latimes--2020-09-21--Despite past denials, LAPD has used facial recognition software 30,000 times in last decade, records

Despite past denials, LAPD has used facial recognition software 30,000 times in last decade, records show

The Los Angeles Police Department has used facial recognition software nearly 30,000 times since 2009 , with hundreds of officers running images of suspects from surveillance cameras and other sources against a massive database of mugshots taken by law enforcement .
The new figures , released to The Times , reveal for the first time how commonly facial recognition is used in the department , which for years has provided vague and contradictory information about how and whether it uses the technology .
The LAPD has consistently denied having records related to facial recognition , and at times denied using @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is that , while it does not have its own facial recognition platform , LAPD personnel have access to facial recognition software through a regional database maintained by the Los Angeles County Sheriff ’ s Department .
And between Nov. 6 , 2009 , and Sept. 11 of this year , LAPD officers used the system ’ s software 29,817 times .
More than 300 LAPD personnel have access to the software .
Josh Rubenstein , an LAPD spokesman , said he could not determine how many leads from the system have developed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has helped identify suspects in gang crimes where witnesses were too fearful to come forward and in crimes where no witnesses existed .
He said it has helped officers solve crimes faster than they otherwise would , and confirmed that it was recently used by the SAFE LA task force — a coalition of law enforcement agencies investigating arsons , burglaries and other crimes that occurred during protests in the city this summer .
Records reviewed by The Times also indicate that LAPD officers arrested a man in June on suspicion of sexually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help of facial recognition .
LAPD Assistant Chief Horace Frank said “ it is no secret ” that the LAPD uses facial recognition , that he personally testified to that fact before the Police Commission a couple years ago , and that the more recent denials — including two since last year , one to The Times — were just mistakes .
“ We aren ’ t trying to hide anything , ” he said .
Civil liberties advocates disagree .
They said the recent denials — only corrected after The Times questioned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long pattern of deception in which the LAPD has systematically avoided discussing facial recognition by denying it has records related to the technology or by claiming , erroneously , that it doesn ’ t use it .
As such technology improves and becomes more pervasive , transparency around the government ’ s use of it becomes all the more important — and the LAPD ’ s actions all the more concerning — given the potential for privacy and civil rights infringements , advocates say .
Mohammad Tajsar , a senior staff attorney at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ACLU was aware that the LAPD had access to the Los Angeles County Regional Identification System , or LACRIS , but unaware of the scale of use — including that hundreds of officers had access to the platform .
“ That is a lot of people with access to the system , and shows its widespread usage , ” he said .
Although some law enforcement officials have argued that such technology is an important tool , there has also been push back .
San Francisco last year banned facial recognition technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rubenstein , the county system allows police investigators to submit images from witnesses , crime scenes , surveillance cameras or other sources and compare them against a database of nearly 9 million mugshots .
The system identifies “ key contour facial features , ” but is “ only used to develop investigative leads , not to solely identify a suspect in a crime , ” Rubenstein said .
“ No individuals are arrested by the LAPD based solely on facial recognition results.
” Still , Tajsar said the ACLU and others have serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facial recognition system , including because computer algorithms and the system ’ s reliance on certain image pools like mugshots can make for an inherently racist search process .
The technology used in Los Angeles is from DataWorks Plus , a South Carolina company that expanded into facial recognition from mugshot services .
In 2019 , a federal study of more than 100 facial recognition systems , including software used by DataWorks Plus , determined that they falsely identified Black and Asian faces 10 to 100 times more often than white faces .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ false positives are in American Indians , with elevated rates in African American and Asian populations , ” the study found .
Todd Pastorini , DataWorks Plus ’ executive vice president and general manager , said he has worked with forensic facial recognition systems in California for more than a decade , and has “ never observed a racial bias.
” He said his company installed three facial recognition engines for LACRIS , from Rank One , NEC and Cognitec .
For each probe image entered by a police officer , he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and then software selects the top 250 for the officer to review .
Pastorini said the systems “ do not provide incorrect or correct identities , ” but “ a candidate list that requires the user to conduct further investigation to decide whether or not to pursue that investigative lead.
” The LACRIS system is used by 64 law enforcement agencies across the county , but it ’ s unclear which or how many use the facial recognition feature .
The L.A. County Sheriff ’ s Department would not answer questions from The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As the use of facial recognition among law enforcement has grown , California lawmakers have stepped in to put limits on it — including in connection with other technology systems like officers ’ body cameras .
However , the LAPD has escaped some scrutiny in those discussions , in part because of its erroneous claims of not using the technology .
For example , in the summer of 2019 , The Times asked Rubenstein about the department ’ s use of facial recognition for an article on proposed legislation to restrict its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually do not use facial recognition in the Department , ” Rubenstein responded — adding only that there had been “ a few limited instances ” where it was used by other agencies working on investigations alongside the LAPD .
In November , the department denied a public records request for documents related to its use of facial recognition software by saying it didn ’ t use such technology or any related services .
In June , LAPD officials denied a records request for LAPD policies on facial recognition by claiming none existed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response several years before , when the Center on Privacy & Technology at Georgetown Law requested records as part of a project assessing facial recognition capabilities at major police departments across the country .
However , last month , another records request , this one filed by Medium senior writer Dave Gershgorn , met with more success .
The request specifically asked for emails mentioning “ facial recognition , ” “ DataWorks Plus ” and other related terms , and in response the LAPD released 368 pages of officers discussing the technology with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around its use .
“ I need it all the time for my Burglary cases , ” one detective wrote to a colleague in May , in an effort to get trained on the system .
Another detective wrote to a colleague May 30 , the day mass protests , arsons and burglaries broke out in the city , musing that the department should look into purchasing a new system of facial recognition , as it “ may be a way of identifying violent protesters and looters.
” In another email from February @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LAPD ’ s Office of Constitutional Policing and Policy , directed commanders to ensure that only personnel who had received proper training on the system were accessing it , and that policies related to its use were followed .
The memo also addressed the new state law barring its use with body cameras .
Facial recognition technology “ shall not be utilized to establish any database or create suspect identification books , ” the memo read .
“ Additionally , FRT shall not be used as a general identification tool , when there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sole source of identification for a subject ’ s identity.
” After reviewing the emails , which were posted to an online portal for city records , The Times sent Rubenstein a list of questions about the department ’ s use of facial recognition and its previous denials of such usage .
In response , Rubenstein disclosed the nearly 30,000 uses since 2009 — nearly 3,750 of which occurred since February , when Rhodes put out her advisory — and said that 330 people in the LAPD have access to the system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ standing at 525 officers with access at the time the department denied to the The Times that it used facial recognition .
Rubenstein said use of the county system is provided to LAPD at no cost , and that the LAPD does not use the software to scan crowds or in any live-streaming capacity .
Despite regular audits of its use , he said he is not aware of any instances where the system has been misused by LAPD officials .
Rubenstein said his previous statement to The Times denying that the LAPD @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convey that it did not use it with its body cameras — a key issue in the legislation that was pending in Sacramento at the time .
He did not specify that distinction at the time , and the request for information from The Times had not specified body-camera usage .
The LAPD also sent a correction last week to the records requester who was told in November that the LAPD doesn ’ t use facial recognition .
“ We are writing to inform you that the previous statement that was sent to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ message read .
Beyond the denials , confusion around the LAPD ’ s use of facial recognition today is also partially rooted in its own vague references to the technology in the past — including as it ran various “ pilot ” programs that featured the technology .
For example , the Center on Privacy & Technology report , published in 2016 , noted that the LAPD had described a CCTV surveillance system equipped with facial recognition technology in 2005 , a “ smart car ” that would be equipped with it in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ west San Fernando Valley that could recognize faces from 600 feet away in 2013 .
Citing those examples , the report concluded that the LAPD “ may have the most advanced face recognition system in the country , ” but that it was unclear because the agency had responded to the center ’ s request for records by saying it had none to disclose .
Rubenstein said while discontinued programs in the past may have used the technology , the LAPD currently uses facial recognition only through LACRIS .

The Los Angeles Police Department has used facial recognition software nearly 30,000 times since 2009, with hundreds of officers running images of suspects from surveillance cameras and other sources against a massive database of mug shots taken by law enforcement.
The new figures, released to The Times, reveal for the first time how commonly facial recognition is used in the department, which for years has provided vague and contradictory information about how and whether it uses the technology.
The LAPD has consistently denied having records related to facial recognition, and at times denied using the technology at all.
The truth is that, while it does not have its own facial recognition platform, LAPD personnel have access to facial recognition software through a regional database maintained by the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department. And between Nov. 6, 2009, and Sept. 11 of this year, LAPD officers used the system’s software 29,817 times.
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More than 300 LAPD personnel have access to the software.
Josh Rubenstein, an LAPD spokesman, said he could not determine how many leads from the system have developed into arrests, but that the technology has helped identify suspects in gang crimes where witnesses were too fearful to come forward and in crimes where no witnesses existed.
He said it has helped officers solve crimes faster than they otherwise would, and confirmed that it was recently used by the Safe LA Task Force — a coalition of law enforcement agencies investigating arsons, burglaries and other crimes that occurred during protests in the city this summer.
California Facial recognition software mistook 1 in 5 California lawmakers for criminals, says ACLU Roughly 20% of legislators were erroneously matched to a person arrested when the ACLU used face-scanning software to screen their pictures against a criminal database.
Records reviewed by The Times also indicate that LAPD officers arrested a man in June on suspicion of sexually assaulting minors after identifying him with the help of facial recognition.
LAPD Assistant Chief Horace Frank said “it is no secret” that the LAPD uses facial recognition, that he personally testified to that fact before the Police Commission a couple years ago, and that the more recent denials — including two since last year, one to The Times — were just mistakes.
“We aren’t trying to hide anything,” he said.
Civil liberties advocates disagree. They said the recent denials — only corrected after The Times questioned their accuracy — are part of a long pattern of deception in which the LAPD has systematically avoided discussing facial recognition by denying it has records related to the technology or by claiming, erroneously, that it doesn’t use it.
Advertisement
As such technology improves and becomes more pervasive, transparency around the government’s use of it becomes all the more important — and the LAPD’s actions all the more concerning — given the potential for privacy and civil rights infringements, advocates say.
Mohammad Tajsar, a senior staff attorney at the ACLU of Southern California, said the ACLU was aware that the LAPD had access to the Los Angeles County Regional Identification System, or LACRIS, but unaware of the scale of use — including that hundreds of officers had access to the platform.
“That is a lot of people with access to the system, and shows its widespread usage,” he said.
Although some law enforcement officials have argued that such technology is an important tool, there has also been push back. San Francisco last year banned facial recognition technology on civil liberties grounds.
According to Rubenstein, the county system allows police investigators to submit images from witnesses, crime scenes, surveillance cameras or other sources and compare them against a database of nearly 9 million mug shots.
The system identifies “key contour facial features,” but is “only used to develop investigative leads, not to solely identify a suspect in a crime,” Rubenstein said. “No individuals are arrested by the LAPD based solely on facial recognition results.”
Still, Tajsar said the ACLU and others have serious concerns about such widespread use of the facial recognition system, including because computer algorithms and the system’s reliance on certain image pools like mug shots can make for an inherently racist search process.
The technology used in Los Angeles is from DataWorks Plus, a South Carolina company that expanded into facial recognition from mugshot services. In 2019, a federal study of more than 100 facial recognition systems, including software used by DataWorks Plus, determined that they falsely identified Black and Asian faces 10 to 100 times more often than white faces.
“With mug shot images, the highest false positives are in American Indians, with elevated rates in African American and Asian populations,” the study found.
Todd Pastorini, DataWorks Plus’ executive vice president and general manager, said he has worked with forensic facial recognition systems in California for more than a decade, and has “never observed a racial bias.”
He said his company installed three facial recognition engines for LACRIS, from Rank One, NEC and Cognitec. For each probe image entered by a police officer, he said the engines kick back positive facial matches and then software selects the top 250 for the officer to review.
Pastorini said the systems “do not provide incorrect or correct identities,” but “a candidate list that requires the user to conduct further investigation to decide whether or not to pursue that investigative lead.”
The LACRIS system is used by 64 law enforcement agencies across the county, but it’s unclear which or how many use the facial recognition feature. The L.A. County Sheriff’s Department would not answer questions from The Times about the system’s use.
As the use of facial recognition among law enforcement has grown, California lawmakers have stepped in to put limits on it — including in connection with other technology systems like officers’ body cameras.
However, the LAPD has escaped some scrutiny in those discussions, in part because of its erroneous claims of not using the technology.
For example, in the summer of 2019, The Times asked Rubenstein about the department’s use of facial recognition for an article on proposed legislation to restrict its use with body cameras.
“We actually do not use facial recognition in the Department,” Rubenstein responded — adding only that there had been “a few limited instances” where it was used by other agencies working on investigations alongside the LAPD.
In November, the department denied a public records request for documents related to its use of facial recognition software by saying it didn’t use such technology or any related services.
In June, LAPD officials denied a records request for LAPD policies on facial recognition by claiming none existed. They’d given a similar response several years before, when the Center on Privacy & Technology at Georgetown Law requested records as part of a project assessing facial recognition capabilities at major police departments across the country.
However, last month, another records request, this one filed by Medium senior writer Dave Gershgorn, met with more success. The request specifically asked for emails mentioning “facial recognition,” “DataWorks Plus” and other related terms, and in response the LAPD released 368 pages of officers discussing the technology with one another and LAPD officials issuing directives around its use.
“I need it all the time for my Burglary cases,” one detective wrote to a colleague in May, in an effort to get trained on the system.
Another detective wrote to a colleague May 30, the day mass protests, arsons and burglaries broke out in the city, musing that the department should look into purchasing a new system of facial recognition, as it “may be a way of identifying violent protesters and looters.”
In another email from February, Lizabeth Rhodes, director of the LAPD’s Office of Constitutional Policing and Policy, directed commanders to ensure that only personnel who had received proper training on the system were accessing it, and that policies related to its use were followed. The memo also addressed the new state law barring its use with body cameras.
Facial recognition technology “shall not be utilized to establish any database or create suspect identification books,” the memo read. “Additionally, FRT shall not be used as a general identification tool, when there is no investigative purpose, or as the sole source of identification for a subject’s identity.”
After reviewing the emails, which were posted to an online portal for city records, The Times sent Rubenstein a list of questions about the department’s use of facial recognition and its previous denials of such usage.
In response, Rubenstein disclosed the nearly 30,000 uses since 2009 — nearly 3,750 of which occurred since February, when Rhodes put out her advisory — and said that 330 people in the LAPD have access to the system. That number had been higher, standing at 525 officers with access at the time the department denied to the The Times that it used facial recognition.
Rubenstein said use of the county system is provided to LAPD at no cost, and that the LAPD does not use the software to scan crowds or in any live-streaming capacity. Despite regular audits of its use, he said he is not aware of any instances where the system has been misused by LAPD officials.
Rubenstein said his previous statement to The Times denying that the LAPD used such technology was intended only to convey that it did not use it with its body cameras — a key issue in the legislation that was pending in Sacramento at the time. He did not specify that distinction at the time, and the request for information from The Times had not specified body-camera usage.
The LAPD also sent a correction last week to the records requester who was told in November that the LAPD doesn’t use facial recognition.
“We are writing to inform you that the previous statement that was sent to you ... was inaccurate,” the message read.
Technology and the Internet California considers ban on facial recognition’s new frontier: police body cameras Facial recognition’s first blanket ban arrived in May, when San Francisco became the only city in the nation to bar police and other agencies from using the technology.
Beyond the denials, confusion around the LAPD’s use of facial recognition today is also partially rooted in its own vague references to the technology in the past — including as it ran various “pilot” programs that featured the technology.
For example, the Center on Privacy & Technology report, published in 2016, noted that the LAPD had described a CCTV surveillance system equipped with facial recognition technology in 2005, a “smart car” that would be equipped with it in 2007 and a CCTV system in the west San Fernando Valley that could recognize faces from 600 feet away in 2013.
Citing those examples, the report concluded that the LAPD “may have the most advanced face recognition system in the country,” but that it was unclear because the agency had responded to the center’s request for records by saying it had none to disclose.
Rubenstein said while discontinued programs in the past may have used the technology, the LAPD currently uses facial recognition only through LACRIS.
Los Angeles Times reporter Sam Dean contributed to this article.


latimes--2020-09-21--3-year-old dies after being hit by pickup while riding his bike in Orange

A 3-year-old boy riding his bicycle was killed Sunday evening when a woman driving a pickup truck struck him in @ @ @ @ @ The boy was riding around his Orange Mobile Home Park neighborhood in the 1900 block @ @ @ @ @ sibling when he was struck by a Ram pickup , Orange Police Sgt .
Phil @ @ @ @ @ the call at 7:19 p.m. and immediately performed CPR on the child , but he @ @ @ @ @ McMullin said .
The woman driving the truck , a 23-year-old Orange resident , stayed @ @ @ @ @ with authorities , according to an Orange Police Department Facebook page .
McMullin said officers @ @ @ @ @ was not placed under arrest .
Neither alcohol nor drugs were considered a factor in @ @ @ @ @ .
Police have not released the names of either the boy or the woman .
@ @ @ @ @ surveillance in the area .
Anyone with information about the crash is asked to call @ @ @ @ @

Neighbors gather at Orange Mobile Home Park, where a 3-year-old boy was struck and killed by a pickup truck Sunday evening.
A 3-year-old boy riding his bicycle was killed Sunday evening when a woman driving a pickup truck struck him in Orange, police said.
The boy was riding around his Orange Mobile Home Park neighborhood in the 1900 block of Meats Avenue with a sibling when he was struck by a Ram pickup, Orange Police Sgt. Phil McMullin said.
Officers received the call at 7:19 p.m. and immediately performed CPR on the child, but he died at the scene, McMullin said.
The woman driving the truck, a 23-year-old Orange resident, stayed at the scene and cooperated with authorities, according to an Orange Police Department Facebook page. McMullin said officers interviewed her, but she was not placed under arrest. Neither alcohol nor drugs were considered a factor in the crash, authorities said.
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Police have not released the names of either the boy or the woman.
Officials are checking for video surveillance in the area. Anyone with information about the crash is asked to call (714) 744-7444.


latimes--2020-09-21--Magnitude 3.4 earthquake felt near Temescal Valley, Calif.

A magnitude 3.4 earthquake was reported Monday at 6:20 a.m. less than a mile from Temescal Valley , Calif. , according to the U.S. Geological Survey .
The earthquake occurred less than a mile from Lake Elsinore , one mile from Lakeland Village , seven miles from Corona and seven miles from Rancho Santa Margarita , Calif .
In the past 10 days , there have been three earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby .
An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in California and Nevada , according to a recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at a depth of 5.3 miles .
Did you feel this earthquake ?
Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS .
Even if you didn ’ t feel this small earthquake , you never know when the Big One is going to strike .
Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit .
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot , a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS .
A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ more about the system , visit our list of frequently asked questions .

A magnitude 3.4 earthquake was reported this morning at 6:20 a.m. less than a mile from Temescal Valley, Calif.
A magnitude 3.4 earthquake was reported Monday at 6:20 a.m. less than a mile from Temescal Valley, Calif., according to the U.S. Geological Survey.
The earthquake occurred less than a mile from Lake Elsinore, one mile from Lakeland Village, seven miles from Corona and seven miles from Rancho Santa Margarita, Calif.
In the past 10 days, there have been three earthquakes of magnitude 3.0 or greater centered nearby.
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An average of 234 earthquakes with magnitudes between 3.0 and 4.0 occur per year in California and Nevada, according to a recent three-year data sample.
The earthquake occurred at a depth of 5.3 miles. Did you feel this earthquake? Consider reporting what you felt to the USGS.
Even if you didn’t feel this small earthquake, you never know when the Big One is going to strike. Ready yourself by following our five-step earthquake preparedness guide and building your own emergency kit.
This story was automatically generated by Quakebot, a computer application that monitors the latest earthquakes detected by the USGS. A Times editor reviewed the post before it was published. If you’re interested in learning more about the system, visit our list of frequently asked questions.


latimes--2020-09-21--Shyong: In the midst of wildfires and a pandemic, domestic workers need protections more than ever

Sandra Martinez , 45 , a housekeeper , used to work three days a week before the pandemic struck .
Now she does the same work for one day ’ s pay , because her employer thought one housekeeping appointment was less risky than three .
She used to take three buses to work , an epic commute that made her workdays 15 hours long .
Now she pays out of pocket for Uber , exhausting her savings , because her family heard that taking the bus was unsafe .
As we all try to take fewer risks , housekeepers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have paid the price .
Nearly three-quarters of domestic workers reported losing their jobs in an April survey .
Many domestic workers who can afford only to take the bus to their jobs have lost them .
A disproportionate number of domestic workers and their family members have contracted COVID-19 and died .
In California , an estimated 350,000 domestic workers employed by more than 2 million families have no workplace safety protections during a time when their work couldn ’ t be more dangerous or essential .
Gov .
Gavin Newsom is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that .
Senate Bill 1257 , which passed with little opposition in the Assembly and Senate , would end the exclusion of domestic workers from California Division of Occupational Safety and Health protections .
Newsom has until Sept. 30 to sign it into law .
The bill ’ s sponsor , Sen. Maria Elena Durazo ( D-Los Angeles ) , said that ending the exclusion of domestic workers from workplace safety protections is also about showing voters that political leaders plan to keep their promises about confronting modern-day legacies of racism .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service to institutional racism and veto this .
How does that make sense ?
This is about destroying one of the final legacies of slavery and racism .
It ’ s the right thing to do , ” Durazo said .
The exclusion of domestic workers from labor protections has its origins in Reconstruction-era politics .
Southerners wanted to continue reaping the economic benefits of slavery even after its abolition .
Freed male slaves were pressed into sharecropping , and many freed female slaves could find work only in the homes of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the right to form unions in 1935 , domestic workers and farm laborers — largely freed slaves or their descendants — were excluded by legislators to curry favor with Southern Democrats .
When labor standards for workweeks and workdays were established three years later , domestic workers and farm laborers were again excluded for the same reason .
Domestic work , done by women for centuries with no pay , has been systematically devalued in order to preserve a system that benefited domestic employers .
But it is one of the most dangerous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the repetitive , strenuous motions that commonly lead to injury .
Emily Uy , a 61-year-old , 5-foot-1 Filipina woman , felt something crack in her back a few years ago while attempting to lift a patient who was losing control of her muscles .
Her employer , who had refused her requests to hire an assistant , also refused to help with her $ 7,000 medical bill , she said .
She didn ’ t want to ask her client , who was living on a fixed income .
So she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 24 installments over two years .
“ We really need protection when we get hurt .
If we get sick or hurt , we don ’ t get paid , ” Uy said .
A new survey conducted by the City University of New York found that domestic workers reported rates of back injury comparable to those of construction workers .
A third of respondents also said they lacked adequate personal protective equipment , and just 1 in 4 had received any safety training for pandemic conditions .
More than 67 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an unsafe task , according to the study .
Pandemic conditions have also led to an explosion in the popularity of Clorox cleaning products , thanks to their prominent placement on the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ’ s lists of recommended disinfectants to protect against COVID-19 .
Families are insisting on using bleach products because of virus fears , said Maegan Ortiz , executive director of Instituto de Educación Popular del Sur de California , a Southern California group that helps organize domestic workers .
Clorox revenues are up more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the company saw its highest stock price ever .
For Carmen Jimenez , 53 , the bleach has meant headaches , inflamed allergies and trouble breathing .
She was laid up in bed for three days with flu-like symptoms , but her employer still insisted on Clorox products .
“ I ’ m just tired .
I realize they don ’ t respect us and our health , ” Jimenez said .
The domestic workforce in California is almost entirely composed of women and immigrants who earn minimum wage or less .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for excluding them from workplace safety protections , and there ’ s never been a more dangerous time to work in California .
Record wildfires rage across the state , and domestic workers will be asked to clean up the aftermath .
An airborne virus stalks every indoor space , and without safety protocols and PPE , they can not protect themselves or their families .
Domestic workers facing these dangers , with the help of groups such as the California Domestic Workers Coalition , are awakening to the injustice of their conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers gathered Thursday in MacArthur Park around an altar to fallen domestic workers decorated with Clorox products , mops and cleaning buckets .
Rosalinda , a domestic worker who was not given permission to attend the protest by the Beverly Hills family she works for , spoke via a recorded message .
“ Look at my eyes , so red from working .
Sometimes I can not sleep because I am too tired .
We need protection .
You can work from home , but we have to do our work in other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speeches concluded and the altar was cleaned up , most of us went home .
But on the walk to my car , I ran into some of the domestic workers from the rally at the bus stop .
It was 9 o ’ clock on Thursday morning , and they had to go to work .

Community organizer Edna Sandoval, center, raises her fist along with a group of domestic workers protesting at MacArthur Park on Thursday in support of a bill to extend California workplace protections to domestic workers.
Sandra Martinez, 45, a housekeeper, used to work three days a week before the pandemic struck. Now she does the same work for one day’s pay, because her employer thought one housekeeping appointment was less risky than three.
She used to take three buses to work, an epic commute that made her workdays 15 hours long. Now she pays out of pocket for Uber, exhausting her savings, because her family heard that taking the bus was unsafe.
As we all try to take fewer risks, housekeepers, caregivers and child-care providers like Martinez have paid the price. Nearly three-quarters of domestic workers reported losing their jobs in an April survey. Many domestic workers who can afford only to take the bus to their jobs have lost them. A disproportionate number of domestic workers and their family members have contracted COVID-19 and died.
In California, an estimated 350,000 domestic workers employed by more than 2 million families have no workplace safety protections during a time when their work couldn’t be more dangerous or essential.
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Gov. Gavin Newsom is considering a bill that might finally change that. Senate Bill 1257, which passed with little opposition in the Assembly and Senate, would end the exclusion of domestic workers from California Division of Occupational Safety and Health protections. Newsom has until Sept. 30 to sign it into law.
The bill’s sponsor, Sen. Maria Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), said that ending the exclusion of domestic workers from workplace safety protections is also about showing voters that political leaders plan to keep their promises about confronting modern-day legacies of racism.
“We can’t just give lip service to institutional racism and veto this. How does that make sense? This is about destroying one of the final legacies of slavery and racism. It’s the right thing to do,” Durazo said.
The exclusion of domestic workers from labor protections has its origins in Reconstruction-era politics. Southerners wanted to continue reaping the economic benefits of slavery even after its abolition. Freed male slaves were pressed into sharecropping, and many freed female slaves could find work only in the homes of their former masters.
When Congress gave employees the right to form unions in 1935, domestic workers and farm laborers — largely freed slaves or their descendants — were excluded by legislators to curry favor with Southern Democrats. When labor standards for workweeks and workdays were established three years later, domestic workers and farm laborers were again excluded for the same reason.
Domestic work, done by women for centuries with no pay, has been systematically devalued in order to preserve a system that benefited domestic employers. But it is one of the most dangerous and injurious types of work, full of the repetitive, strenuous motions that commonly lead to injury.
Emily Uy, a 61-year-old, 5-foot-1 Filipina woman, felt something crack in her back a few years ago while attempting to lift a patient who was losing control of her muscles.
Her employer, who had refused her requests to hire an assistant, also refused to help with her $7,000 medical bill, she said. She didn’t want to ask her client, who was living on a fixed income. So she found a loan and paid it off in 24 installments over two years.
“We really need protection when we get hurt. If we get sick or hurt, we don’t get paid,” Uy said.
A new survey conducted by the City University of New York found that domestic workers reported rates of back injury comparable to those of construction workers.
A third of respondents also said they lacked adequate personal protective equipment, and just 1 in 4 had received any safety training for pandemic conditions. More than 67% feared retaliation if they refused to perform an unsafe task, according to the study.
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Maegan Ortiz, executive director of Instituto de Educación Popular del Sur de California, places a message card at a memorial altar to fallen domestic workers assembled at the MacArthur Park protest. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Pandemic conditions have also led to an explosion in the popularity of Clorox cleaning products, thanks to their prominent placement on the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s lists of recommended disinfectants to protect against COVID-19. Families are insisting on using bleach products because of virus fears, said Maegan Ortiz, executive director of Instituto de Educación Popular del Sur de California, a Southern California group that helps organize domestic workers. Clorox revenues are up more than 20% on the year, and the company saw its highest stock price ever.
For Carmen Jimenez, 53, the bleach has meant headaches, inflamed allergies and trouble breathing. She was laid up in bed for three days with flu-like symptoms, but her employer still insisted on Clorox products.
“I’m just tired. I realize they don’t respect us and our health,” Jimenez said.
The domestic workforce in California is almost entirely composed of women and immigrants who earn minimum wage or less. There has never been a good reason for excluding them from workplace safety protections, and there’s never been a more dangerous time to work in California.
Record wildfires rage across the state, and domestic workers will be asked to clean up the aftermath. An airborne virus stalks every indoor space, and without safety protocols and PPE, they cannot protect themselves or their families.
Domestic workers facing these dangers, with the help of groups such as the California Domestic Workers Coalition, are awakening to the injustice of their conditions. A group of about 50 domestic workers gathered Thursday in MacArthur Park around an altar to fallen domestic workers decorated with Clorox products, mops and cleaning buckets.
Rosalinda, a domestic worker who was not given permission to attend the protest by the Beverly Hills family she works for, spoke via a recorded message.
Diana Mendoza embraces her daughter Naima Wilson, 8, during the MacArthur Park protest in support of protections for domestic workers. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
“Look at my eyes, so red from working. Sometimes I cannot sleep because I am too tired. We need protection. You can work from home, but we have to do our work in other people’s homes.”
After the speeches concluded and the altar was cleaned up, most of us went home. But on the walk to my car, I ran into some of the domestic workers from the rally at the bus stop.
It was 9 o’clock on Thursday morning, and they had to go to work.


latimes--2020-09-21--California surpasses 15,000 coronavirus deaths, just behind Texas

Coronavirus deaths in California topped 15,000 on Sunday , another bleak milestone that puts the state just behind Texas in lives lost to COVID-19 .
As of Sunday , California recorded 15,014 deaths , adding 27 Sunday and 77 Saturday — a reminder of the staggering loss even as new cases are falling .
Los Angeles County has by far the most deaths from COVID-19 in the state , according to the Los Angeles Times tracker , with at least 6,353 people who have died .
The mounting death toll still remains far below that of New York , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and New Jersey , with 16,000 .
Texas this weekend hit 15,088 .
These reports come in the weeks after Labor Day weekend and the start of a new school year .
The number of new COVID-19 cases has notably increased this past week in 31 states compared with the previous week , according to data from Johns Hopkins University .
Only four states — Delaware , Hawaii , Louisiana and Michigan — have reported decreases of more than 10 % .
In California — which has more than 785,000 confirmed cases , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nation — the number of new cases has been leveling out .
State and local officials are seeing signs of hope in recent drops in hospitalizations , but many are still holding their breath as case counts this week start reflecting a more accurate picture of infections from Labor Day weekend .
In Los Angeles County , health officials said the number of new daily cases has been rising for four days .
Although that could be the result of the reopening of testing centers and an increase in testing , they said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ socializing over the recent holiday weekend .
According to figures released Sunday , the county reported 991 more cases of COVID-19 , along with 23 additional deaths .
The relatively lower numbers , officials noted , likely represent a weekend lag in reporting .
Of these deaths , county officials said 10 were older than 80 , eight were ages 65 to 79 , three were ages 50 to 64 and one was between 30 and 49 .
Almost all of them had underlying health conditions .
Orange County health officials also reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ total to 1,128 .
The county also logged 190 new cases , for a total of 52,063 .
Health officials said they will continue to monitor the numbers closely this week .
Previous holiday weekends during the pandemic have sparked a surge in cases , hospitalizations and deaths — which generally start showing up two weeks later .
Barbara Ferrer , director of Los Angeles County ’ s Department of Public Health , said the county should not reopen further until the numbers from Labor Day come into clearer focus .
“ As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must acknowledge that COVID-19 remains a significant threat , ” Ferrer said .
“ Given the reality that as many as 50 % of those infected [ who ] are able to transmit the virus to others may have no symptoms , taking universal precautions in every interaction with others who are not in your household , is absolutely essential.
” Officials also reminded residents that they must consider both flu and COVID-19 in the coming months .
Given the strain the coronavirus has been putting on healthcare systems , getting an annual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more people out of the hospital .
Each year , tens of thousands of people in the United States are hospitalized or die from flu-related illness .
Last week , the Orange County Board of Supervisors approved setting up drive-through flu vaccine clinics to get ahead of the potential “ twindemic ” of both the flu and COVID-19 circulating at the same time .
Flu shots are also provided at no cost or low cost at various locations throughout Los Angeles County .
For more information , visit the county ’ s Department @ @ @ @ @

Coronavirus deaths in California topped 15,000 on Sunday, another bleak milestone that puts the state just behind Texas in lives lost to COVID-19.
As of Sunday, California recorded 15,014 deaths, adding 27 Sunday and 77 Saturday — a reminder of the staggering loss even as new cases are falling. Los Angeles County has by far the most deaths from COVID-19 in the state, according to the Los Angeles Times tracker, with at least 6,353 people who have died.
The mounting death toll still remains far below that of New York, which has recorded more than 33,000 deaths, and New Jersey, with 16,000. Texas this weekend hit 15,088 .
These reports come in the weeks after Labor Day weekend and the start of a new school year. The number of new COVID-19 cases has notably increased this past week in 31 states compared with the previous week, according to data from Johns Hopkins University. Only four states — Delaware, Hawaii, Louisiana and Michigan — have reported decreases of more than 10%.
In California — which has more than 785,000 confirmed cases, the most of any state in the nation — the number of new cases has been leveling out. State and local officials are seeing signs of hope in recent drops in hospitalizations, but many are still holding their breath as case counts this week start reflecting a more accurate picture of infections from Labor Day weekend.
In Los Angeles County, health officials said the number of new daily cases has been rising for four days. Although that could be the result of the reopening of testing centers and an increase in testing, they said, it also may be linked to socializing over the recent holiday weekend.
According to figures released Sunday, the county reported 991 more cases of COVID-19, along with 23 additional deaths. The relatively lower numbers, officials noted, likely represent a weekend lag in reporting.
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Of these deaths, county officials said 10 were older than 80, eight were ages 65 to 79, three were ages 50 to 64 and one was between 30 and 49. Almost all of them had underlying health conditions.
Orange County health officials also reported 1 new death Sunday, bringing the total to 1,128. The county also logged 190 new cases, for a total of 52,063.
Health officials said they will continue to monitor the numbers closely this week. Previous holiday weekends during the pandemic have sparked a surge in cases, hospitalizations and deaths — which generally start showing up two weeks later. Barbara Ferrer, director of Los Angeles County’s Department of Public Health, said the county should not reopen further until the numbers from Labor Day come into clearer focus.
“As we prepare for the fall, we must acknowledge that COVID-19 remains a significant threat,” Ferrer said. “Given the reality that as many as 50% of those infected [who] are able to transmit the virus to others may have no symptoms, taking universal precautions in every interaction with others who are not in your household, is absolutely essential.”
Officials also reminded residents that they must consider both flu and COVID-19 in the coming months. Given the strain the coronavirus has been putting on healthcare systems, getting an annual flu shot saves critical resources by keeping more people out of the hospital. Each year, tens of thousands of people in the United States are hospitalized or die from flu-related illness.
Last week, the Orange County Board of Supervisors approved setting up drive-through flu vaccine clinics to get ahead of the potential “twindemic” of both the flu and COVID-19 circulating at the same time.
Flu shots are also provided at no cost or low cost at various locations throughout Los Angeles County. For more information, visit the county’s Department of Public Health website.


latimes--2020-09-21--Beirut blast reinforces longtime fears surrounding butane facility in San Pedro

For decades , San Pedro residents have feared the massive tanks that store butane just off Gaffey Street could fuel deadly fires and explosions close to homes , shops and schools .
Neighbors have fought unsuccessfully in court and pressed their case with local , state and federal officials , but the San Pedro site has persisted through years of public hearings , government reports and competing assessments of its risks .
When a massive explosion devastated Beirut last month , residents said the shocking footage only reinforced their long-standing fears .
The Los Angeles Unified School District invoked the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the L.A. Fire Department , calling for a new assessment of the site ’ s vulnerability during an earthquake .
And a congresswoman is pushing for a new analysis of its risks .
The Beirut explosion “ absolutely adds urgency to these efforts , ” said Ron Eckstein , spokesman for Rep. Nanette Barragán ( D-San Pedro ) .
Plains All American Pipeline , whose subsidiary Rancho LPG Holdings owns the site , rejects such a comparison .
It stresses that the tanks store a different material than what fueled the Beirut blast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Beirut incident happened “ at a completely different facility than the Rancho facility , ” which “ was designed , built and is maintained in accordance with local , state and federal requirements ” and “ is audited numerous times annually by multiple jurisdictional agencies to confirm compliance , ” said Steve Greig , the company ’ s government affairs director .
The Rancho LPG storage facility includes two 12.5-million-gallon refrigerated tanks and five 60,000-gallon horizontal storage tanks .
Liquid gas comes to and from the facility by rail , truck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ roughly a quarter-mile from the nearest homes , based on aerial maps ; a Home Depot , a preschool and soccer fields sit closer .
Concerns about the facility arose soon after it was built in the 1970s .
L.A. 's fire marshal told The Times it was “ one of our gravest concerns.
” Neighbors sued unsuccessfully over the San Pedro facility in 1978 , arguing that it posed a nuisance .
That same year , the U.S. comptroller general reported to Congress that new facilities like it should be relegated to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ populated areas should not be expanded in size or in use .
It warned that “ if liquefied energy gases spill from their tanks , they vaporize rapidly and become highly flammable and explosive.
” The San Pedro site handles the largest amount of butane of any facility in California , according to a database maintained by the Right to Know Network using Environmental Protection Agency data .
It also holds some propane .
Neighborhood groups have argued that an earthquake or terror attack could rupture the tanks and lead to catastrophic explosions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around just how dire a disaster could be : One assessment by Cornerstone Technologies , solicited by a San Pedro neighborhood group , concluded a blast could reach as far as 6.8 miles away .
An analysis by risk management consultant Carl Southwell , done when he was a doctoral student at USC , estimated that thousands of lives could be lost if terrorists took aim at the tanks .
The Beirut explosion “ immediately reminded me of Rancho LPG , ” said Southwell , now president of the consulting firm InsureTech .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ potential , “ it could actually be much worse.
” Rancho LPG Holdings has rejected such predictions and instead cited an analysis by Quest Consultants that dismissed the Cornerstone conclusions and estimated that damage from any explosion would be much more limited , potentially reaching 700 feet around the San Pedro site .
The Environmental Protection Agency has accepted company estimates that the blast radius could stretch half a mile ; an analysis performed for the agency by a Michigan professor called many of the dire predictions from Cornerstone “ technically invalid.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a facility representative said the EPA had found that “ our butane facility is one of the safest butane facilities , simply because we refrigerate the butane.
” An EPA spokeswoman said that the blast distance from the Rancho LPG site would be reduced by an existing containment basin to catch spills .
Others have disputed that : Earthjustice staff attorney Adrian Martinez argued in a letter to the agency that the basin would be “ wholly ineffective ” to catch spilled butane because it would warm up and vaporize .
Decades @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raised concerns that the basin was too small to hold the contents of both refrigerated tanks .
The basin could help prevent liquid from spreading to other parts of the facility , “ but it doesn ’ t mean that you won ’ t — very , very quickly — have a large vapor cloud , ” said Don Holmstrom , former director of the Western Regional Office for the U.S. Chemical Safety Board , a federal agency that investigates chemical accidents .
Holmstrom said that in the case of a catastrophic spill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the damage would extend only half a mile .
Professor Stewart Behie , interim director of the Mary Kay O ’ Connor Process Safety Center at Texas A & M University , said it did not appear that the blast estimate of half a mile had adequately accounted for what would happen if a tank were fully ruptured and a vapor cloud arose from the surface of all the spilled liquid .
Nor , he said , had the estimate accounted for the domino effects if rail cars or tanker trucks were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tank .
Behie said he wasn ’ t convinced that “ their worst case is really the worst case.
” The L.A. Fire Department program that oversees hazardous materials said it has no current concerns about the safety of the Rancho facility .
The department said it had cited the facility three years ago for two violations — including failing to document that equipment designed or constructed under outdated standards was operating safely — but characterized both as minor and said they had been corrected .
Disasters elsewhere have repeatedly spurred concerns about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notorious was in 1984 at a liquid petroleum gas facility in San Juanico outside Mexico City , where explosions destroyed homes and killed hundreds .
After a pipeline explosion in San Bruno a decade ago , local and federal lawmakers called for more scrutiny of the L.A. facility .
Los Angeles City Councilman Joe Buscaino introduced a flurry of motions about the butane tanks after he was first elected ; one resulted in a public hearing and a report from city analysts , but most expired without action .
Rep. Barragán sought federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bill she introduced two years ago stalled in committee .
Eckstein , her spokesman , said that Barragán still wants to pursue a legislative route to closing or relocating the facility , but in the meantime she has been seeking an EPA risk analysis of the site through the federal budget process .
And the Los Angeles Unified School District , whose board has called to relocate the facility , recently reiterated a February request to get an updated seismic study of the San Pedro facility in light of new information about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LAFD , however , said it did not plan to ask Rancho to redo that analysis unless an expert determined that an earthquake along that fault would be bigger than the one on the Palos Verdes fault reflected in its last assessment .
The last analysis , completed a year ago , “ appears to more than adequately demonstrate compliance ” with seismic requirements , it said .
Some balked at likening the risks to the Beirut disaster .
Buscaino , who said he had insisted the site comply with municipal and state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impossible to compare ” the situation , saying that the Rancho tanks are regulated by more than a dozen agencies and “ practice multiple levels of safety protocols.
” L.A. “ would never by deliberate action or inaction allow the economic engines of our state to be decimated so recklessly as what happened in Beirut , ” Buscaino said .
Such statements gall San Pedro Peninsula Homeowners United member Janet Schaaf-Gunter , who said she found them “ hypocritical.
” She pointed out that months before the Beirut disaster , downtown L.A. was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ firefighters — a blast that originated in an area where butane canisters were known to be stored .
When she watches the chaotic scenes in Beirut , “ I know that I ’ m looking at our future , ” Schaaf-Gunter said .
Although Plains All American Pipeline maintains that the San Pedro site is safe , Greig said the company would cooperate if government agencies pursued a new risk assessment .
San Pedro resident Robert Farrell , a former L.A. city councilman concerned about the site , said he hoped such an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its risks .
“ People are oblivious to the danger it represents , ” Farrell said .
Government agencies will not move swiftly “ unless a real threat is seen as imminent .
”

For decades, San Pedro residents have feared the massive tanks that store butane just off Gaffey Street could fuel deadly fires and explosions close to homes, shops and schools.
Neighbors have fought unsuccessfully in court and pressed their case with local, state and federal officials, but the San Pedro site has persisted through years of public hearings, government reports and competing assessments of its risks.
When a massive explosion devastated Beirut last month, residents said the shocking footage only reinforced their long-standing fears. The Los Angeles Unified School District invoked the Beirut blast in a recent letter to the L.A. Fire Department, calling for a new assessment of the site’s vulnerability during an earthquake.
And a congresswoman is pushing for a new analysis of its risks. The Beirut explosion “absolutely adds urgency to these efforts,” said Ron Eckstein, spokesman for Rep. Nanette Barragán (D-San Pedro).
Plains All American Pipeline, whose subsidiary Rancho LPG Holdings owns the site, rejects such a comparison. It stresses that the tanks store a different material than what fueled the Beirut blast, which was sparked by ammonium nitrate.
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The Beirut incident happened “at a completely different facility than the Rancho facility,” which “was designed, built and is maintained in accordance with local, state and federal requirements” and “is audited numerous times annually by multiple jurisdictional agencies to confirm compliance,” said Steve Greig, the company’s government affairs director.
The Rancho LPG storage facility includes two 12.5-million-gallon refrigerated tanks and five 60,000-gallon horizontal storage tanks. Liquid gas comes to and from the facility by rail, truck and pipeline. The refrigerated tanks are roughly a quarter-mile from the nearest homes, based on aerial maps; a Home Depot, a preschool and soccer fields sit closer.
Concerns about the facility arose soon after it was built in the 1970s. L.A.’s fire marshal told The Times it was “one of our gravest concerns.” Neighbors sued unsuccessfully over the San Pedro facility in 1978, arguing that it posed a nuisance.
That same year, the U.S. comptroller general reported to Congress that new facilities like it should be relegated to remote areas and that existing ones in populated areas should not be expanded in size or in use. It warned that “if liquefied energy gases spill from their tanks, they vaporize rapidly and become highly flammable and explosive.”
The San Pedro site handles the largest amount of butane of any facility in California, according to a database maintained by the Right to Know Network using Environmental Protection Agency data. It also holds some propane. Neighborhood groups have argued that an earthquake or terror attack could rupture the tanks and lead to catastrophic explosions.
Much of the debate has revolved around just how dire a disaster could be: One assessment by Cornerstone Technologies, solicited by a San Pedro neighborhood group, concluded a blast could reach as far as 6.8 miles away.
An analysis by risk management consultant Carl Southwell, done when he was a doctoral student at USC, estimated that thousands of lives could be lost if terrorists took aim at the tanks.
Advertisement
The Beirut explosion “immediately reminded me of Rancho LPG,” said Southwell, now president of the consulting firm InsureTech. Based on his calculations of its explosive potential, “it could actually be much worse.”
Rancho LPG Holdings has rejected such predictions and instead cited an analysis by Quest Consultants that dismissed the Cornerstone conclusions and estimated that damage from any explosion would be much more limited, potentially reaching 700 feet around the San Pedro site.
The Environmental Protection Agency has accepted company estimates that the blast radius could stretch half a mile; an analysis performed for the agency by a Michigan professor called many of the dire predictions from Cornerstone “technically invalid.”
At a public hearing three years ago, a facility representative said the EPA had found that “our butane facility is one of the safest butane facilities, simply because we refrigerate the butane.” An EPA spokeswoman said that the blast distance from the Rancho LPG site would be reduced by an existing containment basin to catch spills.
Others have disputed that: Earthjustice staff attorney Adrian Martinez argued in a letter to the agency that the basin would be “wholly ineffective” to catch spilled butane because it would warm up and vaporize.
Decades earlier, the California Public Utilities Commission raised concerns that the basin was too small to hold the contents of both refrigerated tanks.
California Public Utilities Commission Report California Public Utilities Commission Report on San Pedro Facility
The basin could help prevent liquid from spreading to other parts of the facility, “but it doesn’t mean that you won’t — very, very quickly — have a large vapor cloud,” said Don Holmstrom, former director of the Western Regional Office for the U.S. Chemical Safety Board, a federal agency that investigates chemical accidents. Holmstrom said that in the case of a catastrophic spill, he found it hard to believe that the damage would extend only half a mile.
Professor Stewart Behie, interim director of the Mary Kay O’Connor Process Safety Center at Texas A&M University, said it did not appear that the blast estimate of half a mile had adequately accounted for what would happen if a tank were fully ruptured and a vapor cloud arose from the surface of all the spilled liquid.
Nor, he said, had the estimate accounted for the domino effects if rail cars or tanker trucks were engulfed in a fire from one ruptured tank.
Behie said he wasn’t convinced that “their worst case is really the worst case.”
The L.A. Fire Department program that oversees hazardous materials said it has no current concerns about the safety of the Rancho facility. The department said it had cited the facility three years ago for two violations — including failing to document that equipment designed or constructed under outdated standards was operating safely — but characterized both as minor and said they had been corrected.
Disasters elsewhere have repeatedly spurred concerns about the San Pedro site. The most notorious was in 1984 at a liquid petroleum gas facility in San Juanico outside Mexico City, where explosions destroyed homes and killed hundreds. After a pipeline explosion in San Bruno a decade ago, local and federal lawmakers called for more scrutiny of the L.A. facility.
Los Angeles City Councilman Joe Buscaino introduced a flurry of motions about the butane tanks after he was first elected; one resulted in a public hearing and a report from city analysts, but most expired without action. Rep. Barragán sought federal funding to move the tanks; the bill she introduced two years ago stalled in committee.
Eckstein, her spokesman, said that Barragán still wants to pursue a legislative route to closing or relocating the facility, but in the meantime she has been seeking an EPA risk analysis of the site through the federal budget process.
And the Los Angeles Unified School District, whose board has called to relocate the facility, recently reiterated a February request to get an updated seismic study of the San Pedro facility in light of new information about the Wilmington fault running underneath the harbor.
LAFD, however, said it did not plan to ask Rancho to redo that analysis unless an expert determined that an earthquake along that fault would be bigger than the one on the Palos Verdes fault reflected in its last assessment. The last analysis, completed a year ago, “appears to more than adequately demonstrate compliance” with seismic requirements, it said.
Some balked at likening the risks to the Beirut disaster. Buscaino, who said he had insisted the site comply with municipal and state regulations, argued that it was “impossible to compare” the situation, saying that the Rancho tanks are regulated by more than a dozen agencies and “practice multiple levels of safety protocols.”
L.A. “would never by deliberate action or inaction allow the economic engines of our state to be decimated so recklessly as what happened in Beirut,” Buscaino said.
Such statements gall San Pedro Peninsula Homeowners United member Janet Schaaf-Gunter, who said she found them “hypocritical.” She pointed out that months before the Beirut disaster, downtown L.A. was rocked by a massive explosion that burned firefighters — a blast that originated in an area where butane canisters were known to be stored.
When she watches the chaotic scenes in Beirut, “I know that I’m looking at our future,” Schaaf-Gunter said.
Although Plains All American Pipeline maintains that the San Pedro site is safe, Greig said the company would cooperate if government agencies pursued a new risk assessment. San Pedro resident Robert Farrell, a former L.A. city councilman concerned about the site, said he hoped such an analysis would help settle the back-and-forth over its risks.
“People are oblivious to the danger it represents,” Farrell said. Government agencies will not move swiftly “unless a real threat is seen as imminent.”


latimes--2020-09-21--Californians moved to Oregon for affordable housing. Wildfires left them homeless

Shannon King , a single mother , left the Bay Area 18 years ago as housing costs soared , hoping to find an affordable place to live in southern Oregon .
For a time , King and her children were homeless .
Then , they moved into a small travel trailer in Phoenix , a working-class community of 4,500 about 35 miles north of the California border .
Six years ago , a neighbor heading into a nursing home gave them her double-wide 1965 mobile home , with three bedrooms .
The rent : $ 600 a month , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grocery store clerk , planted a garden outside where her three children played with the children of neighbors , including a taco truck owner and migrants who worked nearby fields and orchards .
Like many in the park , King didn ’ t have insurance .
Last week , wildfires destroyed it all : The trailer , the Bel Air Mobile Home Park and about 2,500 trailers , apartments and homes in Phoenix and neighboring Talent .
King , who is white , recalled pausing as she fled to urge Latino neighbors in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave immediately .
“ Now I ’ m back at square one , ” King said Thursday as she stood at an evacuee donation center outside the local Home Depot with signs in English and Spanish .
In the wake of wildfires that have ravaged Oregon this month , leaving at least eight people dead and nearly a million acres burned , California transplants who went north seeking affordable housing now find themselves victims of an exodus that has driven up housing costs in states that are burning : Oregon , Idaho and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people initially evacuated and thousands were still at emergency shelters or hotels on Friday .
As fire officials assessed damages , they said it wasn ’ t clear how many would be permanently displaced .
Median rent has increased more than 14 % statewide in recent years , and wages have not kept pace .
In Talent , a community of 6,500 , 1 in 3 residents spent more than half their income on housing .
Last year , Oregon lawmakers enacted the first statewide rent control measure in the country , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has one of the lowest rental vacancy rates in the country , less than 2 % , rivaling Los Angeles and New York .
In the Rogue Valley surrounding Talent and Phoenix , where homeless shelters were crowded before the wildfires , homeless camps are growing in local parks .
On Friday , King was considering pitching a tent in one of the camps , so that she could at least reunite with her children .
She and her youngest , 7-year-old Cheyenne , were staying with friends ; Kayleigh , 15 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her ex-husband in nearby Medford .
“ I don ’ t have a home , ” Cheyenne said as she flitted from coloring books to helping volunteers break down boxes .
“ I love LOL dolls .
But I don ’ t have any of them anymore.
” Her mother was working extra shifts and nights at the grocery , filled with fellow fire victims .
She ’ s not supposed to talk about the fires at work , she said , but “ I look in their eyes and I want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One night , she held a spontaneous prayer circle with some evacuees at the grocery ’ s checkout .
King was hoping to earn enough to afford new permanent housing so she and Cheyenne could reunite with her two other children .
“ As a mother , I want to give them something of a home .
I feel like such a failure .
Every day I relive my evacuation , feeling that sense of panic and trying to have a clear head so I make the right decisions , ” she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allowed back to salvage what she can from the mobile home park , which authorities have considered too hazardous to venture into .
She fears Phoenix officials will focus on redeveloping areas with more expensive housing and will not allow a half-dozen burned mobile home parks to rebuild .
She appreciated that while the agricultural town , like the surrounding valley , was mostly white , it was also 20 % Latino .
“ I don ’ t want to see my community exterminated to make way for economic progress , ” King @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a life.
” About 50 % of students in the Phoenix-Talent school district are Latino .
At one school , Orchard Hills Elementary , 80 % of students lost their homes , said Megan Ridgeway , the school librarian who was coordinating the Home Depot donation center this week , serving about a hundred families a day .
She said teachers created the donation center to help families , including immigrants in the country illegally who were afraid to seek help at the local expo center shelter staffed by National Guard soldiers .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this area .
That ’ s my biggest fear : We are not going to get our people back , ” Ridgeway said .
Felix Reyes brought his family to the donation center in the Home Depot parking lot to pick up masks , diapers , food and other supplies after their mobile home burned in Talent .
Reyes , 52 , a handyman , said he had come to the valley a decade earlier with his wife and eldest daughter , now 13 , from Mexico .
His two younger sons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other 4 years old , were U.S. citizens , but Reyes worried that because of his immigration background , if they sought government help at emergency shelters , the family would be deported .
They were staying with relatives in Ashland , sharing a bedroom .
Phoenix is about 20 % Latino , a working-class enclave on the outskirts of Ashland , which has become a gentrified mecca for Californians , many of them retirees .
Stuart Warren , a Phoenix city council member who helped start the donation center with other local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been trying to expand affordable housing before the wildfires .
Now they face the added challenge that many sites were so contaminated by the fires ’ toxic residue that they can ’ t be rebuilt quickly enough for residents to wait .
He hoped to find other sites to rebuild , like a grassy lot across from the Home Depot , where evacuees could set up trailers if they are provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency , whose staff arrived in the area last week .
Phoenix Mayor Chris Luz said FEMA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they will offer trailers .
More than 2,000 burned homes in the area also needed to be assessed for safety by environmental officials , he said .
Luz is not sure that the area near the hardware store is the right place for any trailers .
“ Phoenix is pretty well developed , so where do you put that ?
” he said .
Phoenix City Councilor Sarah Westover , who works with the Rogue Action Center , a community organization whose headquarters was destroyed by the fire , said officials needed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parks are not bought and rezoned for more expensive developments and instead are set aside for low-income residents who disproportionately lost homes in the fires .
“ It ’ s like this fire went after the poorest and most vulnerable people in our community , ” said Westover , who grew up in federal housing in Ashland before moving to Phoenix .
“ If we want people to stay , we have to take action now to make sure there ’ s transitional housing ... We can ’ t put our tax base @ @ @ @ @ @ @ live here.
” In Talent , residents returned to sift through leveled mobile home parks and apartment complexes sprayed red with fire retardant , the air still acrid and smoky .
Jeffrey Ochoa , a Long Beach native , was managing a mobile home park spared by the fire where he said tenants still needed help with work and bills .
“ If you need anything , call this number , ” Ochoa , 39 , told a passing tenant in Spanish as he handed out leaflets for emergency aid .
Across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burnt remnants of his computer from the ashes of his apartment complex , escorted by a police officer .
Toohey , 73 , a retired U.S. Air Force veteran , had lived in the Rogue Valley for a decade , but said he would have to leave Talent to stay with his sister in Ashland .
“ The rental market was very tight in the valley and this will only exacerbate it , ” he said .
Jesus Siordia , a Phoenix city utility worker , moved to the area from Lynwood ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 12 years ago in a trailer at Talent Mobile Estates with a fenced yard for their kids .
They added a husky , Jackson ; a trampoline , a swing set and a barbecue .
The wildfire wiped out all but a handful of trailers in the park .
The Siordia family fled with Jackson , their children ages 2 , 6 , 11 and 13 and the clothes on their backs .
They stayed first with relatives — 11 people in a three-bedroom home — then received a voucher for a single @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s brother and his three children , also displaced by the fire , were staying in the room next door .
At the mention of moving to larger nearby communities like White City , Siordia ’ s wife , Maritza , 31 , grimaced .
She wants to stay in Talent , where she moved with her parents when she was 2 years old and grew up attending the same schools her children do now — with some of the same teachers .
Plus , her husband — who moved to nearby @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — is often on call and needs to be within 20 minutes of Phoenix .
The cost for starting up in a local apartment is about $ 4,000 — including first and last months ’ rent and deposit — and most that are available don ’ t even have yards .
“ To put them in an apartment , it ’ s going to be like here , ” he said , gesturing around their cramped hotel room .
Siordia was exploring home loans , but the housing market was tight , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Everywhere they looked for assistance finding rentals or other housing had a waiting list .
“ There ’ s so many people looking , ” he said .

Shannon King, a single mother, left the Bay Area 18 years ago as housing costs soared, hoping to find an affordable place to live in southern Oregon.
For a time, King and her children were homeless. Then, they moved into a small travel trailer in Phoenix, a working-class community of 4,500 about 35 miles north of the California border. Six years ago, a neighbor heading into a nursing home gave them her double-wide 1965 mobile home, with three bedrooms. The rent: $600 a month, including utilities.
King, 37, a grocery store clerk, planted a garden outside where her three children played with the children of neighbors, including a taco truck owner and migrants who worked nearby fields and orchards. Like many in the park, King didn’t have insurance.
Last week, wildfires destroyed it all: The trailer, the Bel Air Mobile Home Park and about 2,500 trailers, apartments and homes in Phoenix and neighboring Talent. King, who is white, recalled pausing as she fled to urge Latino neighbors in broken “high school Spanish” to leave immediately.
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“Now I’m back at square one,” King said Thursday as she stood at an evacuee donation center outside the local Home Depot with signs in English and Spanish.
In the wake of wildfires that have ravaged Oregon this month, leaving at least eight people dead and nearly a million acres burned, California transplants who went north seeking affordable housing now find themselves victims of an exodus that has driven up housing costs in states that are burning: Oregon, Idaho and Washington.
In Oregon, about 40,000 people initially evacuated and thousands were still at emergency shelters or hotels on Friday. As fire officials assessed damages, they said it wasn’t clear how many would be permanently displaced. Median rent has increased more than 14% statewide in recent years, and wages have not kept pace. In Talent, a community of 6,500, 1 in 3 residents spent more than half their income on housing. Last year, Oregon lawmakers enacted the first statewide rent control measure in the country, but affordable rentals remained scarce: The area has one of the lowest rental vacancy rates in the country, less than 2%, rivaling Los Angeles and New York.
In the Rogue Valley surrounding Talent and Phoenix, where homeless shelters were crowded before the wildfires, homeless camps are growing in local parks.
On Friday, King was considering pitching a tent in one of the camps, so that she could at least reunite with her children. She and her youngest, 7-year-old Cheyenne, were staying with friends; Kayleigh, 15, and Jordan, 13, were with her ex-husband in nearby Medford.
Cheyenne Brewer, age 7, who lost her home in the Almeda fire, colors at the donation center started and run by staff and faculty of the Phoenix-Talent school district, at the Home Depot in Phoenix, Ore. (Katie Falkenberg/For The Times)
“I don’t have a home,” Cheyenne said as she flitted from coloring books to helping volunteers break down boxes. “I love LOL dolls. But I don’t have any of them anymore.”
Her mother was working extra shifts and nights at the grocery, filled with fellow fire victims. She’s not supposed to talk about the fires at work, she said, but “I look in their eyes and I want to say, ‘Me too.’ ” One night, she held a spontaneous prayer circle with some evacuees at the grocery’s checkout.
King was hoping to earn enough to afford new permanent housing so she and Cheyenne could reunite with her two other children.
“As a mother, I want to give them something of a home. I feel like such a failure. Every day I relive my evacuation, feeling that sense of panic and trying to have a clear head so I make the right decisions,” she said.
She hadn’t yet been allowed back to salvage what she can from the mobile home park, which authorities have considered too hazardous to venture into. She fears Phoenix officials will focus on redeveloping areas with more expensive housing and will not allow a half-dozen burned mobile home parks to rebuild. She appreciated that while the agricultural town, like the surrounding valley, was mostly white, it was also 20% Latino.
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“I don’t want to see my community exterminated to make way for economic progress,” King said. “That community gave me a life.”
About 50% of students in the Phoenix-Talent school district are Latino. At one school, Orchard Hills Elementary, 80% of students lost their homes, said Megan Ridgeway, the school librarian who was coordinating the Home Depot donation center this week, serving about a hundred families a day. She said teachers created the donation center to help families, including immigrants in the country illegally who were afraid to seek help at the local expo center shelter staffed by National Guard soldiers.
“There was already a housing crisis in this area. That’s my biggest fear: We are not going to get our people back,” Ridgeway said.
Talent, Ore., resident Gordon Jones, left, has been volunteering his time handing out cold drinks and homemade cookies to residents in Talent, following the Almeda fire. Here he hands cookies to Braydon Sowell, age 3, as Elizabeth Ojeda and Sowell’s stepdad, Jeffrey Ochoa, stand nearby. (Katie Falkenberg/For The Times)
Felix Reyes brought his family to the donation center in the Home Depot parking lot to pick up masks, diapers, food and other supplies after their mobile home burned in Talent. Reyes, 52, a handyman, said he had come to the valley a decade earlier with his wife and eldest daughter, now 13, from Mexico. His two younger sons, one a month old and the other 4 years old, were U.S. citizens, but Reyes worried that because of his immigration background, if they sought government help at emergency shelters, the family would be deported. They were staying with relatives in Ashland, sharing a bedroom.
Phoenix is about 20% Latino, a working-class enclave on the outskirts of Ashland, which has become a gentrified mecca for Californians, many of them retirees. Stuart Warren, a Phoenix city council member who helped start the donation center with other local volunteers, said some local officials had been trying to expand affordable housing before the wildfires.
Now they face the added challenge that many sites were so contaminated by the fires’ toxic residue that they can’t be rebuilt quickly enough for residents to wait. He hoped to find other sites to rebuild, like a grassy lot across from the Home Depot, where evacuees could set up trailers if they are provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency, whose staff arrived in the area last week.
Phoenix Mayor Chris Luz said FEMA officials had not yet told him whether they will offer trailers. More than 2,000 burned homes in the area also needed to be assessed for safety by environmental officials, he said. Luz is not sure that the area near the hardware store is the right place for any trailers.
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“Phoenix is pretty well developed, so where do you put that?” he said.
Part of the remains of Talent Mobile Estates, following the Almeda fire in Southern Oregon. (Katie Falkenberg/For the Times)
Phoenix City Councilor Sarah Westover, who works with the Rogue Action Center, a community organization whose headquarters was destroyed by the fire, said officials needed to ensure the sites of burned mobile home parks are not bought and rezoned for more expensive developments and instead are set aside for low-income residents who disproportionately lost homes in the fires.
“It’s like this fire went after the poorest and most vulnerable people in our community,” said Westover, who grew up in federal housing in Ashland before moving to Phoenix. “If we want people to stay, we have to take action now to make sure there’s transitional housing... We can’t put our tax base above the needs of the people who live here.”
A burned flag flies in what is left of Talent Mobile Estates, following the Almeda fire in southern Oregon. (Katie Falkenberg/For The Times)
In Talent, residents returned to sift through leveled mobile home parks and apartment complexes sprayed red with fire retardant, the air still acrid and smoky. Jeffrey Ochoa, a Long Beach native, was managing a mobile home park spared by the fire where he said tenants still needed help with work and bills.
“If you need anything, call this number,” Ochoa, 39, told a passing tenant in Spanish as he handed out leaflets for emergency aid.
Across the street, Mike Toohey was retrieving the burnt remnants of his computer from the ashes of his apartment complex, escorted by a police officer.
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Toohey, 73, a retired U.S. Air Force veteran, had lived in the Rogue Valley for a decade, but said he would have to leave Talent to stay with his sister in Ashland.
“The rental market was very tight in the valley and this will only exacerbate it,” he said.
Jesus Siordia, a Phoenix city utility worker, moved to the area from Lynwood; his wife from Carson. They settled 12 years ago in a trailer at Talent Mobile Estates with a fenced yard for their kids. They added a husky, Jackson; a trampoline, a swing set and a barbecue.
The wildfire wiped out all but a handful of trailers in the park.
Maritza Macias smiles as she, her husband, Jesus Siordia (not pictured), and their four children, Matthew, 2, left, Emmanuel, 6, Leo, 11, and Joanna, 13, rest in their Ramada Inn room in North Medford, Ore. The family lost their manufactured home in Talent, Ore., in the Almeda fire. (Katie Falkenberg/For The Times)
The Siordia family fled with Jackson, their children ages 2, 6, 11 and 13 and the clothes on their backs. They stayed first with relatives — 11 people in a three-bedroom home — then received a voucher for a single hotel room with two beds. Siordia’s brother and his three children, also displaced by the fire, were staying in the room next door.
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At the mention of moving to larger nearby communities like White City, Siordia’s wife, Maritza, 31, grimaced. She wants to stay in Talent, where she moved with her parents when she was 2 years old and grew up attending the same schools her children do now — with some of the same teachers. Plus, her husband — who moved to nearby Medford when he was 13 years old — is often on call and needs to be within 20 minutes of Phoenix.
The cost for starting up in a local apartment is about $4,000 — including first and last months’ rent and deposit — and most that are available don’t even have yards.
“To put them in an apartment, it’s going to be like here,” he said, gesturing around their cramped hotel room.
Siordia was exploring home loans, but the housing market was tight, with nothing available to buy under $200,000. Everywhere they looked for assistance finding rentals or other housing had a waiting list.
“There’s so many people looking,” he said.


latimes--2020-09-21--Column: To study wildfire prevention, Berkeley experts are looking to Baja. Newsom should too

For proof that climate change is not the primary cause of horrific Western wildfires , look at Baja California , Mexico .
Baja has a big mountain range that resembles the Sierra Nevada , but it ’ s healthy and fire-resilient .
That ’ s because until relatively recently , it was managed by nature , not humans — except for Indigenous people who knew what they were doing .
Yes , climate change is distressingly real .
The melting arctic ice cap is evidence .
Gov .
Gavin Newsom is on target when he tells President Trump — and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that “ the hots are getting hotter , the dries are getting drier.
” He points to a disturbing fact : The average California summer temperature has risen from 71 degrees to 74 degrees over the last 40 years .
But Newsom misses the mark when he implies that if it weren ’ t for global warming , we wouldn ’ t be suffering these cataclysmic blazes .
“ If you do not believe in [ climate ] science , I hope you believe in observed reality , ” the governor told reporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an incinerated Butte County forest .
“ The science is absolute .
The data is self-evident.
” No , what is most evident is forestry mismanagement and overpopulation of wildlands .
It ’ s a different picture in northern Baja ’ s Sierra de San Pedro Mártir , part of the long Peninsular Ranges that extend into Southern California .
The Sierra de San Pedro Mártir is similar to the Sierra Nevada : dominated by Jeffrey pine and mixed conifer forests , winter snow , granite base and rainbow trout .
The peaks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Sierra Nevada , but they ’ re up there .
The tallest is 10,157 feet .
The pristine Baja range “ can be used as a reference to what the drier portions of … forests in the Sierra Nevada may have looked like without a history of extensive logging and fire suppression , ” reads a research paper published in April by the California Fire Science Consortium at UC Berkeley .
But unlike the Sierra Nevada , the UC paper continues , “ the structure of this [ Baja ] forest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resilient to drought , high-severity fire , insects and disease.
” It “ can help guide management decisions in … the western U.S./California that wish to return forests to historical conditions or prepare them for a changing climate and an uncertain future.
” What did Mexico do differently than us ?
For a long time , it did nothing .
Nature handled it .
An early exception : Like California Indians had for hundreds of years , Indigenous people in Baja practiced prescribed burning to clear the forest floors , thin out the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for food foraging and hunting .
That stopped in Mexico , however , and was greatly reduced in California when “ civilized ” settlers conquered the Indians .
But fire was necessary for a healthy forest .
In California and most of the West , whenever a fire ignited , we rushed to extinguish it .
The public demanded it — little towns and resorts were springing up and needed to be protected .
And prescribed burning was a smoky nuisance .
So , California forests became overgrown with people , pines and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a coop , the dense trees became susceptible to disease — bark beetle havens in a drought — and 163 million now are dead , creating hot-burning fire fuel .
But in the Sierra de San Pedro Mártir , lightning fires were allowed to burn themselves out , cleaning the forest naturally .
It wasn ’ t until the 1970s that Mexico began to douse fires there after a national observatory was built .
It needed to be protected .
The result of nature ’ s management is a forest that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fire and disease .
There was a four-year severe drought around 2000 , and fewer than one tree per acre died , according to UC Berkeley fire science professor Scott Stephens , who has studied the Baja range for 20 years .
Then , in 2003 , a major wildfire erupted that burned thousands of acres .
And 80 % of the trees survived .
“ It was dramatic , ” Stephens says .
“ Every time I go down to that place it astounds me how well that area has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Climate change certainly has hit that place too .
But it ’ s doing well.
” California is not doing well .
To do better , Newsom and other Democratic leaders need to do more than curse climate change while trying to stabilize Earth ’ s thermometer .
They need to invest heavily in adapting our forests to climate change .
When I asked Stephens how much climate change was to blame for our wildfires , he answered : “ Less than 50 % .
Maybe a third.
” The state owns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s forests but is responsible for helping to manage the 40 % that is privately held .
The federal government owns 57 % .
Stephens and other fire experts say that the state should step up prescribed burning and forest cleaning .
And it is , pouring substantially more money into the effort .
But California needs to invest billions more .
The governor and Democratic leaders recently failed to agree on a fire prevention spending package that began at $ 3 billion and fell to $ 500 million — then collapsed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ There also needs to be more fire-resistant “ hardening ” of homes in vulnerable communities .
The Legislature passed a bill by Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson ( D-Santa Barbara ) to require that .
Hopefully the governor will sign it .
Perhaps Newsom should take a trip to the Sierra de San Pedro Mártir and learn from Mexico .

The remains of Cressman’s General Store and Gas Station smolder along Highway 168 in Fresno County — burned in the Creek fire.
For proof that climate change is not the primary cause of horrific Western wildfires, look at Baja California, Mexico.
Baja has a big mountain range that resembles the Sierra Nevada, but it’s healthy and fire-resilient. That’s because until relatively recently, it was managed by nature, not humans — except for Indigenous people who knew what they were doing.
Yes, climate change is distressingly real. The melting arctic ice cap is evidence.
Gov. Gavin Newsom is on target when he tells President Trump — and, repeatedly, all of us — that “the hots are getting hotter, the dries are getting drier.” He points to a disturbing fact: The average California summer temperature has risen from 71 degrees to 74 degrees over the last 40 years.
But Newsom misses the mark when he implies that if it weren’t for global warming, we wouldn’t be suffering these cataclysmic blazes.
Advertisement
“If you do not believe in [climate] science, I hope you believe in observed reality,” the governor told reporters recently while standing in the ashes of an incinerated Butte County forest. “The science is absolute. The data is self-evident.”
No, what is most evident is forestry mismanagement and overpopulation of wildlands.
It’s a different picture in northern Baja’s Sierra de San Pedro Mártir, part of the long Peninsular Ranges that extend into Southern California.
The Sierra de San Pedro Mártir is similar to the Sierra Nevada: dominated by Jeffrey pine and mixed conifer forests, winter snow, granite base and rainbow trout. The peaks aren’t nearly as high as in the Sierra Nevada, but they’re up there. The tallest is 10,157 feet.
The pristine Baja range “can be used as a reference to what the drier portions of … forests in the Sierra Nevada may have looked like without a history of extensive logging and fire suppression,” reads a research paper published in April by the California Fire Science Consortium at UC Berkeley.
Advertisement
But unlike the Sierra Nevada, the UC paper continues, “the structure of this [Baja] forest creates an ecosystem that is resistant and resilient to drought, high-severity fire, insects and disease.”
It “can help guide management decisions in … the western U.S./California that wish to return forests to historical conditions or prepare them for a changing climate and an uncertain future.”
What did Mexico do differently than us? For a long time, it did nothing. Nature handled it.
An early exception: Like California Indians had for hundreds of years, Indigenous people in Baja practiced prescribed burning to clear the forest floors, thin out the smaller trees and keep the woods bountiful for food foraging and hunting. That stopped in Mexico, however, and was greatly reduced in California when “civilized” settlers conquered the Indians.
But fire was necessary for a healthy forest. In California and most of the West, whenever a fire ignited, we rushed to extinguish it. The public demanded it — little towns and resorts were springing up and needed to be protected. And prescribed burning was a smoky nuisance.
So, California forests became overgrown with people, pines and dense undergrowth. Like too many chickens in a coop, the dense trees became susceptible to disease — bark beetle havens in a drought — and 163 million now are dead, creating hot-burning fire fuel.
But in the Sierra de San Pedro Mártir, lightning fires were allowed to burn themselves out, cleaning the forest naturally. It wasn’t until the 1970s that Mexico began to douse fires there after a national observatory was built. It needed to be protected.
The result of nature’s management is a forest that’s practically in mint condition, resistant to fire and disease.
Here’s the evidence:
There was a four-year severe drought around 2000, and fewer than one tree per acre died, according to UC Berkeley fire science professor Scott Stephens, who has studied the Baja range for 20 years.
Then, in 2003, a major wildfire erupted that burned thousands of acres. And 80% of the trees survived.
“It was dramatic,” Stephens says. “Every time I go down to that place it astounds me how well that area has been able to adapt to climate change.
“Climate change certainly has hit that place too. But it’s doing well.”
California is not doing well. To do better, Newsom and other Democratic leaders need to do more than curse climate change while trying to stabilize Earth’s thermometer. They need to invest heavily in adapting our forests to climate change.
When I asked Stephens how much climate change was to blame for our wildfires, he answered: “Less than 50%. Maybe a third.”
The state owns less than 3% of California’s forests but is responsible for helping to manage the 40% that is privately held. The federal government owns 57%.
Stephens and other fire experts say that the state should step up prescribed burning and forest cleaning. And it is, pouring substantially more money into the effort. But California needs to invest billions more.
The governor and Democratic leaders recently failed to agree on a fire prevention spending package that began at $3 billion and fell to $500 million — then collapsed. It was from lack of leadership.
There also needs to be more fire-resistant “hardening” of homes in vulnerable communities. The Legislature passed a bill by Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson (D-Santa Barbara) to require that. Hopefully the governor will sign it.
Perhaps Newsom should take a trip to the Sierra de San Pedro Mártir and learn from Mexico.