latimes--2020-07-12--Investigators enter new phase in probe of fire that destroyed much of San Gabriel Mission

Investigators on Sunday were continuing to search for the cause of a fire that erupted at the San Gabriel Mission , destroying the roof and much of the interior of the 215-year-old church building .
By Sunday morning , the team had finished combing through the scene and moved to a phase of the probe where each investigator develops a hypothesis on the cause of the fire , which they then try to prove or disprove , said Capt .
Antonio Negrete , public information officer for the San Gabriel Fire Department .
As part of the investigation , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ camera that was pointed at an area where a statue of Franciscan Father Junípero Serra was until last week , when the mission moved it out of public view after other statues of Serra were toppled elsewhere .
At 11 a.m. Sunday , Los Angeles Archbishop José H. Gomez said Mass in the mission ’ s chapel as the L.A. Archdiocese launched a fundraising effort to restore the damaged church .
“ In this long season of sickness and death since the coming of the coronavirus , this is one more trial , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during his homily .
“ We ask the Lord to grant us comfort and consolation .
We ask him to strengthen and increase our faith.
” He said the fire , although painful , “ changes nothing.
” “ Mission San Gabriel will always be the spiritual heart of the church in Los Angeles , the place from which the gospel still goes forth , ” he said .
The church had been closed because of the coronavirus outbreak since March but was slated to reopen a week from Saturday .
During the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pews and walls , both of which were severely damaged by the fire .
More renovations were planned leading up to the mission ’ s 250th anniversary next year .
Still , church officials took some solace in the fact that the mission had removed historic paintings and artifacts from the sanctuary ahead of the renovations , sparing them from damage .
The church ’ s altar and the wooden statues attached to it also remained intact .
“ It ’ s a resilient old building , and we are a resilient mission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of development and communications for the mission , said Saturday .
The fire , which broke out at 4:24 a.m. Saturday and burned for nearly 2½ hours , came amid rising anger over California missions and other colonial monuments that for many serve as painful reminders of the nation ’ s racist history .
Investigators , including a regional arson task force and a representative from the federal Bureau of Alcohol , Tobacco , Firearms and Explosives , were looking into whether the fire was intentionally set , officials said .
Negrete said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had stood before being moved last week was where firefighters first saw flames , although it was not yet clear if the fire actually started there .
In addition to security video at the mission , officials were canvassing the area for additional footage , he said .
“ They ’ ll be going through all that , ” Negrete said , “ and hopefully in about a week or sooner they ’ ll have something concrete.
” The San Gabriel Mission has a complicated legacy .
Founded by Serra in 1771 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most important base of operations for the Spanish conquest of California .
Ten years later , a group of the mission ’ s residents departed and established the city of Los Angeles .
San Gabriel was the fourth of 21 missions established in California and one of the grandest .
But it was built on the backs of the Tongva and other indigenous people , whom the friars forced into labor and coerced into converting to Catholicism and assimilating to their culture .
Thousands of unnamed dead are buried on the mission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Serra was the architect of the mission system , and statues of his likeness have been the target of vandalism in recent years by activists who point to how the system enslaved and killed off Native Californians .
Those protests grew in the wake of the recent death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody , which ignited a nationwide reckoning over racial justice .
Still , the San Gabriel Mission is also considered sacred ground among the Catholic faithful and has been the site of countless baptisms , weddings and funerals , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back generations .
“ For all of us parishioners , it ’ s our gathering place , it ’ s the center of our spiritual lives , ” said Julie Sanchez Brehov , who has been attending the church all 27 years of her life and was married there in November .
She recognizes , though , that it has a history of harm .
“ When I think of the mission , in my personal experience , it ’ s my gathering place and it ’ s a place where people are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ live the way that Christ taught , ” she said .
“ But I do understand … that people in the history of the church have acted unjustly , and that ’ s something that can be very difficult to reconcile .
”

Investigators on Sunday were continuing to search for the cause of a fire that erupted at the San Gabriel Mission, destroying the roof and much of the interior of the 215-year-old church building.
By Sunday morning, the team had finished combing through the scene and moved to a phase of the probe where each investigator develops a hypothesis on the cause of the fire, which they then try to prove or disprove, said Capt. Antonio Negrete, public information officer for the San Gabriel Fire Department.
As part of the investigation, they were also reviewing video from a security camera that was pointed at an area where a statue of Franciscan Father Junípero Serra was until last week, when the mission moved it out of public view after other statues of Serra were toppled elsewhere.
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At 11 a.m. Sunday, Los Angeles Archbishop José H. Gomez said Mass in the mission’s chapel as the L.A. Archdiocese launched a fundraising effort to restore the damaged church.
“In this long season of sickness and death since the coming of the coronavirus, this is one more trial, one more test,” Gomez said during his homily. “We ask the Lord to grant us comfort and consolation. We ask him to strengthen and increase our faith.”
He said the fire, although painful, “changes nothing.”
“Mission San Gabriel will always be the spiritual heart of the church in Los Angeles, the place from which the gospel still goes forth,” he said.
The church had been closed because of the coronavirus outbreak since March but was slated to reopen a week from Saturday. During the closure, the mission had refurbished the pews and walls, both of which were severely damaged by the fire. More renovations were planned leading up to the mission’s 250th anniversary next year.
Still, church officials took some solace in the fact that the mission had removed historic paintings and artifacts from the sanctuary ahead of the renovations, sparing them from damage. The church’s altar and the wooden statues attached to it also remained intact.
“It’s a resilient old building, and we are a resilient mission community,” Terri Huerta, director of development and communications for the mission, said Saturday.
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The fire, which broke out at 4:24 a.m. Saturday and burned for nearly 2½ hours, came amid rising anger over California missions and other colonial monuments that for many serve as painful reminders of the nation’s racist history.
Investigators, including a regional arson task force and a representative from the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, were looking into whether the fire was intentionally set, officials said. Negrete said the area where a statue of Serra had stood before being moved last week was where firefighters first saw flames, although it was not yet clear if the fire actually started there. In addition to security video at the mission, officials were canvassing the area for additional footage, he said.
“They’ll be going through all that,” Negrete said, “and hopefully in about a week or sooner they’ll have something concrete.”
The San Gabriel Mission has a complicated legacy. Founded by Serra in 1771, it is considered by historians to be the most important base of operations for the Spanish conquest of California. Ten years later, a group of the mission’s residents departed and established the city of Los Angeles.
San Gabriel was the fourth of 21 missions established in California and one of the grandest. But it was built on the backs of the Tongva and other indigenous people, whom the friars forced into labor and coerced into converting to Catholicism and assimilating to their culture. Thousands of unnamed dead are buried on the mission’s grounds, historians say.
Serra was the architect of the mission system, and statues of his likeness have been the target of vandalism in recent years by activists who point to how the system enslaved and killed off Native Californians. Those protests grew in the wake of the recent death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody, which ignited a nationwide reckoning over racial justice.
Still, the San Gabriel Mission is also considered sacred ground among the Catholic faithful and has been the site of countless baptisms, weddings and funerals, with some families reporting connections that date back generations.
“For all of us parishioners, it’s our gathering place, it’s the center of our spiritual lives,” said Julie Sanchez Brehov, who has been attending the church all 27 years of her life and was married there in November.
She recognizes, though, that it has a history of harm.
“When I think of the mission, in my personal experience, it’s my gathering place and it’s a place where people are welcome, and we do try to live the way that Christ taught,” she said. “But I do understand … that people in the history of the church have acted unjustly, and that’s something that can be very difficult to reconcile.”
Times staff writer Sonali Kohli contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-07-12--Op-Ed: What the fire at San Gabriel Mission left behind

San Gabriel Mission burned Saturday .
The mission , although outside the city , is central to the identity , imagination and complicated colonial past of Los Angeles .
L.A. only occasionally grapples with that complexity .
It is easier to simplify , to reduce the missions to Junipero Serra , whose statue until a few weeks ago stood in front of the mission , and to view Serra as saint or genocidal killer .
These tend to be the terms of current debate , but the mission — and the people who have frequented it for two centuries — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The fire , having reduced the mission to a partial ruin , paradoxically forces us to see the mission for all that it is .
San Gabriel is among the sites my son , Jesse , who is a photographer , and I have been looking at for the last five years .
We were doing a book about California ’ s past that sits hidden in plain sight .
Now a few hours of heat and flame have made some of Jesse ’ s photographs historical .
The mission remains , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he photographed has ceased to exist .
The tangled past remains too .
The first newspaper reports about the fire said the church was 249 years old , but the building is younger .
The original mission on the Rio Hondo — from which the party of pobladores , priests and soldiers who founded Los Angeles in 1781 departed — was abandoned because of flooding .
The current mission was begun in 1794 and finished in 1806 .
This is not the first time it was partially destroyed .
It suffered substantial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Look closely and you see the church has a Moorish and Muslim air .
Father Antonio Cruzado , who oversaw its construction , copied the almenas that cap the pillars from the cathedral at Córdoba , his birthplace in Spain .
That cathedral had once been a mosque .
California began with a conquest , and the mission itself echoes the earlier Muslim conquest of Spain and a Christian reconquest , but it gets even more tangled than that .
At San Gabriel the past creates a vortex that makes it easy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ medieval Spain and the ancient Near East , forgetting that this was an Indian church .
At masses , Indians , willingly or unwillingly , filled the church .
Rarely can we name them , but at San Gabriel , Miguel Blanco , from the Baja missions and a master mason , supervised construction .
Remigio , a San Gabriel neophyte , assisted him .
Gabrieleños built the mission and they rebelled against it , led by Nicolás José , who had been baptized and became an alcade , and Toypurina , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exiled after the suppression of the rebellion .
She was baptized later , changed her name to Maria Regina , married a soldier and had four children .
Some of her descendants identified as Californios .
Identities change .
Many of the modern Gabrieleños remain Catholic , and even those that don ’ t recognize their past in the mission .
When I was visiting the mission , Julia Bogany , a Gabrieleño/Tongva elder , led special tours there .
The devastation of the Tongvas and others owes much to the missions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Americans who succeeded the Spanish .
They were the ones who took Gabrieleño land , exploited Gabrieleño labor , and forced many of the survivors into exile .
Our obsession with Serra disguises all this .
San Gabriel helped create modern Southern California as well as El Pueblo de Nuestra Señora la Reina de Los Ángeles .
It was central to the mission myth that turned the missions into tourist destinations .
And San Gabriel continues to reflect modern Los Angeles .
The masses , temporarily displaced from the church first because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , were in English , Vietnamese , and Spanish .
Look hard at the mission .
It is remarkable how much you can see .
Richard White is an emeritus professor of history at Stanford University .
His latest book , with photographer Jesse Amble White , is “ California Exposures : Envisioning Myth and History .
”

San Gabriel Mission burned Saturday. The mission, although outside the city, is central to the identity, imagination and complicated colonial past of Los Angeles. L.A. only occasionally grapples with that complexity. It is easier to simplify, to reduce the missions to Junipero Serra, whose statue until a few weeks ago stood in front of the mission, and to view Serra as saint or genocidal killer. These tend to be the terms of current debate, but the mission — and the people who have frequented it for two centuries — are way more complicated than that.
The fire, having reduced the mission to a partial ruin, paradoxically forces us to see the mission for all that it is. San Gabriel is among the sites my son, Jesse, who is a photographer, and I have been looking at for the last five years. We were doing a book about California’s past that sits hidden in plain sight.
Now a few hours of heat and flame have made some of Jesse’s photographs historical. The mission remains, but much of the interior of the church that he photographed has ceased to exist.
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The tangled past remains too. The first newspaper reports about the fire said the church was 249 years old, but the building is younger. The original mission on the Rio Hondo — from which the party of pobladores, priests and soldiers who founded Los Angeles in 1781 departed — was abandoned because of flooding. The current mission was begun in 1794 and finished in 1806. This is not the first time it was partially destroyed. It suffered substantial damage in the great earthquake of 1812.
Look closely and you see the church has a Moorish and Muslim air. Father Antonio Cruzado, who oversaw its construction, copied the almenas that cap the pillars from the cathedral at Córdoba, his birthplace in Spain. That cathedral had once been a mosque.
California began with a conquest, and the mission itself echoes the earlier Muslim conquest of Spain and a Christian reconquest, but it gets even more tangled than that. At San Gabriel the past creates a vortex that makes it easy to slip back to 18th-century Mexico, medieval Spain and the ancient Near East, forgetting that this was an Indian church. At masses, Indians, willingly or unwillingly, filled the church. Rarely can we name them, but at San Gabriel, Miguel Blanco, from the Baja missions and a master mason, supervised construction. Remigio, a San Gabriel neophyte, assisted him.
Gabrieleños built the mission and they rebelled against it, led by Nicolás José, who had been baptized and became an alcade, and Toypurina, who was a female shaman. She was exiled after the suppression of the rebellion. She was baptized later, changed her name to Maria Regina, married a soldier and had four children. Some of her descendants identified as Californios. Identities change.
Many of the modern Gabrieleños remain Catholic, and even those that don’t recognize their past in the mission. When I was visiting the mission, Julia Bogany, a Gabrieleño/Tongva elder, led special tours there.
The devastation of the Tongvas and others owes much to the missions, but just as much to the Mexicans and Americans who succeeded the Spanish. They were the ones who took Gabrieleño land, exploited Gabrieleño labor, and forced many of the survivors into exile. Our obsession with Serra disguises all this.
Advertisement
San Gabriel helped create modern Southern California as well as El Pueblo de Nuestra Señora la Reina de Los Ángeles. It was central to the mission myth that turned the missions into tourist destinations.
And San Gabriel continues to reflect modern Los Angeles. The masses, temporarily displaced from the church first because of the pandemic and now the fire, were in English, Vietnamese, and Spanish.
Look hard at the mission. It is remarkable how much you can see.
Richard White is an emeritus professor of history at Stanford University. His latest book, with photographer Jesse Amble White, is “California Exposures: Envisioning Myth and History.”


latimes--2020-07-12--California coronavirus-related deaths top 7,000 as infection spread worsens

The death toll from the coronavirus in California soared above 7,000 this weekend as the infection rate continued to worsen .
The rate at which coronavirus test results are coming back positive in California over the previous seven days has hit 7.97 % .
That ’ s the highest number since April — a continuing sign that the coronavirus is spreading throughout the state , according to a Los Angeles Times analysis conducted Saturday .
A week ago , on July 4 , the so-called positivity rate over the previous seven days was 7 % ; and the Saturday before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was 5.9 % .
The positivity rate in Los Angeles County is even worse than the statewide figure .
On Friday , the seven-day positivity rate was 10 % in L.A. County ; in late May , that rate fell to a low of 4.6 % .
As of Sunday morning , California had recorded 7,030 deaths and 319,000 confirmed cases .
The coronavirus had exploded in the state over the last month as businesses reopened and people got back to old routines .
In response to the surge , the state ordered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parts of California .
Hospitalizations have also spiked , and in the last week so have deaths .
California ’ s death toll remain way behind other hot spots like New York ( 32,000 ) and New Jersey ( 15,000 ) .
Los Angeles County health officials Saturday confirmed 2,916 new coronavirus cases and 57 more related deaths , as the region struggles with a surge of cases in the ongoing pandemic .
There are more than 2,000 people hospitalized with the virus , with 27 % of those confirmed cases in intensive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials said .
It ’ s a significant increase from the 1,350 to 1,450 daily hospitalizations seen a month ago , according to the county Health Department .
L.A. County has identified 130,242 positive cases of the virus and seen a total of 3,793 related deaths .
Officials have warned of the potential for exceeding hospital capacity if stricken patients have to start competing with others for a bed .
“ For those of you mourning the loss of a loved one from COVID-19 , your community mourns with you , ” L.A. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a statement .
“ We must work together to get back to being able to slow the spread .
Unless we can do this , our recovery journey is in jeopardy.
” As of Saturday , the total number of coronavirus cases reported statewide stood at 316,928 , with 7,016 related deaths , according to health officials .
Los Angeles is on the state ’ s list of counties being monitored for their rising case counts and increased hospitalizations .
If counties remain on the list for three or more consecutive days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close bars and indoor dining in restaurants , along with most other indoor business operations , for at least three weeks .
L.A. County reopened restaurants for in-person dining on May 29 and allowed bars to reopen on June 19 .
Its bars were ordered shut again on June 28 , and indoor dining rooms on July 1 .
During a Friday briefing , L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti reminded Angelenos that socializing and gathering with people outside of their households is still not allowed .
He warned — as he did earlier last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mandatory stay-at-home order should the risk of infection worsen .
“ We ’ re not back to a safer at home order , but we all need to do our part to minimize the spread of COVID-19 , ” he said .
Twenty thousand people were tested at city and county testing sites Friday , Garcetti said .
To meet surging demand , city testing capacity will increase by 25 % this week .
More than 1 million people have now been tested by the city and county , he said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Area in Northern California are sounding the alarm about rising number of coronavirus cases and have announced new control measures .
In Santa Clara County , officials are rescinding part of the region ’ s relaxation orders that were scheduled to take effect Monday .
The county had initially planned to allow indoor gatherings of up to 20 people .
But officials on Friday decided against the move .
“ Our county is at a critical moment , ” Dr. Sara Cody , the county ’ s health officer , said in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Right now , the numbers we are seeing aren ’ t going in the right direction….The number of people hospitalized with COVID-19 is growing every day.
” The county is , however , allowing hair and nail salons , massage parlors and gyms to reopen starting Monday .
But officials said there are no plans to reopen bars or indoor dining rooms at restaurants for the foreseeable future .
In an interview with KPIX-TV that aired Friday night , the executive for Santa Clara County , Dr. Jeffrey Smith , urged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ halt the spread of the virus statewide .
“ We really need the state to uniformly do something dramatic to stop the spread , ” he said .
Without stronger action , he feared the pandemic will soon be “ spreading like wildfire.
” On Friday , hospitals in Santa Clara County reported 117 people with confirmed coronavirus infections in its hospitals ; a week earlier , on July 3 , there were 84 ; and the week before , there were 66 .
In Contra Costa County , officials issued a new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ religious services beginning Monday morning .
Outdoor gatherings , including worship services and political protests , will still be allowed as long as mask and physical distancing rules are followed .
Contra Costa County officials said in a statement that more than 8 % of its COVID-19 tests are now coming back positive over the previous seven days , “ a sign that the virus is spreading rapidly in the county and that the community must take immediate steps to reduce the spread of the coronavirus and prevent our healthcare system from becoming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerned about the risk of COVID-19 transmission in indoor gatherings , and in gatherings that involve removing face coverings for eating and drinking , ” officials said in a statement .
Health authorities say they are now “ concerned that the number of patients needing intensive care could quickly exceed capacity.
” On Friday , there were 83 people in Contra Costa County hospitals ; two weeks earlier there 42 .
Officials in Alameda County said on Friday they had been informed by the state that outdoor restaurant dining there is no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for drive-through , pickup or delivery service .
Indoor restaurant dining has never reopened in Alameda and several other Bay Area counties .

Bus operator Jimi Pollard, right, greets a fellow operator who stopped his bus at a stoplight and honked his horn in support as L.A. Metro bus operators protest outside Metro Headquarters in L.A. on Friday. Metro bus drivers are demanding hazard pay for working during the coronavirus outbreak.
The death toll from the coronavirus in California soared above 7,000 this weekend as the infection rate continued to worsen.
The rate at which coronavirus test results are coming back positive in California over the previous seven days has hit 7.97%. That’s the highest number since April — a continuing sign that the coronavirus is spreading throughout the state, according to a Los Angeles Times analysis conducted Saturday.
A week ago, on July 4, the so-called positivity rate over the previous seven days was 7%; and the Saturday before that, on June 27, it was 5.9%. The positivity rate in Los Angeles County is even worse than the statewide figure. On Friday, the seven-day positivity rate was 10% in L.A. County; in late May, that rate fell to a low of 4.6%.
As of Sunday morning, California had recorded 7,030 deaths and 319,000 confirmed cases. The coronavirus had exploded in the state over the last month as businesses reopened and people got back to old routines. In response to the surge, the state ordered bars and in-restaurant dining closed in many parts of California.
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Hospitalizations have also spiked, and in the last week so have deaths. California’s death toll remain way behind other hot spots like New York (32,000) and New Jersey (15,000).
Los Angeles County health officials Saturday confirmed 2,916 new coronavirus cases and 57 more related deaths, as the region struggles with a surge of cases in the ongoing pandemic.
There are more than 2,000 people hospitalized with the virus, with 27% of those confirmed cases in intensive care and 18% on ventilators, officials said. It’s a significant increase from the 1,350 to 1,450 daily hospitalizations seen a month ago, according to the county Health Department.
L.A. County has identified 130,242 positive cases of the virus and seen a total of 3,793 related deaths. Officials have warned of the potential for exceeding hospital capacity if stricken patients have to start competing with others for a bed.
“For those of you mourning the loss of a loved one from COVID-19, your community mourns with you,” L.A. County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said in a statement. “We must work together to get back to being able to slow the spread. Unless we can do this, our recovery journey is in jeopardy.”
As of Saturday, the total number of coronavirus cases reported statewide stood at 316,928, with 7,016 related deaths, according to health officials.
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Los Angeles is on the state’s list of counties being monitored for their rising case counts and increased hospitalizations. If counties remain on the list for three or more consecutive days, the state will require them to close bars and indoor dining in restaurants, along with most other indoor business operations, for at least three weeks. L.A. County reopened restaurants for in-person dining on May 29 and allowed bars to reopen on June 19. Its bars were ordered shut again on June 28, and indoor dining rooms on July 1.
During a Friday briefing, L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti reminded Angelenos that socializing and gathering with people outside of their households is still not allowed. He warned — as he did earlier last week — that the city could reimpose a mandatory stay-at-home order should the risk of infection worsen.
“We’re not back to a safer at home order, but we all need to do our part to minimize the spread of COVID-19,” he said.
Twenty thousand people were tested at city and county testing sites Friday, Garcetti said. To meet surging demand, city testing capacity will increase by 25% this week. More than 1 million people have now been tested by the city and county, he said.
Meanwhile, health officials in the Bay Area in Northern California are sounding the alarm about rising number of coronavirus cases and have announced new control measures.
In Santa Clara County, officials are rescinding part of the region’s relaxation orders that were scheduled to take effect Monday. The county had initially planned to allow indoor gatherings of up to 20 people.
But officials on Friday decided against the move.
“Our county is at a critical moment,” Dr. Sara Cody, the county’s health officer, said in a video message posted Saturday on social media. “Right now, the numbers we are seeing aren’t going in the right direction….The number of people hospitalized with COVID-19 is growing every day.”
The county is, however, allowing hair and nail salons, massage parlors and gyms to reopen starting Monday. But officials said there are no plans to reopen bars or indoor dining rooms at restaurants for the foreseeable future.
In an interview with KPIX-TV that aired Friday night, the executive for Santa Clara County, Dr. Jeffrey Smith, urged state officials to take stronger action to halt the spread of the virus statewide.
“We really need the state to uniformly do something dramatic to stop the spread,” he said. Without stronger action, he feared the pandemic will soon be “spreading like wildfire.”
On Friday, hospitals in Santa Clara County reported 117 people with confirmed coronavirus infections in its hospitals; a week earlier, on July 3, there were 84; and the week before, there were 66.
In Contra Costa County, officials issued a new health order Saturday that will prohibit indoor religious services beginning Monday morning. Outdoor gatherings, including worship services and political protests, will still be allowed as long as mask and physical distancing rules are followed.
Contra Costa County officials said in a statement that more than 8% of its COVID-19 tests are now coming back positive over the previous seven days, “a sign that the virus is spreading rapidly in the county and that the community must take immediate steps to reduce the spread of the coronavirus and prevent our healthcare system from becoming overwhelmed.”
“Contra Costa is especially concerned about the risk of COVID-19 transmission in indoor gatherings, and in gatherings that involve removing face coverings for eating and drinking,” officials said in a statement. Health authorities say they are now “concerned that the number of patients needing intensive care could quickly exceed capacity.”
On Friday, there were 83 people in Contra Costa County hospitals; two weeks earlier there 42.
Officials in Alameda County said on Friday they had been informed by the state that outdoor restaurant dining there is no longer allowed and restaurants can only be open for drive-through, pickup or delivery service. Indoor restaurant dining has never reopened in Alameda and several other Bay Area counties.


latimes--2020-07-12--Incoming UC President Michael V. Drake talks hip-hop, civil rights and climate change

It ’ s not likely that an incoming University of California president has ever had a public chat with the Board of Regents chair that covered such topics as civil rights , green energy and the Notorious B.I.G .
But UC President-designate Michael V. Drake and Board Chair John A. Pérez did just that during an hourlong livestreamed conversation Friday aimed at introducing the new leader ’ s vision and priorities .
Drake , 70 , succinctly summarized his overarching view of the UC ’ s system ’ s mission .
“ The work of the university broadly is meant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of life for our communities , ” he said .
The former head of the Ohio State University and UC Irvine was unanimously selected last week by regents , bringing the first Black leader to the helm of the 10-campus system in its 152-year history .
Drake , who succeeds President Janet Napolitano , will take office by Aug. 14 .
Pérez steered the conversation through both weighty policy issues and fun facts about Drake .
For instance : Drake owns a Fender Stratocaster guitar and has played with former Jefferson Airplane guitarist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of music as a teenage clerk , earning less than $ 2 an hour , at the original Tower Records in Sacramento .
And the two musicians whose albums Drake automatically bought , songs unheard , were Miles Davis and Marvin Gaye .
A board member of the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame , Drake said the organization ’ s induction of such rappers as Tupac Shakur and the Notorious B.I.G .
illustrated an “ important direction ” in the evolution of what ’ s considered rock ‘ n ’ roll .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ making sure that it ’ s popular music of the day that ’ s being supported and brought in , ” Drake said .
On policy issues , the leaders agreed that the UC system ’ s world-class research and innovation on climate change give it the gravitas to step into an expanded global role on the issue .
During the 10-month presidential search , which included six campus town halls that took place before the onset of the coronavirus crisis , climate change was the top concern raised , Pérez said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ university in the nation , Pérez said , and in May fully divested from fossil fuels .
Drake said the environment was one of his three top areas of focus at UC Irvine , where he served as chancellor from 2005 to 2014 .
UC Irvine has been ranked by Sierra magazine as one of the nation ’ s top 10 “ Cool Schools ” in environmental sustainability for the last decade .
Drake continued his focus on climate change at Ohio State .
He discussed with Pérez the university ’ s research @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restoring them for more sustainable farming .
“ As a globe , as a nation , it ’ s really critically important that we work to reverse the climate change that we ’ ve seen changing the ecosystem right before our eyes , and the university is meant to be a leader , ” Drake said of UC .
Drake ’ s passion for social justice has been evident in recent remarks about abusive policing .
On Friday , he discussed topics ranging from the Watts riots to the Confederate flag .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both Irvine and Ohio State on music , civil rights and the U.S. Supreme Court , Drake said it was disturbing that many of the root causes of the Watts riots a half-century ago — which a state commission found included high unemployment , poor schools and inferior living conditions for the area ’ s Black residents — remain problems today .
“ We ’ re repeating these things decades and generations later , ” he said .
“ And I think it left me with a compelling drive to try to figure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so that 25 and 50 years from now , no one else is repeating these things again.
” Drake also said it was “ high time ” that pressure from the NCAA , whose board he chairs , helped prompt Mississippi legislators to vote last month to change its state flag , which has displayed the Confederate battle symbol .
The action came days after the NCAA voted to bar any state that displayed prominent Confederate symbols from hosting championships .
“ We believe that the flag has so many negative connotations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means so much to so many people in such a negative way that this was not appropriate for our student athletes and others to have to confront.
” The two men did not discuss labor relations , although Pérez said the issue was a top concern expressed during the presidential search process .
UC ’ s largest employee union , AFSCME Local 3299 , is concerned that campuses have begun to lay off workers during the pandemic and anxious for UC to keep recently forged contractual commitments to significantly limit outsourcing .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision to pay Drake a base salary of $ 890,000 — a significant boost from Napolitano ’ s $ 570,000 but slightly less than his Ohio State pay .
It ’ s “ tone-deaf , ” said AFSCME spokesman Todd Stenhouse .
Varsha Sarveshwar , president of the UC Student Assn.
, said some students had also questioned Drake ’ s salary .
Overall , she said , students were excited by the selection of the system ’ s first Black president and heartened by his pledges to meet with them regularly .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ include the cost of attendance , equity , diversity and labor justice .
Among faculty members , many have welcomed Drake ’ s selection and hailed his strong academic qualifications , lived experience as a person of color , familiarity with UC and respect for their work and central role in the shared governance of the system , said Academic Senate Chairwoman Kum-Kum Bhavnani .
In closing , Drake told Pérez there was no other job that would have caused him to delay his planned retirement .
“ This is the most impactful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said .
“ It ’ s changed the quality of life of our state , our nation and our world .
”

Michael V. Drake, then chancellor at UC Irvine, plays guitar with JT and California Dreamin’ at a 2011 gala for the UCI medical school. Drake has been named president of the University of California.
It’s not likely that an incoming University of California president has ever had a public chat with the Board of Regents chair that covered such topics as civil rights, green energy and the Notorious B.I.G.
But UC President-designate Michael V. Drake and Board Chair John A. Pérez did just that during an hourlong livestreamed conversation Friday aimed at introducing the new leader’s vision and priorities.
Drake, 70, succinctly summarized his overarching view of the UC’s system’s mission. “The work of the university broadly is meant to create opportunities to uplift the quality of life for our communities,” he said.
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The former head of the Ohio State University and UC Irvine was unanimously selected last week by regents, bringing the first Black leader to the helm of the 10-campus system in its 152-year history. Drake, who succeeds President Janet Napolitano, will take office by Aug. 14.
Pérez steered the conversation through both weighty policy issues and fun facts about Drake. For instance: Drake owns a Fender Stratocaster guitar and has played with former Jefferson Airplane guitarist Jorma Kaukonen. He indulged his love of music as a teenage clerk, earning less than $2 an hour, at the original Tower Records in Sacramento. And the two musicians whose albums Drake automatically bought, songs unheard, were Miles Davis and Marvin Gaye.
A board member of the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame, Drake said the organization’s induction of such rappers as Tupac Shakur and the Notorious B.I.G. illustrated an “important direction” in the evolution of what’s considered rock ‘n’ roll.
“We’re actually thinking of making sure that it’s popular music of the day that’s being supported and brought in,” Drake said.
Then-Chancellor Michael V. Drake at UC Irvine’s class of 2014 commencement ceremony in Angel Stadium. (Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
On policy issues, the leaders agreed that the UC system’s world-class research and innovation on climate change give it the gravitas to step into an expanded global role on the issue. During the 10-month presidential search, which included six campus town halls that took place before the onset of the coronavirus crisis, climate change was the top concern raised, Pérez said.
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UC uses more green energy than any university in the nation, Pérez said, and in May fully divested from fossil fuels. Drake said the environment was one of his three top areas of focus at UC Irvine, where he served as chancellor from 2005 to 2014. UC Irvine has been ranked by Sierra magazine as one of the nation’s top 10 “Cool Schools” in environmental sustainability for the last decade.
Drake continued his focus on climate change at Ohio State. He discussed with Pérez the university’s research on recapturing carbon for depleted soils, restoring them for more sustainable farming.
“As a globe, as a nation, it’s really critically important that we work to reverse the climate change that we’ve seen changing the ecosystem right before our eyes, and the university is meant to be a leader,” Drake said of UC.
Drake’s passion for social justice has been evident in recent remarks about abusive policing. On Friday, he discussed topics ranging from the Watts riots to the Confederate flag. In discussing a course he has co-taught at both Irvine and Ohio State on music, civil rights and the U.S. Supreme Court, Drake said it was disturbing that many of the root causes of the Watts riots a half-century ago — which a state commission found included high unemployment, poor schools and inferior living conditions for the area’s Black residents — remain problems today.
“We’re repeating these things decades and generations later,” he said. “And I think it left me with a compelling drive to try to figure what we can do differently this time, so that 25 and 50 years from now, no one else is repeating these things again.”
Drake also said it was “high time” that pressure from the NCAA, whose board he chairs, helped prompt Mississippi legislators to vote last month to change its state flag, which has displayed the Confederate battle symbol. The action came days after the NCAA voted to bar any state that displayed prominent Confederate symbols from hosting championships.
“We believe that the flag has so many negative connotations,” Drake said. “It means so much to so many people in such a negative way that this was not appropriate for our student athletes and others to have to confront.”
The two men did not discuss labor relations, although Pérez said the issue was a top concern expressed during the presidential search process. UC’s largest employee union, AFSCME Local 3299, is concerned that campuses have begun to lay off workers during the pandemic and anxious for UC to keep recently forged contractual commitments to significantly limit outsourcing.
The union is critical of the regents’ decision to pay Drake a base salary of $890,000 — a significant boost from Napolitano’s $570,000 but slightly less than his Ohio State pay. It’s “tone-deaf,” said AFSCME spokesman Todd Stenhouse.
Varsha Sarveshwar, president of the UC Student Assn., said some students had also questioned Drake’s salary. Overall, she said, students were excited by the selection of the system’s first Black president and heartened by his pledges to meet with them regularly. Their top issues, she said, include the cost of attendance, equity, diversity and labor justice.
Among faculty members, many have welcomed Drake’s selection and hailed his strong academic qualifications, lived experience as a person of color, familiarity with UC and respect for their work and central role in the shared governance of the system, said Academic Senate Chairwoman Kum-Kum Bhavnani.
In closing, Drake told Pérez there was no other job that would have caused him to delay his planned retirement.
“This is the most impactful public research university in the world,” he said. “It’s changed the quality of life of our state, our nation and our world.”


latimes--2020-07-12--Union vote highlights coronavirus crisis for California's home day care providers

After close to two decades of organizing and legislative struggle , tens of thousands of babysitters , early childhood educators and home day care proprietors will vote this month on whether to unionize , a move many hope will reinvigorate California ’ s ailing child care system in a moment of unprecedented crisis for millions of working families .
“ People need to understand , we ’ re not any regular union , ” said Zoila Carolina Toma , a longtime organizer with Child Care Providers United , which could soon represent home-based child care workers in negotiations with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just fighting for us as workers ; we ’ re also fighting for our children ’ s future.
” As organized labor goes , the guild ’ s structure is unusual , though hardly unique in California , which boasts one of the highest rates of union membership in the country .
Child Care Providers United is run jointly by the state ’ s two largest unions , SEIU and AFSCME-UDW , but operates more like the Screen Actors Guild , which represents independent workers and is an open shop , where membership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , day care workers hope to negotiate directly with the state .
California pays , regulates and , in most cases , licenses home-based providers .
Union organizers say they want more money , a greater hand in shaping rules and a radical expansion of the state ’ s alternative payment voucher program for low-income children .
“ We want to not just get benefits for ourselves , but also for these families and children , ” Toma said .
“ This will benefit the families we work with.
” The plight of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than it is now , as thousands of parents are being called back to work and thousands more struggle to balance child care with essential jobs .
There were about 1 million California children in day care , more than a third of them in subsidized spots , when home-based providers won the right to unionize last fall .
The parents who rely on those subsidies are disproportionately working-class Latina and Black women , among those hardest hit by pandemic layoffs .
Unless that care is replaced , experts warn , economic recovery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide it say their labor is undervalued and their experiences often outright ignored .
“ The default perspective has been , we need to get this child care so that people can go to work , without enough attention to what is actually happening to the workers in those child care programs , ” said Lea J.E .
Austin , director of the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment .
“ We use it , it helps our economy function , but it has largely been invisible to many people.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have played an outsize role in the state ’ s pandemic response , licensing data show .
The overwhelming majority stayed open when schools closed in March .
They remained open through the spring , as 40 % of stand-alone day care centers shut down , and hundreds of summer camps were forced to cancel .
Even emergency child care programs set up for essential workers have largely become clearinghouses for local home providers .
“ We , the day care workers , we ’ re supporting those who are on the front @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a provider from Eagle Rock whose charges are the children of nurses , firefighters and security guards .
“ Not the schools , not the child care centers — we are the ones who take care of the essential workers.
” That role is born of a brutal financial calculus , Austin said .
In L.A. County , most home day care centers make about $ 50 per child per day — far less than in other major metro areas .
Toma in Signal Hill makes closer to what ’ s paid in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and almost $ 30 less than in San Francisco .
Most home day care centers in L.A. are licensed for up to 10 children , so even at full capacity , employing a single assistant at minimum wage could take a third of their income .
Providers say mortgages , maintenance , license requirements and materials quickly eat up the rest .
In a recent survey of 2,000 California child care providers , nearly two-thirds of respondents said they would fold if they had to close for more than a month , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a closure of any length at all .
“ Their place of business is also their home — if they have a loss of income they are at risk of losing their home and struggling to support their own family , ” Austin said .
“ The heart of it is really women having to make choices about their economics over their own health and well-being.
” Like the union effort , those exigencies largely predate the pandemic .
But coronavirus has magnified them , providers say .
Though lawmakers recently extended a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , expenses have soared .
There is little extra money for sanitizing supplies , materials to support social distancing or food for school-age children , many of whom now fill day care spots previously occupied by infants .
“ I ’ m working more hours with no salary , ” said Doris Ruiz , a provider in Long Beach .
“ It ’ s hours and hours more that we spend cleaning.
” The squeeze is particularly acute for union hopefuls , as only those who accept state-subsidized children are eligible to vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vouchers , which fund roughly a third of California ’ s subsidized child care and pay the vast majority of home-based workers , narrowly escaped a 10 % cut in the state ’ s June budget deal .
“ I ’ ve had the opportunity to talk to people who actually make decisions for us , and they are very unaware of what we do , ” said Sue Carrera , a union captain in Inglewood who cares for the children of a cargo worker , a grocery clerk and an industrial baker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor to say he ’ s going to take 10 % [ from the subsidy program ] — that ’ s not possible .
I won ’ t be able to take subsidized children .
If it comes down to my survival , my hands are tied.
” The voucher program lies at the heart of the organizing effort : Without it , a loose network of small businesses would have little standing to bargain collectively with the state .
At the same time , many say its reimbursement rates leave them struggling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subsidy rates have been incredibly low , below market in a market that ’ s repressed as it is , ” Austin said .
“ Providers really have been at a loss to respond to that .
Their only option is , don ’ t serve those children .
And they don ’ t want to be in a position to not serve those children.
” Even if voucher rates remain stagnant , providers say they hope the union will force lawmakers to recognize their value — particularly now , with the future @ @ @ @ @ @ @ working parents stranded without child care .
“ We just want people to understand who we are and how we contribute to the lives of their children , ” Carrera said .
“ We really are essential workers , we ’ re really important , and we need help .
”

After close to two decades of organizing and legislative struggle, tens of thousands of babysitters, early childhood educators and home day-care proprietors will vote this month on whether to unionize, a move many hope will reinvigorate California’s ailing child-care system in a moment of unprecedented crisis for millions of working families.
“People need to understand, we’re not any regular union,” said Zoila Carolina Toma, a longtime organizer with Child Care Providers United, which could soon represent home-based child-care workers in negotiations with the state. “We’re not just fighting for us as workers; we’re also fighting for our children’s future.”
For the record: An earlier version of this article referred to the Screen Actors Guild, which is now part of SAG-AFTRA.
As organized labor goes, the guild’s structure is unusual, though hardly unique in California, which boasts one of the highest rates of union membership in the country. Child Care Providers United is run jointly by the state’s two largest unions, SEIU and AFSCME-UDW, but operates more like SAG-AFTRA, which represents independent workers and is an open shop, where membership is voluntary.
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Unlike actors, though, day-care workers hope to negotiate directly with the state. California pays, regulates and, in most cases, licenses home-based providers. Union organizers say they want more money, a greater hand in shaping rules and a radical expansion of the state’s alternative payment voucher program for low-income children.
“We want to not just get benefits for ourselves, but also for these families and children,” Toma said. “This will benefit the families we work with.”
The plight of working families has never been more public than it is now, as thousands of parents are being called back to work and thousands more struggle to balance child care with essential jobs. There were about 1 million California children in day care, more than a third of them in subsidized spots, when home-based providers won the right to unionize last fall. The parents who rely on those subsidies are disproportionately working-class Latina and Black women, among those hardest hit by pandemic layoffs.
Unless that care is replaced, experts warn, economic recovery will be impossible. Yet those who provide it say their labor is undervalued and their experiences often outright ignored.
“The default perspective has been, we need to get this child care so that people can go to work, without enough attention to what is actually happening to the workers in those child-care programs,” said Lea J.E. Austin, director of the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment. “We use it, it helps our economy function, but it has largely been invisible to many people.”
In fact, home day-care centers have played an outsize role in the state’s pandemic response, licensing data show. The overwhelming majority stayed open when schools closed in March. They remained open through the spring, as 40% of stand-alone day-care centers shut down, and hundreds of summer camps were forced to cancel. Even emergency child-care programs set up for essential workers have largely become clearinghouses for local home providers.
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“We, the day-care workers, we’re supporting those who are on the front line,” said Sylvia Jordan, a provider from Eagle Rock whose charges are the children of nurses, firefighters and security guards. “Not the schools, not the child-care centers — we are the ones who take care of the essential workers.”
That role is born of a brutal financial calculus, Austin said. In L.A. County, most home day-care centers make about $50 per child per day — far less than in other major metro areas. Toma in Signal Hill makes closer to what’s paid in Sacramento than in neighboring Seal Beach, and almost $30 less than in San Francisco.
Most home day-care centers in L.A. are licensed for up to 10 children, so even at full capacity, employing a single assistant at minimum wage could take a third of their income. Providers say mortgages, maintenance, license requirements and materials quickly eat up the rest. In a recent survey of 2,000 California child-care providers, nearly two-thirds of respondents said they would fold if they had to close for more than a month, and 23% said they could not weather a closure of any length.
“Their place of business is also their home — if they have a loss of income, they are at risk of losing their home and struggling to support their own family,” Austin said. “The heart of it is really women having to make choices about their economics over their own health and well-being.”
Home-based child-care providers will vote this month on whether to unionize. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times)
Like the union effort, those exigencies largely predate the pandemic. But coronavirus has magnified them, providers say. Though lawmakers recently extended a subsidy reimbursements plan based on pre-pandemic attendance, expenses have soared. There is little extra money for sanitizing supplies, materials to support social distancing or food for school-age children, many of whom now fill spots at day care that were previously occupied by infants.
“I’m working more hours with no salary,” said Doris Ruiz, a provider in Long Beach. “It’s hours and hours more that we spend cleaning.”
The squeeze is particularly acute for union hopefuls, as only those who accept state-subsidized children are eligible to vote in the election this month. CalWORKs vouchers, which fund roughly a third of California’s subsidized child care and pay the vast majority of home-based workers, narrowly escaped a 10% cut in the state’s June budget deal.
“I’ve had the opportunity to talk to people who actually make decisions for us, and they are very unaware of what we do,” said Sue Carrera, a union captain in Inglewood who cares for the children of a cargo worker, a grocery clerk and an industrial baker, among others. “For the governor to say he’s going to take 10% [from the subsidy program] — that’s not possible. I won’t be able to take subsidized children. If it comes down to my survival, my hands are tied.”
The voucher program lies at the heart of the organizing effort: Without it, a loose network of small businesses would have little standing to bargain collectively with the state. At the same time, many say its reimbursement rates leave them struggling to provide high-quality care.
“The subsidy rates have been incredibly low, below market in a market that’s repressed as it is,” Austin said. “Providers really have been at a loss to respond to that. Their only option is, don’t serve those children. And they don’t want to be in a position to not serve those children.”
Even if voucher rates remain stagnant, providers say they hope the union will force lawmakers to recognize their value — particularly now, with the future of public schools uncertain and millions of working parents stranded without child care.
“We just want people to understand who we are and how we contribute to the lives of their children,” Carrera said. “We really are essential workers, we’re really important, and we need help.”


latimes--2020-07-12--LAPD officer accused of falsifying gang records faced earlier credibility questions but stayed on el

LAPD officer accused of falsifying gang records faced earlier credibility questions but stayed on elite unit

A Los Angeles police officer charged last week with falsifying records and obstructing justice in the department ’ s gang-framing scandal was allowed to work in an elite division even though questions were raised about his credibility five years ago , according to records reviewed by The Times .
L.A. County prosecutors allege LAPD Officer Braxton Shaw falsified 43 field interview cards and said that he and two other officers wrote on the cards that people admitted to being gang members , when footage from the officers ’ body cameras showed no such admissions or showed the people had explicitly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the officers made up more than a dozen “ fictional ” gang members .
Shaw is one of more than 20 members of the vaunted LAPD Metropolitan Division under investigation amid suspicions that officers falsified field interview cards from traffic stops and entered incorrect information in an effort to boost stop statistics .
Two other officers were charged with obstruction of justice and filing false police reports Friday .
Information from the interview cards can be added to CalGang , a statewide database for gathering names and personal details of people suspected of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The database has come under scrutiny after a state audit found errors and police reform advocates say it is operating under old guidelines that disproportionately impact Black and Latino men .
LAPD announced last month it would suspend the use of CalGang , citing questions about its accuracy and wanting to “ avoid any adverse impact on individuals , particularly in communities of color.
” In 2015 , a prosecutor discovered that video from an LAPD patrol car contradicted testimony Shaw gave about a weapons arrest .
The following year , a judge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disclosed their office ’ s investigation of Shaw , according to court records .
According to a memo from the district attorney ’ s office .
Shaw testified he was traveling southbound , but the footage shows he was traveling the opposite direction and made a U-turn to make the stop .
The video also contradicted his testimony about which lane the defendant ’ s car was stopped .
Prosecutors decided not to charge him with perjury because there wasn ’ t sufficient evidence that he intentionally made false statements .
Also , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ underlying crime “ so there is no obvious motive for Shaw to lie , ” according to the memo .
Greg Yacoubian , an attorney for Shaw , said his client did nothing improper and will be cleared of any criminal wrongdoing once all the facts are known .
A 12-year veteran , Shaw has been listed as a potential witness in more than 70 felony cases since he testified about the arrest , district attorney ’ s records show .
The Times requested disciplinary records about the incident from the LAPD under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but the department said there were no sustained complaints against the officer .
Loyola Law School professor Laurie Levenson , a former federal prosecutor , said Shaw ’ s inaccurate testimony was an “ important warning sign ” that should not be ignored .
“ It is not best practice to have officers out there who have credibility problems unless you are absolutely sure they won ’ t continue to have these problems , ” Levenson said .
“ I think it ’ s risky.
” Civil rights attorney Olu Orange raised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Metro during a critical period when the division was doubled in size and tasked with leading an effort to combat a rise in violent crime .
Putting the officer on Metro , which has been criticized for hard-charging tactics , “ actually gave him a longer leash , ” Orange said .
LAPD spokesman Josh Rubenstein said Shaw and the two other officers charged are not on active duty .
Of the three , one has been recommended for removal , though the department will not say which .
Two have been suspended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 31 years behind bars .
Shaw declined to comment for this article , Yacoubian said .
Department officials declined to comment about Shaw ’ s conduct or work history , saying they could not discuss personnel matters .
When asked if officials are reviewing Shaw ’ s prior cases and testimony , Rubenstein said : “ This is an expansive investigation and we are looking at all of the officers and any actions that may constitute misconduct.
” In general , officers can be disciplined if an internal investigation reveals they knowingly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cmdr .
Jeff Bert , who oversaw the department ’ s Risk Management Legal Affairs Group until recently .
In that situation , they could face “ credibility-related ” duty restrictions including no contact with the public or assignments that do not require court testimony , he said .
It ’ s not clear if Shaw ever was subject to such restrictions .
“ Integrity is the cornerstone of our profession ; likewise , the veracity of their statements is paramount , ” Bert said in an email .
“ The department considers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” LAPD ’ s investigation into the gang-framing scandal by the Metro Division was launched last year after a Van Nuys mother received a letter in early 2019 informing her that her son had been identified as a gang member .
She believed her son was misidentified and the department later removed the woman ’ s son from the gang database after checking body camera footage .
A Times analysis in May found the Metro Division led the department in the production of the field interview cards from July 2018 through the end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up 4 % of the force , but accounted for 20 % of the field interview cards during that time .
Several years before the Metro scandal erupted , a judge tossed a concealed weapon charge against an admitted Rollin ’ 40s Crips gang member after an internal district attorney memo about Shaw ’ s conduct emerged , court records show .
Shaw authored an arrest report that said he observed the 20-year-old man flee into a South L.A. house and hide a handgun , which officers later recovered , according to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a court filing that Shaw and two other officers fabricated details in the arrest report .
The attorney asked the judge to order the LAPD to turn over any complaints of misconduct made against the officers .
Prosecutors disclosed the memo on Shaw after the preliminary hearing .
Public defender Ania Haigwood later filed a motion to dismiss the case , arguing that prosecutors knew about Shaw ’ s inaccurate statements before the hearing and failed to disclose it .
Under the landmark 1963 U.S. Supreme Court case Brady vs. Maryland , prosecutors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evidence that would damage the credibility of law enforcement witnesses .
Failure to do so — known as a “ Brady violation ” — can result in convictions being overturned , even if prosecutors did not know about the information .
After considering the defense ’ s motion , L.A. County Superior Court Judge Drew Edwards dismissed the case on March 24 , 2016 .
“ This information was in the possession of the district attorney ’ s office prior to the preliminary hearing in this case , ” Edwards said in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turned over to the defense counsel for purposes of impeachment .
In my view , this is classic Brady material .
It was not turned over .
It should have been.
” In his ruling , Edwards also said because a prosecutor alerted his supervisor to the memo about Shaw ’ s prior testimony , it indicated the prosecutor thought “ the testimony was more than simply inconsistent .
Perhaps it was simply not truthful.
” Haigwood told The Times the case was the only time in her 14-year-career she had a case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was actually a really big deal , ” she said .
“ That almost never happens.
” The county public defender ’ s office said this month they have not received any Brady notification letters on Shaw since they began keeping track of the disclosures last August .
The Times found another felony case from 2017 in which prosecutors made a disclosure to a defense attorney about Shaw .
In that case , Shaw testified at a preliminary hearing and the judge dismissed the case the same day based on insufficient evidence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was related to information about the officer .
The district attorney ’ s office declined to say how many disclosures have been made about Shaw , citing officer privacy laws .
However , according to a statement from the district attorney ’ s office , it “ acted according to its internal policies and the information was disseminated and accessible to all deputy district attorneys.
” Haigwood said she was not surprised to learn of Shaw ’ s role in the current Metro scandal .
“ All of this is pretty tragic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told the truth about what Shaw has done in the past , ” Haigwood said .
“ I don ’ t know how many times he has gotten away with things , but it ’ s very disturbing .
”

A sergeant speaks to a platoon of LAPD Metropolitan Division officers deployed in 2015 as part of an effort to reduce crime.
A Los Angeles police officer charged last week with falsifying records and obstructing justice in the department’s gang-framing scandal was allowed to work in an elite division even though questions were raised about his credibility five years ago, according to records reviewed by The Times.
L.A. County prosecutors allege LAPD Officer Braxton Shaw falsified 43 field interview cards and said that he and two other officers wrote on the cards that people admitted to being gang members, when footage from the officers’ body cameras showed no such admissions or showed the people had explicitly denied gang affiliation. Prosecutors also allege the officers made up more than a dozen “fictional” gang members.
Shaw is one of more than 20 members of the vaunted LAPD Metropolitan Division under investigation amid suspicions that officers falsified field interview cards from traffic stops and entered incorrect information in an effort to boost stop statistics. Two other officers were charged with obstruction of justice and filing false police reports Friday.
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Information from the interview cards can be added to CalGang, a statewide database for gathering names and personal details of people suspected of being active gang members or associates. The database has come under scrutiny after a state audit found errors and police reform advocates say it is operating under old guidelines that disproportionately impact Black and Latino men.
LAPD announced last month it would suspend the use of CalGang, citing questions about its accuracy and wanting to “avoid any adverse impact on individuals, particularly in communities of color.”
In 2015, a prosecutor discovered that video from an LAPD patrol car contradicted testimony Shaw gave about a weapons arrest. The following year, a judge tossed an unrelated firearm case after prosecutors disclosed their office’s investigation of Shaw, according to court records.
According to a memo from the district attorney’s office. Shaw testified he was traveling southbound, but the footage shows he was traveling the opposite direction and made a U-turn to make the stop. The video also contradicted his testimony about which lane the defendant’s car was stopped.
Prosecutors decided not to charge him with perjury because there wasn’t sufficient evidence that he intentionally made false statements. Also, the statements did not relate to the underlying crime “so there is no obvious motive for Shaw to lie,” according to the memo.
Greg Yacoubian, an attorney for Shaw, said his client did nothing improper and will be cleared of any criminal wrongdoing once all the facts are known.
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A 12-year veteran, Shaw has been listed as a potential witness in more than 70 felony cases since he testified about the arrest, district attorney’s records show.
The Times requested disciplinary records about the incident from the LAPD under the state’s police transparency law, but the department said there were no sustained complaints against the officer.
Loyola Law School professor Laurie Levenson, a former federal prosecutor, said Shaw’s inaccurate testimony was an “important warning sign” that should not be ignored.
“It is not best practice to have officers out there who have credibility problems unless you are absolutely sure they won’t continue to have these problems,” Levenson said. “I think it’s risky.”
Civil rights attorney Olu Orange raised concerns about Shaw’s assignment to Metro during a critical period when the division was doubled in size and tasked with leading an effort to combat a rise in violent crime. Putting the officer on Metro, which has been criticized for hard-charging tactics, “actually gave him a longer leash,” Orange said.
LAPD spokesman Josh Rubenstein said Shaw and the two other officers charged are not on active duty. Of the three, one has been recommended for removal, though the department will not say which. Two have been suspended.
Shaw, 37, faces more than 31 years behind bars. Shaw declined to comment for this article, Yacoubian said.
Department officials declined to comment about Shaw’s conduct or work history, saying they could not discuss personnel matters. When asked if officials are reviewing Shaw’s prior cases and testimony, Rubenstein said: “This is an expansive investigation and we are looking at all of the officers and any actions that may constitute misconduct.”
In general, officers can be disciplined if an internal investigation reveals they knowingly provided false testimony, said former LAPD Cmdr. Jeff Bert, who oversaw the department’s Risk Management Legal Affairs Group until recently. In that situation, they could face “credibility-related” duty restrictions including no contact with the public or assignments that do not require court testimony, he said.
It’s not clear if Shaw ever was subject to such restrictions.
“Integrity is the cornerstone of our profession; likewise, the veracity of their statements is paramount,” Bert said in an email. “The department considers sustained credibility allegations to be serious misconduct.”
LAPD’s investigation into the gang-framing scandal by the Metro Division was launched last year after a Van Nuys mother received a letter in early 2019 informing her that her son had been identified as a gang member. She believed her son was misidentified and the department later removed the woman’s son from the gang database after checking body camera footage.
A Times analysis in May found the Metro Division led the department in the production of the field interview cards from July 2018 through the end of last year. The division made up 4% of the force, but accounted for 20% of the field interview cards during that time.
Several years before the Metro scandal erupted, a judge tossed a concealed weapon charge against an admitted Rollin’ 40s Crips gang member after an internal district attorney memo about Shaw’s conduct emerged, court records show.
Shaw authored an arrest report that said he observed the 20-year-old man flee into a South L.A. house and hide a handgun, which officers later recovered, according to the report.
A defense attorney argued in a court filing that Shaw and two other officers fabricated details in the arrest report. The attorney asked the judge to order the LAPD to turn over any complaints of misconduct made against the officers.
Prosecutors disclosed the memo on Shaw after the preliminary hearing. Public defender Ania Haigwood later filed a motion to dismiss the case, arguing that prosecutors knew about Shaw’s inaccurate statements before the hearing and failed to disclose it.
Under the landmark 1963 U.S. Supreme Court case Brady vs. Maryland, prosecutors are required to tell criminal defendants about evidence that would damage the credibility of law enforcement witnesses. Failure to do so — known as a “Brady violation” — can result in convictions being overturned, even if prosecutors did not know about the information.
After considering the defense’s motion, L.A. County Superior Court Judge Drew Edwards dismissed the case on March 24, 2016.
“This information was in the possession of the district attorney’s office prior to the preliminary hearing in this case,” Edwards said in the courtroom. “The information was not turned over to the defense counsel for purposes of impeachment. In my view, this is classic Brady material. It was not turned over. It should have been.”
In his ruling, Edwards also said because a prosecutor alerted his supervisor to the memo about Shaw’s prior testimony, it indicated the prosecutor thought “the testimony was more than simply inconsistent. Perhaps it was simply not truthful.”
Haigwood told The Times the case was the only time in her 14-year-career she had a case dismissed for such a violation.
“It was actually a really big deal,” she said. “That almost never happens.”
The county public defender’s office said this month they have not received any Brady notification letters on Shaw since they began keeping track of the disclosures last August.
The Times found another felony case from 2017 in which prosecutors made a disclosure to a defense attorney about Shaw. In that case, Shaw testified at a preliminary hearing and the judge dismissed the case the same day based on insufficient evidence, though it’s unclear if it was related to information about the officer.
The district attorney’s office declined to say how many disclosures have been made about Shaw, citing officer privacy laws. However, according to a statement from the district attorney’s office, it “acted according to its internal policies and the information was disseminated and accessible to all deputy district attorneys.”
Haigwood said she was not surprised to learn of Shaw’s role in the current Metro scandal.
“All of this is pretty tragic that for years people have not been told the truth about what Shaw has done in the past,” Haigwood said. “I don’t know how many times he has gotten away with things, but it’s very disturbing.”