latimes--2020-06-01--Climbing out from coronavirus: Northern California county sags under weight of economic crash

In the old mining towns that helped birth this state , the bonanzas could be counted on every summer in recent years — not in the extraction of ore , but in tourism , festivals and destination weddings .
Now businesses are hoping just to survive the summer , even as the novel coronavirus itself has left the region largely unscathed .
Residents in many of the state ’ s rugged northern counties , from the Del Norte coast to here in the Sierra foothills , are largely watching the pandemic unfold from afar , as if it were one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Angeles .
Some feel stuck in a blind spot of public debate , lost between the terrible reality of the worst of the scourge and the noisy extremists who call it a hoax .
Their remoteness hasn ’ t spared them from the economic fallout of the shutdown .
And the sparsity of COVID-19 cases in Nevada County has only made the restrictive measures hobbling their livelihoods all the more exasperating .
Nevada County has had 41 cases in total , and one death — but no new cases reported since April 28 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases on the west side of the county , which includes Nevada City and Grass Valley .
The remaining 29 were in the east , around Truckee , separated by 40 miles of wilderness .
But people here are torn — restaurateurs , campground owners , hotel managers , gym operators , tattoo artists and wedding photographers .
They know that if California opens up , the virus will come to their communities .
If it doesn ’ t , financial ruin will .
“ We make 70 % of our revenue in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who owns the Inn Town Campground in Nevada City with his wife , Erin .
“ And we can ’ t do that right now.
” Many of their campers come every year and rent their spots months ahead .
The state has given no indication as to when businesses like theirs will be allowed to open .
Nor has the county .
The couple submitted a proposal to the health department on opening responsibly but hasn ’ t heard back .
“ It ’ s a colossal failure of leadership on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The plan to deal with the coronavirus is so disjointed , it ’ s perpetuating it and making it worse for everybody.
” He feels that until counties like Modoc , Yuba and Sutter began to defy state orders in the last few weeks , state leaders were ignoring the more rural areas where work could not simply shift online .
“ The asks are different for different people , ” Thiem said .
“ I feel like the policymakers are Bay Area-centric , where they say , ‘ Just go work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our economy here can not be done from home .
So to say , ‘ Go work from home because you ’ re safer ’ is different than to say , ‘ You need to shut down and bankrupt your business.
’ ” He and his wife spend much of their days processing cancellations even for months they might ultimately be open .
“ They ’ re making other plans now for other parts of the country , ” Erin Thiem said .
“ People need something to look forward to.
” In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finds it hard to see a way out for his One 11 Kitchen & Bar .
Like many , he was already on his heels when the coronavirus hit , in debt from a renovation .
He first leased the ground floor of the 150-year-old building in November 2018 .
It was once a jail , and its brick walls are a foot and a half thick .
Three restaurants had operated there over the years , with a tiny kitchen in need of remodeling .
When he moved in , the floor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and rot in the wood .
There were 11 unaddressed violations from the health department , he said .
A three-month renovation turned into a seven-month ordeal , and he finally opened last June , deeply in debt .
“ We hit the ground running .
The first night we opened , I believe it was the First Friday Art Walk .
We had a full restaurant within 15 minutes of opening the door.
” But in September and October , high winds prompted Pacific Gas & Electric to shut down the power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had to close for eight days , losing more than $ 2,000 a day , while more than $ 10,000 worth of food perished .
“ Everything is fresh ; we don ’ t have frozen food here , ” he said .
Then came the coronavirus .
He had to close in-house dining .
He laid off his 16 employees and stayed open doing curbside takeout from noon to 8 p.m. , working mostly by himself .
He wasn ’ t close to being able to pay his bills — his $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bill , back pay to employees , suppliers ’ invoices , installments on his renovation loans .
“ One of my produce companies , they froze my account because I couldn ’ t pay my bill .
So I ’ ve been paying them $ 100 here , $ 200 here , ” he said .
On May 18 , the county permitted restaurants to open , under pressure from a group of business owners .
It took Rahmanian a week just to find four willing employees at a time when federal benefits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on top of state unemployment .
“ Most people in the restaurant industry are making more money now sitting at home than working , ” he said .
“ I can ’ t afford a $ 4,000-a-month employee.
” A neighboring business owner put their shared predicament this way : “ The government bought our employees ; now we need to buy them back.
” Rahmanian reopened for diners May 24 , having customers order at the counter and seat themselves on the outside patio .
He could serve a maximum of about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with nearly 80 before .
He does not blame the government for the distancing or the shutdown .
He understands the health emergency and notes that Nevada County has a large population of elderly people .
He understands that people are scared .
But he will have to close and file for bankruptcy without help of some sort , whether it be his landlord cutting his rent or the government offering assistance that isn ’ t just a loan that he ’ ll have to dig out of later .
“ Half rent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things go back to normal , ” he said .
“ And normal doesn ’ t really mean the state or the governor or the county telling me I can open full-force ; it means when guests feel safe enough to fill up this restaurant .
A lot of people a year from now are still going to stay away from large crowds and a packed restaurant.
” Joy Porter , a commercial photographer and chairwoman of a local chamber of commerce , helped organize businesses to lobby the county to open up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calls from people who wanted to know why we weren ’ t following Sutter and Yuba counties , ” said Porter .
Those neighboring counties to the west — far more conservative and agricultural than Nevada County — announced that they were opening businesses , including restaurants , before the state gave them the go-ahead .
They had similar numbers of cumulative COVID-19 cases to Nevada County but hadn ’ t tapered down to zero .
Porter is still fighting to push the county farther open , against another tide of people clamoring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possible .
Pamela Magill , 55 , ran into trouble when she posted on Facebook that people who did not feel symptoms should not go to a new coronavirus testing center .
“ If we get 10 cases , they ’ ll shut us down again , ” she said .
Her business , Gold Country Gymnastics in Grass Valley , had been closed since March , but she had let children on the team practice there in small groups .
“ Parents said , ‘ Thank you for doing this .
Our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to get some exercise , ’ ” she said .
She said the most she had at one time was 15 young gymnasts , and maintaining six feet of distancing was easy in the 15,000-square-foot facility , for which she pays $ 10,000 a month .
But another contingent of parents was alarmed and notified the health department that Magill had opened against the rules .
The police came two days after her May 9 Facebook post .
“ Basically , the police officer said , ‘ Can you just stay under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She doesn ’ t want to do that .
She said parents and children who feel they can safely work out at the gym have a right to .
“ Everybody knows it ’ s not a hoax .
It ’ s clearly a real virus .
There is no doubt that it is scary and it is dangerous and people are dying from it , ” she said .
But with no new cases in Nevada County since April , “ there is absolutely no reason for our county to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Penn Valley , Melanie and Andrew Mishler , who run a wedding photography business , at first disagreed about the virus .
“ I think it ’ s bull -- - ; he doesn ’ t , ” said Melanie , 44 .
Her husband , 45 , thinks the shutdown should have been more drastic at the beginning .
“ If everyone in the United States and other parts of the world would have taken this seriously in the first two or three weeks and restricted movement , wore masks , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doctors all said , it wouldn ’ t have been such a huge disaster , ” Andrew said .
Now that it is a “ huge disaster , ” he agrees with Melanie that they have to learn to survive with the virus .
And to survive economically .
Nevada County is a destination wedding location for people from all over the state and the nation .
“ We call it the new Napa , ” said Melanie .
“ Everything from barn weddings to vineyards to lakeside — all type of venues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , people used to bring their vendors from out of the area .
“ It was still country bumpkin , ” she said .
“ Now we have a really tightknit group of vendors who are really top-notch .
Napa standards.
” That all seems to be unraveling before their eyes .
They have already lost more than $ 100,000 from couples rescheduling for next year .
They fear this whole year is lost .
“ How do you have a wedding with 150 people and social distance ?
” Melanie asked .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ at people for not social distancing , ” said Andrew .
“ The next day , it ’ s the governor ; the next day , it ’ s China , because I hear they knew about it two months before .
Then I ’ m angry at ourselves.
” At their campground in Nevada City , the Thiems pace under the ponderosa pines and incense cedars , where their 70 sites are empty .
Usually , Dan said , “ these are full every weekend from Memorial Day to Labor Day.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an old cemetery for Chinese workers who helped the town thrive .
The campground sits above a vein called the Mohawk , from which hundreds of tons of gold ore were extracted during the 1800s .
Those boom times ended with mines closing and stores shuttering .
By 1920 , the population was less than half what it was in 1880 .
The couple fears the latest era of prosperity is ending too .
“ What ’ s going to be on the other side of this ?
” asked Dan .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ survive , what type of community are we going to have ?
”

In the old mining towns that helped birth this state, the bonanzas could be counted on every summer in recent years — not in the extraction of ore, but in tourism, festivals and destination weddings.
Now businesses are hoping just to survive the summer, even as the novel coronavirus itself has left the region largely unscathed.
Residents in many of the state’s rugged northern counties, from the Del Norte coast to here in the Sierra foothills, are largely watching the pandemic unfold from afar, as if it were one more nightmare in San Francisco and Los Angeles. Some feel stuck in a blind spot of public debate, lost between the terrible reality of the worst of the scourge and the noisy extremists who call it a hoax.
Their remoteness hasn’t spared them from the economic fallout of the shutdown. And the sparsity of COVID-19 cases in Nevada County has only made the restrictive measures hobbling their livelihoods all the more exasperating.
Nevada County has had 41 cases in total, and one death — but no new cases reported since April 28. Moreover, it had just 12 cases on the west side of the county, which includes Nevada City and Grass Valley. The remaining 29 were in the east, around Truckee, separated by 40 miles of wilderness.
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But people here are torn — restaurateurs, campground owners, hotel managers, gym operators, tattoo artists and wedding photographers. They know that if California opens up, the virus will come to their communities. If it doesn’t, financial ruin will.
Dan Thiem and his wife, Erin, owners of Inn Town Campground in Nevada City, which has been closed since March 15. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
“We make 70% of our revenue in three months,” said Dan Thiem, who owns the Inn Town Campground in Nevada City with his wife, Erin. “And we can’t do that right now.”
Many of their campers come every year and rent their spots months ahead.
The state has given no indication as to when businesses like theirs will be allowed to open. Nor has the county. The couple submitted a proposal to the health department on opening responsibly but hasn’t heard back.
“It’s a colossal failure of leadership on all fronts,” Thiem said. “The plan to deal with the coronavirus is so disjointed, it’s perpetuating it and making it worse for everybody.”
Advertisement
He feels that until counties like Modoc, Yuba and Sutter began to defy state orders in the last few weeks, state leaders were ignoring the more rural areas where work could not simply shift online.
“The asks are different for different people,” Thiem said. “I feel like the policymakers are Bay Area-centric, where they say, ‘Just go work from home.’ You know most of our economy here cannot be done from home. So to say, ‘Go work from home because you’re safer’ is different than to say, ‘You need to shut down and bankrupt your business.’”
He and his wife spend much of their days processing cancellations even for months they might ultimately be open.
“They’re making other plans now for other parts of the country,” Erin Thiem said. “People need something to look forward to.”
Elizabeth Poston, owner of Living Outdoors Landscapes, waters plants on Main Street in Grass Valley. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
In a corner storefront downtown, Lior Rahmanian finds it hard to see a way out for his One 11 Kitchen & Bar. Like many, he was already on his heels when the coronavirus hit, in debt from a renovation.
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He first leased the ground floor of the 150-year-old building in November 2018. It was once a jail, and its brick walls are a foot and a half thick. Three restaurants had operated there over the years, with a tiny kitchen in need of remodeling.
When he moved in, the floor was black with grease, with leaks and rot in the wood. There were 11 unaddressed violations from the health department, he said.
A three-month renovation turned into a seven-month ordeal, and he finally opened last June, deeply in debt.
“We hit the ground running. The first night we opened, I believe it was the First Friday Art Walk. We had a full restaurant within 15 minutes of opening the door.”
But in September and October, high winds prompted Pacific Gas & Electric to shut down the power several times in the region. Rahmanian had to close for eight days, losing more than $2,000 a day, while more than $10,000 worth of food perished.
“Everything is fresh; we don’t have frozen food here,” he said.
Then came the coronavirus. He had to close in-house dining. He laid off his 16 employees and stayed open doing curbside takeout from noon to 8 p.m., working mostly by himself. He wasn’t close to being able to pay his bills — his $4,200 rent, his PG&E bill, back pay to employees, suppliers’ invoices, installments on his renovation loans.
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Lior Rahmanian, chef-owner of One 11 Kitchen & Bar in Nevada City, shows a stack of bills he is ready to mail out. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Lior Rahmanian inside his business. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
“One of my produce companies, they froze my account because I couldn’t pay my bill. So I’ve been paying them $100 here, $200 here,” he said.
On May 18, the county permitted restaurants to open, under pressure from a group of business owners. It took Rahmanian a week just to find four willing employees at a time when federal benefits are paying them $600 a week on top of state unemployment.
“Most people in the restaurant industry are making more money now sitting at home than working,” he said. “I can’t afford a $4,000-a-month employee.”
A neighboring business owner put their shared predicament this way: “The government bought our employees; now we need to buy them back.”
Rahmanian reopened for diners May 24, having customers order at the counter and seat themselves on the outside patio. He could serve a maximum of about 20 people at a time, compared with nearly 80 before.
He does not blame the government for the distancing or the shutdown. He understands the health emergency and notes that Nevada County has a large population of elderly people. He understands that people are scared.
But he will have to close and file for bankruptcy without help of some sort, whether it be his landlord cutting his rent or the government offering assistance that isn’t just a loan that he’ll have to dig out of later.
Advertisement
“Half rent is the most I can pay until things go back to normal,” he said. “And normal doesn’t really mean the state or the governor or the county telling me I can open full-force; it means when guests feel safe enough to fill up this restaurant. A lot of people a year from now are still going to stay away from large crowds and a packed restaurant.”
Joy Porter, a commercial photographer and chairwoman of a local chamber of commerce, helped organize businesses to lobby the county to open up.
Rachel “Ginger” Lazarus, owner of Cult of Gemini in Grass Valley, disinfects the counter inside her eclectic occult shop, which reopened last week. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
“I was getting dozens of calls from people who wanted to know why we weren’t following Sutter and Yuba counties,” said Porter.
Those neighboring counties to the west — far more conservative and agricultural than Nevada County — announced that they were opening businesses, including restaurants, before the state gave them the go-ahead. They had similar numbers of cumulative COVID-19 cases to Nevada County but hadn’t tapered down to zero.
Porter is still fighting to push the county farther open, against another tide of people clamoring to keep it shut as tightly as possible.
Advertisement
Pamela Magill, 55, ran into trouble when she posted on Facebook that people who did not feel symptoms should not go to a new coronavirus testing center.
“If we get 10 cases, they’ll shut us down again,” she said.
Her business, Gold Country Gymnastics in Grass Valley, had been closed since March, but she had let children on the team practice there in small groups.
“Parents said, ‘Thank you for doing this. Our kids are driving us crazy. They need to get some exercise,’” she said.
She said the most she had at one time was 15 young gymnasts, and maintaining six feet of distancing was easy in the 15,000-square-foot facility, for which she pays $10,000 a month.
Pamela Magill, owner of Gold Country Gymnastics in Grass Valley. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
But another contingent of parents was alarmed and notified the health department that Magill had opened against the rules.
The police came two days after her May 9 Facebook post. “Basically, the police officer said, ‘Can you just stay under the radar?’” she said.
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She doesn’t want to do that. She said parents and children who feel they can safely work out at the gym have a right to.
“Everybody knows it’s not a hoax. It’s clearly a real virus. There is no doubt that it is scary and it is dangerous and people are dying from it,” she said. But with no new cases in Nevada County since April, “there is absolutely no reason for our county to be locked down.”
Wedding photographers Andrew Mishler and his wife, Melanie, at their home in Penn Valley. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
Farther down the foothills in Penn Valley, Melanie and Andrew Mishler, who run a wedding photography business, at first disagreed about the virus.
“I think it’s bull---; he doesn’t,” said Melanie, 44.
Her husband, 45, thinks the shutdown should have been more drastic at the beginning.
“If everyone in the United States and other parts of the world would have taken this seriously in the first two or three weeks and restricted movement, wore masks, did what the professionals and scientists and doctors all said, it wouldn’t have been such a huge disaster,” Andrew said.
Advertisement
Now that it is a “huge disaster,” he agrees with Melanie that they have to learn to survive with the virus. And to survive economically.
Nevada County is a destination wedding location for people from all over the state and the nation.
“We call it the new Napa,” said Melanie. “Everything from barn weddings to vineyards to lakeside — all type of venues here.”
A decade or so ago, people used to bring their vendors from out of the area. “It was still country bumpkin,” she said. “Now we have a really tightknit group of vendors who are really top-notch. Napa standards.”
That all seems to be unraveling before their eyes. They have already lost more than $100,000 from couples rescheduling for next year. They fear this whole year is lost.
“How do you have a wedding with 150 people and social distance?” Melanie asked.
They pinwheel through grief, anxiety, anger, regret.
“One day I’m angry at people for not social distancing,” said Andrew. “The next day, it’s the governor; the next day, it’s China, because I hear they knew about it two months before. Then I’m angry at ourselves.”
Advertisement
Grass Valley residents Thaddeus and Stephanie Raczkowski, with their children Quinten, 4, and Everett, 6. (Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times)
At their campground in Nevada City, the Thiems pace under the ponderosa pines and incense cedars, where their 70 sites are empty.
Usually, Dan said, “these are full every weekend from Memorial Day to Labor Day.”
They pass a fence and sign marking an old cemetery for Chinese workers who helped the town thrive. The campground sits above a vein called the Mohawk, from which hundreds of tons of gold ore were extracted during the 1800s. Those boom times ended with mines closing and stores shuttering.
By 1920, the population was less than half what it was in 1880.
The couple fears the latest era of prosperity is ending too.
“What’s going to be on the other side of this?” asked Dan. “If half of downtown doesn’t survive, what type of community are we going to have?”


latimes--2020-06-01--Thousands of immigrants are stuck in ICE centers. Getting out depends on the judge

Belkin Peralta watched longingly May 8 as 16 women in her dormitory at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield changed out of their blue uniforms and emerged in their street clothes .
Without notice or explanation , they all had been told they were free to go .
Mesa Verde guards had told Peralta and the two other remaining women in the dorm that they would be transferred to a different facility .
The 22-year-old panicked , thinking it meant she would likely be sent back to the gang violence she had escaped in Honduras .
“ In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and they were going to deport us , ” she said .
Instead , the next day , Peralta was taken to a nearby holding facility and released .
Peralta ’ s cousin in Van Nuys bought her a bus ticket and picked her up at the local station that evening .
She now lives with her aunt near San Diego .
Peralta ’ s dorm was emptied as immigration officials , under orders from a federal judge , are scrambling to create sufficient space for social distancing among detainees and staff .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ manner in which Immigration and Customs Enforcement has responded to the COVID-19 pandemic , as infections are escalating .
As of Thursday , 1,392 detainees and 44 ICE employees at detention centers had .
The biggest outbreak by far is at Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego , where 158 detainees have tested positive , one of whom has died .
Nationwide , 25,900 people were detained by ICE as of May 23 — down by nearly 12,000 people since March .
In response to lawsuits and public pressure , ICE has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Others have been released after paying bond .
ICE says it has voluntarily freed more than 900 others , including Peralta and her dorm-mates , due to the pandemic .
Some of the women had previously been deemed by the agency as being too dangerous to release , lawyers said .
On its website , ICE keeps a running tally of detainees who have been released under judicial order , noting that the agency is fighting many of those decisions in court .
As of Thursday , 392 detainees had been released @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the agency , 202 of them in California .
ICE notes that half had been charged or convicted of crimes ranging from homicide to DUI .
“ Many of the individuals ordered released by federal courts have extensive criminal histories and pose a potential public safety threat , ” the website reads .
Listing off some charges of released detainees , ICE spokesman Alexx Pons said they “ all align with ICE ’ s core mission to identify and remove those who pose a significant risk to public safety.
” “ When you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those factors are weighed , along with an individual ’ s medical considerations , ” Pons said .
Peralta and others said social distancing is impossible at the facilities , that detainees don ’ t have access to adequate hygiene supplies and that many people with COVID-19 symptoms aren ’ t tested .
Dozens of immigrants around the state have participated in hunger strikes in recent weeks , including Peralta .
In the end , just one woman in Peralta ’ s dorm was deported , after being transferred to a detention facility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other releases as proof that ICE exaggerates the number of detainees it claims are dangerous while ignoring the risks associated with keeping masses of people detained during a pandemic .
“ They ’ ve always had the prosecutorial discretion to release folks immediately , ” said Juan Prieto of the California Immigrant Youth Justice Alliance .
“ It ’ s a matter of challenging that notion that they should incarcerate individuals simply for being in this country without documentation.
” Prieto and other advocates scrambled to arrange temporary lodging , meals and transportation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , for the women who were released unexpectedly .
Under a class-action lawsuit brought by the San Francisco Public Defender ’ s Office , the American Civil Liberties Union foundations of Northern and Southern California and others , 61 people have been ordered released from Mesa Verde , which has space for 400 , and the Yuba County Jail , which holds up to 220 ICE detainees .
U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria issued a searing ruling April 29 , slamming ICE for failing to produce a list of detainees who are at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were to contract the novel coronavirus .
Chhabria ordered ICE to provide information on every detainee at both facilities to review them for potential release on bail .
At the same time , lawyers have submitted applications on behalf of dozens of people for the judge to review .
So far , he has rejected 56 .
ICE has opposed each application up for review .
In Pennsylvania , some immigrants who were released under judicial order were later told to return to detention .
Lawyers don ’ t expect that to happen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yuba County Jail .
But in another class-action case in California , concerning detainees at the Adelanto ICE Processing Facility near Victorville , the district judge ’ s far more sweeping order was overruled in the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals .
Judge Terry Hatter had ordered ICE to decrease the population at Adelanto , which currently holds about 1,200 people , to permit social distancing .
He directed the agency to stop admitting new detainees to the facility and to reduce the existing population by at least 250 people by April 30 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ panel of judges reversed all but one aspect of Hatter ’ s ruling , maintaining that Adelanto facility administrators substantially comply with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention concerning COVID-19 .
The reversal halted a wave of petitions for the release of immigrants held at Adelanto .
Before the 9th Circuit decision in the class-action case , Hatter had ordered the release of dozens of detainees whose lawyers filed individual petitions seeking their release .
But similar cases of immigrants who hadn ’ t been released are now paused .
Nicolette Glazer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who represented 11 of the detainees Hatter released , said the 9th Circuit ’ s decision sends the message to other courts that ICE has met what ’ s required of it by law .
“ A district court may be swayed by some of the reasoning and , regardless , ICE will be emboldened to appeal , ” she said .
“ If we started getting more written opinions , they would become binding on district courts.
” For those who remain detained , the legal twists and turns are anxiety-inducing .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ rejected or approved petitions brought by detainees with similar medical issues and legal cases .
One of those is Marco Montoya Amaya , whose request for release from Mesa Verde was denied by a federal judge in early April because the parasitic infection with which he has been diagnosed is not included in the list of conditions identified by the CDC as high-risk factors for COVID-19 .
Montoya , a 42-year-old from Honduras , also has latent tuberculosis .
“ We are scared to die inside of here , ” he said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ more traumatized.
” His lawyer Eleni Wolfe-Roubatis of the nonprofit Immigrant Legal Defense said the patchwork of releases and rejections across the country shows what advocates have long known about what she calls “ the luck of the draw of the judge.
” “ But when it ’ s life or death like this , it ’ s all the more stark , ” she said .
On Thursday , Chhabria ordered ICE to release Montoya .
He walked out of the facility that afternoon .

A guard escorts an immigrant detainee from his “segregation cell” back into the general population at the Adelanto ICE Processing Facility.
Belkin Peralta watched longingly May 8 as 16 women in her dormitory at the Mesa Verde ICE Processing Center in Bakersfield changed out of their blue uniforms and emerged in their street clothes. Without notice or explanation, they all had been told they were free to go.
Mesa Verde guards had told Peralta and the two other remaining women in the dorm that they would be transferred to a different facility. The 22-year-old panicked, thinking it meant she would likely be sent back to the gang violence she had escaped in Honduras.
“In my mind, we had lost, and they were going to deport us,” she said.
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Instead, the next day, Peralta was taken to a nearby holding facility and released. Peralta’s cousin in Van Nuys bought her a bus ticket and picked her up at the local station that evening. She now lives with her aunt near San Diego.
Peralta’s dorm was emptied as immigration officials, under orders from a federal judge, are scrambling to create sufficient space for social distancing among detainees and staff. But her case also illustrates the inconsistent manner in which Immigration and Customs Enforcement has responded to the COVID-19 pandemic, as infections are escalating.
As of Thursday, 1,392 detainees and 44 ICE employees at detention centers had tested positive for COVID-19 . The biggest outbreak by far is at Otay Mesa Detention Center in San Diego, where 158 detainees have tested positive, one of whom has died.
Nationwide, 25,900 people were detained by ICE as of May 23 — down by nearly 12,000 people since March.
In response to lawsuits and public pressure, ICE has released hundreds of immigrants from detention facilities. Others have been released after paying bond.
ICE says it has voluntarily freed more than 900 others, including Peralta and her dorm-mates, due to the pandemic. Some of the women had previously been deemed by the agency as being too dangerous to release, lawyers said.
On its website, ICE keeps a running tally of detainees who have been released under judicial order, noting that the agency is fighting many of those decisions in court.
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As of Thursday, 392 detainees had been released under judges’ orders, according to the agency, 202 of them in California. ICE notes that half had been charged or convicted of crimes ranging from homicide to DUI.
“Many of the individuals ordered released by federal courts have extensive criminal histories and pose a potential public safety threat,” the website reads.
Listing off some charges of released detainees, ICE spokesman Alexx Pons said they “all align with ICE’s core mission to identify and remove those who pose a significant risk to public safety.”
“When you’re looking at custody determinations, those factors are weighed, along with an individual’s medical considerations,” Pons said.
Peralta and others said social distancing is impossible at the facilities, that detainees don’t have access to adequate hygiene supplies and that many people with COVID-19 symptoms aren’t tested. Dozens of immigrants around the state have participated in hunger strikes in recent weeks, including Peralta.
In the end, just one woman in Peralta’s dorm was deported, after being transferred to a detention facility in Louisiana. Advocates pointed to the other releases as proof that ICE exaggerates the number of detainees it claims are dangerous while ignoring the risks associated with keeping masses of people detained during a pandemic.
“They’ve always had the prosecutorial discretion to release folks immediately,” said Juan Prieto of the California Immigrant Youth Justice Alliance. “It’s a matter of challenging that notion that they should incarcerate individuals simply for being in this country without documentation.”
Prieto and other advocates scrambled to arrange temporary lodging, meals and transportation to family, or other long-term accommodations, for the women who were released unexpectedly.
Under a class-action lawsuit brought by the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office, the American Civil Liberties Union foundations of Northern and Southern California and others, 61 people have been ordered released from Mesa Verde, which has space for 400, and the Yuba County Jail, which holds up to 220 ICE detainees.
U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria issued a searing ruling April 29, slamming ICE for failing to produce a list of detainees who are at high risk for serious outcomes if they were to contract the novel coronavirus.
Chhabria ordered ICE to provide information on every detainee at both facilities to review them for potential release on bail. At the same time, lawyers have submitted applications on behalf of dozens of people for the judge to review. So far, he has rejected 56. ICE has opposed each application up for review.
In Pennsylvania, some immigrants who were released under judicial order were later told to return to detention. Lawyers don’t expect that to happen in the case of Mesa Verde and Yuba County Jail.
But in another class-action case in California, concerning detainees at the Adelanto ICE Processing Facility near Victorville, the district judge’s far more sweeping order was overruled in the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals.
Judge Terry Hatter had ordered ICE to decrease the population at Adelanto, which currently holds about 1,200 people, to permit social distancing. He directed the agency to stop admitting new detainees to the facility and to reduce the existing population by at least 250 people by April 30.
ICE appealed the decision.
In the 9th circuit, a panel of judges reversed all but one aspect of Hatter’s ruling, maintaining that Adelanto facility administrators substantially comply with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines for detention facilities concerning COVID-19. The reversal halted a wave of petitions for the release of immigrants held at Adelanto.
Before the 9th Circuit decision in the class-action case, Hatter had ordered the release of dozens of detainees whose lawyers filed individual petitions seeking their release.
But similar cases of immigrants who hadn’t been released are now paused.
Nicolette Glazer, an immigration lawyer in Los Angeles who represented 11 of the detainees Hatter released, said the 9th Circuit’s decision sends the message to other courts that ICE has met what’s required of it by law.
“A district court may be swayed by some of the reasoning and, regardless, ICE will be emboldened to appeal,” she said. “If we started getting more written opinions, they would become binding on district courts.”
For those who remain detained, the legal twists and turns are anxiety-inducing. In some cases, different judges have rejected or approved petitions brought by detainees with similar medical issues and legal cases.
One of those is Marco Montoya Amaya, whose request for release from Mesa Verde was denied by a federal judge in early April because the parasitic infection with which he has been diagnosed is not included in the list of conditions identified by the CDC as high-risk factors for COVID-19. Montoya, a 42-year-old from Honduras, also has latent tuberculosis.
“We are scared to die inside of here,” he said. “Every day I am ending up more traumatized.”
His lawyer Eleni Wolfe-Roubatis of the nonprofit Immigrant Legal Defense said the patchwork of releases and rejections across the country shows what advocates have long known about what she calls “the luck of the draw of the judge.”
“But when it’s life or death like this, it’s all the more stark,” she said.
On Thursday, Chhabria ordered ICE to release Montoya. He walked out of the facility that afternoon.


latimes--2020-06-01--LAPD focused on peaceful protesters while ignoring looting, business owners say

Aaron Landy watched for hours on Saturday night as people on foot and then in cars moved up and down Melrose Avenue looting stores and setting them on fire , doing wheelies in the street and tagging walls with graffiti .
All the while , not a single police cruiser rolled by , Landy said , even though officers were staged in huge numbers not far away , squaring off with protesters .
Landy ’ s longtime Fairfax neighborhood , it seemed to him , had been completely abandoned to lawlessness .
“ Where are the police ?
They ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a policeman in sight .
It ’ s just like a free-for-all , ” Landy remembered thinking .
“ It was just shocking .
I was outraged.
” He wasn ’ t alone .
From the Grove shopping mall and Santa Monica ’ s business district to downtown Long Beach , television beamed live images all weekend of looters breaking into stores and stealing merchandise — often without officers in sight .
The mass protests over the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody have proved a vexing challenge for law enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstrations , but in recent days watched them devolve as looters and vandals broke off from the peaceful protesters , stealing and setting fires .
Police have often found themselves outmanned as they tried to control protests while also trying to chase down the looters , some of whom have moved through demonstration areas in cars hitting numerous businesses .
One Los Angeles councilman likened the looting of a computer store on Melrose Avenue to a McDonald ’ s drive-through , which went unchecked and broadcast live for some time .
The L.A. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the city , because it was not sure where protesters and looters would hit .
So when the Fairfax District became the focus of Saturday ’ s activities , it took hours for the LAPD to marshal more resources for the area .
Mayor Eric Garcetti has praised police officers for their restraint , even as he has sought to commiserate with protesters over their anger about Floyd ’ s death .
He told them they had every right to be out in the street protesting , before instituting a curfew Saturday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growing violence in the streets .
Earlier on Saturday , Police Chief Michel Moore got cheers from a crowd after he condemned the actions of Minneapolis Officer Derek Chauvin , who knelt on Floyd ’ s neck for more than eight minutes leading up to his death , and who has been criminally charged in the case .
But later , when violence erupted and fires started to be set , Moore declared gatherings unlawful , ordered people to disperse and began deploying “ strategies that we know are harsh and are strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keep people safe , he said Sunday .
Moore said officers showed tremendous effort in a tough situation , where acts of violence and dangerous situations were cropping up all around them .
“ It wasn ’ t perfect , our actions will never be .
But our commitment to this community is to do our very best and I am proud of what I ’ ve seen , ” he said .
Garcetti said Moore never came to him and said he did not have enough officers .
Still , Garcetti @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the National Guard to provide some much-needed relief for a department that was spread thin .
Both Garcetti and Moore said they were conscious of striking the right tone in part because the LAPD has not done so in the past .
In 2007 , the LAPD took blame for a melee that broke out in MacArthur Park , where TV footage showed officers swinging batons and firing less-than-lethal rounds at immigration rights protesters and journalists , leading to a stack of claims of excessive force .
The LAPD ’ s failure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acquittal of officers in the beating of Rodney King in 1992 continue to haunt the city and its leaders .
Some said Sunday that , with protests continuing to play out across the city even with the National Guard in town , it was premature to judge the department ’ s response to the latest unrest .
“ It ’ s way too early , ” said Lt. Craig Lally , president of the police union that represents LAPD officers .
“ Every situation is different.
” On Sunday , the LAPD found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some protesters saying officers were too aggressive , and some merchants and residents saying they were not aggressive enough .
Protesters have questioned the department ’ s commitment to deescalation and blamed LAPD officers in riot gear for stoking tensions .
They have blasted police for shooting protesters with beanbags and rubber bullets to disperse them , and said clashes between protesters and police skirmish lines were largely the result of police aggression .
Chris Murillo , 36 , of Santa Ana , who said he was shot with a projectile in downtown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the officers had opened fire without reason or warning .
He said the use of force was indicative of a broader trend in law enforcement , of intimidating citizens into compliance without justification .
“ A lot of different emotions right now , ” Murillo said of being shot .
“ I don ’ t want to get arrested , but this is something that ’ s important to me.
” Other longtime residents and business owners , meanwhile , also said the police were in the wrong , but for different reasons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t tough enough with looters on Saturday , sticking to large tactical formations and tracking protesters even as they abandoned other streets to criminals hellbent on filling their cars with stolen goods and torching establishments .
And , some law enforcement officials , current and retired , also criticized the LAPD response , saying it was riddled with flaws — from acquiescing to protesters gathering in huge numbers in a business district like Fairfax , to delaying two moves that would have increased manpower sooner : mobilizing the entire police force into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and calling in the National Guard .
Well into Saturday afternoon , Garcetti dismissed the idea of calling in the National Guard , saying the LAPD had the situation under control and calling on Angelenos and show their “ better angels ” by avoiding mayhem .
He requested the guard enter the city hours later , leading to their arrival in the overnight hours .
LAPD teams led by Moore had pushed a large protest group through Fairfax .
After the protest at Pan Pacific Park began spilling outward , police asked protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said he considered arresting everyone , but there were too many protesters and not enough officers .
So , “ rather than get in a physical fight with everyone , ” he said , he determined the group simply had to be dispersed — and that the direction to push them was north .
To the east , there were more protesters and the police command center , he said .
To the west , there were burning vehicles .
To the north , there were more businesses , including on Melrose Avenue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to go , Moore said .
Charles “ Sid ” Heal , a retired Los Angeles County sheriff ’ s commander , said the LAPD decision to allow protesters access to an area like the Grove and Farmers Market was a miscalculation .
Keeping crowds away from vulnerable areas is a key part of crowd control , he said .
“ That means place sentries where you don ’ t want them to go in advance , ” Heal said .
He also questioned Moore ’ s decision to be on the ground @ @ @ @ @ @ @ individual arrestees himself , instead of being in a command center where he could assess the entire picture of protest and unrest across the city .
Being on the front lines can endear a police leader to his officers , but doesn ’ t make much tactical sense , he said .
“ As a commander , you need situational awareness .
You need to be able to see the entire events to best manage and decide how to respond , ” Heal said .
“ As a leader , you don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weeds.
” Councilman Paul Koretz said he spoke to Rick Caruso , the developer of the Grove and a former police commissioner , “ before it got as bad as it was , ” and Caruso was not happy .
“ I would just say that he did not think well of the City Council and the mayor [ and ] our ability to protect the city and the businesses , ” Koretz said .
“ It is devastating.
” Lally , of the Los Angeles Police Protective League , said commanders often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ situation by being on the ground , as Moore was , and that officers have been doing an exemplary job given what they are facing .
“ These officers are taking rocks and bottles , they ’ re being punched , and yet I think they ’ re very restrained and professional .
They ’ re also getting tired .
They ’ ve been out there for days now , ” he said .
He also said that people judging the LAPD ’ s tactics from the outside looking in should be careful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t have all the facts .
“ Unless you are there and seeing what ’ s on the ground , I don ’ t know how anybody can second-guess anyone , ” he said .
Others say they spent hours observing the response directly , and found it lacking .
Landy , a 59-year-old filmmaker who had been taking video of the mayhem , ended his Saturday night in the emergency room getting a head scan after being attacked by four men who believed he had recorded them looting stores , he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he observed a city that had been left to be destroyed , in ways that were , in his judgment , entirely preventable .
A single store would be looted two , three or four times in a row , before finally being set ablaze , he said .
Landy and other locals personally prevented multiple fires that otherwise would have taken off , he said , including by pulling a burning mannequin out of Urban Outfitters .
Neither police nor fire officials responded .
“ It was just madness .
And you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cop ?
Where is a single cop ?
’ ” Landy said .
“ It was just an absolutely failed strategy .
”

Looters rush away from police after picking through a store in downtown Santa Monica on Sunday.
Aaron Landy watched for hours on Saturday night as people on foot and then in cars moved up and down Melrose Avenue looting stores and setting them on fire, doing wheelies in the street and tagging walls with graffiti.
All the while, not a single police cruiser rolled by, Landy said, even though officers were staged in huge numbers not far away, squaring off with protesters.
Landy’s longtime Fairfax neighborhood, it seemed to him, had been completely abandoned to lawlessness.
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Suspected looters sit handcuffed on Santa Monica Blvd. after being spotted running from a CVS store nearby. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times)
“Where are the police? They’re nowhere. There’s not a policeman in sight. It’s just like a free-for-all,” Landy remembered thinking. “It was just shocking. I was outraged.”
He wasn’t alone. From the Grove shopping mall and Santa Monica’s business district to downtown Long Beach, television beamed live images all weekend of looters breaking into stores and stealing merchandise — often without officers in sight.
The mass protests over the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody have proved a vexing challenge for law enforcement agencies. They have been encouraging peaceful demonstrations, but in recent days watched them devolve as looters and vandals broke off from the peaceful protesters, stealing and setting fires.
Police have often found themselves outmanned as they tried to control protests while also trying to chase down the looters, some of whom have moved through demonstration areas in cars hitting numerous businesses. One Los Angeles councilman likened the looting of a computer store on Melrose Avenue to a McDonald’s drive-through, which went unchecked and broadcast live for some time.
The L.A. Police Department had to have officers deployed around the city, because it was not sure where protesters and looters would hit. So when the Fairfax District became the focus of Saturday’s activities, it took hours for the LAPD to marshal more resources for the area.
Mayor Eric Garcetti has praised police officers for their restraint, even as he has sought to commiserate with protesters over their anger about Floyd’s death. He told them they had every right to be out in the street protesting, before instituting a curfew Saturday night to stem what he said was growing violence in the streets.
Earlier on Saturday, Police Chief Michel Moore got cheers from a crowd after he condemned the actions of Minneapolis Officer Derek Chauvin, who knelt on Floyd’s neck for more than eight minutes leading up to his death, and who has been criminally charged in the case. But later, when violence erupted and fires started to be set, Moore declared gatherings unlawful, ordered people to disperse and began deploying “strategies that we know are harsh and are strong but that we know are necessary” to keep people safe, he said Sunday.
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1 / 81 Protesters stand on top of a burned LAPD cruiser. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 2 / 81 Protesters stand on top of a bus stop at the Los Angeles Civic Center to demonstrate for justice Wednesday night. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 3 / 81 Protestors turn on their cell phone flashlights at Los Angeles City Hall at 9 pm on Wednesday as part of a silent protest against the death of George Floyd. (Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times) 4 / 81 A protester confronts National Guardsmen as thousands of protesters march down Spring Street in Los Angeles to demonstrate for justice in the George Floyd murder by cop case Wednesday. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 5 / 81 Protesters dance on Spring Street in downtown Los Angeles Wednesday night. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 6 / 81 Thousands of protesters march down Spring Street in Los Angeles Wednesday night to demonstrate for justice in the killing of George Floyd. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times) 7 / 81 LAPD Cmdr. Gerald Woodyard takes a knee with protesters and L.A. clergy during a march in downtown Los Angeles on Tuesday. (Kent Nishimura/Los Angeles Times) 8 / 81 Khalil Mitchell speaks to protesters kneeling near a police line, preaching calm and working to preserve a peaceful protest on Monday. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 9 / 81 In Hollywood, hundreds of protesters march Monday against police brutality. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 10 / 81 AJ Lovelace, a director and writer, and others keep potential looters from entering a dry cleaning store as they attempt to march peacefully. “We need peace and we need someone to talk to each other,” he said after the looters fled the scene. (Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times) 11 / 81 Demonstrators in Riverside retreat as county sheriff’s deputies fire nonlethal rounds on Monday after law enforcement announced an unlawful assembly. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 12 / 81 Protesters in Riverside. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 13 / 81 An arrest in Hollywood during a protest Monday. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 14 / 81 A demonstrator, injured while trying to flee the firing of nonlethal rounds, lies on the ground in Riverside. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 15 / 81 An LAPD officer arrests a looting suspect in an alley behind a Hollywood Boulevard store. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 16 / 81 Riverside County deputies advance on demonstrators on Monday. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 17 / 81 Fireworks thrown by a protester explode at the feet of Riverside police. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 18 / 81 Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco takes a knee with demonstrators. (Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times) 19 / 81 A watch and jewelry store is looted in Van Nuys on Monday. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 20 / 81 A looting arrest in Van Nuys. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 21 / 81 AJ Lovelace, director and writer, tries to stop looters from breaking into a Walgreens in Hollywood. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 22 / 81 An LAPD officer arrests a suspected looter in an alley behind a Hollywood Boulevard store. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 23 / 81 Police advance on a line of protesters in Hollywood, firing rubber bullets. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 24 / 81 Arrests are made of those out after curfew in Hollywood. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times) 25 / 81 Protesters in Hollywood. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 26 / 81 A store is looted in Hollywood. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 27 / 81 Protesters in Hollywood. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 28 / 81 People out after curfew are arrested Monday at Sunset Boulevard and Gower Street. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 29 / 81 Arrests in Hollywood. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 30 / 81 Protests in Westwood. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 31 / 81 Volunteers help clean up the mess left by looters in Long Beach. (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times) 32 / 81 Protest in Hollywood. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times) 33 / 81 National Guardsmen outside Santa Monica Place. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 34 / 81 Gilbert Haro and sons Richard, 8, and James, 6, help clean up in Santa Monica. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 35 / 81 Protesters face off with police in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 36 / 81 Santa Monica stores were the target of looting on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 37 / 81 Suspected looters in custody in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 38 / 81 L.A. County sheriff’s deputies in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 39 / 81 Sake House employee Jared Settles can’t bear to watch as the restaurant burns in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 40 / 81 An arrest in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 41 / 81 Broken glass from a looted store covers the sidewalk in Santa Monica. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 42 / 81 Cecelia Rosales, who said she was homeless, walks past a line of police officers in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 43 / 81 A man guards a convenience store in Santa Monica. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 44 / 81 Looting erupted Sunday in Long Beach. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times) 45 / 81 Police and protesters face off in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 46 / 81 A police officer inspects the damage to a Santa Monica supermarket. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 47 / 81 A protester is treated after being struck by a rubber bullet. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 48 / 81 Looting in Long Beach on Sunday. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 49 / 81 Looting in Long Beach. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 50 / 81 A suspected looter in Long Beach. (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times) 51 / 81 Smashing windows in Santa Monica. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 52 / 81 An arrest in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 53 / 81 People walk away with surfboards in Santa Monica on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 54 / 81 People rush out of a looted store in Santa Monica. (Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times) 55 / 81 Protesters in downtown Los Angeles on Sunday. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times) 56 / 81 Cheers for protesters in downtown Los Angeles. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times) 57 / 81 City Hall on Sunday. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times) 58 / 81 A shattered storefront on Melrose Avenue on Sunday. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times) 59 / 81 Smashed windows on La Cienega Boulevard. (Christina House / Los Angeles Times) 60 / 81 Downtown L.A. on Sunday. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 61 / 81 People carry merchandise from a looted store. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 62 / 81 A person carries items from a looted store in the Fairfax District on Saturday. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 63 / 81 A couple of protesters embrace on Fairfax Avenue in Los Angeles Saturday. (Wally Skalij/Los Angeles Times) 64 / 81 People protest Saturday at Pan Pacific Park. (Kent Nishimura/Los Angeles Times) 65 / 81 Protesters gather around a fire in the middle of a downtown L.A. street on Friday. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 66 / 81 Police fire percussion rounds to clear protesters from Grand Avenue in in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 67 / 81 A protester remains defiant after being pushed to the ground by police on Grand Avenue in downtown Los Angeles on Friday. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 68 / 81 Protesters are arrested by Los Angeles police in front of City Hall on Saturday. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 69 / 81 Protesters block the 110 Freeway. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 70 / 81 Protesters take to the streets Friday in downtown L.A. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 71 / 81 Protesters are escorted off the northbound 110 Freeway in downtown Los Angeles. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 72 / 81 A protester is escorted off the northbound 110 Freeway in downtown Los Angeles. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 73 / 81 Protesters climb over a barrier during the May 29 protest in downtown L.A. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times) 74 / 81 Protesters block the 110 Freeway northbound and southbound in downtown Los Angeles. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 75 / 81 Police officers assume a defensive stance as a protester approaches them on the 110 Freeway on May 29. (Luis Sinco / Los Angeles Times) 76 / 81 During a May 29 protest, Los Angeles police patrol the 110 after having moved protesters off the freeway. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times) 77 / 81 A protester rides a skateboard on the 110 Freeway. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 78 / 81 Protesters block the 110 Freeway northbound and southbound in downtown Los Angeles. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 79 / 81 A protester confronts LAPD officers on Friday in downtown L.A. (Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times) 80 / 81 A protester lies hurt on the 101 Freeway near downtown Los Angeles on May 27. (Gabriella Angotti-Jones / Los Angeles Times) 81 / 81 An injured man gets up with the help of emergency workers during a protest May 27 in downtown L.A. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)
Moore said officers showed tremendous effort in a tough situation, where acts of violence and dangerous situations were cropping up all around them.
“It wasn’t perfect, our actions will never be. But our commitment to this community is to do our very best and I am proud of what I’ve seen,” he said.
Garcetti said Moore never came to him and said he did not have enough officers. Still, Garcetti said the escalation of events merited asking for the National Guard to provide some much-needed relief for a department that was spread thin.
Both Garcetti and Moore said they were conscious of striking the right tone in part because the LAPD has not done so in the past.
In 2007, the LAPD took blame for a melee that broke out in MacArthur Park, where TV footage showed officers swinging batons and firing less-than-lethal rounds at immigration rights protesters and journalists, leading to a stack of claims of excessive force.
The LAPD’s failure to quickly respond to rioting after the acquittal of officers in the beating of Rodney King in 1992 continue to haunt the city and its leaders.
Some said Sunday that, with protests continuing to play out across the city even with the National Guard in town, it was premature to judge the department’s response to the latest unrest.
“It’s way too early,” said Lt. Craig Lally, president of the police union that represents LAPD officers. “Every situation is different.”
On Sunday, the LAPD found itself caught in the middle, with some protesters saying officers were too aggressive, and some merchants and residents saying they were not aggressive enough.
Protesters have questioned the department’s commitment to deescalation and blamed LAPD officers in riot gear for stoking tensions. They have blasted police for shooting protesters with beanbags and rubber bullets to disperse them, and said clashes between protesters and police skirmish lines were largely the result of police aggression.
Chris Murillo, 36, of Santa Ana, who said he was shot with a projectile in downtown Los Angeles on Saturday evening, said the officers had opened fire without reason or warning. He said the use of force was indicative of a broader trend in law enforcement, of intimidating citizens into compliance without justification.
“A lot of different emotions right now,” Murillo said of being shot. “I don’t want to get arrested, but this is something that’s important to me.”
Other longtime residents and business owners, meanwhile, also said the police were in the wrong, but for different reasons. They said they felt police weren’t tough enough with looters on Saturday, sticking to large tactical formations and tracking protesters even as they abandoned other streets to criminals hellbent on filling their cars with stolen goods and torching establishments.
And, some law enforcement officials, current and retired, also criticized the LAPD response, saying it was riddled with flaws — from acquiescing to protesters gathering in huge numbers in a business district like Fairfax, to delaying two moves that would have increased manpower sooner: mobilizing the entire police force into action by canceling off-days and vacations, and calling in the National Guard.
Well into Saturday afternoon, Garcetti dismissed the idea of calling in the National Guard, saying the LAPD had the situation under control and calling on Angelenos and show their “better angels” by avoiding mayhem. He requested the guard enter the city hours later, leading to their arrival in the overnight hours.
LAPD teams led by Moore had pushed a large protest group through Fairfax. After the protest at Pan Pacific Park began spilling outward, police asked protesters to disperse but were ignored. Moore said he considered arresting everyone, but there were too many protesters and not enough officers.
California L.A., wracked by looting and upheaval, turns yet again to the National Guard The National Guard was deployed in L.A. during periods of unrest in 1965 and 1992, and after the Northridge earthquake in 1994. On Sunday, Humvees rolled through downtown after Mayor Eric Garcetti requested 1,000 troops.
So, “rather than get in a physical fight with everyone,” he said, he determined the group simply had to be dispersed — and that the direction to push them was north. To the east, there were more protesters and the police command center, he said. To the west, there were burning vehicles.
To the north, there were more businesses, including on Melrose Avenue. But it was the only way to go, Moore said.
A workers cleans up at a BevMo on La Cienega Boulevard. (Christina House/Los Angeles Times)
Charles “Sid” Heal, a retired Los Angeles County sheriff’s commander, said the LAPD decision to allow protesters access to an area like the Grove and Farmers Market was a miscalculation. Keeping crowds away from vulnerable areas is a key part of crowd control, he said.
“That means place sentries where you don’t want them to go in advance,” Heal said.
He also questioned Moore’s decision to be on the ground in one specific neighborhood, interacting with individual arrestees himself, instead of being in a command center where he could assess the entire picture of protest and unrest across the city.
Being on the front lines can endear a police leader to his officers, but doesn’t make much tactical sense, he said.
“As a commander, you need situational awareness. You need to be able to see the entire events to best manage and decide how to respond,” Heal said. “As a leader, you don’t want to get down in the weeds.”
Councilman Paul Koretz said he spoke to Rick Caruso, the developer of the Grove and a former police commissioner, “before it got as bad as it was,” and Caruso was not happy.
“I would just say that he did not think well of the City Council and the mayor [and] our ability to protect the city and the businesses,” Koretz said. “It is devastating.”
Caruso declined to comment.
Lally, of the Los Angeles Police Protective League, said commanders often can get a better sense of a situation by being on the ground, as Moore was, and that officers have been doing an exemplary job given what they are facing.
“These officers are taking rocks and bottles, they’re being punched, and yet I think they’re very restrained and professional. They’re also getting tired. They’ve been out there for days now,” he said.
He also said that people judging the LAPD’s tactics from the outside looking in should be careful with their words given they don’t have all the facts.
“Unless you are there and seeing what’s on the ground, I don’t know how anybody can second-guess anyone,” he said.
Others say they spent hours observing the response directly, and found it lacking.
Landy, a 59-year-old filmmaker who had been taking video of the mayhem, ended his Saturday night in the emergency room getting a head scan after being attacked by four men who believed he had recorded them looting stores, he said.
Throughout the night, he said he observed a city that had been left to be destroyed, in ways that were, in his judgment, entirely preventable. A single store would be looted two, three or four times in a row, before finally being set ablaze, he said.
Landy and other locals personally prevented multiple fires that otherwise would have taken off, he said, including by pulling a burning mannequin out of Urban Outfitters. Neither police nor fire officials responded.
“It was just madness. And you were like, ‘Where is a cop? Where is a single cop?’” Landy said. “It was just an absolutely failed strategy.”
Times staff writer David Zahniser contributed to this report.


latimes--2020-06-01--Officials fear protests are 'super-spreader' events for coronavirus. Marchers say worth the risk

For months , Hasani Sinclair said he has been painstakingly cautious about avoiding the threat of the coronavirus .
He wears a mask .
He follows health guidelines .
He has repeatedly gotten tested , even without knowing of any direct exposure .
But the drumbeat of black deaths in the news propelled him to the Fairfax district on Saturday , joining the crowds that protested police brutality and bore signs with the names that rang in his brain : George Floyd .
Breonna Taylor .
Ahmaud Arbery .
“ I can not in good conscience let this moment pass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a 38-year-old high school history teacher .
For black men like him , police brutality “ has been a silent cause of death for years and years and years.
” The collision of long-standing anger over such killings and the newer threat of the COVID-19 pandemic have become a joint crisis in Los Angeles and across the country .
The coronavirus has been especially devastating to black communities , with black people making up a disproportionate share of COVID-19 deaths .
Now people outraged by deaths at the hands of police have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weigh the risks of protesting during the pandemic .
For Aura Vasquez , an Afro Latina community organizer who recently ran for City Council , it was both energizing and unnerving to see the crowds in the Fairfax district .
At one point , Vasquez said she saw a black police officer giving fist bumps to protesters .
There was “ a certain energy of solidarity that was beautiful , ” said Vasquez , who has been spending time alone in her Mid-City home .
“ But I was also like , ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Mayor Eric Garcetti said over the weekend that he was worried that the demonstrations could become “ super-spreader events.
” “ It is not a reason to not protest — we want to find peaceful ways for people to do that , ” Garcetti said .
But he cautioned that L.A. needed to make sure “ that we don ’ t have backward progress with COVID-19 in the midst of our outrage.
” The California Department of Public Health released guidelines last week for how to protest safely during the pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ distance between protesters may not be enough to prevent COVID-19 transmission when people are chanting , shouting and singing , so people should wear a mask at all times , no matter how far away they are .
The agency said that if an area has a maximum capacity , attendance should be limited to 25 % of capacity .
UC San Francisco epidemiologist Dr. George Rutherford described the protests as a kind of uncontrolled experiment , one that will test what happens when people are wearing masks in an outdoor setting , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ If you have breakdowns in social distancing and don ’ t have masks on , then you ’ re deeply in trouble , ” he said .
Many protesters wore masks and some took added steps to limit transmission : Ellie McElvain , a 28-year-old comedy writer living in Echo Park , said she was worried about spreading the virus because she had recently flown to Wisconsin to grieve her grandfather .
So McElvain rolled along with the marchers from her car , holding a sign from her window and handing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ It would be better if we didn ’ t have to fight for black lives in the middle of a global pandemic , ” said McElvain , who is white .
“ But this is what we ’ re left with.
” Despite such efforts , the risks were evident .
Some police officers were not wearing masks .
At times , people embraced in the crowd .
Ashley Wilkerson , an actress , poet and wellness practitioner who lives in South Los Angeles , described an emotional moment after locking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him to hold other officers accountable , when she ended up hugging a black man in the crowd as they both cried , without their masks .
Wilkerson said he told her , “ You ’ re not alone.
” “ When there ’ s enough love , there ’ s no room for fear , ” said Wilkerson , who founded the Brother Breathe initiative that provides mindfulness workshops designed for black boys and men .
After she left , she said , she used hand sanitizer in the car and changed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she got home .
“ COVID has affected us for what — two , three months ?
” said Wilkerson , who is black .
“ We ’ re talking centuries upon centuries of oppression — of devaluing black lives.
” Kimberly Ndombe , a 31-year-old television writer living in Echo Park , said she wrestled with whether to protest and had initially planned to stay on the sidelines handing out water .
But when she arrived Saturday , Ndombe was reassured to see almost everyone wearing masks and some space between demonstrators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so long , “ I ’ d been sitting in my house with my head spinning , thinking about this , ” Ndombe said , referring to the killings of Floyd , Taylor and Arbery .
“ I don ’ t think I was the only person debating , ‘ Is this safe ?
’ But this is bigger than us.
” Claire Garrido-Ortega , an epidemiology lecturer at Cal State Long Beach , said she felt torn about the demonstrations due to the ongoing risk of COVID-19 .
It is communities of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the streets protesting police brutality , that already have higher rates of death from COVID-19 .
“ From a human perspective , as a person , we need this .
Period , ” she said .
“ From a public health perspective , I ’ m worried.
” Garrido-Ortega said that although many protesters appear to be wearing masks , they are also joining arms and yelling .
Arrests also lead to close contact between police and demonstrators and can result in time in jail , where the virus can spread in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people who are sprayed with tear gas may take off their masks and shout , adding to virus transmission .
“ Hand sanitizer ?
That ’ s the last thing they ’ re thinking about , ” Garrido-Ortega said .
Sinclair was planning to get tested again as soon as possible and was unnerved to hear Saturday afternoon that COVID-19 testing sites had been shut down across L.A. Garcetti said that some of the centers , which are routinely closed on Sundays , would remain closed Monday because volunteer staffers did not feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ biggest testing site at Dodger Stadium would be open , along with a walk-up site in South Los Angeles .
The unrest also arrives on a backdrop of economic strain tied to the pandemic , both for demonstrators and for businesses in their path .
After looting and fires broke out , the mayor lamented that businesses that were hoping to reopen were now “ closed , damaged and looted.
” Along Melrose Avenue , where people were sweeping up shattered glass from the sidewalks Sunday , the pandemic remained evident .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Antonio ’ s , several signs proclaimed “ Black Lives Matter , ” while another stated , “ Caution Maintain Social Distancing .
”

For months, Hasani Sinclair said he has been painstakingly cautious about avoiding the threat of the coronavirus. He wears a mask. He follows health guidelines. He has repeatedly gotten tested, even without knowing of any direct exposure.
But the drumbeat of black deaths in the news propelled him to the Fairfax district on Saturday, joining the crowds that protested police brutality and bore signs with the names that rang in his brain: George Floyd. Breonna Taylor. Ahmaud Arbery.
“I cannot in good conscience let this moment pass me by,” said Sinclair, a 38-year-old high school history teacher. For black men like him, police brutality “has been a silent cause of death for years and years and years.”
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× L.A. Times columnist LZ Granderson speaks with protesters in downtown Los Angeles and finds goodwill and solidarity.
The collision of long-standing anger over such killings and the newer threat of the COVID-19 pandemic have become a joint crisis in Los Angeles and across the country. The coronavirus has been especially devastating to black communities, with black people making up a disproportionate share of COVID-19 deaths.
Now people outraged by deaths at the hands of police have been faced with a dilemma: How to weigh the risks of protesting during the pandemic.
For Aura Vasquez, an Afro Latina community organizer who recently ran for City Council, it was both energizing and unnerving to see the crowds in the Fairfax district.
At one point, Vasquez said she saw a black police officer giving fist bumps to protesters. There was “a certain energy of solidarity that was beautiful,” said Vasquez, who has been spending time alone in her Mid-City home. “But I was also like, ‘Don’t touch me!’”
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Mayor Eric Garcetti said over the weekend that he was worried that the demonstrations could become “super-spreader events.”
“It is not a reason to not protest — we want to find peaceful ways for people to do that,” Garcetti said. But he cautioned that L.A. needed to make sure “that we don’t have backward progress with COVID-19 in the midst of our outrage.”
The California Department of Public Health released guidelines last week for how to protest safely during the pandemic.
It warned that even six feet of distance between protesters may not be enough to prevent COVID-19 transmission when people are chanting, shouting and singing, so people should wear a mask at all times, no matter how far away they are. The agency said that if an area has a maximum capacity, attendance should be limited to 25% of capacity.
UC San Francisco epidemiologist Dr. George Rutherford described the protests as a kind of uncontrolled experiment, one that will test what happens when people are wearing masks in an outdoor setting, but yelling and not maintaining their distance.
“If you have breakdowns in social distancing and don’t have masks on, then you’re deeply in trouble,” he said.
Many protesters wore masks and some took added steps to limit transmission: Ellie McElvain, a 28-year-old comedy writer living in Echo Park, said she was worried about spreading the virus because she had recently flown to Wisconsin to grieve her grandfather.
So McElvain rolled along with the marchers from her car, holding a sign from her window and handing out water, snacks and hand sanitizer.
“It would be better if we didn’t have to fight for black lives in the middle of a global pandemic,” said McElvain, who is white. “But this is what we’re left with.”
Despite such efforts, the risks were evident. Some police officers were not wearing masks. At times, people embraced in the crowd.
Ashley Wilkerson, an actress, poet and wellness practitioner who lives in South Los Angeles, described an emotional moment after locking eyes with a police officer and urging him to hold other officers accountable, when she ended up hugging a black man in the crowd as they both cried, without their masks. Wilkerson said he told her, “You’re not alone.”
“When there’s enough love, there’s no room for fear,” said Wilkerson, who founded the Brother Breathe initiative that provides mindfulness workshops designed for black boys and men. After she left, she said, she used hand sanitizer in the car and changed her clothes and took vitamin C when she got home.
“COVID has affected us for what — two, three months?” said Wilkerson, who is black. “We’re talking centuries upon centuries of oppression — of devaluing black lives.”
Kimberly Ndombe, a 31-year-old television writer living in Echo Park, said she wrestled with whether to protest and had initially planned to stay on the sidelines handing out water. But when she arrived Saturday, Ndombe was reassured to see almost everyone wearing masks and some space between demonstrators. She joined the march.
For so long, “I’d been sitting in my house with my head spinning, thinking about this,” Ndombe said, referring to the killings of Floyd, Taylor and Arbery. “I don’t think I was the only person debating, ‘Is this safe?’ But this is bigger than us.”
Claire Garrido-Ortega, an epidemiology lecturer at Cal State Long Beach, said she felt torn about the demonstrations due to the ongoing risk of COVID-19. It is communities of color, many of the same people in the streets protesting police brutality, that already have higher rates of death from COVID-19.
“From a human perspective, as a person, we need this. Period,” she said. “From a public health perspective, I’m worried.”
Garrido-Ortega said that although many protesters appear to be wearing masks, they are also joining arms and yelling. Arrests also lead to close contact between police and demonstrators and can result in time in jail, where the virus can spread in close quarters, she said.
And people who are sprayed with tear gas may take off their masks and shout, adding to virus transmission. “Hand sanitizer? That’s the last thing they’re thinking about,” Garrido-Ortega said.
Sinclair was planning to get tested again as soon as possible and was unnerved to hear Saturday afternoon that COVID-19 testing sites had been shut down across L.A.
Garcetti said that some of the centers, which are routinely closed on Sundays, would remain closed Monday because volunteer staffers did not feel safe returning. He said that the biggest testing site at Dodger Stadium would be open, along with a walk-up site in South Los Angeles.
The unrest also arrives on a backdrop of economic strain tied to the pandemic, both for demonstrators and for businesses in their path. After looting and fires broke out, the mayor lamented that businesses that were hoping to reopen were now “closed, damaged and looted.”
Along Melrose Avenue, where people were sweeping up shattered glass from the sidewalks Sunday, the pandemic remained evident.
In the window of a Mexican restaurant called Antonio’s, several signs proclaimed “Black Lives Matter,” while another stated, “Caution Maintain Social Distancing.”
Times staff writer Brittny Mejia contributed to this report.