latimes--2020-06-23--Column: Hearing more pre-Fourth fireworks than usual? You're not imagining it

The explosions begin before dark and extend deep into the night .
It sounds like Los Angeles is at war .
There ’ s a long tradition of trying to get a jump on the Fourth of July in Southern California , but the nightly explosions of illegal fireworks seem to have arrived earlier and more intensely than usual this year .
I ’ ve been hearing what sound like battlefield skirmishes since Memorial Day , if not longer .
But for the last week or so , it feels as if the whole city is in basic training .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for three hours , nonstop .
Explosions like we are in the path of a bombing raid , ” said one social media post this past weekend in Silver Lake .
“ My dog hasn ’ t slept in a week , ” said another post .
A petition circulating in the neighborhood calls on the police to enforce laws against illegal fireworks and put a stop to the nightly thunder , and it had more than 900 signatures this weekend .
“ In the Silverlake/Los Feliz/Echo Park neighborhoods of Los Angeles , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and our veterans and animals suffer for months on end because of it , ” said the petition .
Eastsider LA reported massive increases in complaints about fireworks this year .
But it ’ s not just that part of town that ’ s affected , nor is it just Los Angeles .
New York City got 80 times the number of illegal fireworks complaints in the first half of June as it received for the same period a year ago .
“ I think it ’ s a lot of people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off steam , ” one resident told the New York Times .
“ But it ’ s just adding a whole other layer of anxiety.
” Theories abound as to why this year is different .
It could be coronavirus lockdown restlessness .
It could be that cancelled official fireworks shows have motivated do-it-yourselfers and flooded the market with pyrotechnic material .
It could be that in California , where anything but low-grade safe and sane fireworks are illegal , people with jobs on hold have time to drive to other states or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they may be purchasing materials online and constructing their own incendiary devices .
In California , busts have been made up and down the state , with Irwindale police confiscating 2,000 pounds of illegal fireworks last week .
But this is definitely a game of whack-a-mole , and the moles are winning .
My son lives in Santa Monica , and he said the blasts have been going off nightly there for about a month .
Karen Blackfield says the explosions have rocked her West Los Angeles neighborhood for even longer , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just in the evening .
“ Yesterday it was all day long , ” Blackfield told me on Monday .
But she said she ’ s getting cheated out of the light show .
Day and night , she hears the blasts but doesn ’ t see any sis-boom-bah .
It sounds like single bombs being detonated one at a time .
Those could be what ’ s known as M80s , or some derivation of that device , said Bryan Gouge , senior arson and bomb investigator for the state Fire Marshal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , named for military devices that were used to train soldiers for battle , usually consist of cardboard tubes two or three inches long , filled with explosive powder that ’ s lit by a fuse .
Whether those noisemakers are smuggled into California or made here , it ’ s not easy to stop the flow .
“ It ’ s like the war on drugs but without funding , ” Gouge said .
“ We do a lot of interdiction , and Cal Fire had large busts last year .
Almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ s just a lot out there.
” LAPD spokesman Josh Rubenstein said he didn ’ t have the latest stats , but complaints about fireworks are up , and he said he ’ s been hearing the explosive evidence himself in his Studio City neighborhood .
It ’ s hard to investigate such complaints , he said , because by the time police can respond , the show is over , and the responsible party isn ’ t easy to find .
Rather than tie up 911 lines , police encourage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ form .
And Rubinstein said senior lead officers will be told to be more responsive to the issue and that special units are gearing up to investigate cases as Independence Day approaches .
But that could be a touchy subject .
When the petition to end fireworks circulated on social media in Silver Lake — an epicenter of white gentrification — one responder suggested that would lead to more encounters “ between police and our neighbors.
” Another respondent said , “ most of the folks with the fireworks have probably been here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people “ not call the cops on folks who are otherwise good people.
” Resident Christina Vovas , who circulated the petition asking for police action , told me she doesn ’ t assume she knows who ’ s detonating all the explosives .
She just wants some peace and quiet .
The blasts began before Memorial Day and have escalated ever since , she told me , and at times she ’ s not sure whether she ’ s hearing fireworks , gunshots or bombs .
“ It ’ s so loud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Vovas .
“ It ’ s relentless .
Yesterday was Sunday , and they were starting to go off at 5:30 or 6 p.m. ” She said she didn ’ t know whether the petition would help , but she didn ’ t know what else to try .
Ear plugs might be the best bet .
July 4 is still a ways off .

Every year, police confiscate illegal fireworks like these, but they continue.
The explosions begin before dark and extend deep into the night.
Dogs howl. Windows rattle.
It sounds like Los Angeles is at war.
There’s a long tradition of trying to get a jump on the Fourth of July in Southern California, but the nightly explosions of illegal fireworks seem to have arrived earlier and more intensely than usual this year.
I’ve been hearing what sound like battlefield skirmishes since Memorial Day, if not longer. But for the last week or so, it feels as if the whole city is in basic training.
“It’s been going on for three hours, nonstop. Explosions like we are in the path of a bombing raid,” said one social media post this past weekend in Silver Lake.
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“My dog hasn’t slept in a week,” said another post.
A petition circulating in the neighborhood calls on the police to enforce laws against illegal fireworks and put a stop to the nightly thunder, and it had more than 900 signatures this weekend.
“In the Silverlake/Los Feliz/Echo Park neighborhoods of Los Angeles, illegal fireworks are constantly going off, and our veterans and animals suffer for months on end because of it,” said the petition.
Eastsider LA reported massive increases in complaints about fireworks this year. But it’s not just that part of town that’s affected, nor is it just Los Angeles.
New York City got 80 times the number of illegal fireworks complaints in the first half of June as it received for the same period a year ago.
“I think it’s a lot of people who have been pent-up and need to blow off steam,” one resident told the New York Times. “But it’s just adding a whole other layer of anxiety.”
Theories abound as to why this year is different. It could be coronavirus lockdown restlessness. It could be that cancelled official fireworks shows have motivated do-it-yourselfers and flooded the market with pyrotechnic material.
Advertisement
It could be that in California, where anything but low-grade safe and sane fireworks are illegal, people with jobs on hold have time to drive to other states or Mexico and smuggle back explosives. Or they may be purchasing materials online and constructing their own incendiary devices.
In California, busts have been made up and down the state, with Irwindale police confiscating 2,000 pounds of illegal fireworks last week. But this is definitely a game of whack-a-mole, and the moles are winning.
My son lives in Santa Monica, and he said the blasts have been going off nightly there for about a month.
Karen Blackfield says the explosions have rocked her West Los Angeles neighborhood for even longer, and they happen around the clock, not just in the evening.
“Yesterday it was all day long,” Blackfield told me on Monday.
But she said she’s getting cheated out of the light show. Day and night, she hears the blasts but doesn’t see any sis-boom-bah. It sounds like single bombs being detonated one at a time.
Those could be what’s known as M80s, or some derivation of that device, said Bryan Gouge, senior arson and bomb investigator for the state Fire Marshal’s office.
These little bombs, named for military devices that were used to train soldiers for battle, usually consist of cardboard tubes two or three inches long, filled with explosive powder that’s lit by a fuse.
Whether those noisemakers are smuggled into California or made here, it’s not easy to stop the flow.
“It’s like the war on drugs but without funding,” Gouge said. “We do a lot of interdiction, and Cal Fire had large busts last year. Almost 30,000 pounds were taken in. But there’s just a lot out there.”
LAPD spokesman Josh Rubenstein said he didn’t have the latest stats, but complaints about fireworks are up, and he said he’s been hearing the explosive evidence himself in his Studio City neighborhood.
It’s hard to investigate such complaints, he said, because by the time police can respond, the show is over, and the responsible party isn’t easy to find. Rather than tie up 911 lines, police encourage people to use an online fireworks complaint form. And Rubinstein said senior lead officers will be told to be more responsive to the issue and that special units are gearing up to investigate cases as Independence Day approaches.
But that could be a touchy subject.
When the petition to end fireworks circulated on social media in Silver Lake — an epicenter of white gentrification — one responder suggested that would lead to more encounters “between police and our neighbors.”
Another respondent said, “most of the folks with the fireworks have probably been here longer than you” and suggested that people “not call the cops on folks who are otherwise good people.”
Resident Christina Vovas, who circulated the petition asking for police action, told me she doesn’t assume she knows who’s detonating all the explosives. She just wants some peace and quiet.
The blasts began before Memorial Day and have escalated ever since, she told me, and at times she’s not sure whether she’s hearing fireworks, gunshots or bombs.
“It’s so loud, it really does sound like bombs,” said Vovas. “It’s relentless. Yesterday was Sunday, and they were starting to go off at 5:30 or 6 p.m.”
She said she didn’t know whether the petition would help, but she didn’t know what else to try.
Ear plugs might be the best bet. July 4 is still a ways off.
Steve.lopez@latimes.com


latimes--2020-06-23--LAPD officers call in absent for nearly 700 transit-policing shifts in one week

Dozens of policing shifts on Los Angeles County ’ s transit system went unfilled last week after Los Angeles Police Department officers called in absent nearly 700 times , the Metropolitan Transportation Authority said .
The absences , for overtime shifts with premium pay , came after Chief Michel Moore temporarily froze overtime for the LAPD .
The department spent $ 40 million in overtime during a week of protests over police brutality , systemic racism and the death of George Floyd , Moore told officers earlier this month .
He said future overtime would be paid out with time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LAPD ’ s $ 369-million , five-year contract to patrol Metro buses and trains in L.A. includes an agreement to staff 1,008 shifts per week , said LAPD spokesman Josh Rubenstein .
Those shifts are filled by officers working overtime , he said .
From June 12 to June 19 , LAPD officers called in absent for 696 transit policing shifts , Metro spokesman Rick Jager said .
Most were filled through substitutes , but 171 went unfilled , he said .
The Los Angeles County Sheriff ’ s Department and the Long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rest of the transit system , did not have scheduling problems last week , officials said .
Some LAPD officers canceled their shifts after they learned they would be paid with time off , not with cash , said Dustin DeRollo , a spokesman for the Los Angeles Police Protective League , the union that represents rank-and-file officers .
Other officers were sick , or were tired after working consecutive 12-hour days during the demonstrations , said Ron Dickerson , Metro ’ s deputy executive officer for system security and law enforcement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of rebellion ... no ‘ blue flu , ’ that type of thing.
” Officers do not have to explain why they are canceling their scheduled shifts , and they could have called in for “ a hundred different reasons , ” Rubenstein said .
Once Metro pays LAPD , officers will have the option of converting their time off into cash , Rubenstein said .
“ Based on past history , you ’ ll get paid up to six months later , ” DeRollo said .
“ Frankly , there ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with how officers feel because of how quickly the about-face happened.
” Metro ’ s policing contract does not include any penalties for not meeting the required staffing levels , Rubenstein said .
If the absences continue , he said , Metro officials could demand in writing that LAPD fix the issue .
When Metro overhauled its policing system three years ago , the LAPD ’ s bid for the lucrative contract relied heavily on overtime .
Providing overtime shifts would be more enticing to officers , and would be cheaper for Metro @ @ @ @ @ @ @ salaries and benefits , officials said .
Critics questioned the plan at the time , saying a reliance on overtime could create a police force that didn ’ t really know the system .
The new policing plan — which shares duties among the Sheriff ’ s Department , LAPD and Long Beach police — almost doubled the number of uniformed officers on the system .
The approach has recently come under fire from advocates who want Metro to scale back police spending and spend more on homeless outreach workers , better transit @ @ @ @ @

The Metro system saw 171 policing shifts unfilled last week after Los Angeles Police Department officers called in absent nearly 700 times, the agency said.
Dozens of policing shifts on Los Angeles County’s transit system went unfilled last week after Los Angeles Police Department officers called in absent nearly 700 times, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority said.
The absences, for overtime shifts with premium pay, came after Chief Michel Moore temporarily froze overtime for the LAPD.
The department spent $40 million in overtime during a week of protests over police brutality, systemic racism and the death of George Floyd, Moore told officers earlier this month. He said future overtime would be paid out with time off, rather than cash.
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The LAPD’s $369-million, five-year contract to patrol Metro buses and trains in L.A. includes an agreement to staff 1,008 shifts per week, said LAPD spokesman Josh Rubenstein. Those shifts are filled by officers working overtime, he said.
From June 12 to June 19, LAPD officers called in absent for 696 transit policing shifts, Metro spokesman Rick Jager said. Most were filled through substitutes, but 171 went unfilled, he said.
California Calls to defund the police spread to L.A.’s transit system It costs nearly $650 million over five years to police L.A. County’s transit system. Activists and community groups argue the money could be better spent on free fares and improved services.
The Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department and the Long Beach Police Department, which patrol the rest of the transit system, did not have scheduling problems last week, officials said.
Some LAPD officers canceled their shifts after they learned they would be paid with time off, not with cash, said Dustin DeRollo, a spokesman for the Los Angeles Police Protective League, the union that represents rank-and-file officers.
“It was a huge shock,” DeRollo said.
Other officers were sick, or were tired after working consecutive 12-hour days during the demonstrations, said Ron Dickerson, Metro’s deputy executive officer for system security and law enforcement. He said he there was “no kind of rebellion ... no ‘blue flu,’ that type of thing.”
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Officers do not have to explain why they are canceling their scheduled shifts, and they could have called in for “a hundred different reasons,” Rubenstein said.
Once Metro pays LAPD, officers will have the option of converting their time off into cash, Rubenstein said.
“Based on past history, you’ll get paid up to six months later,” DeRollo said. “Frankly, there’s a trust issue right now, with how officers feel because of how quickly the about-face happened.”
Metro’s policing contract does not include any penalties for not meeting the required staffing levels, Rubenstein said. If the absences continue, he said, Metro officials could demand in writing that LAPD fix the issue.
When Metro overhauled its policing system three years ago, the LAPD’s bid for the lucrative contract relied heavily on overtime. Providing overtime shifts would be more enticing to officers, and would be cheaper for Metro than paying the full cost of their salaries and benefits, officials said.
Critics questioned the plan at the time, saying a reliance on overtime could create a police force that didn’t really know the system.
The new policing plan — which shares duties among the Sheriff’s Department, LAPD and Long Beach police — almost doubled the number of uniformed officers on the system.
The approach has recently come under fire from advocates who want Metro to scale back police spending and spend more on homeless outreach workers, better transit service and free fares.


latimes--2020-06-23--L.A.'s 'social equity' program for cannabis licenses under scrutiny

A Los Angeles city program crafted to ensure that cannabis sales licenses go to people from communities most harmed by the war on drugs has been hailed as a kind of reckoning with historic injustice .
It was designed with a lofty goal : Ensure that people affected by the government ’ s crackdown on the illicit drug trade become business owners in this emerging industry .
But the city ’ s “ social equity program ” is under renewed scrutiny over whether the initiative is fulfilling its promise .
The latest controversy centers around 4thMVMT , a company founded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black entrepreneurs to obtain cannabis licenses .
The company positioned itself as one of the program ’ s biggest winners by partnering with at least 13 of the applicants scheduled to receive temporary approval this week to start operating after meeting certain conditions .
An attorney who reviewed one of 4thMVMT ’ s partnership contracts has raised alarms over what she says are “ predatory ” business practices baked into the agreements .
Meanwhile , competitors of 4thMVMT have seized on the contract language to attack the company .
The contract allows a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ social equity ” partners if they refuse a “ lawful direction/instruction ” from the company , according to a copy of the contract reviewed by The Times .
The buyout price is set at $ 200,000 , an amount experts on the state ’ s cannabis trade say is far less than the likely market value of a licensed pot shop in Los Angeles .
“ The intent of the social equity program is to create ownership for the applicant , ” said Yvette McDowell , an attorney representing a person who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That sounds like an employer-employee relationship.
” McDowell also faulted city officials for failing to thoroughly vet contracts to make sure social equity partners would be in control of their businesses and receive the majority of the profits .
In an interview with The Times , 4thMVMT CEO Karim Webb said he planned to amend the contract language but bristled at any suggestion that the company would take advantage of a social equity partner .
“ 4thMVMT is not ... doing anything that ’ s predatory or that is not in the interest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ level , ” Webb said .
“ We are going to address displacement with these folks and build generational wealth.
” He said the contract ’ s buyout language was meant to protect the millions of dollars in investments he and others have made to launch the businesses , train applicants and rent real estate .
The social equity applicants haven ’ t contributed money , he said , and the clause was necessary in order to attract other investors .
“ That provision in our contract , more so than anything else @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Webb said .
“ And to behave properly .
You ’ ve got a million and a half dollars into a property and somebody gets a dividend check and goes to [ Cabo San Lucas ] and doesn ’ t come back , you want to at least disincentivize that kind of behavior.
” James Bryant , general counsel for 4thMVMT , described the language as “ harsh ” and said it was drafted by another lawyer .
He said 4thMVMT wouldn ’ t exercise a forced sale over petty business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ action of last resort , ” Bryant wrote in an email to The Times .
Bryant said the contracts are being amended so that 4thMVMT would have to pay “ fair market value ” to buy out a partner .
It ’ s unclear if other applicants have similar language in their business contracts .
The city ’ s department of cannabis regulation recently proposed new rules for the program , including changes intended to prevent “ predatory ” behavior from investors who partner with social equity applicants .
The changes include barring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equity applicant to transfer his or her ownership .
Bryant said 4thMVMT would make sure its contracts comply with any changes in the city ’ s rules .
A department of cannabis regulation spokeswoman declined to comment on specific applications but said her agency conducted an initial review of applicant contracts and would conduct additional reviews as part of the licensing process .
Criticism over the social equity partner contracts is the latest controversy for the city ’ s embattled cannabis licensing program , which has been beset by delays and complaints of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ launched a first-come , first-served online application process to decide who to give 100 licenses to operate new pot shops .
Hundreds of businesses flooded the application portal within minutes .
Concerns that some accessed the portal before the official start time provoked an outcry .
Other entrepreneurs complained that applicants with slower internet speeds were put at a distinct disadvantage .
An audit commissioned by the city found that some businesses had been able to log onto the application portal shortly before the start time but concluded that no one gained an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group of applicants sued the city , alleging that the process was “ flawed ” and unfairly implemented .
Some critics also have focused on Webb , pointing to his City Hall ties and questioning how he and his partners were able to secure more spots among the first 100 applicants than anyone else .
4thMVMT has signed the partnership contracts with 32 social equity applicants , including 13 among the top 100 that could receive temporary approval .
Webb was appointed last year to the city ’ s airport commission .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fourth Movement ” and named for a famous reference to African American economic equality — employed a son of Councilman Herb Wesson .
Webb has said the connections with City Hall didn ’ t give his applicants any advantage in the cannabis program .
The city ’ s social equity program considers various factors in deciding who qualifies as a partner , including income , past cannabis convictions and long-term residency of an area that was disproportionately targeted by enforcement of drug laws .
Several of 4thMVMT ’ s social equity partners have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opportunity they could have only dreamed of to build their own businesses .
The partnership contracts give them an 81 % stake in their cannabis businesses .
But some of 4thMVMT ’ s competitors are criticizing the terms of his partnership contracts .
Donnie Anderson , a founder of the California Minority Alliance , said the contract ’ s buyout provision shows that Webb was “ doing to the community what ’ s been done to them forever .
I ’ ve got a problem with that.
” Anderson ’ s group worked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ None made it to the first 100 .
McDowell , the attorney for one of Webb ’ s social equity partners , said Webb also has refused to share other documents with her and her client , including a management agreement with another business entity .
The partnership contracts say the firm will have the authority to run the day-to-day operations of the pot shops .
Webb declined to share a copy of the management agreement with The Times .
However , Bryant said the partnerships would not be charged a fee for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a retired prosecutor with the city of Pasadena , said it ’ s important to see those documents to determine whether Webb ’ s partners will receive an 81 % share of profits .
Her client , who spoke to The Times on condition of anonymity , said Webb first showed his social equity partners the contract language at a gathering last year and gave them one to two hours to review and sign the document .
“ There ’ s no way they could be given adequate representation when it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t , ” McDowell said .
She said her client was not among the top 100 applicants expected to be approved to run pot shops during the current round of license approvals and was no longer interested in working with Webb .
Webb said McDowell has been unreasonable and that he had little choice but to rush the contracts .
There was fierce competition for real estate rentals , he said , and landlords waited to close the leases until just days before the city ’ s online application portal for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If you ’ re uncomfortable signing it , don ’ t sign it , and I ’ ll call somebody else , ” Webb said he told the group .
“ This is the opportunity , and I apologize that you haven ’ t had time , but we haven ’ t had time.
” A company spokeswoman who said she was present for the meeting said the applicants were told they could call their lawyer during that time .
Webb said the partnership contract has to be considered alongside 4thMVMT ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own businesses , affording them the opportunities he and his siblings had growing up as the children of the owners of McDonalds franchises .
He and others with 4thMVMT emphasized that the business charges no fee for its services to the social equity partners and pays for months of training and assistance , help with real estate transactions and other services .
Webb , who has also launched Buffalo Wild Wings franchises , noted that there are only 18 Black social equity applicants among the top 100 , and that all but five @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only thing I ’ m looking for is a business opportunity for Black folks to do what ’ s happened for me and my family , ” Webb said .

4thMVMT CEO Karim Webb poses for a portrait at his offices on November 22, 2019, in Los Angeles. The firm trains and finances people from communities hit hardest by the war on drugs, preparing them to open cannabis businesses in the newly legal industry.
A Los Angeles city program crafted to ensure that cannabis sales licenses go to people from communities most harmed by the war on drugs has been hailed as a kind of reckoning with historic injustice.
It was designed with a lofty goal: Ensure that people affected by the government’s crackdown on the illicit drug trade become business owners in this emerging industry.
But the city’s “social equity program” is under renewed scrutiny over whether the initiative is fulfilling its promise.
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The latest controversy centers around 4thMVMT, a company founded by a well-to-do businessman who partners with Black entrepreneurs to obtain cannabis licenses. The company positioned itself as one of the program’s biggest winners by partnering with at least 13 of the applicants scheduled to receive temporary approval this week to start operating after meeting certain conditions.
An attorney who reviewed one of 4thMVMT’s partnership contracts has raised alarms over what she says are “predatory” business practices baked into the agreements. Meanwhile, competitors of 4thMVMT have seized on the contract language to attack the company.
The contract allows a subsidiary of 4thMVMT to buy out the “social equity” partners if they refuse a “lawful direction/instruction” from the company, according to a copy of the contract reviewed by The Times. The buyout price is set at $200,000, an amount experts on the state’s cannabis trade say is far less than the likely market value of a licensed pot shop in Los Angeles.
“The intent of the social equity program is to create ownership for the applicant,” said Yvette McDowell, an attorney representing a person who signed a contract with 4thMVMT. “That sounds like an employer-employee relationship.”
McDowell also faulted city officials for failing to thoroughly vet contracts to make sure social equity partners would be in control of their businesses and receive the majority of the profits.
In an interview with The Times, 4thMVMT CEO Karim Webb said he planned to amend the contract language but bristled at any suggestion that the company would take advantage of a social equity partner.
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“4thMVMT is not ... doing anything that’s predatory or that is not in the interest of our partners executing at the highest level,” Webb said. “We are going to address displacement with these folks and build generational wealth.”
California Alarmed by spiking coronavirus numbers? Here’s why officials insist they aren’t worried Health officials say the total in new cases is not the best measure of community spread because of aggressive levels of new testing. They point to other metrics they say shows that the local outbreak has stabilized.
He said the contract’s buyout language was meant to protect the millions of dollars in investments he and others have made to launch the businesses, train applicants and rent real estate. The social equity applicants haven’t contributed money, he said, and the clause was necessary in order to attract other investors.
“That provision in our contract, more so than anything else, is an incentive not to sell,” Webb said. “And to behave properly. You’ve got a million and a half dollars into a property and somebody gets a dividend check and goes to [Cabo San Lucas] and doesn’t come back, you want to at least disincentivize that kind of behavior.”
James Bryant, general counsel for 4thMVMT, described the language as “harsh” and said it was drafted by another lawyer. He said 4thMVMT wouldn’t exercise a forced sale over petty business disagreements
“The forced sale is an action of last resort,” Bryant wrote in an email to The Times.
Bryant said the contracts are being amended so that 4thMVMT would have to pay “fair market value” to buy out a partner.
It’s unclear if other applicants have similar language in their business contracts.
The city’s department of cannabis regulation recently proposed new rules for the program, including changes intended to prevent “predatory” behavior from investors who partner with social equity applicants. The changes include barring any conditions that would force a social equity applicant to transfer his or her ownership.
Bryant said 4thMVMT would make sure its contracts comply with any changes in the city’s rules.
A department of cannabis regulation spokeswoman declined to comment on specific applications but said her agency conducted an initial review of applicant contracts and would conduct additional reviews as part of the licensing process.
Criticism over the social equity partner contracts is the latest controversy for the city’s embattled cannabis licensing program, which has been beset by delays and complaints of unfairness.
In September, the city launched a first-come, first-served online application process to decide who to give 100 licenses to operate new pot shops. Hundreds of businesses flooded the application portal within minutes.
Concerns that some accessed the portal before the official start time provoked an outcry. Other entrepreneurs complained that applicants with slower internet speeds were put at a distinct disadvantage.
An audit commissioned by the city found that some businesses had been able to log onto the application portal shortly before the start time but concluded that no one gained an unfair advantage. In April, a group of applicants sued the city, alleging that the process was “flawed” and unfairly implemented.
Some critics also have focused on Webb, pointing to his City Hall ties and questioning how he and his partners were able to secure more spots among the first 100 applicants than anyone else. 4thMVMT has signed the partnership contracts with 32 social equity applicants, including 13 among the top 100 that could receive temporary approval.
Webb was appointed last year to the city’s airport commission. And until February, 4thMVMT — pronounced “Fourth Movement” and named for a famous reference to African American economic equality — employed a son of Councilman Herb Wesson.
Webb has said the connections with City Hall didn’t give his applicants any advantage in the cannabis program.
The city’s social equity program considers various factors in deciding who qualifies as a partner, including income, past cannabis convictions and long-term residency of an area that was disproportionately targeted by enforcement of drug laws.
Several of 4thMVMT’s social equity partners have publicly praised Webb for giving them an opportunity they could have only dreamed of to build their own businesses. The partnership contracts give them an 81% stake in their cannabis businesses.
But some of 4thMVMT’s competitors are criticizing the terms of his partnership contracts.
Donnie Anderson, a founder of the California Minority Alliance, said the contract’s buyout provision shows that Webb was “doing to the community what’s been done to them forever. I’ve got a problem with that.”
Anderson’s group worked with dozens of social equity applicants. None made it to the first 100.
McDowell, the attorney for one of Webb’s social equity partners, said Webb also has refused to share other documents with her and her client, including a management agreement with another business entity. The partnership contracts say the firm will have the authority to run the day-to-day operations of the pot shops.
4thMVMT CEO Karim Webb poses for a portrait at his offices on November 22, 2019, in Los Angeles. Webb says he wants to help Black entrepreneurs build generational wealth. (Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)
Webb declined to share a copy of the management agreement with The Times. However, Bryant said the partnerships would not be charged a fee for management of the stores.
McDowell, a retired prosecutor with the city of Pasadena, said it’s important to see those documents to determine whether Webb’s partners will receive an 81% share of profits.
Her client, who spoke to The Times on condition of anonymity, said Webb first showed his social equity partners the contract language at a gathering last year and gave them one to two hours to review and sign the document.
“There’s no way they could be given adequate representation when it’s either you sign it, or you don’t,” McDowell said.
She said her client was not among the top 100 applicants expected to be approved to run pot shops during the current round of license approvals and was no longer interested in working with Webb.
Webb said McDowell has been unreasonable and that he had little choice but to rush the contracts. There was fierce competition for real estate rentals, he said, and landlords waited to close the leases until just days before the city’s online application portal for licenses was set to open.
“If you’re uncomfortable signing it, don’t sign it, and I’ll call somebody else,” Webb said he told the group. “This is the opportunity, and I apologize that you haven’t had time, but we haven’t had time.”
A company spokeswoman who said she was present for the meeting said the applicants were told they could call their lawyer during that time.
Webb said the partnership contract has to be considered alongside 4thMVMT’s commitment to helping Black Americans own their own businesses, affording them the opportunities he and his siblings had growing up as the children of the owners of McDonalds franchises.
He and others with 4thMVMT emphasized that the business charges no fee for its services to the social equity partners and pays for months of training and assistance, help with real estate transactions and other services.
Webb, who has also launched Buffalo Wild Wings franchises, noted that there are only 18 Black social equity applicants among the top 100, and that all but five have partnered with him.
“The only thing I’m looking for is a business opportunity for Black folks to do what’s happened for me and my family,” Webb said.


latimes--2020-06-23--California summer fun collides with coronavirus danger as hospitalizations, new cases keep rising

The California tradition of summer fun — barbecues , garden parties , group excursions to beaches and mountains — is colliding with the state ’ s desperate efforts to prevent new surges of coronavirus cases as the economy opens up and people begin freeing themselves from months of stay-at-home rules .
Confirmed coronavirus cases have continued to climb as California allowed many businesses to reopen .
But on Monday , Gov .
Gavin Newsom said COVID-19 hospitalizations are also beginning to rise again statewide , a troubling shift that raises new questions about whether the reopening might need to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re out of the woods , those that suggest this somehow is going to disappear , these numbers tell a very , very different and sobering story , ” Newsom said .
The number of people hospitalized with confirmed coronavirus infections in California was up 16 % over the last two weeks , rising to 3,702 as of Sunday .
Of them , 1,199 were in the intensive care unit , an 11 % jump over the same period .
In some counties , officials tied the increased hospitalizations to the resurgence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people ’ s unwillingness to wear masks in public .
Simply breathing can propel potentially infectious droplets from a person ’ s mouth a distance of 4½ feet ; a sneeze can send droplets as far as 26 feet , Newsom said .
In Sacramento , health officials said they ’ ve seen multi-generational outbreaks from gatherings , with some residents assuming it was fine to begin socializing now that businesses had reopened .
In San Diego County , officials have recorded several new outbreaks over the last week , including some at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grapple with how to keep the coronavirus at bay while also addressing the pent-up needs of many residents to socialize during the summer months .
In the San Francisco Bay Area , officials have released new rules allowing small , limited gatherings , acknowledging that people are meeting up and need guidelines to keep them as safe as possible .
“ We … know people are already congregating outside their households in more risky ways .
This model provides guardrails so can occur in a safe way , especially as we move into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Matt Willis , health officer for Marin County .
In rules released in , social gatherings that do resume are to be held outdoors , except to use bathrooms , and last no longer than two hours .
And people must wear face coverings at all times except when eating and drinking , unless they have a written exemption from a healthcare provider or are under 12 years of age .
“ It ’ s less likely to be transmitted outdoors , ” said Dr. Grant Colfax , San Francisco ’ s director @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protects you and your mask protects me.
” The Bay Area ’ s second-most populous county , Alameda , offers a framework in which people from more than one household can meet in what ’ s called a “ social bubble.
” This is defined as a stable group of no more than 12 people that can socialize together outdoors .
Members can be part of only one bubble at a time , and should wear masks as much as possible and comply with social distancing requirements to stay six feet away from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social bubble guidelines , warning that getting together indoors is much riskier .
“ If you meet people indoors , you must always wear a face covering .
Make sure you are in a room with open windows or good ventilation .
Try not to touch surfaces inside .
… Try to avoid using other people ’ s bathrooms , if possible , ” the county said .
That said , officials noted that seeing loved ones and friends “ can be important for your mental health.
” But other counties harder hit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s too early for socializing .
“ I ’ m really sorry — I know how desperate people are to be able to get back to events … but this is not a time for parties or gatherings at your house , ” Los Angeles County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said earlier this month .
L.A. County has recorded 31 deaths for every 100,000 residents ; San Francisco has logged 5.5 deaths for every 100,000 residents .
San Diego County , which has recorded 10 deaths per 100,000 residents , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concern over such gatherings is becoming all the more important as a higher percentage of tests are coming up positive for the coronavirus .
Just 10 days ago in L.A. County , only 5.8 % of coronavirus tests were coming back positive over the previous week .
But on Monday , that rose to 8.4 % , Ferrer said .
And the number of new cases continues to climb .
L.A. County reported more than 2,600 new cases Monday , and that ’ s only the third day on record that the county @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a single day , Ferrer said .
“ And while some of this may be due to lags in reporting , the numbers do tell us that we ’ re seeing an increase in community transmission , ” Ferrer said , adding that 40 % of L.A. County ’ s cases are occurring among the youngest adults , ages 18 to 40 .
“ So while many of us are done with this virus , unfortunately , this virus is not done with us , ” Ferrer said .
Though only about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close contact with someone outside of their household in a seven-day period around early April , now more than 50 % said they had such contact by early June , according to a survey by the USC Dornsife Center of Economic and Social Research that was analyzed by L.A. County .
Statewide , the rate of tests coming back positive for coronavirus infections also rose as more Californians sought to return to a greater sense of normalcy .
Last week , the percentage of tests showing positive over the previous two weeks was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as of Sunday , Newsom said .
The Democratic governor started easing his stay-at-home order roughly six weeks ago and has now allowed 54 of the state ’ s 58 counties to open businesses again .
The state has closely monitored hospitalizations and positivity rates as key metrics in determining the spread of the coronavirus in California .
Newsom has repeatedly said that the state may need to reinstate some of the restrictions of the stay-at-home order if those metrics spike , but has so far declined to provide details on the level @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impetus to do so .
The governor said he felt confident that the state will be able to respond to the virus in the weeks and months ahead .
“ We ’ ve always walked into this with our eyes wide open .
We ’ ve always prepared for a surge , ” Newsom said .
“ We ’ re in that band , where I feel like we anticipated the likelihood as we ’ ve reopened , of the numbers increasing , and they have.
” When asked how worried he felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some of the economic effects of the shutdown , including the 5.7 million Californians seeking unemployment benefits , and said poverty and hunger also have “ profound health impacts.
” “ One has to be mindful of that as well , ” Newsom said .
“ That ’ s why we ’ ve worked hard to safely reopen the economy .
That ’ s why we ’ ve given the tools to the locals to make the decisions for themselves.
” Last week , Newsom required Californians to wear masks in most public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a call for people to move about safely when in public .
Some parts of California are struggling with COVID-19 more than others .
Riverside and San Bernardino counties have recently appeared or reappeared on the state ’ s list of counties needing by state officials .
In both counties , increases in gatherings were a factor in elevated disease transmission , as were outbreaks at state prisons , nursing homes and in patients being transferred from , which is home to a particularly bad outbreak .
Gatherings were also a factor in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Officials also blamed “ decreased attention to personal protection measures such as face coverings and social distancing ” in , whose largest city is Modesto .
Some of the several new outbreaks over the last week in San Diego County have been Of the eight outbreaks reported in the last seven days , the biggest had four or five cases , Dr. Wilma Wooten , the county ’ s public health officer , said last week .
She said no deaths had been associated with any of the outbreaks .
Two confirmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campground and a “ social club , ” according to county officials .
San Diego County Supervisor Nathan Fletcher said the social club should not have been open .
Officials said they were asking residents to voluntarily comply with the public health orders .
If officials find egregious violations at businesses , they could be shut down or cited by law enforcement agencies .
As of Monday night , there were 5,564 deaths attributed to the coronavirus in California , and 184,715 confirmed cases , according to the Los Angeles Times ’ survey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Nationally , there are more than 120,000 deaths and more than 2.3 million cases , according to Johns Hopkins University .
Lin reported from San Francisco , Luna from Sacramento .
Times staff writers Colleen Shalby and Ryan Murphy contributed to this report , as did Paul Sisson and Morgan Cook of the San Diego Union-Tribune .

The California tradition of summer fun — barbecues, garden parties, group excursions to beaches and mountains — is colliding with the state’s desperate efforts to prevent new surges of coronavirus cases as the economy opens up and people begin freeing themselves from months of stay-at-home rules.
Confirmed coronavirus cases have continued to climb as California allowed many businesses to reopen. But on Monday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said COVID-19 hospitalizations are also beginning to rise again statewide, a troubling shift that raises new questions about whether the reopening might need to be slowed.
“Those that suggest we’re out of the woods, those that suggest this somehow is going to disappear, these numbers tell a very, very different and sobering story,” Newsom said.
The number of people hospitalized with confirmed coronavirus infections in California was up 16% over the last two weeks, rising to 3,702 as of Sunday. Of them, 1,199 were in the intensive care unit, an 11% jump over the same period.
Advertisement
In some counties, officials tied the increased hospitalizations to the resurgence of social gatherings as well as some people’s unwillingness to wear masks in public. Simply breathing can propel potentially infectious droplets from a person’s mouth a distance of 4½ feet; a sneeze can send droplets as far as 26 feet, Newsom said.
Face coverings can significantly reduce the spread of potentially infectious oral droplets. (State of California)
In Sacramento, health officials said they’ve seen multi-generational outbreaks from gatherings, with some residents assuming it was fine to begin socializing now that businesses had reopened. In San Diego County, officials have recorded several new outbreaks over the last week, including some at gatherings.
Health officials are trying to grapple with how to keep the coronavirus at bay while also addressing the pent-up needs of many residents to socialize during the summer months.
In the San Francisco Bay Area, officials have released new rules allowing small, limited gatherings, acknowledging that people are meeting up and need guidelines to keep them as safe as possible.
“We … know people are already congregating outside their households in more risky ways. This model provides guardrails so small gatherings can occur in a safe way, especially as we move into the summer season,” said Dr. Matt Willis, health officer for Marin County.
In rules released in San Francisco , social gatherings that do resume are to be held outdoors, except to use bathrooms, and last no longer than two hours. And people must wear face coverings at all times except when eating and drinking, unless they have a written exemption from a healthcare provider or are under 12 years of age.
“It’s less likely to be transmitted outdoors,” said Dr. Grant Colfax, San Francisco’s director of public health. “My mask protects you and your mask protects me.”
Advertisement
The Bay Area’s second-most populous county, Alameda, offers a framework in which people from more than one household can meet in what’s called a “social bubble.” This is defined as a stable group of no more than 12 people that can socialize together outdoors. Members can be part of only one bubble at a time, and should wear masks as much as possible and comply with social distancing requirements to stay six feet away from others.
Contra Costa County also outlined social bubble guidelines, warning that getting together indoors is much riskier. “If you meet people indoors, you must always wear a face covering. Make sure you are in a room with open windows or good ventilation. Try not to touch surfaces inside. … Try to avoid using other people’s bathrooms, if possible,” the county said.
That said, Contra Costa officials noted that seeing loved ones and friends “can be important for your mental health.”
But other counties harder hit by the pandemic are adamant that it’s too early for socializing.
“I’m really sorry — I know how desperate people are to be able to get back to events … but this is not a time for parties or gatherings at your house,” Los Angeles County Public Health Director Barbara Ferrer said earlier this month. L.A. County has recorded 31 deaths for every 100,000 residents; San Francisco has logged 5.5 deaths for every 100,000 residents.
San Diego County, which has recorded 10 deaths per 100,000 residents, has also not permitted social gatherings.
The concern over such gatherings is becoming all the more important as a higher percentage of tests are coming up positive for the coronavirus.
Just 10 days ago in L.A. County, only 5.8% of coronavirus tests were coming back positive over the previous week. But on Monday, that rose to 8.4%, Ferrer said.
And the number of new cases continues to climb. L.A. County reported more than 2,600 new cases Monday, and that’s only the third day on record that the county has reported more than 2,000 new cases in a single day, Ferrer said.
“And while some of this may be due to lags in reporting, the numbers do tell us that we’re seeing an increase in community transmission,” Ferrer said, adding that 40% of L.A. County’s cases are occurring among the youngest adults, ages 18 to 40.
“So while many of us are done with this virus, unfortunately, this virus is not done with us,” Ferrer said.
Though only about 30% of L.A. County residents had close contact with someone outside of their household in a seven-day period around early April, now more than 50% said they had such contact by early June, according to a survey by the USC Dornsife Center of Economic and Social Research that was analyzed by L.A. County.
While only about 30% of L.A. County residents had close contact with someone outside of their household in early April, now more than 50% said they had close contact with someone they did not live with as of early June.
Statewide, the rate of tests coming back positive for coronavirus infections also rose as more Californians sought to return to a greater sense of normalcy. Last week, the percentage of tests showing positive over the previous two weeks was 4.5%; it was 4.8% as of Sunday, Newsom said.
The Democratic governor started easing his stay-at-home order roughly six weeks ago and has now allowed 54 of the state’s 58 counties to open businesses again.
The state has closely monitored hospitalizations and positivity rates as key metrics in determining the spread of the coronavirus in California. Newsom has repeatedly said that the state may need to reinstate some of the restrictions of the stay-at-home order if those metrics spike, but has so far declined to provide details on the level of increases that would serve as an impetus to do so.
The governor said he felt confident that the state will be able to respond to the virus in the weeks and months ahead.
“We’ve always walked into this with our eyes wide open. We’ve always prepared for a surge,” Newsom said. “We’re in that band, where I feel like we anticipated the likelihood as we’ve reopened, of the numbers increasing, and they have.”
When asked how worried he felt about the data, Newsom pointed to some of the economic effects of the shutdown, including the 5.7 million Californians seeking unemployment benefits, and said poverty and hunger also have “profound health impacts.”
“One has to be mindful of that as well,” Newsom said. “That’s why we’ve worked hard to safely reopen the economy. That’s why we’ve given the tools to the locals to make the decisions for themselves.”
Last week, Newsom required Californians to wear masks in most public settings. On Monday, he repeated a call for people to move about safely when in public.
Some parts of California are struggling with COVID-19 more than others.
Riverside and San Bernardino counties have recently appeared or reappeared on the state’s list of counties needing targeted monitoring by state officials. In both counties, increases in gatherings were a factor in elevated disease transmission, as were outbreaks at state prisons, nursing homes and in patients being transferred from Imperial County , which is home to a particularly bad outbreak.
Gatherings were also a factor in increasing hospitalizations in Santa Barbara , San Joaquin and Stanislaus counties. Officials also blamed “decreased attention to personal protection measures such as face coverings and social distancing” in Stanislaus County , whose largest city is Modesto.
Some of the several new outbreaks over the last week in San Diego County have been tied to gatherings.
Of the eight outbreaks reported in the last seven days, the biggest had four or five cases, Dr. Wilma Wooten, the county’s public health officer, said last week. She said no deaths had been associated with any of the outbreaks.
Two confirmed Wednesday and announced Thursday were at a campground and a “social club,” according to county officials. San Diego County Supervisor Nathan Fletcher said the social club should not have been open. Officials said they were asking residents to voluntarily comply with the public health orders. If officials find egregious violations at businesses, they could be shut down or cited by law enforcement agencies.
As of Monday night, there were 5,564 deaths attributed to the coronavirus in California, and 184,715 confirmed cases, according to the Los Angeles Times’ survey of local health agencies in the state.
Nationally, there are more than 120,000 deaths and more than 2.3 million cases, according to Johns Hopkins University.
Lin reported from San Francisco, Luna from Sacramento. Times staff writers Colleen Shalby and Ryan Murphy contributed to this report, as did Paul Sisson and Morgan Cook of the San Diego Union-Tribune.


latimes--2020-06-23--His plane-disinfecting invention didn't take off — until COVID-19 hit

Seven years before the coronavirus pandemic hit , Arthur Kreitenberg , a Los Angeles orthopedic surgeon , came up with an invention in his basement to quickly disinfect an airplane cabin using ultraviolet light .
He even bought airplane seats from the airline graveyard in the Mojave Desert to test his idea .
But the idea did not catch on quickly .
His wife joked that Kreitenberg ’ s tinkering in the basement was “ cheaper than having a girlfriend.
” At the many aviation trade shows and conferences he attended to pitch his invention , few showed interest .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ International , the multinational conglomerate with $ 37 billion in annual sales , announced this month that it is teaming up with Kreitenberg to build the UV invention and distribute it to the world ’ s airlines .
The company plans to build more than 100 units by the end of July , with production increasing in the following months .
The invention , originally named the GermFalcon , looks like an airline beverage cart equipped with two mechanical arms that stretch out over the plane ’ s seats like a pair of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the cart is pushed down the aisle .
Kreitenberg ’ s son , Elliot , who gave up his basement batting cage for his dad ’ s invention , has teamed with his father to get the GermFalcon off the ground .
The contraption can disinfect a cabin in about 10 minutes at a cost of about $ 10 per plane , according to Honeywell , which is marketing the device as the Honeywell UV Cabin System .
It ’ s not a novel concept .
The U.S. Patent and Trademark Office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ patents filed since 1995 that propose using UV light to disinfect water , air , surgical equipment , cellphone screens and catheters , among other things .
Medical experts note that UV light is already used to disinfect hospital operating rooms , and two of Southern California ’ s swankiest hotels , the Waldorf Astoria Beverly Hills and the Beverly Hilton , recently announced plans to use UV light to disinfect their rooms in response to the coronavirus outbreak .
But experts point out that once an airplane cabin has been disinfected , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down and jeopardize the health of many of the fliers .
The biggest risk of being infected is from close contact with another person , said Peter Chin-Hong , a professor of medicine and an infectious disease specialist at UC San Francisco .
Using UV light to disinfect an airplane cabin “ could possibly help , ” he said .
“ But UV light is not the end-all and be-all.
” Philip Barruel , the biosafety program manager for laboratory research at UC Davis , agrees , saying UV light may not reach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an airplane cabin to kill the virus .
“ There are a lot of unknowns about this virus , ” he said .
Kreitenberg acknowledges that his invention will only reduce the chances of getting infected by germs left on the surfaces of an airline cabin and won ’ t make flying entirely safe .
Still , he points out that UV light can kill several kinds of germs , with the potential to help stem the spread of influenza and other diseases .
Neither Honeywell or Kreitenberg would disclose the financial terms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would charge airlines to buy or lease the UV cabin system .
Honeywell began in early June to meet with airlines and demonstrate the UV cabin system but has yet to get a commitment from any carrier .
“ The initial reaction from airlines has been very positive , ” said Honeywell spokesman Adam Kress .
“ We believe this product has great potential at airlines worldwide , but we ’ re starting in-person demonstrations with domestic carriers.
” It all began with a volleyball .
While attending his daughter Zoe ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the H1N1 outbreak of 2009 the players didn ’ t shake hands to reduce the chances of spreading the virus .
But all the players touched the same volleyball .
Inspired by the use of UV light to disinfect operating rooms , Kreitenberg invented a device — dubbed the Germ Ninja— to quickly disinfect the balls by passing UV light over them .
The invention was so successful it was used in the 2012 Summer Olympics in London .
Not long after that , Elliot Kreitenberg flew home from college , trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fold-down tray .
A fellow flier warned Elliot about the germs on the tray , reminding him that it was flu season .
Elliot relayed the story to his father , and the idea for using UV light to disinfect commercial planes was hatched .
A business major from Skidmore College , Elliot wanted to run his own company .
After some research and encouragement from a college professor , he decided to go into business with his father to sell the GermFalcon .
Elliot became president and co-founder with his father @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for part of the process that kills viruses with UV light .
The father-son team estimated they visited up to 20 trade shows and conferences , hoping to sell the idea — with no success .
One of the challenges was trying to talk directly with an airline executive who had the authority to approve the purchase .
Executives at Virgin America , the California-based carrier launched by Sir Richard Branson , expressed interest in the UV cabin system in 2014 , but that sale fell through when Alaska Airlines acquired Virgin America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though every conversation we had with airlines or people visiting our booth at trade shows were interested , ” Elliot Kreitenberg , 28 , said .
“ Somewhere along the way , it got lost.
” The company stayed afloat over the years thanks to investments , most of which came from doctors .
Once the coronavirus pandemic reached the U.S. early this year , the Kreitenbergs offered to donate the use of the GermFalcon to disinfect planes that were flying passengers in from overseas .
A handful of airlines at Los Angeles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drew the attention of a few cable television news outlets .
It also got the attention of several potential business partners , including Honeywell .
Elliot Kreitenberg said they agreed to partner with Honeywell because it has the “ infrastructure and the footprint in the airline industry to overcome barriers of entry ” that they had run into .
The father-son team is not done yet .
They are now working on a version of the GermFalcon that can be used in classrooms , offices , buses and train stations , among other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hammer .

Orthopedic surgeon Arthur Kreitenberg, right, invented the plane-disinfecting device he named the GermFalcon, and his son Elliot helped get it to market.
Seven years before the coronavirus pandemic hit, Arthur Kreitenberg, a Los Angeles orthopedic surgeon, came up with an invention in his basement to quickly disinfect an airplane cabin using ultraviolet light.
He even bought airplane seats from the airline graveyard in the Mojave Desert to test his idea.
But the idea did not catch on quickly. His wife joked that Kreitenberg’s tinkering in the basement was “cheaper than having a girlfriend.” At the many aviation trade shows and conferences he attended to pitch his invention, few showed interest.
COVID-19 changed all of that.
Honeywell International, the multinational conglomerate with $37 billion in annual sales, announced this month that it is teaming up with Kreitenberg to build the UV invention and distribute it to the world’s airlines. The company plans to build more than 100 units by the end of July, with production increasing in the following months.
Advertisement
The invention, originally named the GermFalcon, looks like an airline beverage cart equipped with two mechanical arms that stretch out over the plane’s seats like a pair of wings. The arms emit UV light as the cart is pushed down the aisle.
Kreitenberg’s son, Elliot, who gave up his basement batting cage for his dad’s invention, has teamed with his father to get the GermFalcon off the ground.
The contraption can disinfect a cabin in about 10 minutes at a cost of about $10 per plane, according to Honeywell, which is marketing the device as the Honeywell UV Cabin System.
It’s not a novel concept. The U.S. Patent and Trademark Office’s database shows more than 30 patents filed since 1995 that propose using UV light to disinfect water, air, surgical equipment, cellphone screens and catheters, among other things.
Medical experts note that UV light is already used to disinfect hospital operating rooms, and two of Southern California’s swankiest hotels, the Waldorf Astoria Beverly Hills and the Beverly Hilton, recently announced plans to use UV light to disinfect their rooms in response to the coronavirus outbreak.
But experts point out that once an airplane cabin has been disinfected, a passenger infected with COVID-19 can sit down and jeopardize the health of many of the fliers.
The biggest risk of being infected is from close contact with another person, said Peter Chin-Hong, a professor of medicine and an infectious disease specialist at UC San Francisco. Using UV light to disinfect an airplane cabin “could possibly help,” he said. “But UV light is not the end-all and be-all.”
Advertisement
Philip Barruel, the biosafety program manager for laboratory research at UC Davis, agrees, saying UV light may not reach far enough into creases and corners of an airplane cabin to kill the virus.
“There are a lot of unknowns about this virus,” he said.
Kreitenberg acknowledges that his invention will only reduce the chances of getting infected by germs left on the surfaces of an airline cabin and won’t make flying entirely safe.
Still, he points out that UV light can kill several kinds of germs, with the potential to help stem the spread of influenza and other diseases.
Neither Honeywell or Kreitenberg would disclose the financial terms of the partnership or the price they would charge airlines to buy or lease the UV cabin system.
Honeywell began in early June to meet with airlines and demonstrate the UV cabin system but has yet to get a commitment from any carrier.
“The initial reaction from airlines has been very positive,” said Honeywell spokesman Adam Kress. “We believe this product has great potential at airlines worldwide, but we’re starting in-person demonstrations with domestic carriers.”
Elliot and Arthur Kreitenberg push the GermFalcon on a plane to disinfect the cabin. (George Sayah for Dimer LLC.)
It all began with a volleyball.
While attending his daughter Zoe’s college volleyball matches during the H1N1 outbreak of 2009, Kreitenberg noticed that the players didn’t shake hands to reduce the chances of spreading the virus. But all the players touched the same volleyball.
Inspired by the use of UV light to disinfect operating rooms, Kreitenberg invented a device — dubbed the Germ Ninja— to quickly disinfect the balls by passing UV light over them. The invention was so successful it was used in the 2012 Summer Olympics in London.
Not long after that, Elliot Kreitenberg flew home from college, trying to sleep with his face resting on the fold-down tray. A fellow flier warned Elliot about the germs on the tray, reminding him that it was flu season. Elliot relayed the story to his father, and the idea for using UV light to disinfect commercial planes was hatched.
A business major from Skidmore College, Elliot wanted to run his own company. After some research and encouragement from a college professor, he decided to go into business with his father to sell the GermFalcon. Elliot became president and co-founder with his father of Dimer LLC, which is named for part of the process that kills viruses with UV light.
The father-son team estimated they visited up to 20 trade shows and conferences, hoping to sell the idea — with no success. One of the challenges was trying to talk directly with an airline executive who had the authority to approve the purchase.
Executives at Virgin America, the California-based carrier launched by Sir Richard Branson, expressed interest in the UV cabin system in 2014, but that sale fell through when Alaska Airlines acquired Virgin America in 2016.
“It seemed as though every conversation we had with airlines or people visiting our booth at trade shows were interested,” Elliot Kreitenberg, 28, said. “Somewhere along the way, it got lost.”
The company stayed afloat over the years thanks to investments, most of which came from doctors.
Once the coronavirus pandemic reached the U.S. early this year, the Kreitenbergs offered to donate the use of the GermFalcon to disinfect planes that were flying passengers in from overseas. A handful of airlines at Los Angeles International Airport accepted the offer, which drew the attention of a few cable television news outlets. It also got the attention of several potential business partners, including Honeywell.
Elliot Kreitenberg said they agreed to partner with Honeywell because it has the “infrastructure and the footprint in the airline industry to overcome barriers of entry” that they had run into.
The father-son team is not done yet. They are now working on a version of the GermFalcon that can be used in classrooms, offices, buses and train stations, among other locations. They call it the UV Hammer.


latimes--2020-06-23--Garcetti under fire for handling of police brutality protests

The police union .
Activists accuse him of supporting racist institutions .
Even longtime allies said his decisions during the recent protests over police brutality hurt Los Angeles ’ communities of color .
Mayor Eric Garcetti ’ s handling of the demonstrations and his subsequent actions drew criticism from an array of groups , wide pushback unseen during his seven years leading the city .
Garcetti , known for avoiding political risk , has appeared at times whipsawed by the protests and their aftermath .
“ When you ’ re being fired on politically from all sides , not sure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you can ’ t make everybody happy ?
” said Isaac Bryan , director of the Black Policy Project at UCLA .
“ I can imagine that ’ s a frustrating place for him.
” As police and demonstrators clashed in the Fairfax district last month , Garcetti said he didn ’ t plan to request the National Guard .
Hours later , he did .
Angering the police union , he unveiled plans to cut the Police Department , after defending its size days earlier .
His initial comments about police officers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who ’ d seen police using batons and foam projectiles .
And as National Guard Humvees rumbled into downtown L.A. , business leaders were grateful , but questioned why police were not better able to stop the burglaries earlier .
Garcetti , in an interview , said he was focused on Angelenos ’ safety .
“ My first responsibility is to protect lives before everything else , ” Garcetti said .
“ Which is why the Black Lives Matter moment is so important to me , but also why it ’ s important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peace officers and our National Guard are in places where lives are saved .
And knock on wood , thank God , we didn ’ t lose a life.
” Of the criticism of him , he said , “ You have to listen to those words , not necessarily dismiss them just because you don ’ t like how they ’ re being delivered .
It ’ s tough as a human being , but it ’ s necessary as a leader.
” Garcetti is far from the only politician to find @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political waters sparked by the police killing of George Floyd .
New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio was heckled when he spoke at a Brooklyn gathering to remember Floyd , and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey was booed at a rally after refusing to commit to get rid of that city ’ s Police Department .
Criminal justice reform was already gaining traction before the massive protests .
But until Floyd ’ s death , Black Lives Matter in Los Angeles was far from a dominant political force , as activists protested outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commission meetings , and called for defunding the police and department reforms .
Now , those positions have entered the mainstream , forcing Garcetti and other political leaders to react .
Before the demonstrations , Garcetti had won praise for his calm leadership during the COVID-19 pandemic .
The mayor , who spent nearly two years floating himself as a possible presidential contender , also has been in the national spotlight as he vets running mates for presumed Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden .
Aides to Garcetti argue his actions helped control the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was far less damage than during the 1992 riots , when more than 60 people died as violence ravaged the city .
Cynthia McClain-Hill , a former Garcetti appointee on the police commission and a current Department of Water and Power commissioner , said she understands the protesters ’ anger , which she called “ righteous.
” “ But I don ’ t see it as something that ’ s necessarily on Eric Garcetti , ” she said .
“ The mayor is part of the structure of government and all of government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Others said Garcetti missed his moment to lead .
Groups that included Community Coalition and Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy told the mayor in a June 3 letter that he ’ d had an opportunity to allow communities to come together to grieve after Floyd ’ s death amid the COVID-19 pandemic .
“ Instead , under your leadership , the city chose to further escalate tension and police violence , ” the letter said , adding that the curfews and police actions against protesters “ have deepened the hurt and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of color communities.
” This is not the first time city leaders have been widely challenged to address policing .
Back in the 1980s and early 1990s , City Hall was criticized for failing to address widespread evidence of police brutality and racist behavior during the reign of Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl Gates .
Gates brought paramilitary-style policing to minority neighborhoods and was derided over his 1982 suggestion that more Black people died in chokeholds because the “ veins or arteries of blacks do not open up as fast as they do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tom Bradley clashed , but city leaders failed to oust the chief , even after the video of white officers beating Black motorist Rodney King made international headlines .
Gates , whose job was protected by civil service regulations , left only after the 1992 L.A. uprising , when his department faced criticism for its failure to respond .
Bradley also found himself on the defensive after the 1992 uprising .
The mayor said he ’ d been assured by top police officials that LAPD was prepared for any demonstrations , and said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rioting .
It was only after Gates ’ departure that the city embarked on serious reforms at the LAPD .
Garcetti said in an interview that he got on the phone with various groups immediately after Floyd was killed in Minneapolis .
As protests broke out , the city mobilized , but Garcetti said he didn ’ t anticipate the burglaries that occurred on the afternoon of May 30 , the day he requested the National Guard .
Dozens of businesses were burglarized and vandalized that day and night .
Police have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the organized protests , which were peaceful .
There were also several disturbing incidents caught on video of LAPD officers using batons and less-than-lethal weapons on protesters .
As of last week , 10 Los Angeles police officers had been taken off the street and assigned to desk duties pending investigations .
The department has also received about 40 complaints of officers using excessive force and Garcetti could face calls for police reforms in light of how protesters were treated .
Danny Bakewell , the executive publisher of the L.A. Sentinel and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Crusade , witnessed the 1992 riots and watched as demonstrators again took to the streets in recent weeks .
Although Bakewell said he didn ’ t support Garcetti ’ s decision to ask for the National Guard , the mayor “ did what he thought he had to do to make sure that his city didn ’ t get away from him , ” he said .
He praised the mayor , saying Garcetti ultimately helped facilitate peaceful protests .
“ The looting stopped and the protests continued on .
And the message @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want heavy-handed police officers , ” Bakewell said .
“ It blew up very , very fast , ” said UCLA ’ s Bryan , who demonstrated at Fairfax Avenue and 3rd Street and is critical of the police ’ s actions toward demonstrators that day .
Bryan , who worked at City Hall , questioned whether the mayor ’ s office has ties to activist groups , which he suggested could have helped the city more effectively respond to the protests .
“ The only way to know how to move is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are also close to community movement , who can be honest with you about the things that people are feeling and needing , ” Bryan said .
Garcetti , in an interview , said his office does have those relationships .
Some activists have traditionally declined an offer to come to City Hall , he said .
He ’ s also faced calls to fire LAPD Chief Michel Moore over his comment that looters were as responsible for Floyd ’ s death as the Minneapolis police officers .
Moore apologized for his remark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At the same time , the mayor has portrayed the LAPD as a leader on policing , pointing to the body cameras worn by officers and the implicit bias training they undergo .
Garcetti said there ’ s “ plenty of time to review ” decisions over the last month , but added that he was too busy “ looking at how we can be brave and reframe our budget ” amid calls to redirect money toward communities of color .

The police union has called him unstable . Activists accuse him of supporting racist institutions. Even longtime allies said his decisions during the recent protests over police brutality hurt Los Angeles’ communities of color.
Mayor Eric Garcetti’s handling of the demonstrations and his subsequent actions drew criticism from an array of groups, wide pushback unseen during his seven years leading the city.
Garcetti, known for avoiding political risk, has appeared at times whipsawed by the protests and their aftermath.
“When you’re being fired on politically from all sides, not sure exactly how to move because you know you can’t make everybody happy?” said Isaac Bryan, director of the Black Policy Project at UCLA. “I can imagine that’s a frustrating place for him.”
As police and demonstrators clashed in the Fairfax district last month, Garcetti said he didn’t plan to request the National Guard. Hours later, he did. Angering the police union, he unveiled plans to cut the Police Department, after defending its size days earlier.
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His initial comments about police officers showing restraint at the demonstrations incensed protesters who’d seen police using batons and foam projectiles.
And as National Guard Humvees rumbled into downtown L.A., business leaders were grateful, but questioned why police were not better able to stop the burglaries earlier.
Garcetti, in an interview, said he was focused on Angelenos’ safety.
“My first responsibility is to protect lives before everything else,” Garcetti said. “Which is why the Black Lives Matter moment is so important to me, but also why it’s important for me to make sure that our peace officers and our National Guard are in places where lives are saved. And knock on wood, thank God, we didn’t lose a life.”
Of the criticism of him, he said, “You have to listen to those words, not necessarily dismiss them just because you don’t like how they’re being delivered. It’s tough as a human being, but it’s necessary as a leader.”
Garcetti is far from the only politician to find himself struggling to navigate the rapidly changing political waters sparked by the police killing of George Floyd.
New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio was heckled when he spoke at a Brooklyn gathering to remember Floyd, and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey was booed at a rally after refusing to commit to get rid of that city’s Police Department.
Criminal justice reform was already gaining traction before the massive protests. But until Floyd’s death, Black Lives Matter in Los Angeles was far from a dominant political force, as activists protested outside Garcetti’s house and at police commission meetings, and called for defunding the police and department reforms.
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Now, those positions have entered the mainstream, forcing Garcetti and other political leaders to react.
Before the demonstrations, Garcetti had won praise for his calm leadership during the COVID-19 pandemic. The mayor, who spent nearly two years floating himself as a possible presidential contender, also has been in the national spotlight as he vets running mates for presumed Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden.
Aides to Garcetti argue his actions helped control the city at a volatile moment and there was far less damage than during the 1992 riots, when more than 60 people died as violence ravaged the city.
The May 30 protest in Los Angeles’ Fairfax district. (Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
Cynthia McClain-Hill, a former Garcetti appointee on the police commission and a current Department of Water and Power commissioner, said she understands the protesters’ anger, which she called “righteous.”
“But I don’t see it as something that’s necessarily on Eric Garcetti,” she said. “The mayor is part of the structure of government and all of government bears some responsibility for institutional racism.”
Others said Garcetti missed his moment to lead. Groups that included Community Coalition and Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy told the mayor in a June 3 letter that he’d had an opportunity to allow communities to come together to grieve after Floyd’s death amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
“Instead, under your leadership, the city chose to further escalate tension and police violence,” the letter said, adding that the curfews and police actions against protesters “have deepened the hurt and mistrust within Black, Indigenous and people of color communities.”
A Los Angeles police officer stands guard near ransacked businesses in the Melrose district on May 30. (Gary Coronado / Los Angeles Times)
This is not the first time city leaders have been widely challenged to address policing.
Back in the 1980s and early 1990s, City Hall was criticized for failing to address widespread evidence of police brutality and racist behavior during the reign of Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl Gates.
Gates brought paramilitary-style policing to minority neighborhoods and was derided over his 1982 suggestion that more Black people died in chokeholds because the “veins or arteries of blacks do not open up as fast as they do in normal people.”
Gates and Mayor Tom Bradley clashed, but city leaders failed to oust the chief, even after the video of white officers beating Black motorist Rodney King made international headlines. Gates, whose job was protected by civil service regulations, left only after the 1992 L.A. uprising, when his department faced criticism for its failure to respond.
Bradley also found himself on the defensive after the 1992 uprising. The mayor said he’d been assured by top police officials that LAPD was prepared for any demonstrations, and said he was stunned by the extent of the rioting. It was only after Gates’ departure that the city embarked on serious reforms at the LAPD.
Garcetti said in an interview that he got on the phone with various groups immediately after Floyd was killed in Minneapolis.
As protests broke out, the city mobilized, but Garcetti said he didn’t anticipate the burglaries that occurred on the afternoon of May 30, the day he requested the National Guard. Dozens of businesses were burglarized and vandalized that day and night.
Police have said those crimes were not directly related to the organized protests, which were peaceful.
There were also several disturbing incidents caught on video of LAPD officers using batons and less-than-lethal weapons on protesters. As of last week, 10 Los Angeles police officers had been taken off the street and assigned to desk duties pending investigations. The department has also received about 40 complaints of officers using excessive force and Garcetti could face calls for police reforms in light of how protesters were treated.
Danny Bakewell, the executive publisher of the L.A. Sentinel and chairman of the civil rights group Brotherhood Crusade, witnessed the 1992 riots and watched as demonstrators again took to the streets in recent weeks.
Although Bakewell said he didn’t support Garcetti’s decision to ask for the National Guard, the mayor “did what he thought he had to do to make sure that his city didn’t get away from him,” he said. He praised the mayor, saying Garcetti ultimately helped facilitate peaceful protests.
“The looting stopped and the protests continued on. And the message was clear: We don’t want heavy-handed police officers,” Bakewell said.
“It blew up very, very fast,” said UCLA’s Bryan, who demonstrated at Fairfax Avenue and 3rd Street and is critical of the police’s actions toward demonstrators that day. Bryan, who worked at City Hall, questioned whether the mayor’s office has ties to activist groups, which he suggested could have helped the city more effectively respond to the protests.
“The only way to know how to move is to have folks close to you that are also close to community movement, who can be honest with you about the things that people are feeling and needing,” Bryan said.
Garcetti, in an interview, said his office does have those relationships. Some activists have traditionally declined an offer to come to City Hall, he said.
He’s also faced calls to fire LAPD Chief Michel Moore over his comment that looters were as responsible for Floyd’s death as the Minneapolis police officers. Moore apologized for his remark and Garcetti has stood by the chief.
At the same time, the mayor has portrayed the LAPD as a leader on policing, pointing to the body cameras worn by officers and the implicit bias training they undergo.
Garcetti said there’s “plenty of time to review” decisions over the last month, but added that he was too busy “looking at how we can be brave and reframe our budget” amid calls to redirect money toward communities of color.