2008. He thinks Black women — a key voting bloc — will be particularly loyal to Harris.
“A sisterhood is going to make it possible,” he said.
For some other Angelenos, the news elicited more subdued responses.
Tony Jolly, 46, who owns Hot and Cool Cafe in Leimert Park, said he was hoping that Biden would pick Bass, who he said he trusted would be a fierce advocate for South L.A.
“We were kind of disappointed,” Jolly said, before adding that he was pleased that Biden had ultimately picked a Black woman.
Biden’s pick earned praise from some immigrants’ rights groups who said picking Harris — whose father emigrated from Jamaica and her mother from India — sent a forceful statement. But other immigrants’ advocates weren’t as enthusiastic.
In a letter to Harris, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Atty. Gen. Xavier Becerra last month, nearly 70 groups urged the three leaders to take concrete action to protect detained immigrants. The letter specifically called out what advocates describe as Harris’ hypocrisy, saying she has positioned herself as a champion for racial equality, but ignored the plight of Black immigrants, said Lisa Knox, immigrant rights’ managing attorney for Centro Legal de la Raza in Oakland.
Melina Abdullah, co-founder of Black Lives Matter Los Angeles, said she had hoped Biden would pick Bass, whom she saw as the most progressive option.
Still, she said, BLM leaders had had several positive interactions with Harris shortly after the group’s founding. Abdullah also praised the criminal justice data produced by Open Justice, a transparency initiative spearheaded by Harris at the California Department of Justice, as well as Harris’ willingness to prosecute big banks for predatory lending and her strong stance against the death penalty.
But Abdullah criticized what she called Harris’ refusal to authorize independent investigations into police shootings of Black people.
“That’s hugely problematic,” she said.
After Harris was announced as the pick on Tuesday, Abdullah tweeted, “I told y’all from the beginning” that Biden would pick Harris.
“Somebody owes me a dollar,” she joked, adding her Venmo and CashApp usernames. Within an hour, she had $46.
Times staff writers Dakota Smith and David Zahniser contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-08-12--'I've now dipped into the pie.' Will COVID-19 change Americans' views of the social safety net?

If you had posed the scenario to him as a hypothetical a few months ago — “ Your company will be hemorrhaging cash , and you ’ ll turn to Uncle Sam for emergency funds ” — Jim Brady would ’ ve confidently dismissed it .
“ Never , ” he said , “ did I think I would need government help.
” Brady , 69 , started AToN Center , a luxury rehab facility in the hills of Encinitas , with his wife , Patricia , more than a decade ago and built it into a booming enterprise with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campus with a saltwater pool , a sauna and 600-thread-count bed sheets .
But this spring , as the coronavirus charted its deadly path across the country , Brady decided to temporarily stop accepting clients from Washington state and the New York City area — two early hot spots — and capped client capacity at 12 , instead of 30 , so patients didn ’ t have to share bathrooms .
“ I went backwards about a half a million dollars in two months , ” he said .
Although his payroll was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to his staff and desperately wanted to avoid cuts or furloughs .
Instead , he applied for a forgivable loan through the Paycheck Protection Program , part of the government ’ s initiative to help small businesses survive the pandemic , and received just over $ 800,000 , which he used to cover two months of payroll .
That decision — asking for and then accepting federal funds — has prompted some reflection on his views about government aid , said Brady , who describes himself as “ basically Republican , ” but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party leadership .
For years , he felt frustrated by all the money skimmed from his take-home salary — it felt , he said , as if other people were sitting around and benefiting off of his earnings .
“ I ’ m in the top tax bracket , ” he said .
“ I didn ’ t like that money going away.
” But now that he ’ s watched the positive ripple effect of having received the loan — how it helped him , his family , his employees and their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have started to evolve .
“ I have a very different eye to that now .
...
I ’ ve now dipped into the pie.
” As the pandemic presses into its six month and an expanding cohort of Americans personally benefit from their slice of the government ’ s $ 2.2-trillion stimulus bill , some political scientists , historians and experts believe that the COVID-19-era could shift the national discourse about the role Americans want government to play in their lives and ultimately lead to an expanded social safety net that more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ COVID is such a potentially transformational experience , ” said Martin Gilens , chair of the Department of Public Policy at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs .
“ If there is a broader reckoning with the failures of our government , then maybe that will extend to how we deal with inequality and poverty , and we ’ ll be entertaining something that looks a little more like a European welfare state.
” While such a drastic widening of the safety net may sound far-fetched — and the scope @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be seen — the health , economic and inequality crises currently plaguing the U.S. could well prove the most consequential since two previous eras of deep transformation in the U.S. — the 1930s and the 1960s .
As cities shut down and the economy began its devastating decline in March , President Trump signed into law a temporary relief package that increased funds for Medicaid , expanded eligibility for food stamps and mandated paid leave for some Americans who needed to take time off due to the virus .
Later that month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stimulus bill , known as the CARES Act , which created the small-business loan program , approved no-strings-attached checks of up to $ 1,200 for millions of Americans and added a temporary $ 600-per-week bump in federal unemployment benefits .
Still , unemployment soared and the nation ’ s gross domestic product to a level not seen since the Great Depression .
Then , late last month , the $ 600-a-week subsidy lapsed ; Washington is still haggling over whether to restore it .
Evidence suggests that a broad swath of Americans are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ role in their lives .
A that a vast majority of adults supported the stay-at-home orders , and four out of five respondents to said they approved of the emergency stimulus bill .
A majority of respondents also said that the next emergency bill should prioritize getting money to individuals and families over businesses or local governments .
But views on the topic will no doubt shift again when the economy improves , cautioned Gilens , who wrote “ Why Americans Hate Welfare : Race , Media , and the Politics of Antipoverty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said , “ the public always becomes more sympathetic toward spending to help the poor.
” Over the last century , the size of the American social safety net , like those in many nations , has evolved drastically .
When the flu pandemic of 1918 killed hundreds of thousands of Americans , the U.S. didn ’ t have a modern federal safety net and relied instead on a patchwork of local programs and churches to feed and house people in need .
As part of New Deal reforms during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Social Security Act of 1935 , which created old-age benefits for retired workers , established unemployment insurance and created the program eventually renamed Aid to Families with Dependent Children .
But , as it was crafted , the law excluded farm and domestic work — some of the main jobs held by Black people at the time .
“ Discrimination has always permeated social welfare in the United States , ” said retired NYU associate professor Alma Carten , who has written extensively about how racism toward Black people shaped the framework @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still shapes perceptions of it today .
Public assistance in the U.S. is broken into two tiers , Carten said .
There are the social-insurance programs , such as unemployment and Social Security , which workers or their employers pay into , and means-tested programs , such as food stamps .
And the latter category , Carten said , is more stigmatized and “ considered the dole ” — a distinction rooted , she says , in racism and in our nation ’ s work-hard-achieve-anything capitalist ethos .
“ Americans like to work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ They don ’ t like to feel like they ’ re getting something for nothing.
” But parsing out what is fair , and who deserves what , is subjective .
And that very wiggle room helped lay the ground work for entrenched , racially stereotyped and often inaccurate views of who benefits most from government aid — a view that took hold in the 1960s , Gilens said , as news organizations ’ coverage of poverty shifted from white people in rural Appalachia to Black people in inner cities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reagan was running for office , it was no longer almost exclusively white women benefiting from the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program , Carten said , but also some single Black mothers .
On the campaign trail , Reagan regaled crowds with an anecdote about a “ woman in Chicago ” — a Black woman , many of his listeners assumed — with 80 names , 12 Social Security cards and four fake , dead husbands with veterans benefits .
Before long , the deeply exaggerated story of the unnamed woman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ Welfare Queen.
” During his second term , Reagan signed a law that tightened eligibility requirements for the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program .
But it was President Clinton , vowing to “ end welfare as we know it , ” who got rid of the program altogether in 1996 and replaced it with a much more restrictive program that put a five-year lifetime cap on such benefits .
Fourteen years later , President Obama signed into law the Affordable Care Act — the broadest expansion of subsidized health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deeply polarizing at the time , has since garnered the support of a majority of Americans .
“ American social welfare policy is complicated , ” Carten said .
“ We make a distinction between people who are ‘ worthy ’ and who are ‘ unworthy.
’ ” Under Trump — a loud advocate for welfare reform — federal officials last year announced a plan to tighten eligibility for food stamps for adults without dependents , a move that was expected to cut benefits to nearly 700,000 Americans .
Initially the administration intended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the pandemic , but eventually decided to hold off after losing a court challenge in mid-March .
Two weeks later , with the economy in free fall , Trump signed the CARES Act , which included the $ 600-a-week unemployment subsidy .
That provision became a lifeline for Michail Sklansky .
Before the pandemic , Sklansky was making $ 22 an hour working in the editorial department at the L.A. Philharmonic .
It was part-time work , which meant no medical coverage , but he felt grateful to have found fulfilling work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hall and the Hollywood Bowl after the record company he worked at for years was bought out .
But in April , with shows on hiatus , he got laid off .
Sklansky speaks a half-dozen languages and has a broad skill set , but at 62 he ’ s learned what it feels like to be passed over for jobs he ’ s qualified for — and that was before the pandemic .
So he signed up for unemployment and continued his job search .
He updated his resume and LinkedIn profile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of applications for administrative jobs , as well as some in film and TV licensing .
When you apply online , he noticed , you can sometimes see how many other people have already submitted applications for the same job .
In one instance , it was more than 500 people .
So far , he hasn ’ t gotten a single follow-up call .
On a recent afternoon — the day the $ 600 federal subsidy lapsed — Sklansky was listening to the news religiously , hoping to hear about a funding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come through soon , he said , he planned to start making deliveries for Ralphs or Instacart .
In California alone , more than $ 68 billion in loans have been handed out to some 580,000 companies — a no-industry-spared list that includes limousine corporations , two-dozen companies with “ luxury ” in their name and more than 1,000 dentists ’ offices .
Somewhere in the middle of the list , in the section of companies that got at least $ 350,000 but less than $ 1 million , you ’ ll spot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ayn Rand Institute .
In a video message posted on the nonprofit ’ s website , the president of the institute , which advocates “ ending the welfare state , ” defended the decision to accept the federal loan by comparing it to a robbery victim accepting a restitution payment .
“ If the government offers to return some of the money taken from us by force , ” the president said , “ each of us is entitled to reclaim some of what was taken.
” Another chunk of loans went to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the pandemic , Matthew Efird , a fifth-generation farmer who grows almonds , peaches , raisins and pistachios on a farm south of Fresno , carefully monitored his slipping profits .
The slowdown in sales to shuttered restaurants and the continued impact of retaliatory trade tariffs China has imposed on many goods from the U.S. , including almonds , created what Efird called “ a perfect storm.
” His companies , Double E Farms and Efird Ag Enterprises , both applied for and received loans in the smallest category , less than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that although he and his wife both got stimulus checks , they ’ d decided to donate them to nonprofits .
In the past , Efird said , he has gotten state and federal grants through agricultural equipment-replacement and irrigation-efficiency programs , neither of which , Efird noted , he viewed as a handout .
“ I think that ’ s completely different than traditional welfare , ” he said .
“ We pay into these programs with our tax dollars.
” The way the CARES Act was written , not everybody will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equally , said UCI law professor Mehrsa Baradaran , who recently wrote a piece for the Atlantic arguing that America has a longtime obsession with keeping aid from people viewed as undeserving .
For example , she said , the government included restrictions intended to bar strip club owners and some people with felony records from receiving small-business loans .
( Neither restriction has proved fully enforceable , however , after business owners and civil rights groups sued the government . )
The exemptions are hypocritical , Baradaran said , especially when compared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Boeing , or big banks , in spite of past wrongdoing .
“ I mean , talk about felonies , right ?
” she said .
“ The banks have committed crimes of moral turpitude and they hardly get cut off from profit.
” Back at AToN , Brady ’ s facility in Encinitas , life has slowly returned to something a little closer to pre-pandemic normalcy .
Because the rehab facility now gets COVID-19 test results back in two or three days , it can confidently admit new clients knowing they don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re still not at their usual capacity , Brady said , but on a recent weekday they were back up to 18 clients .
At one point during the worst of it , he said , they were down to two clients , and his staff of psychologists , counselors and round-the-clock registered nurses started sorting out cabinets to stay occupied .
Brady was desperate to keep his core clinical team , some of whom had worked for him for eight years .
In an industry that sometimes attracts bad actors , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ethical employees , said Brady , who is on the board of the Addiction Treatment Advocacy Coalition .
He feels deeply fortunate that he didn ’ t have to , even if it meant asking the government for help .
“ I never thought I would need it , ” he said , pausing for a few seconds , “ but I really did .
”

Jim Brady, center, chief executive of AToN Center, a rehab facility in Encinitas that he started with his wife, Patricia Brady, left, more than a decade ago, pose at the facility with their daughter, Pat, chief operating officer.
If you had posed the scenario to him as a hypothetical a few months ago — “Your company will be hemorrhaging cash, and you’ll turn to Uncle Sam for emergency funds” — Jim Brady would’ve confidently dismissed it.
“Never,” he said, “did I think I would need government help.”
Brady, 69, started AToN Center, a luxury rehab facility in the hills of Encinitas, with his wife, Patricia, more than a decade ago and built it into a booming enterprise with nearly 70 full-time employees and a five-home campus with a saltwater pool, a sauna and 600-thread-count bedsheets.
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But this spring, as the coronavirus charted its deadly path across the country, Brady decided to temporarily stop accepting clients from Washington state and the New York City area — two early hot spots — and capped client capacity at 12, instead of 30, so patients didn’t have to share bathrooms.
“I went backwards about a half a million dollars in two months,” he said. Although his payroll was sinking him, he felt deeply loyal to his staff and desperately wanted to avoid cuts or furloughs.
Instead, he applied for a forgivable loan through the Paycheck Protection Program, part of the government’s initiative to help small businesses survive the pandemic, and received just over $800,000, which he used to cover two months of payroll.
That decision — asking for and then accepting federal funds — has prompted some reflection on his views about government aid, said Brady, who describes himself as “basically Republican,” but doesn’t always agree with the party leadership. For years, he felt frustrated by all the money skimmed from his take-home salary — it felt, he said, as if other people were sitting around and benefiting off of his earnings.
“I’m in the top tax bracket,” he said. “I didn’t like that money going away.”
But now that he’s watched the positive ripple effect of having received the loan — how it helped him, his family, his employees and their families — his views of government assistance have started to evolve.
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“I have a very different eye to that now. ... I’ve now dipped into the pie.”
People out of work use the unemployment insurance phone bank at the state’s Employment Development Department office in Sacramento. (Rich Pedroncelli / Associated Press)
As the pandemic presses into its six month and an expanding cohort of Americans personally benefit from their slice of the government’s $2.2-trillion stimulus bill, some political scientists, historians and experts believe that the COVID-19-era could shift the national discourse about the role Americans want government to play in their lives and ultimately lead to an expanded social safety net that more closely resembles those in other affluent nations.
“COVID is such a potentially transformational experience,” said Martin Gilens, chair of the Department of Public Policy at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs. “If there is a broader reckoning with the failures of our government, then maybe that will extend to how we deal with inequality and poverty, and we’ll be entertaining something that looks a little more like a European welfare state.”
While such a drastic widening of the safety net may sound far-fetched — and the scope and lasting power of any expansion remain to be seen — the health, economic and inequality crises currently plaguing the U.S. could well prove the most consequential since two previous eras of deep transformation in the U.S. — the 1930s and the 1960s.
As cities shut down and the economy began its devastating decline in March, President Trump signed into law a temporary relief package that increased funds for Medicaid, expanded eligibility for food stamps and mandated paid leave for some Americans who needed to take time off due to the virus.
Later that month, he signed a much larger emergency stimulus bill, known as the CARES Act, which created the small-business loan program, approved no-strings-attached checks of up to $1,200 for millions of Americans and added a temporary $600-per-week bump in federal unemployment benefits.
Still, unemployment soared and the nation’s gross domestic product cratered to a level not seen since the Great Depression. Then, late last month, the $600-a-week subsidy lapsed; Washington is still haggling over whether to restore it.
Evidence suggests that a broad swath of Americans are happy with the government’s beefed-up role in their lives.
A recent survey found that a vast majority of adults supported the stay-at-home orders, and four out of five respondents to a recent poll said they approved of the emergency stimulus bill. A majority of respondents also said that the next emergency bill should prioritize getting money to individuals and families over businesses or local governments.
But views on the topic will no doubt shift again when the economy improves, cautioned Gilens, who wrote “Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy.”
“During hard times,” he said, “the public always becomes more sympathetic toward spending to help the poor.”
Over the last century, the size of the American social safety net, like those in many nations, has evolved drastically. When the flu pandemic of 1918 killed hundreds of thousands of Americans, the U.S. didn’t have a modern federal safety net and relied instead on a patchwork of local programs and churches to feed and house people in need.
A vintage Social Security poster features a mother and child. (Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library)
As part of New Deal reforms during the Great Depression, President Franklin Roosevelt signed the Social Security Act of 1935, which created old-age benefits for retired workers, established unemployment insurance and created the program eventually renamed Aid to Families with Dependent Children.
But, as it was crafted, the law excluded farm and domestic work — some of the main jobs held by Black people at the time.
“Discrimination has always permeated social welfare in the United States,” said retired NYU associate professor Alma Carten, who has written extensively about how racism toward Black people shaped the framework of the American social safety net and still shapes perceptions of it today.
Public assistance in the U.S. is broken into two tiers, Carten said. There are the social-insurance programs, such as unemployment and Social Security, which workers or their employers pay into, and means-tested programs, such as food stamps. And the latter category, Carten said, is more stigmatized and “considered the dole” — a distinction rooted, she says, in racism and in our nation’s work-hard-achieve-anything capitalist ethos.
“Americans like to work for their money,” she said. “They don’t like to feel like they’re getting something for nothing.”
But parsing out what is fair, and who deserves what, is subjective. And that very wiggle room helped lay the ground work for entrenched, racially stereotyped and often inaccurate views of who benefits most from government aid — a view that took hold in the 1960s, Gilens said, as news organizations’ coverage of poverty shifted from white people in rural Appalachia to Black people in inner cities.
By the late 1970s, when Ronald Reagan was running for office, it was no longer almost exclusively white women benefiting from the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program, Carten said, but also some single Black mothers. On the campaign trail, Reagan regaled crowds with an anecdote about a “woman in Chicago” — a Black woman, many of his listeners assumed — with 80 names, 12 Social Security cards and four fake, dead husbands with veterans benefits. Before long, the deeply exaggerated story of the unnamed woman had solidified into the racist trope of the “Welfare Queen.”
During his second term, Reagan signed a law that tightened eligibility requirements for the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program. But it was President Clinton, vowing to “end welfare as we know it,” who got rid of the program altogether in 1996 and replaced it with a much more restrictive program that put a five-year lifetime cap on such benefits.
Fourteen years later, President Obama signed into law the Affordable Care Act — the broadest expansion of subsidized health coverage in decades, which, although deeply polarizing at the time, has since garnered the support of a majority of Americans.
President Obama hugs Monica Weeks in 2013 at an event in Washington promoting the Affordable Care Act. The law allowed her to remain on her parents’ health plan while getting treatment for Crohn’s disease. (Evan Vucci / Associated Press)
“American social welfare policy is complicated,” Carten said. “We make a distinction between people who are ‘worthy’ and who are ‘unworthy.’”
***
Under Trump — a loud advocate for welfare reform — federal officials last year announced a plan to tighten eligibility for food stamps for adults without dependents, a move that was expected to cut benefits to nearly 700,000 Americans. Initially the administration intended to push ahead with the plan even during the pandemic, but eventually decided to hold off after losing a court challenge in mid-March.
Two weeks later, with the economy in free fall, Trump signed the CARES Act, which included the $600-a-week unemployment subsidy.
That provision became a lifeline for Michail Sklansky.
Before the pandemic, Sklansky was making $22 an hour working in the editorial department at the L.A. Philharmonic. It was part-time work, which meant no medical coverage, but he felt grateful to have found fulfilling work compiling program books for shows at Disney Hall and the Hollywood Bowl after the record company he worked at for years was bought out.
Michail Sklansky lost his job in the editorial department at the L.A. Philharmonic during the pandemic. Sklansky speaks a half-dozen languages and has a broad skill set, but at 62, he said, he’s learned what it feels like to be passed over for jobs he’s qualified for — and that was before the pandemic. (Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
But in April, with shows on hiatus, he got laid off.
Sklansky speaks a half-dozen languages and has a broad skill set, but at 62 he’s learned what it feels like to be passed over for jobs he’s qualified for — and that was before the pandemic. So he signed up for unemployment and continued his job search. He updated his resume and LinkedIn profile, researched interview tips and submitted dozens of applications for administrative jobs, as well as some in film and TV licensing.
When you apply online, he noticed, you can sometimes see how many other people have already submitted applications for the same job. In one instance, it was more than 500 people. So far, he hasn’t gotten a single follow-up call.
On a recent afternoon — the day the $600 federal subsidy lapsed — Sklansky was listening to the news religiously, hoping to hear about a funding extension. If one didn’t come through soon, he said, he planned to start making deliveries for Ralphs or Instacart.
“It’s nail-biting.”
In California alone, more than $68 billion in loans have been handed out to some 580,000 companies — a no-industry-spared list that includes limousine corporations, two-dozen companies with “luxury” in their name and more than 1,000 dentists’ offices. Somewhere in the middle of the list, in the section of companies that got at least $350,000 but less than $1 million, you’ll spot a Santa Ana-based think tank: the Ayn Rand Institute.
In a video message posted on the nonprofit’s website, the president of the institute, which advocates “ending the welfare state,” defended the decision to accept the federal loan by comparing it to a robbery victim accepting a restitution payment.
“If the government offers to return some of the money taken from us by force,” the president said, “each of us is entitled to reclaim some of what was taken.”
Another chunk of loans went to California’s agricultural industry.
Early in the pandemic, Matthew Efird, a fifth-generation farmer who grows almonds, peaches, raisins and pistachios on a farm south of Fresno, carefully monitored his slipping profits. The slowdown in sales to shuttered restaurants and the continued impact of retaliatory trade tariffs China has imposed on many goods from the U.S., including almonds, created what Efird called “a perfect storm.”
Matthew Efird collects samples of sun-dried raisins for water content at Double E farms south of Fresno in 2016. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
His companies, Double E Farms and Efird Ag Enterprises, both applied for and received loans in the smallest category, less than $150,000, Efird said, adding that although he and his wife both got stimulus checks, they’d decided to donate them to nonprofits.
In the past, Efird said, he has gotten state and federal grants through agricultural equipment-replacement and irrigation-efficiency programs, neither of which, Efird noted, he viewed as a handout.
“I think that’s completely different than traditional welfare,” he said. “We pay into these programs with our tax dollars.”
***
The way the CARES Act was written, not everybody will benefit from it, at least not equally, said UCI law professor Mehrsa Baradaran, who recently wrote a piece for the Atlantic arguing that America has a longtime obsession with keeping aid from people viewed as undeserving.
For example, she said, the government included restrictions intended to bar strip club owners and some people with felony records from receiving small-business loans. (Neither restriction has proved fully enforceable, however, after business owners and civil rights groups sued the government.)
The exemptions are hypocritical, Baradaran said, especially when compared with bailouts of corporations, such as Boeing, or big banks, in spite of past wrongdoing.
“I mean, talk about felonies, right?” she said. “The banks have committed crimes of moral turpitude and they hardly get cut off from profit.”
Back at AToN, Brady’s facility in Encinitas, life has slowly returned to something a little closer to pre-pandemic normalcy.
Because the rehab facility now gets COVID-19 test results back in two or three days, it can confidently admit new clients knowing they don’t have the virus. They’re still not at their usual capacity, Brady said, but on a recent weekday they were back up to 18 clients.
At one point during the worst of it, he said, they were down to two clients, and his staff of psychologists, counselors and round-the-clock registered nurses started sorting out cabinets to stay occupied.
Brady was desperate to keep his core clinical team, some of whom had worked for him for eight years. In an industry that sometimes attracts bad actors, it can be hard to find trained, ethical employees, said Brady, who is on the board of the Addiction Treatment Advocacy Coalition.
“God, I can’t let people go,” Brady thought.
He feels deeply fortunate that he didn’t have to, even if it meant asking the government for help.
“I never thought I would need it,” he said, pausing for a few seconds, “but I really did.”


latimes--2020-08-12--Magnitude 4.0 earthquake hits near Clearlake, Calif.

A magnitude 4.0 earthquake was reported Wednesday morning at 4:45 a.m. Pacific time 11 miles from Clearlake , Calif. , according to the U.S. Geological Survey .
The earthquake occurred 12 miles from Healdsburg , Calif. , 17 miles from Windsor , Calif. , 22 miles from Santa Rosa , Calif. and 28 miles from Ukiah , Calif..
In the last 10 days , there have been no earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby .
An average of 25 earthquakes with magnitudes between 4.0 and 5.0 occur per year in California and Nevada , according to a recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ occurred at a depth of 2.5 miles .
Did you feel this earthquake ?
Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS .
Find out what to do before , and during , an earthquake near you by reading our five-step earthquake preparedness guide .
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot , a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS .
A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published .
If you ’ re interested in learning more about the system , visit our list of @ @ @ @

A magnitude 3.9.0 earthquake was reported Wednesday morning at 4:45 a.m. 11 miles from Clearlake, Calif., according to the U.S. Geological Survey.
The earthquake occurred 12 miles from Healdsburg, Calif., 17 miles from Windsor, Calif., 22 miles from Santa Rosa, Calif., and 28 miles from Ukiah, Calif.
The quake was originally reported as being a magnitude 4.0, then was downgraded to magnitude 3.9 on the USGS website.
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In the last 10 days, there have been no earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby.
An average of 25 earthquakes with magnitudes between 4.0 and 5.0 occur per year in California and Nevada, according to a recent three year data sample.
The earthquake occurred at a depth of 2.5 miles. Did you feel this earthquake? Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS.
Find out what to do before, and during, an earthquake near you by reading our five-step earthquake preparedness guide.
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot, a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS. A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published. If you’re interested in learning more about the system, visit our list of frequently asked questions.


latimes--2020-08-12--Pregnant woman killed in suspected DUI crash in Anaheim

A woman who was 35 weeks pregnant was killed Tuesday night in a suspected DUI crash in Anaheim , authorities @ @ @ @ @ by Katella Avenue and Bayless Street when a driver lost control of her vehicle , @ @ @ @ @ the 23-year-old woman , who was walking on the sidewalk with her husband .
Officials @ @ @ @ @ crash just after 7:30 pm , said Sgt .
Shane Carringer , a spokesman for @ @ @ @ @ The woman was pronounced dead , and her baby , who was delivered by cesarean @ @ @ @ @ condition .
Her husband was uninjured , said Carringer .
The driver of the vehicle @ @ @ @ @ with non-life-threatening injuries .

A driver lost control, jumped a curb and struck a 23-year-old pregnant woman, who was walking on the sidewalk with her husband at Katella Avenue and Bayless Street in Anaheim on Tuesday, police said.
A woman who was 35 weeks pregnant was killed Tuesday night in a suspected DUI crash in Anaheim, authorities said.
The incident occurred by Katella Avenue and Bayless Street when a driver lost control of her vehicle, jumped a curb and struck the 23-year-old woman, who was walking on the sidewalk with her husband. Officials received a call about the crash just after 7:30 pm, said Sgt. Shane Carringer, a spokesman for the Anaheim Police Department.
The woman was pronounced dead, and her baby, who was delivered by cesarean section, is in critical condition. Her husband was uninjured, Carringer said.
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The driver of the vehicle was transported to a hospital with non-life-threatening injuries.


latimes--2020-08-11--Column: In California Sen. Kamala Harris, Biden chooses a VP hailing from our most diverse state

It ’ s fitting that California , arguably the nation ’ s most diverse state , would produce the first woman of color to be placed on a major party presidential ticket .
We ’ re always ahead of the curve , right ?
At least that ’ s what we tell ourselves .
In this instance , we clearly are — a historic feat that deserves celebration by all Americans , regardless of their politics .
We shouldn ’ t pat ourselves on the backs too enthusiastically , however .
California , by far the nation ’ s most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a female governor .
Many other states have .
Neither have we elected a governor of color .
This is also a state of immigrants .
And fittingly , Sen. Kamala Harris is the daughter of immigrant parents — a father from Jamaica , a mother from India .
Harris is not only the first Black woman , but also the first Asian American person to be given a spot on a major presidential ticket .
According to the U.S. Census Bureau , California ’ s population is 39 % Latino , 37 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 6 % Black , 3 % multiracial — like Harris — and fewer than 1 % Native American or Pacific Islander .
That gives former prosecutor Harris a special license to articulate the case against President Trump ’ s xenophobic , family-ripping immigration policies .
Her verbal fighting skills — in a debate , on the stump or in TV interviews — were obviously a key selling point to presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden .
She ’ s very capable of drawing blood from an opponent .
Biden doesn ’ t have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign trail — as some presidential candidates have had to in the past .
She ’ s an eager brawler .
“ Joe has long been impressed by how tough Kamala is , ” the Biden campaign stated in announcing the selection of Harris .
It added : “ Kamala doesn ’ t hesitate to take on powerful people and powerful interests and that ’ s exactly the kind of leader Joe wants by his side to rebuild this country and restore the soul of the nation.
” Well , that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on powerful people and interests .
Critics of Harris ’ performances as California attorney general and San Francisco district attorney have cited her caution in taking on tough foes , especially if it would alienate her core constituency : law enforcement .
Now she ’ s a loud advocate for police reform .
But as attorney general she largely avoided intervening in cases involving questionable police killings .
Harris also declined to take positions on controversial ballot measures , including two to abolish the death penalty — a practice she claimed to abhor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As a presidential candidate , Harris wavered on the hot issue of universal healthcare , flip-flopping on whether private insurance should play a role .
But none of that will matter this fall , except as attack fodder for Trump .
There ’ ll be no agonizing by Harris over policy positions .
Like all veep candidates — Biden included under Barack Obama — Harris ’ positions will be decided by the presidential nominee .
Harris ’ strength is in her prosecutorial skills , not her policy wisdom or tactical genius .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ counting on .
Another huge selling point for Harris , 55 , was Biden ’ s expected comfort level with her .
That ’ s because of her close working relationship with Biden ’ s son , Beau , when both were state attorneys general .
“ Back when Kamala was attorney general , she worked closely with Beau , ” Biden tweeted supporters Tuesday .
“ I watched as they took on the big banks , lifted up working people and protected women and kids from abuse .
I was proud then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have her as my partner in this campaign.
” It seems Biden watched his son a lot more than Harris .
This was by far Biden ’ s most important campaign decision and he deserves credit for following his gut .
But we need to wait and see how this turns out — and whether Harris turns off suburban Republican women in key battleground states such as Wisconsin , Michigan and Pennsylvania .
Is Harris an asset , who will energize young people and women of color to vote in droves — or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first doing no harm ?
We won ’ t know until November .
Some insiders had warned Biden that Harris seemed too “ ambitious ” and could be disloyal .
This was largely based on Harris ’ attack against Biden on busing in an early debate .
But Biden made a point of showing he doesn ’ t hold a grudge .
Another California VP prospect , Los Angeles Rep. Karen Bass , was apparently passed over for a few reasons : She wasn ’ t as experienced a campaigner as Harris .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ statewide campaign , let alone one nationally .
Plus , she and Biden weren ’ t particularly close .
She didn ’ t come across as a fighter .
And she praised Cuban leader Fidel Castro when he died , which could have cost Biden any chance of carrying Florida .
But Bass , who is Black , is a classy , nonpolarizing career-long fighter for civil rights .
She chairs the Congressional Black Caucus and was Speaker of the California State Assembly .
She ’ s a likable liberal who can deal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Biden-Harris ticket should win on Nov. 3 .
That will open up a Senate vacancy that Gov .
Gavin Newsom legally can fill on his own — unfortunately — without a vote of the people .
Bass should top Newsom ’ s list of potential new senators .
One bit of trivia : Harris will be the first major vice presidential candidate from California since Richard Nixon in the 1950s .
Hopefully that ’ s an irrelevant asterisk .
Harris ’ selection is proof we ’ ve all grown a lot @ @ @

Vice President Joe Biden shakes hands with Sen.-elect Kamala Harris as her husband, Douglas Emhoff, looks on during her swearing-in in 2017.
It’s fitting that California, arguably the nation’s most diverse state, would produce the first woman of color to be placed on a major party presidential ticket.
We’re always ahead of the curve, right? At least that’s what we tell ourselves. In this instance, we clearly are — a historic feat that deserves celebration by all Americans, regardless of their politics.
We shouldn’t pat ourselves on the backs too enthusiastically, however. California, by far the nation’s most populous state, still has not elected a female governor. Many other states have. Neither have we elected a governor of color.
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1 / 13 Joe Biden introduces Kamala Harris as his running mate in Wilmington, Del. (Getty Images) 2 / 13 Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press) 3 / 13 The candidates arrived wearing masks. (Drew Angerer / Getty Images) 4 / 13 Harris and her husband, Douglas Emhoff, right, applaud Joe Biden and his wife, Jill. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press) 5 / 13 Taking the stage. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press) 6 / 13 Harris and her husband greet Jill Biden. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press) 7 / 13 Harris and husband Douglas Emhoff. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press) 8 / 13 Joe Biden speaks during the campaign event. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press) 9 / 13 Kamala Harris speaks. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press) 10 / 13 The candidates on TV monitors in the media briefing room at the White House. (Andrew Harnik / Associated Press) 11 / 13 Joe Biden listens as his running mate speaks during the campaign event. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press) 12 / 13 Harris listens as Biden speaks. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press) 13 / 13 Joe Biden supporters outside the event in Wilmington, Del. (Carolyn Kaster / Associated Press)
This is also a state of immigrants. And fittingly, Sen. Kamala Harris is the daughter of immigrant parents — a father from Jamaica, a mother from India. Harris is not only the first Black woman, but also the first Asian American person to be given a spot on a major presidential ticket.
According to the U.S. Census Bureau, California’s population is 39% Latino, 37% white, 15% Asian, 6% Black, 3% multiracial — like Harris — and fewer than 1% Native American or Pacific Islander.
That gives former prosecutor Harris a special license to articulate the case against President Trump’s xenophobic, family-ripping immigration policies.
Her verbal fighting skills — in a debate, on the stump or in TV interviews — were obviously a key selling point to presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden. She’s very capable of drawing blood from an opponent.
Politics Kamala Harris is Joe Biden’s history-making pick for vice president Joe Biden has chosen California Sen. Kamala Harris as his running mate. She could be the first woman and first person of color to be vice president.
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Biden doesn’t have to worry about Harris slacking off on the campaign trail — as some presidential candidates have had to in the past. She’s an eager brawler.
“Joe has long been impressed by how tough Kamala is,” the Biden campaign stated in announcing the selection of Harris.
It added: “Kamala doesn’t hesitate to take on powerful people and powerful interests and that’s exactly the kind of leader Joe wants by his side to rebuild this country and restore the soul of the nation.”
Well, that’s a reach — that part about taking on powerful people and interests.
Critics of Harris’ performances as California attorney general and San Francisco district attorney have cited her caution in taking on tough foes, especially if it would alienate her core constituency: law enforcement.
Now she’s a loud advocate for police reform. But as attorney general she largely avoided intervening in cases involving questionable police killings.
Harris also declined to take positions on controversial ballot measures, including two to abolish the death penalty — a practice she claimed to abhor — and another to reduce prison sentences.
As a presidential candidate, Harris wavered on the hot issue of universal healthcare, flip-flopping on whether private insurance should play a role.
But none of that will matter this fall, except as attack fodder for Trump.
There’ll be no agonizing by Harris over policy positions. Like all veep candidates — Biden included under Barack Obama — Harris’ positions will be decided by the presidential nominee.
Harris’ strength is in her prosecutorial skills, not her policy wisdom or tactical genius. And that’s what Biden is counting on.
Another huge selling point for Harris, 55, was Biden’s expected comfort level with her. That’s because of her close working relationship with Biden’s son, Beau, when both were state attorneys general.
“Back when Kamala was attorney general, she worked closely with Beau,” Biden tweeted supporters Tuesday. “I watched as they took on the big banks, lifted up working people and protected women and kids from abuse. I was proud then and I’m proud now to have her as my partner in this campaign.”
It seems Biden watched his son a lot more than Harris.
This was by far Biden’s most important campaign decision and he deserves credit for following his gut. But we need to wait and see how this turns out — and whether Harris turns off suburban Republican women in key battleground states such as Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania.
Is Harris an asset, who will energize young people and women of color to vote in droves — or did Biden violate the Hippocratic oath about first doing no harm? We won’t know until November.
Some insiders had warned Biden that Harris seemed too “ambitious” and could be disloyal. This was largely based on Harris’ attack against Biden on busing in an early debate.
But Biden made a point of showing he doesn’t hold a grudge.
Another California VP prospect, Los Angeles Rep. Karen Bass, was apparently passed over for a few reasons:
She wasn’t as experienced a campaigner as Harris. She hadn’t even run a statewide campaign, let alone one nationally. Plus, she and Biden weren’t particularly close. She didn’t come across as a fighter. And she praised Cuban leader Fidel Castro when he died, which could have cost Biden any chance of carrying Florida.
But Bass, who is Black, is a classy, nonpolarizing career-long fighter for civil rights. She chairs the Congressional Black Caucus and was Speaker of the California State Assembly. She’s a likable liberal who can deal with conservative Republicans.
Based on polls, the Biden-Harris ticket should win on Nov. 3. That will open up a Senate vacancy that Gov. Gavin Newsom legally can fill on his own — unfortunately — without a vote of the people.
Bass should top Newsom’s list of potential new senators.
One bit of trivia: Harris will be the first major vice presidential candidate from California since Richard Nixon in the 1950s. Hopefully that’s an irrelevant asterisk.
Harris’ selection is proof we’ve all grown a lot since then.


latimes--2020-08-11--L.A. school board approves deal on remote learning; critics say it falls short on teaching

With families anxious about the quality of online learning , the Los Angeles Board of Education on Tuesday unanimously approved a plan that will restore structure to the academic schedule while also allowing for an online school day that is shorter than the traditional one .
The plan leaves some parents and advocates in the nation ’ s second-largest school system wanting more teaching hours .
There also are parents who want fewer mandatory screen-time hours for their young children — a reflection of the complexities of distance learning and the widespread parent angst over the start of the school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We ’ re trying to work through new problems we ’ ve never had to solve before , ” said L.A. schools Supt .
Austin Beutner , who praised both his team and the teachers union for working together to preserve high-quality “ teacher-led instruction.
” “ It is not perfect , but in the midst of a pandemic , perfection has never been a goal , ” Beutner said .
Objections to the agreement fell mainly into two categories — the length of the teacher-led school day and lack of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school day running on Tuesday through Friday from 9 a.m. to 2:15 p.m. , along with an overall teacher work day of six hours .
Monday is a shorter day — to allow for teacher planning , a common practice before the pandemic .
Critics said the school schedule runs about two hours too short , depriving students of about 25 % of the contact they would normally have with teachers .
“ Instructional time , where students can connect with their teacher , is the most valuable resource the district has , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million instructional hours .
This is a bad deal for students , and every board member should vote no , ” said Seth Litt , executive director of the local advocacy group Parent Revolution .
A similar to-the-wire drama is playing out in Glendale , Oakland and other school systems across the state — with officials uncertain over when campuses would be able to reopen in some form .
The situation clarified for the time being after Gov .
Gavin Newsom announced that campuses would have to remain closed in counties that are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ list , an emergency order that affected 97 % of the state ’ s K-12 students .
Until then , and for most of the summer , officials were simultaneously planning both for online-only instruction and hybrid instruction , in which groups of students would attend class on campus on a staggered schedule .
Officials also were refining protocols on how to sanitize campuses while pulling together needed technology and curriculum .
In many places , maybe most , negotiating with local teacher unions over what learning would look like got pushed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not reach a tentative agreement with district officials until Thursday — several days after L.A. Unified reached its tentative pact .
Unlike the L.A. agreement , San Francisco teachers can set their own school-day schedules , within reason , but are asked to keep them as consistent as possible from week to week .
Glendale Unified has yet to reach an agreement with its teachers .
Another bargaining session is scheduled for Wednesday .
One area of disagreement is over the number of required live interactions per day between students and teachers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Compton teachers union staged a protest Tuesday over what it called an unsafe district demand for teachers to carry out distance learning from their classrooms .
Negotiations also resume there on Wednesday .
L.A. teachers have the option of teaching from their classroom but do not have to do so .
Oakland Unified began the school year this week without a full agreement and just barely hammered out how the first two weeks would unfold as a stopgap .
Oakland teachers want to model some of their long-term agreement on what was worked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenges were of much solace to critics in L.A. Unified .
“ A highly trained , professional , qualified teacher is the most valuable resource the district has , ” said Hannah Gravette , of the advocacy group Innovate Public Schools .
“ To throw away the time available to make use of that resource is the wrong response.
” Maryam Qudrat , a parent at Millikan Middle School in Sherman Oaks , told the board Tuesday that parents should have been allowed to provide input sooner .
“ It feels like it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make a difference at this point , ” she said .
Parental anxiety comes in various forms .
One elementary parent told the Times of concerns at her school that younger students were being required to be glued for too long to a computer monitor .
In the end , board members hardly had the option of rejecting the plan — in whole or in part , which would have led to restarting intense and slow-moving negotiations .
L.A. Unified , in fact , has already publicized and built its restart around this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ includes daily live contact with a teacher and specifies that the state ’ s existing minimum requirements for instructional minutes in a traditional classroom also will apply to online teaching .
Also at Tuesday ’ s meeting , the board approved sweeping new regulations that will make it more difficult for new charter schools to win approval .
The rules also could threaten the renewal of existing charters that were never previously at risk of being shut down .
Charters are privately managed public schools that must be authorized by a public education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than any other school system , where they enroll about one in five students .
On balance , charter-school supporters strongly oppose the new regulations .
The school board is closely divided between members elected with substantial support from charter advocates and those elected with substantial support from the teachers union .
The 4-to-3 vote on the new rules underscores the importance of the upcoming November school board elections , which will determine whether the state ’ s largest district will become more or less friendly to charter schools .

Los Angeles Unified School District Supt. Austin Beutner demonstrates the use of sanitizing tools while taking a tour of Burbank Middle School.
With families anxious about the quality of online learning, the Los Angeles Board of Education on Tuesday unanimously approved a plan that will restore structure to the academic schedule while also allowing for an online school day that is shorter than the traditional one.
The plan leaves some parents and advocates in the nation’s second-largest school system wanting more teaching hours. There also are parents who want fewer mandatory screen-time hours for their young children — a reflection of the complexities of distance learning and the widespread parent angst over the start of the school year next week at home, online.
“We’re trying to work through new problems we’ve never had to solve before,” said L.A. schools Supt. Austin Beutner, who praised both his team and the teachers union for working together to preserve high-quality “teacher-led instruction.”
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“It is not perfect, but in the midst of a pandemic, perfection has never been a goal,” Beutner said.
Objections to the agreement fell mainly into two categories — the length of the teacher-led school day and lack of parental input. The agreement establishes a school day running on Tuesday through Friday from 9 a.m. to 2:15 p.m., along with an overall teacher work day of six hours. Monday is a shorter day — to allow for teacher planning, a common practice before the pandemic.
Critics said the school schedule runs about two hours too short, depriving students of about 25% of the contact they would normally have with teachers.
“Instructional time, where students can connect with their teacher, is the most valuable resource the district has, but LAUSD is signing away over 7 million instructional hours. This is a bad deal for students, and every board member should vote no,” said Seth Litt, executive director of the local advocacy group Parent Revolution.
A similar to-the-wire drama is playing out in Glendale, Oakland and other school systems across the state — with officials uncertain over when campuses would be able to reopen in some form. The situation clarified for the time being after Gov. Gavin Newsom announced that campuses would have to remain closed in counties that are on the state’s COVID-19 watch list, an emergency order that affected 97% of the state’s K-12 students.
Until then, and for most of the summer, officials were simultaneously planning both for online-only instruction and hybrid instruction, in which groups of students would attend class on campus on a staggered schedule. Officials also were refining protocols on how to sanitize campuses while pulling together needed technology and curriculum.
In many places, maybe most, negotiating with local teacher unions over what learning would look like got pushed to the end.
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Teachers in San Francisco did not reach a tentative agreement with district officials until Thursday — several days after L.A. Unified reached its tentative pact. Unlike the L.A. agreement, San Francisco teachers can set their own school-day schedules, within reason, but are asked to keep them as consistent as possible from week to week.
Glendale Unified has yet to reach an agreement with its teachers. Another bargaining session is scheduled for Wednesday. One area of disagreement is over the number of required live interactions per day between students and teachers, according to the union.
The Compton teachers union staged a protest Tuesday over what it called an unsafe district demand for teachers to carry out distance learning from their classrooms. Negotiations also resume there on Wednesday.
L.A. teachers have the option of teaching from their classroom but do not have to do so.
Oakland Unified began the school year this week without a full agreement and just barely hammered out how the first two weeks would unfold as a stopgap. Oakland teachers want to model some of their long-term agreement on what was worked out in L.A.
None of these concurrent challenges were of much solace to critics in L.A. Unified.
“A highly trained, professional, qualified teacher is the most valuable resource the district has,” said Hannah Gravette, of the advocacy group Innovate Public Schools. “To throw away the time available to make use of that resource is the wrong response.”
Maryam Qudrat, a parent at Millikan Middle School in Sherman Oaks, told the board Tuesday that parents should have been allowed to provide input sooner.
“It feels like it’s too late for us to make a difference at this point,” she said.
Parental anxiety comes in various forms. One elementary parent told the Times of concerns at her school that younger students were being required to be glued for too long to a computer monitor.
In the end, board members hardly had the option of rejecting the plan — in whole or in part, which would have led to restarting intense and slow-moving negotiations. L.A. Unified, in fact, has already publicized and built its restart around this agreement.
The plan’s schedule includes daily live contact with a teacher and specifies that the state’s existing minimum requirements for instructional minutes in a traditional classroom also will apply to online teaching.
Also at Tuesday’s meeting, the board approved sweeping new regulations that will make it more difficult for new charter schools to win approval. The rules also could threaten the renewal of existing charters that were never previously at risk of being shut down.
Charters are privately managed public schools that must be authorized by a public education entity. L.A. Unified has more charters than any other school system, where they enroll about one in five students.
On balance, charter-school supporters strongly oppose the new regulations.
The school board is closely divided between members elected with substantial support from charter advocates and those elected with substantial support from the teachers union.
The 4-to-3 vote on the new rules underscores the importance of the upcoming November school board elections, which will determine whether the state’s largest district will become more or less friendly to charter schools.