southfront--2020-07-03--Main Battle Tank Development Concept Of German Army (Part 1)

Written by V. Boryushin , V. Sokolenko ; Originally appeared at Foreign Military Review # 3 2019 , translated by AlexD exclusively for SouthFront In recent years , the leading military and economic powers of NATO have increased their activities in analysing possible directions for the development and use of the combat vehicle arsenal ( CVA ) of the ground forces in future wars .
For this purpose , the experience of combat application of such equipment in past wars is studies and generalised , new tactical methods for conducting CVA combat operations in open terrain and in urban conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use of robotic complexes , and various options for the modernisation of armoured combat vehicles ( ACVs ) are developed .
A characteristic feature of the activities carried out at the present stage is the transition from theoretical research , which was started in certain areas in the 1990s , to the practical implementation of many complex and expensive programmes for the development and modernisation of CVAs .
Some of this work has already moved from the field of R & D to the creation of experimental and demonstration models , and in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In the course of research work on CVA samples , modern technologies are being introduced to increase their combat capabilities .
Materials published abroad today on current trends in the development and application of CVAs present a wide range of views , sometimes contradictory , both by the leadership and the military-industrial complex ( MIC ) of the Alliance countries and individual authors .
For example , some foreign experts identify in these publications the following fundamental provisions that will have a decisive influence on the reforms being carried out of the ground @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the combat effectiveness of the CVAs : “ in the wars of the future , mass use of tanks is not expected ” ; but at the same time , it is believed that “ mass use of tanks , AIFVs , APCs are not excluded when performing certain tactical tasks , for example , when attacking poorly prepared anti-tank defences ” ; further , experts say that “ large-scale tank battles are no longer intended to play a decisive role for a positive outcome of a ground operation ” ; “ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrain has passed , and in the future we should expect the use of tanks mainly in operations in urban conditions .
This will require improvement of both the design of combat vehicles and the tactics of their use ” ; “ the main use of tank units of the ground forces will be time-limited operations , involving rapidly changing ways of conducting combat operations , decisive manoeuvres by forces and means of the modular organisational structure of the military formations in close cooperation with units of other arms and services of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the above views have not yet been widely adopted in all NATO countries , but they have already been reflected in a number of military doctrines and policy documents of some European states , which have become the basis for reforming the basic provisions of the concept of developing the weapons systems of the ground forces of these states .
The concept of development of the Main Battle Tank ( MBT ) was particularly deeply affected by ground forces reform processes .
The number of heavy armoured fighting vehicles ( AFVs ) in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has become noticeably reduced , and despite numerous statements by foreign experts that “ MBTs will remain in service with the Alliance until 2045-2050 ” , their modernisation programme has become sidelined , and work on creating a new generation of tanks in most of these countries has been completely frozen .
The dominant position in almost all foreign countries during this period was assigned to programmes for the development and production of light combat weight ( up to 30 tons ) and medium ( 30 to 40 tons ) tracked and wheeled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , preference was given to powerful cannon and rocket weapons that could provide both fire support for existing infantry units and combat armoured targets and fortified ground structures .
Work priority areas were the development and improvement of AFVs , which are intended for use in localities as part of peacekeeping and anti-terrorist operations .
It is characteristic that in such NATO countries as France , Belgium , Denmark , the Netherlands and Italy , a bid was made to equip the ground forces mainly with wheeled light and medium-weight AFVs ( AIFV @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well as tank support vehicles and other combat equipment based on them .
However , in other participating countries ( USA , Germany , Great Britain ) , they try not to give such preferences to the wheelbase and develop both tracked and wheeled versions of the AFVs .
The German military leadership , as follows from the publications of foreign military media , actively supports the reform of its ground forces , including the transformation of the CVA system .
The directive document “ Main Directions of German Defence Policy ” , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , continues to have a significant influence on the formation of new views .
In this document , in particular , it is noted that “ an armed attack on the territory of the country in the near future should be considered unlikely .
The most important task of the German ground forces at the present stage is to participate in operations for the crisis settlement of the international situation ” .
This document has more than once had a decisive impact on the level of funding for the development and production of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enterprises in the country , for example , in the case of allocation of quite significant amount of funds intended for R & D , carried out in order to modernise the existing fleet of armoured vehicles and the development of a new generation of AFVs .
The following works are planned for the near future : • replacing the fleet of outdated MBTs with modernised ones ( Leopard-2A7/A8 ) ( it is expected that by 2019 , the tank battalions and motorised infantry brigades will have 232 Leopard-2A7 tanks , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ additional request for another 84 such vehicles ) ; • development of new models of CVAs that meet the nature of content of future wars to a greater extent that before ( within the framework of these R & D , the creation of a number of modifications continues : AIFV Puma , the APC Boxer , the ARV Fennek , the ACV Wiesel ) , as well as work on the creation of a new generation of MBTs , called the Leopard-3 ( third series ) , and other types of tanks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ technologies and promising materials for the development and modernisation of the components of the existing and future CVA fleet .
A distinctive feature of the current stage of development of the German CVA from other NATO countries was the work on the creation of a new generation of MBT .
Previously , the solution to this problem did not go beyond R & D , sketching and technical design .
Experts explained this by the fact that in the course of the work carried out quite a powerful potential for the creation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but due to the foreign policy conditions in the world at that time , as well as for economic and other erasons the decision on this complex and expensive issue was temporarily postponed , and more attention was paid to the priority development at that time .
An important reason was also the conceptual uncertainty of design features depending on the intended nature and content of future wars , as well as the choice of rational directions for the development of a new generation of MBTs in these conditions .
In recent years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increased due to the appearance of the Russian high-tech , highly secure and equipped with the latest generation of onboard electronic equipment T-14 Armata and modernised T-90 tanks in the proposed theaters of military operations .
Currently , German military experts argue that the technical appearance of the Leopard-2 tank and is main combat properties at the time of its creation were optimised in advance to solve problems in a large-scale war .
But to use it in local wars and armed conflicts , in urban combat or in the fight against terrorist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to adjust individual combat properties and specify a number of TTCs .
For these reasons , the German Ministry of Defence has put forward for specialists in the MIC and firms – manufacturers of equipment requirements to improve the MBT development concept and to study the feasibility of creating specialised types of CVAs , such as a tracked tank support vehicle ( TTSV , which is currently in the technical design stage , can be created on the basis of the Leopard-2 tank , options for its development are being considered on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) , a wheeled TTSV ( which is at the stage of creating a prototype , is being developed on the basis of the APC Boxer with a turret , weapons and instrument complex from the Puma AIFV , it is possible to adopt for service by 2024 ) ; a vehicle for urban combat ( at the stage of creating a prototype , the layout is based on the American 155-mm self-propelled howitzer M109 , but with a Swiss 120-mm gun ) , a medium tank ( at the stage of demonstrating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ basis on the modernised AIFV Marder with a 105-mm standard NATO gun ) .
Work is underway to evaluate the effectiveness of these new types of ACVs in future wars on simulation models and experimental exercises .
Most operations conducted in urban environments resulted in large irretrievable losses of tanks , AIFVs and personnel , even if these AIFVs were equipped with equipment aimed at improving the effectiveness of their use for urban combat .
According to German military experts , currently the country ’ s ground forces do not have a universal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Puma ARV ) for conducting offensive operations both in open terrain and in urban conditions , when the enemy has a large number and variety of reconnaissance and anti-tank weapons , has wide opportunities for maneuvering fire and movement , is protected by walls of city buildings and field fortifications .
In addition , after an analysis of existing urban warfare in other states with the use of armed forces , developers were required to equip AFVs with special weapons and ammunition in order to minimise the destruction of urban infrastructures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ R & D activities are planned in Germany , aimed at creating innovative technologies for the CVA of the future .
In April 2017 , the commander of the German ground forces , Lieutenant General J. Vollmer in the conversation “ About the future of the German ground forces ” , said to the correspondent of the magazine “ Military Technology ” that in the long-term , in the interests the armoured and tank weapons and systems , scientific research has been directed at creating high-energy laser and electromagnetic weapons of high power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protective nanosteel and nanocomposite materials , ground-based robotics , active and passive protection systems , powerful generators and more .
It should be noted that attempts to create a new generation of CVAs have been made in the leading NATO countries many times over the past few decades , but due to the lack of relevance of projects , the appearance of other higher-priority works , or as a result of changes in the military-political situation in the world and insufficient funding , most projects have remained unrealized .
For these reasons , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ generation of MBT has not yet been finalised in any of the participating countries .
It is known that for the development of a new tank , the ground forces command and the management of the German machine-tool companies plan to use a significant scientific and technical reserve that was created in previous years .
In the period from 1980 to 2018 , more than a dozen projects were developed in the country to modernise tanks and create a new generation of MBTs , which reflected the following main concepts .
First , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the existing tank of the Leopard-2 series , based on industrially developed technologies and partially on new ones .
This concept has consistently led to the creation of more and more advanced modifications .
Second , it provided for the creation of a new generation of MBTs , based mainly on newly developed and partially on existing technologies .
In accordance with these concepts , projects for the creation of the Leopard 2A8 MBT and the new Leopard-3 series are currently under development .
MBT Leopard 2A8 .
The decision to release a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ received the designation Leopard 2A8 ( in some sources , the tank is designated as Leopard-2A7V ) , was made by the command of the German army and the management of KMW in 2013 .
Several versions of layout solutions were worked out : on the basis of modifications of the A7 and A7+ tanks , as well as on the basis of the demonstration model of the Leopard-2 Revolution tank .
The versions differ from each other mainly by the armouring schemes .
Deliveries of serial Leopard 2A8 tanks to the troops @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stages until 2025 .
It is expected that in the next five to seven years 104 Leopard-2 tanks will be upgraded to the A8 ( A7V ) standard , of which 68 are Leopard-2A4 , 16 are 2A6 series and 20 are 2A7 .
According to preliminary estimates , the cost of the upgrade package together with additional services will amount to 118 million euros .
One Leopard 2A8 tank is estimated by experts at the level of 8-8.5 million dollars .
Small-scale production of its foreign counterpart , the American M1A2 SEP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million dollars .
The relatively high costs of MBT development has become currently one of the main limiting factors for their mass production .
Small annual production volumes of new and modernisation of existing machines ( not more than 10-20 tanks per year ) reflects the general trend of CVA development of leading NATO countries and testify how the technical difficulties and high costs of using particular technologies , and the insufficient funding of the development programmes , so the leadership of the MIC of NATO countries invests more not in production but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ensure the future creation of a new generation of CVAs in the short term .
For example , due to the high cost of work associated with the use of new technologies , only 30 tanks out of 100 A8 modifications are planned to strengthen the anti-mine protection of the sides and bottom of the hull .
Earlier it was reported that the troops already have 70 Leopard-2A6M MBTs with similar design improvements .
Moreover , for economic reasons , it was decided to postpone until 2020 the implementation of a set of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the use of Leopard 2A8 tanks in urban areas .
Foreign information materials indicate that the Leopard 2A8 tank is planned to be created as a universal combat vehicle intended for use in high-intensity conflicts ( large-scale war ) , in local wars , peacekeeping , anti-terrorist and special operations .
Modifications of the A7 and A8 tanks are planned to remain in the military until 2035-2040 .
German experts see the feasibility of such a decision in the fact that it will require a long-term in-depth study of individual technologies for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conditions , the development of the A8 modification will ensure that the Leopard-2 TTC is maintained at the required level for the specified period of time , and the designers will be provided with the necessary reserve of time to solve complex and knowledge-intensive tasks when creating new technologies .
The Main directions of improving the combat capabilities of the Leopard 2A8 MBT .
The R & D directions taken in order to create the A8 modifications give the following ideas of its tactical and technical characteristics .
The combat weight is 63 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people .
Layout of all compartments ( combat , control , engine and transmission ) with minimal changes in the design of the hull and turret , compared to the Leopard 2A7 series tank .
The specific capacity is 22.4-23.8 HP/t with an MTU engine with a capacity of at least 1,500 HP .
The vehicle is planned to be adapted as much as possible to conduct combat operations both in open terrain and in urban conditions .
To maintain the TTC of such a vehicle at the required level until 2035-2040 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of complex R & D aimed at developing its combat properties , namely : firepower , security , mobility , command manageability .
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Several options for the tank cannon armament are under development : first – with a 120-mm cannon with a shortened barrel ( L44 ) which meets the increasing demands of warfare in an urban environment ; second – with a 120-mm ( L55A1 ) smoothbore gun of the Rheinmetall company , which allows the new tanks to be equipped with the sub-calibre armour-piercing projectile KE2020 , which is to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – with a 130-mm ( L51 ) smooth-bore gun ( from the same company ) , which is planned to be installed on upgraded models after 2020 .
The decision to equip the tank with guided weapons is expected to be made after receiving the results of complex fire tests of the 130-mm gun .
All Leopard 2A8 tanks will be equipped with a remote detonation system and multi-functional programming of the 120-mm high-explosive DM12 projectile response time , which will allow these projectiles to be used against bunkers and heavily fortified field @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used to fight helicopters , infantry in open terrain and lightly armoured targets .
More than 2,500 such shells have already been ordered .
In addition , all A8 tanks will be able to use DM11 high-explosive shells with a programmable fuse .
The DM63 remains the main armour-piercing sub-calibre projectile .
The use of the DM12 shells and the advanced fire control system ( AFCS ) increases the firepower of the tank , especially when firing at enemy infantry in shelters .
It is also planned to finally switch to the use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the armour ” , when the display of the surrounding space around the machine will take place on the screens of panoramic monitors installed at the crew workstations .
The vehicle commander workstation is planned to be equipped with a new stabilised panoramic sight RTWL-B of the Karl Zeiss company .
It has the same design and characteristics as the sight on the German AIFV Puma .
The scope kit includes an ATTICA thermal imaging device with day and night thermal imaging channels of the third generation , a laser rangefinder and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s sight can be used with the upgraded EMESs gunner ’ s sight , which will provide the crew with high search and strike capabilities when firing from the tank when stationary and on the move .
The detection range of ground and air targets is planned to be increased to 5,000 m. A two-channel SPECTUS periscope viewing system will be installed in place of the driver-mechanic , which will combine two channels ( visual and opto-electronic ) in one observation channel .
It is planned that all Leopard 2A8 tanks will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system AZEV ( Reinmetall ) .
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The tank is planned to be equipped with additional modular passive armour to strengthen the protection of the front sector of the hull and turret , as well as the sides and roof of the turret , the standard set of which will include protection of the bottom from mines and improvised explosive devices ( IEDs ) .
In addition , lattice armour or light cellular packages will be installed to protect the aft part of the tower and the hull from rocket-propelled anti-tank grenades .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ combat on Canadian and Danish Leopard-2 tanks in Afghanistan .
The protection of the Leopard 2A8 tank will be enhanced with new additional armour on top of the front part of the roof of the hull and turret .
This version of tank protection has already been tested in combat conditions ( in Iraq and Afghanistan ) and , as tests have shown , provides a reduction in the damaging effect of manually operated and unguided anti-tank weapons launched from the upper floors and roofs of buildings .
To reduce the visibility of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in motion , it is planned to include the improved camouflage thermal control system Barracuda from the Swedish company Saab in the equipment set of the vehicle .
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The power unit will probably remain unchanged , although the possibility of installing a new engine with a capacity of about 1,650 HP ( at the R & D level ) is being considered .
The power of the autonomous power auxiliary power plant ( APP ) of the company Steyer is planned to increase to 40-50 HP .
The tank will have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , improved brakes , new tracks installed and upgraded hydraulic system for pulling tracks from the driver ’ s seat ) .
In addition to providing improved mobility , the goal of these measures is to increase the potential for improving security through additional booking , which will lead to an increase in the combat weight of the vehicle to approximately 70-75 tons .
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The tank will be equipped with an upgraded onboard information and control system , which will increase the level of automation and “ intellectualisation ” of combat and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ movement , as well as survivability and improve command management ( especially inter-object interaction ) .
All crew displays are to display information from the standard battle control system .
All electronic instruments and communication systems will be connected to each other via the CANBUS data bus , which will provide the crew the information on flat-panel displays installed at the commander ’ s , gunner ’ s and driver ’ s workstations .
MORE ON THE TOPIC : • Role Of Military Transport Aviation In Ensuring Strategic Mobility Of NATO Forces

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Written by V. Boryushin, V. Sokolenko; Originally appeared at Foreign Military Review #3 2019, translated by AlexD exclusively for SouthFront
In recent years, the leading military and economic powers of NATO have increased their activities in analysing possible directions for the development and use of the combat vehicle arsenal (CVA) of the ground forces in future wars. For this purpose, the experience of combat application of such equipment in past wars is studies and generalised, new tactical methods for conducting CVA combat operations in open terrain and in urban conditions with complex infrastructure, including the joint use of robotic complexes, and various options for the modernisation of armoured combat vehicles (ACVs) are developed.
A characteristic feature of the activities carried out at the present stage is the transition from theoretical research, which was started in certain areas in the 1990s, to the practical implementation of many complex and expensive programmes for the development and modernisation of CVAs. Some of this work has already moved from the field of R&D to the creation of experimental and demonstration models, and in some cases, to serial machines. In the course of research work on CVA samples, modern technologies are being introduced to increase their combat capabilities.
Materials published abroad today on current trends in the development and application of CVAs present a wide range of views, sometimes contradictory, both by the leadership and the military-industrial complex (MIC) of the Alliance countries and individual authors.
For example, some foreign experts identify in these publications the following fundamental provisions that will have a decisive influence on the reforms being carried out of the ground forces and the direction of further improving the combat effectiveness of the CVAs: “in the wars of the future, mass use of tanks is not expected”; but at the same time, it is believed that “mass use of tanks, AIFVs, APCs are not excluded when performing certain tactical tasks, for example, when attacking poorly prepared anti-tank defences”; further, experts say that “large-scale tank battles are no longer intended to play a decisive role for a positive outcome of a ground operation”; “the time of mass tank battles in open terrain has passed, and in the future we should expect the use of tanks mainly in operations in urban conditions.
This will require improvement of both the design of combat vehicles and the tactics of their use”; “the main use of tank units of the ground forces will be time-limited operations, involving rapidly changing ways of conducting combat operations, decisive manoeuvres by forces and means of the modular organisational structure of the military formations in close cooperation with units of other arms and services of the armed forces”.
At present, the above views have not yet been widely adopted in all NATO countries, but they have already been reflected in a number of military doctrines and policy documents of some European states, which have become the basis for reforming the basic provisions of the concept of developing the weapons systems of the ground forces of these states.
The concept of development of the Main Battle Tank (MBT) was particularly deeply affected by ground forces reform processes. The number of heavy armoured fighting vehicles (AFVs) in the forces of many NATO member countries has become noticeably reduced, and despite numerous statements by foreign experts that “MBTs will remain in service with the Alliance until 2045-2050”, their modernisation programme has become sidelined, and work on creating a new generation of tanks in most of these countries has been completely frozen.
The dominant position in almost all foreign countries during this period was assigned to programmes for the development and production of light combat weight (up to 30 tons) and medium (30 to 40 tons) tracked and wheeled AFVs.
When equipping such combat vehicles, preference was given to powerful cannon and rocket weapons that could provide both fire support for existing infantry units and combat armoured targets and fortified ground structures.
Work priority areas were the development and improvement of AFVs, which are intended for use in localities as part of peacekeeping and anti-terrorist operations. It is characteristic that in such NATO countries as France, Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands and Italy, a bid was made to equip the ground forces mainly with wheeled light and medium-weight AFVs (AIFV, APC, ARV), as well as tank support vehicles and other combat equipment based on them. However, in other participating countries (USA, Germany, Great Britain), they try not to give such preferences to the wheelbase and develop both tracked and wheeled versions of the AFVs.
The German military leadership, as follows from the publications of foreign military media, actively supports the reform of its ground forces, including the transformation of the CVA system. The directive document “Main Directions of German Defence Policy”, approved by the government in May 2011, continues to have a significant influence on the formation of new views. In this document, in particular, it is noted that “an armed attack on the territory of the country in the near future should be considered unlikely.
The most important task of the German ground forces at the present stage is to participate in operations for the crisis settlement of the international situation”. This document has more than once had a decisive impact on the level of funding for the development and production of armoured and tank weapons and equipment at enterprises in the country, for example, in the case of allocation of quite significant amount of funds intended for R&D, carried out in order to modernise the existing fleet of armoured vehicles and the development of a new generation of AFVs.
The following works are planned for the near future:
replacing the fleet of outdated MBTs with modernised ones (Leopard-2A7/A8) (it is expected that by 2019, the tank battalions and motorised infantry brigades will have 232 Leopard-2A7 tanks, but the ground forces command has already made an additional request for another 84 such vehicles);
development of new models of CVAs that meet the nature of content of future wars to a greater extent that before (within the framework of these R&D, the creation of a number of modifications continues: AIFV Puma, the APC Boxer, the ARV Fennek, the ACV Wiesel), as well as work on the creation of a new generation of MBTs, called the Leopard-3 (third series), and other types of tanks;
the application of fundamentally new technologies and promising materials for the development and modernisation of the components of the existing and future CVA fleet.
A distinctive feature of the current stage of development of the German CVA from other NATO countries was the work on the creation of a new generation of MBT. Previously, the solution to this problem did not go beyond R&D, sketching and technical design. Experts explained this by the fact that in the course of the work carried out quite a powerful potential for the creation of a new generation tank was created, but due to the foreign policy conditions in the world at that time, as well as for economic and other erasons the decision on this complex and expensive issue was temporarily postponed, and more attention was paid to the priority development at that time.
An important reason was also the conceptual uncertainty of design features depending on the intended nature and content of future wars, as well as the choice of rational directions for the development of a new generation of MBTs in these conditions.
In recent years, the relevance of such work has increased due to the appearance of the Russian high-tech, highly secure and equipped with the latest generation of onboard electronic equipment T-14 Armata and modernised T-90 tanks in the proposed theaters of military operations.
Currently, German military experts argue that the technical appearance of the Leopard-2 tank and is main combat properties at the time of its creation were optimised in advance to solve problems in a large-scale war. But to use it in local wars and armed conflicts, in urban combat or in the fight against terrorist groups and organisations, it is necessary to adjust individual combat properties and specify a number of TTCs.
For these reasons, the German Ministry of Defence has put forward for specialists in the MIC and firms – manufacturers of equipment requirements to improve the MBT development concept and to study the feasibility of creating specialised types of CVAs, such as a tracked tank support vehicle (TTSV, which is currently in the technical design stage, can be created on the basis of the Leopard-2 tank, options for its development are being considered on the basis of the Puma and Marder AIFV), a wheeled TTSV (which is at the stage of creating a prototype, is being developed on the basis of the APC Boxer with a turret, weapons and instrument complex from the Puma AIFV, it is possible to adopt for service by 2024); a vehicle for urban combat (at the stage of creating a prototype, the layout is based on the American 155-mm self-propelled howitzer M109, but with a Swiss 120-mm gun), a medium tank (at the stage of demonstrating a pre-production model, created on the basis on the modernised AIFV Marder with a 105-mm standard NATO gun). Work is underway to evaluate the effectiveness of these new types of ACVs in future wars on simulation models and experimental exercises.
The military conflicts of recent years have convincingly proved that an enemy equipped with modern and fairly effective anti-tank weapons acts against tanks both in open areas and in urban conditions. In these conditions, the MBT and other armoured vehicles (AIFVs, APCs) are “…unsuitable for such scenarios of combat use and do not provide the required protection for the crew”.
Most operations conducted in urban environments resulted in large irretrievable losses of tanks, AIFVs and personnel, even if these AIFVs were equipped with equipment aimed at improving the effectiveness of their use for urban combat.
According to German military experts, currently the country’s ground forces do not have a universal combat vehicle (including the Leopard-2 MBT and the Puma ARV) for conducting offensive operations both in open terrain and in urban conditions, when the enemy has a large number and variety of reconnaissance and anti-tank weapons, has wide opportunities for maneuvering fire and movement, is protected by walls of city buildings and field fortifications.
In addition, after an analysis of existing urban warfare in other states with the use of armed forces, developers were required to equip AFVs with special weapons and ammunition in order to minimise the destruction of urban infrastructures.
Consequently, a number of comprehensive R&D activities are planned in Germany, aimed at creating innovative technologies for the CVA of the future. In April 2017, the commander of the German ground forces, Lieutenant General J. Vollmer in the conversation “About the future of the German ground forces”, said to the correspondent of the magazine “Military Technology” that in the long-term, in the interests the armoured and tank weapons and systems, scientific research has been directed at creating high-energy laser and electromagnetic weapons of high power, the main ground combat system, protective nanosteel and nanocomposite materials, ground-based robotics, active and passive protection systems, powerful generators and more.
It should be noted that attempts to create a new generation of CVAs have been made in the leading NATO countries many times over the past few decades, but due to the lack of relevance of projects, the appearance of other higher-priority works, or as a result of changes in the military-political situation in the world and insufficient funding, most projects have remained unrealized.
For these reasons, the full technical profile of the new generation of MBT has not yet been finalised in any of the participating countries.
It is known that for the development of a new tank, the ground forces command and the management of the German machine-tool companies plan to use a significant scientific and technical reserve that was created in previous years. In the period from 1980 to 2018, more than a dozen projects were developed in the country to modernise tanks and create a new generation of MBTs, which reflected the following main concepts.
First, assumed an evolutionary path of development of the existing tank of the Leopard-2 series, based on industrially developed technologies and partially on new ones.
This concept has consistently led to the creation of more and more advanced modifications.
Second, it provided for the creation of a new generation of MBTs, based mainly on newly developed and partially on existing technologies. In accordance with these concepts, projects for the creation of the Leopard 2A8 MBT and the new Leopard-3 series are currently under development.
MBT Leopard 2A8. The decision to release a new modification of the tank, which received the designation Leopard 2A8 (in some sources, the tank is designated as Leopard-2A7V), was made by the command of the German army and the management of KMW in 2013.
Several versions of layout solutions were worked out: on the basis of modifications of the A7 and A7+ tanks, as well as on the basis of the demonstration model of the Leopard-2 Revolution tank.
The versions differ from each other mainly by the armouring schemes. Deliveries of serial Leopard 2A8 tanks to the troops are planned to be carried out in stages until 2025.
It is expected that in the next five to seven years 104 Leopard-2 tanks will be upgraded to the A8 (A7V) standard, of which 68 are Leopard-2A4, 16 are 2A6 series and 20 are 2A7. According to preliminary estimates, the cost of the upgrade package together with additional services will amount to 118 million euros. One Leopard 2A8 tank is estimated by experts at the level of 8-8.5 million dollars. Small-scale production of its foreign counterpart, the American M1A2 SEP V3 tank, will amount to 8.5-9 million dollars.
The relatively high costs of MBT development has become currently one of the main limiting factors for their mass production. Small annual production volumes of new and modernisation of existing machines (not more than 10-20 tanks per year) reflects the general trend of CVA development of leading NATO countries and testify how the technical difficulties and high costs of using particular technologies, and the insufficient funding of the development programmes, so the leadership of the MIC of NATO countries invests more not in production but in the development of innovative technologies to ensure the future creation of a new generation of CVAs in the short term.
For example, due to the high cost of work associated with the use of new technologies, only 30 tanks out of 100 A8 modifications are planned to strengthen the anti-mine protection of the sides and bottom of the hull. Earlier it was reported that the troops already have 70 Leopard-2A6M MBTs with similar design improvements. Moreover, for economic reasons, it was decided to postpone until 2020 the implementation of a set of measures aimed at improving the effectiveness of the use of Leopard 2A8 tanks in urban areas.
Foreign information materials indicate that the Leopard 2A8 tank is planned to be created as a universal combat vehicle intended for use in high-intensity conflicts (large-scale war), in local wars, peacekeeping, anti-terrorist and special operations.
Modifications of the A7 and A8 tanks are planned to remain in the military until 2035-2040. German experts see the feasibility of such a decision in the fact that it will require a long-term in-depth study of individual technologies for a new promising tank. Under the current conditions, the development of the A8 modification will ensure that the Leopard-2 TTC is maintained at the required level for the specified period of time, and the designers will be provided with the necessary reserve of time to solve complex and knowledge-intensive tasks when creating new technologies.
The Main directions of improving the combat capabilities of the Leopard 2A8 MBT. The R&D directions taken in order to create the A8 modifications give the following ideas of its tactical and technical characteristics.
The combat weight is 63 to 67 tons, crew of 4 people. Layout of all compartments (combat, control, engine and transmission) with minimal changes in the design of the hull and turret, compared to the Leopard 2A7 series tank.
The specific capacity is 22.4-23.8 HP/t with an MTU engine with a capacity of at least 1,500 HP.
The vehicle is planned to be adapted as much as possible to conduct combat operations both in open terrain and in urban conditions. To maintain the TTC of such a vehicle at the required level until 2035-2040, it is planned to conduct a number of complex R&D aimed at developing its combat properties, namely: firepower, security, mobility, command manageability.
Fire power. Several options for the tank cannon armament are under development: first – with a 120-mm cannon with a shortened barrel (L44) which meets the increasing demands of warfare in an urban environment; second – with a 120-mm (L55A1) smoothbore gun of the Rheinmetall company, which allows the new tanks to be equipped with the sub-calibre armour-piercing projectile KE2020, which is to enter into service by 2022; third – with a 130-mm (L51) smooth-bore gun (from the same company), which is planned to be installed on upgraded models after 2020. The decision to equip the tank with guided weapons is expected to be made after receiving the results of complex fire tests of the 130-mm gun.
All Leopard 2A8 tanks will be equipped with a remote detonation system and multi-functional programming of the 120-mm high-explosive DM12 projectile response time, which will allow these projectiles to be used against bunkers and heavily fortified field structures. This system will also be used to fight helicopters, infantry in open terrain and lightly armoured targets.
More than 2,500 such shells have already been ordered. In addition, all A8 tanks will be able to use DM11 high-explosive shells with a programmable fuse. The DM63 remains the main armour-piercing sub-calibre projectile. The use of the DM12 shells and the advanced fire control system (AFCS) increases the firepower of the tank, especially when firing at enemy infantry in shelters.
It is also planned to finally switch to the use of electronic panoramic surveillance system “through the armour”, when the display of the surrounding space around the machine will take place on the screens of panoramic monitors installed at the crew workstations.
The vehicle commander workstation is planned to be equipped with a new stabilised panoramic sight RTWL-B of the Karl Zeiss company. It has the same design and characteristics as the sight on the German AIFV Puma.
The scope kit includes an ATTICA thermal imaging device with day and night thermal imaging channels of the third generation, a laser rangefinder and a day-vision television camera.
The commander’s sight can be used with the upgraded EMESs gunner’s sight, which will provide the crew with high search and strike capabilities when firing from the tank when stationary and on the move.
The detection range of ground and air targets is planned to be increased to 5,000 m. A two-channel SPECTUS periscope viewing system will be installed in place of the driver-mechanic, which will combine two channels (visual and opto-electronic) in one observation channel. It is planned that all Leopard 2A8 tanks will be equipped with the automatic detection and tracking system AZEV (Reinmetall).
Protection. The tank is planned to be equipped with additional modular passive armour to strengthen the protection of the front sector of the hull and turret, as well as the sides and roof of the turret, the standard set of which will include protection of the bottom from mines and improvised explosive devices (IEDs).
In addition, lattice armour or light cellular packages will be installed to protect the aft part of the tower and the hull from rocket-propelled anti-tank grenades. This protection has already been tested in combat on Canadian and Danish Leopard-2 tanks in Afghanistan.
The protection of the Leopard 2A8 tank will be enhanced with new additional armour on top of the front part of the roof of the hull and turret. This version of tank protection has already been tested in combat conditions (in Iraq and Afghanistan) and, as tests have shown, provides a reduction in the damaging effect of manually operated and unguided anti-tank weapons launched from the upper floors and roofs of buildings.
To reduce the visibility of the tank in the parking lot and in motion, it is planned to include the improved camouflage thermal control system Barracuda from the Swedish company Saab in the equipment set of the vehicle.
Maneuverability. The power unit will probably remain unchanged, although the possibility of installing a new engine with a capacity of about 1,650 HP (at the R&D level) is being considered.
The power of the autonomous power auxiliary power plant (APP) of the company Steyer is planned to increase to 40-50 HP.
The tank will have a significantly improved chassis (reinforced torsion shafts, improved brakes, new tracks installed and upgraded hydraulic system for pulling tracks from the driver’s seat). In addition to providing improved mobility, the goal of these measures is to increase the potential for improving security through additional booking, which will lead to an increase in the combat weight of the vehicle to approximately 70-75 tons.
Command manageability. The tank will be equipped with an upgraded onboard information and control system, which will increase the level of automation and “intellectualisation” of combat and work processes that occur during firing, movement, as well as survivability and improve command management (especially inter-object interaction).
All crew displays are to display information from the standard battle control system. All electronic instruments and communication systems will be connected to each other via the CANBUS data bus, which will provide the crew the information on flat-panel displays installed at the commander’s, gunner’s and driver’s workstations.
To be continued…
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southfront--2020-07-03--Trump Calls Bounties On U.S. Soldiers “Hoax” As Russian Hysteria Spins Out Of Control

On July 2nd , US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer said that US President Donald Trump was “ soft ” on Russian President Vladimir Putin and distracted by less important issues .
This relates to reports that Russia offered bounties to the Taliban in Afghanistan for killing US troops .
Top intelligence officials , including CIA Director Gina Haspel and Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe , conducted the closed-door briefing for a group of lawmakers dubbed the “ gang of eight ” — Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two intelligence committees .
The White House has insisted that Trump wasn ’ t briefed on the assessments because they hadn ’ t been verified , even though it ’ s rare for intelligence to be confirmed without a shadow of doubt before it is presented to senior government decision-makers .
“ The White House has done a con , saying that because all of the agencies of intelligence have not signed off on this , it wasn ’ t worthy of the president ’ s attention , ” Pelosi said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people in Afghanistan or any place is worthy of the president ’ s attention.
” Administration officials have insisted they have taken intelligence seriously .
National security adviser Robert O ’ Brien said that CIA and the Pentagon pursued the leads and briefed international allies .
US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the situation was handled “ incredibly well ” to ensure the safety of U.S. troops .
Trump has called reports of the intelligence assessments a “ hoax ” and has so far declined to address whether the U.S. has or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is , however , circulating social media , purportedly made by Russians who simply admit that US President Donald Trump ’ s biggest ally is , in fact , Russian President Vladimir Putin .
MORE ON THE TOPIC : • U.S. Director Of National Intelligence Denies Reports Of Russian Bounties On Troops • MSM Hype Train : Now Russia Allegedly Offers Taliban Bounties To Kill U.S .
Troops

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On July 2nd, US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer said that US President Donald Trump was “soft” on Russian President Vladimir Putin and distracted by less important issues.
This relates to reports that Russia offered bounties to the Taliban in Afghanistan for killing US troops.
“Our armed forces would be better served if President Trump spent more time reading his daily briefing and less time planning military parades and defending relics of the Confederacy,” Pelosi and Schumer said in a joint statement.
Top intelligence officials, including CIA Director Gina Haspel and Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe, conducted the closed-door briefing for a group of lawmakers dubbed the “gang of eight” — Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the top Republicans and Democrats on the two intelligence committees.
The White House has insisted that Trump wasn’t briefed on the assessments because they hadn’t been verified, even though it’s rare for intelligence to be confirmed without a shadow of doubt before it is presented to senior government decision-makers.
“The White House has done a con, saying that because all of the agencies of intelligence have not signed off on this, it wasn’t worthy of the president’s attention,” Pelosi said. “You know the death of our young people in Afghanistan or any place is worthy of the president’s attention.”
Administration officials have insisted they have taken intelligence seriously. National security adviser Robert O’Brien said that CIA and the Pentagon pursued the leads and briefed international allies.
US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the situation was handled “incredibly well” to ensure the safety of U.S. troops.
“We took this seriously, we handled it appropriately,” Pompeo said, without giving additional details.
Trump has called reports of the intelligence assessments a “hoax” and has so far declined to address whether the U.S. has or will respond to Russia.
The Russia Bounty story is just another made up by Fake News tale that is told only to damage me and the Republican Party. The secret source probably does not even exist, just like the story itself. If the discredited @nytimes has a source, reveal it. Just another HOAX! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) July 1, 2020
A video is, however, circulating social media, purportedly made by Russians who simply admit that US President Donald Trump’s biggest ally is, in fact, Russian President Vladimir Putin.
American soldiers’ lives are in danger and Trump has done nothing to stop it. Add ‘America First’ to the laundry list of scams Trump has sold in his life. It’s clearly Trump first, Russia second, and America last. pic.twitter.com/sqiRyqtJBE — The Lincoln Project (@ProjectLincoln) July 1, 2020
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southfront--2020-07-03--Criminalising Journalism: Australia’s National Security Craze

There has been a lot of noise made in Australia about the need for broader protections when it comes to the fourth estate and the way it covers national security matters .
In a country lacking a backbone in terms of constitutional free speech , journalists are left at the mercy of authorities when it comes to exposing egregious abuses of power .
Consider , for instance , the exposure of war crimes committed by Australian forces via what has come to be known as the Afghan Files .
As Dan Oakes and Sam Clark , the two ABC journalists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrote in July 2017 , “ Hundreds of pages of secret defence force documents leaked to the ABC give an unprecedented insight into the clandestine operations in Australia ’ s elite special forces in Afghanistan , including incidents of troops killing unarmed men and children.
” The material , published in seven parts , should not surprise students of war .
In the brutality of the Afghan conflict , the killing of civilians became a casual , cruel matter .
In September 2013 , a man and his six-year-old child were killed during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incident , along with another involving the killing of a detainee who had allegedly attempted to seize the weapon of an Australian soldier whilst in his custody , formed part of an investigation by the Inspector General of the Australian Defence Force .
In 2013 , an Afghan man was slain by Australian troops while riding his motorcycle .
The female passenger was injured .
The report in question noted the increasingly parlous state of Afghan-Australian relations in light of such incidents , involving the wanton killing of civilians by special forces .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Australian military protocol on the battlefield , shown to be hopelessly , and lethally inadequate .
There nomenklatura of the defence establishment spoke to the need of only targeting Afghans “ directly participating in hostilities ” , a distinction that was lazily made if and when it was made at all .
These are but a few highlights that this cache of files revealed .
But at the core of these revelations was a failed pseudo-colonial mission that was ignoble , misguided and , for all the fanfare of salvation , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terms of shoring up either Australian security or those of the Afghan population .
It failed in defeating the insurgent Taliban forces .
It had taken place on impulse , to assist a grieving US still licking its wounds after the terror attacks of September 11 , 2001 .
As with other empires , Afghanistan was reaffirmed as a graveyard for failed powers .
The Taliban , far from being defeated , showed their resoluteness and staying power .
The exposure of such defence documents should have sent policy makers and reformers into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Clark deserved , at the very least , a modest acknowledgment of merit .
Instead , they and the ABC attracted the keen eye of the Australian Federal Police .
On June 5 , 2019 , AFP officers swanned in and cheerfully raided the offices of the national broadcaster in Sydney .
The home of News Corp journalist Annika Smethurst was also raided for reporting on a separate matter touching on a proposed expansion of surveillance powers held by the Australian Signals Directorate .
Both raids were motivated by alleged breaches of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ( Cth ) .
These furnished the Australian public a chilling spectacle , and did something nothing else could have done : bring unity to a fractious field .
Journalists from Fairfax , News Corp and The Guardian Australia chorused in concern and consternation .
The Right to Know campaign was born , though remains , to date , an incipient venture .
In the words of the coalition , “ You have a right to know what the government you elect are doing in your name .
But in Australia today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you , people who speak out are penalised and journalism that shines a light on matters you deserve to know about is criminalised.
” The reason why the campaign has failed to yield rewards can be gathered by the continued investigation of Oakes and Clark and the mixed results of the campaign in the courts .
The ABC failed to invalidate the warrants executed to search their Sydney offices , with Federal Court Justice Wendy Abraham issuing a pointed reminder in February that the implied constitutional right to political subjects is not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power .
Smethurst and News Corp did modestly better in the High Court on April 15 , but only in terms of result .
In invalidating the search AFP search warrant , the judges found against the police purely on the basis of vague drafting .
The warrant in question failed “ to identify any offence under section 79 ( 3 ) [ of the ] ” and substantially misstated “ the nature of an offence arising under it.
” Had the warrant been prescribed with greater clarity , they would still have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Smethurst and her colleagues probably kept the champagne on ice .
In September 2019 , Attorney-General Christian Porter issued a direction under the requiring the Director of Public Prosecutions to seek the approval of the AG in instances where a journalist is to be prosecuted .
When it was issued , weak pronouncements were made that this was a warning to the AFP not to pursue the scribblers of the fourth estate .
Porter brandished his credentials as a democrat , arguing that a free press was significant “ as a principle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s insistence on prosecuting former ASIS officer Witness K and his lawyer , Bernard Collaery , for exposing a blatant wrong against a friendly country , such credentials can be dismissed as surplus baubles .
Little wonder , then , that the AFP has now confirmed submitting a brief of evidence to the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions , acting on the July 11 , 2017 referral received from the Chief of the Defence Force and then acting-secretary of defence .
Charges are recommended .
Oddly enough , the police have decided to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Power , in the absence of restraint , is coldly arbitrary .
The final say on whether such charges will be laid resides with Porter , and we have every reason to be troubled by a discretion that is executive , political and non-judicial .
Oakes sees the higher principle at stake .
“ Whether or not we are ever charged or convicted over our stories , the most important thing is that those who broke our laws and the laws of armed conflict are held to account.
” Dr. Binoy Kampmark was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cambridge .
He lectures at RMIT University , Melbourne .
Email : bkampmark @ gmail.com

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Submitted by Dr. Binoy Kampmark
There has been a lot of noise made in Australia about the need for broader protections when it comes to the fourth estate and the way it covers national security matters. In a country lacking a backbone in terms of constitutional free speech, journalists are left at the mercy of authorities when it comes to exposing egregious abuses of power. Consider, for instance, the exposure of war crimes committed by Australian forces via what has come to be known as the Afghan Files.
As Dan Oakes and Sam Clark, the two ABC journalists involved in putting together the file material wrote in July 2017, “Hundreds of pages of secret defence force documents leaked to the ABC give an unprecedented insight into the clandestine operations in Australia’s elite special forces in Afghanistan, including incidents of troops killing unarmed men and children.”
The material, published in seven parts, should not surprise students of war. In the brutality of the Afghan conflict, the killing of civilians became a casual, cruel matter. In September 2013, a man and his six-year-old child were killed during the raid on a house. This incident, along with another involving the killing of a detainee who had allegedly attempted to seize the weapon of an Australian soldier whilst in his custody, formed part of an investigation by the Inspector General of the Australian Defence Force.
In 2013, an Afghan man was slain by Australian troops while riding his motorcycle. The female passenger was injured. The report in question noted the increasingly parlous state of Afghan-Australian relations in light of such incidents, involving the wanton killing of civilians by special forces. Much of this stemmed from the sloppiness of Australian military protocol on the battlefield, shown to be hopelessly, and lethally inadequate. There nomenklatura of the defence establishment spoke to the need of only targeting Afghans “directly participating in hostilities”, a distinction that was lazily made if and when it was made at all.
These are but a few highlights that this cache of files revealed. But at the core of these revelations was a failed pseudo-colonial mission that was ignoble, misguided and, for all the fanfare of salvation, a dismal failure. It did little in terms of shoring up either Australian security or those of the Afghan population. It failed in defeating the insurgent Taliban forces. It had taken place on impulse, to assist a grieving US still licking its wounds after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001. As with other empires, Afghanistan was reaffirmed as a graveyard for failed powers. The Taliban, far from being defeated, showed their resoluteness and staying power.
The exposure of such defence documents should have sent policy makers and reformers into the corridors of the ADF. Oakes and Clark deserved, at the very least, a modest acknowledgment of merit. Instead, they and the ABC attracted the keen eye of the Australian Federal Police. On June 5, 2019, AFP officers swanned in and cheerfully raided the offices of the national broadcaster in Sydney. The home of News Corp journalist Annika Smethurst was also raided for reporting on a separate matter touching on a proposed expansion of surveillance powers held by the Australian Signals Directorate. Both raids were motivated by alleged breaches of official secrecy under the old version of the Crimes Act 1914 (Cth).
These furnished the Australian public a chilling spectacle, and did something nothing else could have done: bring unity to a fractious field. Journalists from Fairfax, News Corp and The Guardian Australia chorused in concern and consternation. The Right to Know campaign was born, though remains, to date, an incipient venture. In the words of the coalition, “You have a right to know what the government you elect are doing in your name. But in Australia today, the media is prevented from informing you, people who speak out are penalised and journalism that shines a light on matters you deserve to know about is criminalised.”
The reason why the campaign has failed to yield rewards can be gathered by the continued investigation of Oakes and Clark and the mixed results of the campaign in the courts. The ABC failed to invalidate the warrants executed to search their Sydney offices, with Federal Court Justice Wendy Abraham issuing a pointed reminder in February that the implied constitutional right to political subjects is not a personal right but one designed to restrict power.
Smethurst and News Corp did modestly better in the High Court on April 15, but only in terms of result. In invalidating the search AFP search warrant, the judges found against the police purely on the basis of vague drafting. The warrant in question failed “to identify any offence under section 79(3)[of the Crimes Act]” and substantially misstated “the nature of an offence arising under it.” Had the warrant been prescribed with greater clarity, they would still have stood as valid exercises of state power. Smethurst and her colleagues probably kept the champagne on ice.
In September 2019, Attorney-General Christian Porter issued a direction under the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions Act requiring the Director of Public Prosecutions to seek the approval of the AG in instances where a journalist is to be prosecuted. When it was issued, weak pronouncements were made that this was a warning to the AFP not to pursue the scribblers of the fourth estate. Porter brandished his credentials as a democrat, arguing that a free press was significant “as a principle of democracy”. Given Porter’s insistence on prosecuting former ASIS officer Witness K and his lawyer, Bernard Collaery, for exposing a blatant wrong against a friendly country, such credentials can be dismissed as surplus baubles.
Little wonder, then, that the AFP has now confirmed submitting a brief of evidence to the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions, acting on the July 11, 2017 referral received from the Chief of the Defence Force and then acting-secretary of defence. Charges are recommended. Oddly enough, the police have decided to single out Oakes and spare Clark. Power, in the absence of restraint, is coldly arbitrary.
The final say on whether such charges will be laid resides with Porter, and we have every reason to be troubled by a discretion that is executive, political and non-judicial. Oakes sees the higher principle at stake. “Whether or not we are ever charged or convicted over our stories, the most important thing is that those who broke our laws and the laws of armed conflict are held to account.”
Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com
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southfront--2020-07-03--Turkey Works On Establishing Permanent Base At Libya’s Al-Watiya

On July 2nd , a video was published purportedly showing the deployment of a medium-range MIM-23 Hawk air defense system , presumably , to al-Watiya airbase .
Al-Watiya was recently captured by the Government of National Accord ’ s ( GNA ) forces , together with their Turkish support from Haftar ’ s forces .
According to Turkish publication Yeni Safak , Turkey is to reorganize the GNA ’ s forces , as well as establish two permanent military bases in Libya .
One of them is reportedly al-Watiya , which is to be used as a base to launch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is Misrata , where the permanent deployment of Turkish warships is expected .
Meanwhile , the US State Department urged Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar ’ s Libyan National Army ( LNA ) to stop cooperating with the mythical Wagner PMC .
The legendary Russian contractor allegedly has nearly 2,000 mercenaries in the country , and they are all fighting on behalf of Haftar .
During the videoconference of representatives of the State Department and the LNA , the disbandment of armed groups under the leadership of Haftar was also discussed .
They key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stop the blockade on oil production in Libya .
On July 2nd , the French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves le Drian spoke over the phone with the Head of the GNA Fayez Al-Sarraj .
The French diplomat expressed concerns about the tensions in Libya , calling for ceasefire so that Libyans can resume the political process under the auspices of the UN .
Al-Sarraj told the French Foreign Minister that what is happening now isn ’ t a geoup of political initiatives to find solutions for the Libyan crisis but a group of maneuvers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Al-Sarraj spoke with le Drian about the mass graves unearthed by GNA forces in Tarhouna , planting of mines and other atrocities discovered in the areas where Haftar ’ s forces were positioned , in addition to the efforts to reopen oil production , according to Al-Sarraj ’ s media office .
While Al-Sarraj remarked that Libya needs elections and they should be the essence of the political process , adding that the clarity of the political process will be enough to “ take us away from the military solution ” .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Drone Wars Take A Heavy Toll On Machines And Men

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On July 2nd, a video was published purportedly showing the deployment of a medium-range MIM-23 Hawk air defense system, presumably, to al-Watiya airbase.
Al-Watiya was recently captured by the Government of National Accord’s (GNA) forces, together with their Turkish support from Haftar’s forces.
According to Turkish publication Yeni Safak, Turkey is to reorganize the GNA’s forces, as well as establish two permanent military bases in Libya. One of them is reportedly al-Watiya, which is to be used as a base to launch drone strikes from.
The other base is Misrata, where the permanent deployment of Turkish warships is expected.
Meanwhile, the US State Department urged Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army (LNA) to stop cooperating with the mythical Wagner PMC. The legendary Russian contractor allegedly has nearly 2,000 mercenaries in the country, and they are all fighting on behalf of Haftar.
During the videoconference of representatives of the State Department and the LNA, the disbandment of armed groups under the leadership of Haftar was also discussed.
They key topic, however, was how to stop the blockade on oil production in Libya.
On July 2nd, the French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves le Drian spoke over the phone with the Head of the GNA Fayez Al-Sarraj.
The French diplomat expressed concerns about the tensions in Libya, calling for ceasefire so that Libyans can resume the political process under the auspices of the UN.
Al-Sarraj told the French Foreign Minister that what is happening now isn’t a geoup of political initiatives to find solutions for the Libyan crisis but a group of maneuvers to give new roles to certain figures.
Al-Sarraj spoke with le Drian about the mass graves unearthed by GNA forces in Tarhouna, planting of mines and other atrocities discovered in the areas where Haftar’s forces were positioned, in addition to the efforts to reopen oil production, according to Al-Sarraj’s media office.
“Italy and France agree on the need for a ceasefire and Paris totally rejects all types and sources of external interventions in Libya,” the French Foreign Minister explained.
While Al-Sarraj remarked that Libya needs elections and they should be the essence of the political process, adding that the clarity of the political process will be enough to “take us away from the military solution”.
“Oil blockades must end. They are depriving Libyans of their main source of income as Libya has lost over the years over quarter of a trillion dollars due to the such reckless acts.” Al-Sarraj explained.
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southfront--2020-07-03--Ukrainian Troops To Use Javelin AGTMs And Turkish Bayraktar TB2 Drones In Eastern Ukraine

The Ukrainian Armed Forces troops deployed in Eastern Ukraine will be equipped with US-made Javelin ATGMs and Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 UAV .
This was announced by the Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Armed Forces ( UAF ) , Colonel-General Ruslan Khomchak , according to the UAF ’ s General Staff Facebook page .
According to Khomchak , the tactics of using Javelin are being worked out by soldiers of one of the brigades preparing to enter the Joint Forces Operation .
In the future , each of the brigades that will be sent to Eastern Ukraine will be strengthened by ATGM @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more available than before , the military leader noted .
This was important , since according to Khomchak , Ukrainian troops had learned how to defend , but now they needed to improve their offense .
“ Now we are devoting much more attention and time to preparing troops for offensive operations in urban areas .
For six years we have learned how to defend well .
And the army must be trained and attack day and night , in any weather conditions .
I set this task a year ago .
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prepared for different developments , ” added Khomchak .
In the spring of 2018 , Ukraine received 37 Javelin ATGM launchers and 210 missiles for them from the United States .
Under the presidency of Volodymyr Zelensky , Kiev continued negotiations with Washington on new deliveries of these complexes : contracts for the second batch of missiles were signed in December 2019 , some of them arrived in Ukraine in June 2020 .
The statement by Colonel-General Ruslan Khomchak goes directly against the claims by Ukrainian officials that any sort of de-escalation is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be noted that back in May 2018 , Georgiy Tuka , the deputy minister for the temporarily occupied territories and internally displaced persons of Ukraine said that the US had imposed restrictions on the usage of Javelin ATGMs in Eastern Ukraine .
At the same time , Tuka stressed that the ban can be canceled “ at any time , ” and just two such complexes would be able to inflict considerable damage on the enemy .
“ I suppose that in the case that , as people say , our backs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get permission from the U.S. to use two or three of these missile systems .
And this will bring the enemy down a peg for a fairly long time , ” the official added .
It is unclear if the ban has been lifted and Ukraine can now use the ATGMs or if the reports of equipping troops with them is a sort of publicity stunt .
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The Ukrainian Armed Forces troops deployed in Eastern Ukraine will be equipped with US-made Javelin ATGMs and Turkish-made Bayraktar TB2 UAV.
This was announced by the Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Armed Forces (UAF), Colonel-General Ruslan Khomchak, according to the UAF’s General Staff Facebook page.
According to Khomchak, the tactics of using Javelin are being worked out by soldiers of one of the brigades preparing to enter the Joint Forces Operation.
In the future, each of the brigades that will be sent to Eastern Ukraine will be strengthened by ATGM data, since they are already much more available than before, the military leader noted.
“In addition, in preparing this brigade for the next rotation, we will also work on the use of Bayraktar drones to carry out strikes on enemy targets,” added the commander of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
This was important, since according to Khomchak, Ukrainian troops had learned how to defend, but now they needed to improve their offense.
“Now we are devoting much more attention and time to preparing troops for offensive operations in urban areas. For six years we have learned how to defend well. And the army must be trained and attack day and night, in any weather conditions. I set this task a year ago. After all, the army should be fully prepared for different developments,” added Khomchak.
In the spring of 2018, Ukraine received 37 Javelin ATGM launchers and 210 missiles for them from the United States. Under the presidency of Volodymyr Zelensky, Kiev continued negotiations with Washington on new deliveries of these complexes: contracts for the second batch of missiles were signed in December 2019, some of them arrived in Ukraine in June 2020.
The statement by Colonel-General Ruslan Khomchak goes directly against the claims by Ukrainian officials that any sort of de-escalation is being attempted in Eastern Ukraine.
It should be noted that back in May 2018, Georgiy Tuka, the deputy minister for the temporarily occupied territories and internally displaced persons of Ukraine said that the US had imposed restrictions on the usage of Javelin ATGMs in Eastern Ukraine.
According to him, one of the terms of the contract to supply the missile systems was “not to use these complexes directly on the contact line.”
At the same time, Tuka stressed that the ban can be canceled “at any time,” and just two such complexes would be able to inflict considerable damage on the enemy.
“I suppose that in the case that, as people say, our backs are against the wall, we will get permission from the U.S. to use two or three of these missile systems. And this will bring the enemy down a peg for a fairly long time,” the official added.
It is unclear if the ban has been lifted and Ukraine can now use the ATGMs or if the reports of equipping troops with them is a sort of publicity stunt.
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southfront--2020-07-03--In Photos: Syrian Troops Blocked US Military Convoy Near Al-Dardara

Is that so johnny ?
tell me , will you be there to fight us too or do you just @ @ @ @ @ to die in a war they would clearly lose ?
not so nice of you @ @ @ @ @ .
I love SF low brain IQ trolls , where is that Greeko ape too @ @ @ @ @

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On July 2, the Syrian Army blocked a US military convoy at the al-Dardara bridge on the road between Tel Tamr and Abu Rasin in the northern countryside of Hasaka. Government troops forced the convoy to withdtraw from the area.
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southfront--2020-07-03--Airbus A330 Multi Role Tanker Transport (Infographics)

Click to see the full-size image The Airbus A330 Multi Role Tanker Transport ( MRTT ) is an aerial refuelling @ @ @ @ @ based on the civilian Airbus A330 plane .
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The Airbus A330 Multi Role Tanker Transport (MRTT) is an aerial refuelling tanker and military transport aircraft based on the civilian Airbus A330 plane.
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southfront--2020-07-03--Erdogan Is Footstep Away From Turning Hagia Sophia Back Into Mosque

As the West is hurrying up to entrench even more neo-liberal canons into its systems of governance and social norms , the government of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is pushing to turn iconic Hagia Sophia ( former Greek Orthodox Christian patriarchal cathedral , later an Ottoman imperial mosque and now a museum ) into a mosque .
On July 2 , the Council of State , Turkey ’ s highest administrative court , completed a hearing on this question .
According to the decision of the court which will deliver a written verdict within 15 days , the UNESCO @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worship or will continue to be used as a museum .
This decision will mean the annulment of the 1934 decision by the Council of Ministers that turned it into a museum .
The prosecutor on the case emphasized that decision on turing Hagia Sophia back into the mosque was up to the government .
Over the past years , the matter of Hagia Sophia ’ s status has repeatedly been the source of various speculations of the Erdogan government that uses the question to push further its neo-Ottoman propaganda and strengthen own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the society .
Now , when Turkey founds itself deep inside Erdogan ’ s push to become a Sultan of the New Ottoman Empire ( by invading Syria and Libya ) , the factor of Hagia Sophia once again appeared in the center of Turkish propaganda .
Taking into account that Erdogan seeks to be a great leader that will be remembered in Turkish history as the person that ‘ Made Turkey Great Again ’ , it ’ s highly likely that Ankara will opt to really turn the UNESCO world heritage site @ @ @ @ @ @ @ TOPIC : • Syria Prepares For Military Confrontation With Turkey In Northeast • Erdogan Vows Government Control Of Social Media Over Insults On Twitter

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As the West is hurrying up to entrench even more neo-liberal canons into its systems of governance and social norms, the government of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is pushing to turn iconic Hagia Sophia (former Greek Orthodox Christian patriarchal cathedral, later an Ottoman imperial mosque and now a museum) into a mosque.
On July 2, the Council of State, Turkey’s highest administrative court, completed a hearing on this question. According to the decision of the court which will deliver a written verdict within 15 days, the UNESCO world heritage site will be reopened for worship or will continue to be used as a museum.
This decision will mean the annulment of the 1934 decision by the Council of Ministers that turned it into a museum. The prosecutor on the case emphasized that decision on turing Hagia Sophia back into the mosque was up to the government.
Over the past years, the matter of Hagia Sophia’s status has repeatedly been the source of various speculations of the Erdogan government that uses the question to push further its neo-Ottoman propaganda and strengthen own popularity among the conservative Islamic part of the society.
Now, when Turkey founds itself deep inside Erdogan’s push to become a Sultan of the New Ottoman Empire (by invading Syria and Libya), the factor of Hagia Sophia once again appeared in the center of Turkish propaganda. Taking into account that Erdogan seeks to be a great leader that will be remembered in Turkish history as the person that ‘Made Turkey Great Again’, it’s highly likely that Ankara will opt to really turn the UNESCO world heritage site into the mosque.
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southfront--2020-07-03--Transall C-160 Military Transport Aircraft (Infographics)

Click to see the full-size image The Transall C-160 is a military transport aircraft , produced as a joint venture @ @ @ @ @ The brand of Transall is an abbreviation of the manufacturing consortium Transporter Allianz ( MBB @ @ @ @ @ ) .
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The Transall C-160 is a military transport aircraft, produced as a joint venture between France and Germany. The brand of Transall is an abbreviation of the manufacturing consortium Transporter Allianz (MBB, Aerospatiale, and VFW-Fokker).
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southfront--2020-07-03--NATO 2020: A Coalition of the Unwilling

NATO 2020: A Coalition of the Unwilling

Too many cooks spoil the broth The problem with alliances is that they ultimately either become victims of their own success , or can not figure out what to do with themselves once the original rationale disappears .
The original Cold War-era NATO was a relatively cohesive entity led by one of the two superpowers , with most of its members being the industrialized democracies of Western Europe , with West Germany being its eastern-most European member , and alliance planning revolving around USSR .
But even then there were cracks in the alliance .
Italy , for example , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it did not border any Warsaw Pact country and did not practice deploying its forces to West Germany to practice its defense against the anticipated Warsaw Pact invasion .
And while Greece and Turkey were ostensibly part of that alliance as well , in practice they spent more time clashing with one another than planning for joint action against USSR .
The end of the Cold War made the problem of alliance cohesion far worse , for two reasons .
One , it quickly added as many members as possible thus greatly expanding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it lost that single unifying factor in the form of USSR .
Today ’ s NATO is a patchwork of mini-alliances revolving around the United States which is determined to replace the alliance aspect of NATO which assumes that all members have interests that are to be taken into consideration , by patron-client relationships .
Are you ready for some Freedom™ ?
Not to put too fine a point on it , the goal of the United States is global domination .
This goal is shared by the entire political elite and major @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is nearly never discussed openly or directly .
Instead , it is framed in terms of “ American Leadership ” , “ New American Century ” , and of course “ American Exceptionalism ” which is used to justify any policy that violates international law , treaties , or agreements .
Given that every country which has not recognized “ American Leadership ” is described as a “ regime ” , there is no indication the US elite is interested in anything resembling peaceful coexistence with other sovereign states .
NATO plays a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ First , it is a military alliance that projects military power against anyone refusing to accept “ American Leadership ” .
Military contributions by European member states are certainly important , not least by giving America the veneer of international legitimacy , but the presence of US bases on the European continent is far more so .
US forces stationed in or staged out of European naval , air , and land bases are indispensable to its efforts to control the MENA region and to promote the US policy of driving a wedge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russia and China on the other .
Secondly , a European country ’ s membership in NATO means a sacrifice of considerable portion of its sovereignty and independence to the United States .
This is a wholly asymmetrical relationship , since US bases its forces in European countries and sells its weapons to them , not the other way around .
The penetration of a European country thus achieved allows US intelligence service to develop agent networks and to employ the full range of lobbying techniques which have been particularly visible in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the hands of NATO member states .
America ’ s self-appointed task is made not easier or harder by the fact that today ’ s NATO is therefore fragmented along both geographic and national power lines .
The geographical divide is plainly easy to see : Norway and Denmark mainly care about the Arctic , Poland and Romania obsess about Russia , Mediterranean countries freak out about what ’ s happening in North Africa .
The wrangling over sending more troops to Mali or to Estonia is the reflection of the differing security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pact .
The power divide is less easy to see but more problematic for Washington .
Of the European powers , only four—Germany , France , Italy , and Great Britain—may be considered to be powerful and independent political actors with which the US has to contend on anything like an equal basis .
The first three form the core of the European Union , whereas Great Britain opted for Brexit , likely in part because of the looming big power struggle between the US and the EU that has the potential of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is doubtful that the skirmishes over Huawei and North Stream 2 are anything but the opening salvoes in the confrontation over whether the EU will emerge as a political actor independent of the US , or be reduced to a collection of client states .
Unfortunately , America ’ s task is made easier by the fact of the intra-European divisions mentioned above .
United States is pursuing development of several hypersonic missile systems with the aim of ultimately fielding very large numbers of them in order to be able to launch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nuclear arsenals .
Since the weapons themselves are relatively short-ranged ( though that may change once the US allows New START to lapse ) , they require basing close to their intended targets .
That means having to find countries willing to base them in Europe , where it is liable to provoke a political debate of the magnitude comparable to that of the original Euromissile controversy of the 1980s .
Since Germany is not interested in being reduced to the status of a US client , it has resisted the US on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ North Stream 2 , the refusal to buy F-35s , and now also the lack of desire to host the new US missiles .
Even the German defense spending increases are intended at least as much to counter US influence in Eastern Europe as the supposed Russian threat to NATO .
The United States has responded using the usual array of tools : economic sanctions on any and all European entities participating in the project and even using the gas , apparently launching a cyber-attack that US-friendly German intelligence promptly blamed on Russia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ troops out of Germany and possibly to Poland .
There is even discussion and rumors that US nuclear weapons stationed in Germany might be moved to Poland .
The outcome of this so far is a power struggle between two NATO allies , US and Germany , over the political alignment of a third—Poland .
While Germany has the power of EU institutions on its side and massive economic gravitational pull , US has cultivated a cadre of friends , possibly intelligence assets , as a result of post-9/11 collaboration in Afghanistan , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intelligence-sharing .
This has produced a government more than willing to deploy US troops , missiles , and even nukes on Poland ’ s territory .
The power of US influence is visible in Poland ’ s weapons procurement : Patriot , Javelin , HIMARS , F-35 , and not a single comparable European system in recent years .
The US weakness in this confrontation consists of the unwillingness to subsidize Poland economically which , combined with the ruling party ’ s fiscal irresponsibility , will make it difficult for the country to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ term .
While in Eastern Europe US national security state is using Poland as a proxy against Germany , in the Mediterranean it has adopted Turkey as a proxy against France and Italy .
After some hemming and hawing , the US hawks dropped the Kurds yet again , with Trump happily taking the blame , in order to piggy-back on Erdogan ’ s Libya ambitions to curtail French and Italian interests there .
To be sure , Turkey retains far more autonomy in the relationship than Poland , which was unable or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EU against one another in order to secure a measure of freedom of action .
But the US Congress measures to allow the purchase of S-400 weapons from Turkey is an indicator that Turkey ’ s behavior is once again useful to the US .
And even though Turkey was excluded from the F-35 program , its firms continue to make components for various assembly plants .
The result has been a number of stand-offs between Turkish warships on one hand and French and Italian on the other off the coasts of Libya @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backing the Marshal Haftar ’ s LNA , Turkey ’ s preferred proxy is the GNA , leading to a veritable “ anti-Turkey ” alliance being formed that includes Turkey ’ s old time NATO adversary Greece .
While the US is officially aloof of the entire situation , in practice controlling Libya ’ s oil is part of the Washington strategy of “ energy dominance ” every bit as the North Stream 2 sanctions are .
The remarkable part of these two sets of conflicts among NATO powers is that in both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ France against the US in both cases .
It is Russia ’ s policies that are more beneficial to French and German interests than America ’ s , since Russia is not actually seeking to monopolize energy supplies to Europe in the way that the US clearly and openly is .
So far the US strategy consisted of steadily ratcheting up pressure through sanctions and proxies and occasional intelligence-generated anti-Russia provocations ( sometimes helpfully delivered by British agencies ) , trying to find that happy middle of policies that actually force Germany , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies and which do not force a permanent breach in the trans-Atlantic relationship .
But the cracks in the relationship are clearly visible and they are not attributable to Trump ’ s erratic and brusque manner .
It is the US Congress which passed the successive rounds of anti-North Stream 2 sanctions , with strong partisan majorities .
It means the assertion of US control over European major powers is part of the US agenda .
Since that agenda is motivated by a US political and economic crisis of a magnitude not seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likelihood Biden ’ s presidency would represent a radical departure from the current trend .
Of course , for Germany , France , and Italy to successfully resist US encroachment they would first need to transform the EU into something closer than a federation .
The COVID-19 pandemic and the associated economic crisis already providing considerable impetus for such a transformation , America ’ s insatiable appetites might provide the rest .
MORE ON THE TOPIC : • Prospects Of Ukrainian Army Offensive On Donetsk And Lugansk People ’ s Republic • Good @ @ @ @ @

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Written by J.Hawk exclusively for SouthFront
Too many cooks spoil the broth
The problem with alliances is that they ultimately either become victims of their own success, or cannot figure out what to do with themselves once the original rationale disappears. The original Cold War-era NATO was a relatively cohesive entity led by one of the two superpowers, with most of its members being the industrialized democracies of Western Europe, with West Germany being its eastern-most European member, and alliance planning revolving around USSR. But even then there were cracks in the alliance. Italy, for example, had nearly no role to play as it did not border any Warsaw Pact country and did not practice deploying its forces to West Germany to practice its defense against the anticipated Warsaw Pact invasion. And while Greece and Turkey were ostensibly part of that alliance as well, in practice they spent more time clashing with one another than planning for joint action against USSR.
The end of the Cold War made the problem of alliance cohesion far worse, for two reasons. One, it quickly added as many members as possible thus greatly expanding its geographical extent, and two, it lost that single unifying factor in the form of USSR. Today’s NATO is a patchwork of mini-alliances revolving around the United States which is determined to replace the alliance aspect of NATO which assumes that all members have interests that are to be taken into consideration, by patron-client relationships.
Are you ready for some Freedom™?
Not to put too fine a point on it, the goal of the United States is global domination. This goal is shared by the entire political elite and major portions of the population, though it is nearly never discussed openly or directly. Instead, it is framed in terms of “American Leadership”, “New American Century”, and of course “American Exceptionalism” which is used to justify any policy that violates international law, treaties, or agreements. Given that every country which has not recognized “American Leadership” is described as a “regime”, there is no indication the US elite is interested in anything resembling peaceful coexistence with other sovereign states.
NATO plays a double role in achieving that goal. First, it is a military alliance that projects military power against anyone refusing to accept “American Leadership”. Military contributions by European member states are certainly important, not least by giving America the veneer of international legitimacy, but the presence of US bases on the European continent is far more so. US forces stationed in or staged out of European naval, air, and land bases are indispensable to its efforts to control the MENA region and to promote the US policy of driving a wedge between Europe on the one hand and Russia and China on the other. Secondly, a European country’s membership in NATO means a sacrifice of considerable portion of its sovereignty and independence to the United States. This is a wholly asymmetrical relationship, since US bases its forces in European countries and sells its weapons to them, not the other way around. The penetration of a European country thus achieved allows US intelligence service to develop agent networks and to employ the full range of lobbying techniques which have been particularly visible in the US efforts to press F-35 aircraft into the hands of NATO member states.
Agreeing to Disagree
America’s self-appointed task is made not easier or harder by the fact that today’s NATO is therefore fragmented along both geographic and national power lines. The geographical divide is plainly easy to see: Norway and Denmark mainly care about the Arctic, Poland and Romania obsess about Russia, Mediterranean countries freak out about what’s happening in North Africa. The wrangling over sending more troops to Mali or to Estonia is the reflection of the differing security concerns of individual members of the far-flung pact. The power divide is less easy to see but more problematic for Washington. Of the European powers, only four—Germany, France, Italy, and Great Britain—may be considered to be powerful and independent political actors with which the US has to contend on anything like an equal basis. The first three form the core of the European Union, whereas Great Britain opted for Brexit, likely in part because of the looming big power struggle between the US and the EU that has the potential of degenerating into a destructive trade war. It is doubtful that the skirmishes over Huawei and North Stream 2 are anything but the opening salvoes in the confrontation over whether the EU will emerge as a political actor independent of the US, or be reduced to a collection of client states. Unfortunately, America’s task is made easier by the fact of the intra-European divisions mentioned above.
Euromissiles 2.0
United States is pursuing development of several hypersonic missile systems with the aim of ultimately fielding very large numbers of them in order to be able to launch disarming first strikes against Russian and Chinese nuclear arsenals. Since the weapons themselves are relatively short-ranged (though that may change once the US allows New START to lapse), they require basing close to their intended targets. That means having to find countries willing to base them in Europe, where it is liable to provoke a political debate of the magnitude comparable to that of the original Euromissile controversy of the 1980s. Since Germany is not interested in being reduced to the status of a US client, it has resisted the US on a variety of fronts, including the North Stream 2, the refusal to buy F-35s, and now also the lack of desire to host the new US missiles. Even the German defense spending increases are intended at least as much to counter US influence in Eastern Europe as the supposed Russian threat to NATO. The United States has responded using the usual array of tools: economic sanctions on any and all European entities participating in the project and even using the gas, apparently launching a cyber-attack that US-friendly German intelligence promptly blamed on Russia, and also threatening to move US troops out of Germany and possibly to Poland. There is even discussion and rumors that US nuclear weapons stationed in Germany might be moved to Poland.
The outcome of this so far is a power struggle between two NATO allies, US and Germany, over the political alignment of a third—Poland. While Germany has the power of EU institutions on its side and massive economic gravitational pull, US has cultivated a cadre of friends, possibly intelligence assets, as a result of post-9/11 collaboration in Afghanistan, Iraq, and in the realm of intelligence-sharing. This has produced a government more than willing to deploy US troops, missiles, and even nukes on Poland’s territory. The power of US influence is visible in Poland’s weapons procurement: Patriot, Javelin, HIMARS, F-35, and not a single comparable European system in recent years. The US weakness in this confrontation consists of the unwillingness to subsidize Poland economically which, combined with the ruling party’s fiscal irresponsibility, will make it difficult for the country to maintain its anti-German course in the longer term.
Cold Turkey
While in Eastern Europe US national security state is using Poland as a proxy against Germany, in the Mediterranean it has adopted Turkey as a proxy against France and Italy. After some hemming and hawing, the US hawks dropped the Kurds yet again, with Trump happily taking the blame, in order to piggy-back on Erdogan’s Libya ambitions to curtail French and Italian interests there. To be sure, Turkey retains far more autonomy in the relationship than Poland, which was unable or unwilling to play US and Russia and EU against one another in order to secure a measure of freedom of action. But the US Congress measures to allow the purchase of S-400 weapons from Turkey is an indicator that Turkey’s behavior is once again useful to the US. And even though Turkey was excluded from the F-35 program, its firms continue to make components for various assembly plants. The result has been a number of stand-offs between Turkish warships on one hand and French and Italian on the other off the coasts of Libya. And whereas France and Italy are backing the Marshal Haftar’s LNA, Turkey’s preferred proxy is the GNA, leading to a veritable “anti-Turkey” alliance being formed that includes Turkey’s old time NATO adversary Greece. While the US is officially aloof of the entire situation, in practice controlling Libya’s oil is part of the Washington strategy of “energy dominance” every bit as the North Stream 2 sanctions are.
Hang together or hang separately?
The remarkable part of these two sets of conflicts among NATO powers is that in both cases Russia has sided with Germany and France against the US in both cases. It is Russia’s policies that are more beneficial to French and German interests than America’s, since Russia is not actually seeking to monopolize energy supplies to Europe in the way that the US clearly and openly is.
So far the US strategy consisted of steadily ratcheting up pressure through sanctions and proxies and occasional intelligence-generated anti-Russia provocations (sometimes helpfully delivered by British agencies), trying to find that happy middle of policies that actually force Germany, France, and Italy to change their policies and which do not force a permanent breach in the trans-Atlantic relationship. But the cracks in the relationship are clearly visible and they are not attributable to Trump’s erratic and brusque manner. It is the US Congress which passed the successive rounds of anti-North Stream 2 sanctions, with strong partisan majorities. It means the assertion of US control over European major powers is part of the US agenda. Since that agenda is motivated by a US political and economic crisis of a magnitude not seen since the 1930s, there is little likelihood Biden’s presidency would represent a radical departure from the current trend.
Of course, for Germany, France, and Italy to successfully resist US encroachment they would first need to transform the EU into something closer than a federation. The COVID-19 pandemic and the associated economic crisis already providing considerable impetus for such a transformation, America’s insatiable appetites might provide the rest.
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