southfront--2020-12-02--Chicken Kiev Meets Cold Turkey: Black Sea Axis Emerges?

On the face of it , an alliance between Turkey and Ukraine seems like a rather odd creation , yet one that may surprisingly durable simply because neither country has anywhere else to turn .
What practically dooms them to a partnership if not an outright alliance is their unenviable geographic and geopolitical position of occupying the strange “ no man ’ s land ” between Russia , NATO , and the Middle East .
It is , of course , largely a predicament of their own making .
Ukraine , with considerable Western backing and encouragement but nevertheless mostly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own oligarchy , opted out of the Russia-centered network of loose alliances , trade partnerships , and other forms of cooperation that were mutually beneficial to the two in the previous two decades .
But that defection was not rewarded by the West in a way the likes of Poroshenko , Yatsenyuk , Avakov , Parubiy , and other architects of the Maidan coup expected .
Merely being stridently anti-Russian did not prove enough to warrant a shower of US and European cash , only onerous IMF loans which moreover come with conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abide by .
EU foreign policy chief Josef Borrel lecturing Kiev that the European Union is not an “ ATM machine ” delivered that point loud and clear : Kiev is supposed to privatize whatever crown jewels its economy still has ( at this point , mainly agricultural land ) , fight corruption of its own elites and facilitate the corruption of Western elites .
Joseph Robinette Biden Junior is hardly the only Western politician with a talentless son in need of a lucrative sinecure .
There are entire Western companies eager to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the privatization of Ukraine ’ s economy will inevitably turn into .
A Kiev court ’ s recent decision to declare the country ’ s anti-corruption institutions that were painstakingly stood up with considerable aid and tutelage from Western governments , down to screening appropriately-minded individuals for the job , looks as if it were calculated to send a middle-finger gesture to Borrel in terms even dense EU bureaucratic hacks will comprehend .
Pro-EU newspapers like Kiev Post were quick to label this a “ death of democracy ” , presumably with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sponsoring yet another Maidan since last one seems not to be delivering the goods .
The expected shower of Western weaponry has not materialized , probably because NATO is afraid to give Ukraine so much aid that it will risk a full-blown war with Russia .
Erdogan ’ s Turkey , by contrast , is in process of de-facto opting out of NATO , though neither Turkey nor the alliance itself want to take the final step of severing ties completely .
NATO membership is still beneficial to Turkey .
While the procurement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NATO and US in particular , resulting in the expulsion of Turkey from the F-35 program and the cancellation of F-35 sale to the country , evidently Ankara hopes that by nominally remaining in the alliance it limits NATO and EU sanctions that would no doubt be far harsher if it were totally out of the alliance .
The hope that Turkey , possibly post-Erdogan , will yet see the error of its ways and return to the fold , prevents NATO from adopting harsher stances that would definitely push Ankara away .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the animosity between Turkey ’ s leaders and their Western European counterparts is so intense as to beggar belief .
While Germany ’ s Merkel is careful to tip-toe around the issue due to fear of another wave of refugees as well as unrest among the large Turkish diaspora in Germany , France ’ s Macron seems to have taken a personal affront to Erdogan ’ s suggestion he might need a mental evaluation and will press the issue of EU sanctions against Turkey at future Union summits .
But from Turkey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shoulder from the EU is par for the course .
Its own migration to the geopolitical gray zone of Eurasia was motivated by EU ’ s failure to admit Turkey as a member after decades of leading it by the nose and promising neighborhood in some nebulously distant future right after Hell froze over .
Like Ukraine , Turkey was not seeking EU membership because of some mythical “ shared values ” .
It , too , saw EU as an ATM machine that would shower Turkey , one of the poorest countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and moreover allow Turks to freely travel and work throughout the Union .
Needless to say , neither of these prospects appealed to pretty much any European country , no matter how close or distant it was geographically .
So after decades of leading Turkey by the nose , EU politely put an end to the charade citing problems with Turkey ’ s democracy .
Thus snubbed , Erdogan opted to chart an independent course and appears to be finding a similarly snubbed oligarch clique in Kiev looking for ways the two countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ status .
There are plenty of those to be had , as limited as Ukraine ’ s and Turkey ’ s resources are , compared to such patrons as EU , NATO , US .
Faced with isolation and even a potential ban on arms exports , Turkey has a strong incentive to exploit the resources of the Ukrainian defense industry and engage in some export substitution in case vital supplies are no longer available from the West .
Canada ’ s and Austria ’ s ban on exports of optronics and engines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means Ukraine ’ s ability to provide substitutes would be most welcome .
Ukraine , for its part , would not be against deploying a huge attack drone fleet of its own in the hopes of replicating Azerbaijan ’ s successful offensive against Nagorno-Karabakh on the Donbass , though there Ukraine ’ s drones would probably run afoul of Novorossiya ’ s air defenses in the same way Turkish drones were brought to heel over Idlib .
Turkey ’ s Altay main battle tank is likewise little more than an assembly of components @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since Germany has already placed a ban on export of powerpacks and transmissions for the Altay , Turkey has been casting about for replacements , looking as far as China .
Whether Ukraine ’ s developments in this realm can be adopted to rescue the Altay project remain to be seen .
However , the Oplot powerpacks and transmissions can probably be adapted to Altay use , resulting in Turkey realizing its goal of a home-grown MBT .
Ultimately , the greater the contribution of Ukrainian defense industry to Turkey ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ action it would bestow on Turkey and make it less dependent on other foreign sources of military hardware who can exert influence over Turkey simply by withholding future technical support .
If the United States were to follow up on the F-35 expulsion with a ban on servicing Turkish F-16s which form the mainstay of its airpower , the result would be crippling of the country ’ s air combat capabilities that drones can not compensate for and which would be sorely missed in any confrontation with another comparable power like Greece .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ indigenous fighter aircraft would benefit from Ukraine ’ s technological contributions and its own interest in indigenous aircraft designs .
For Ukraine , the relationship would be an opportunity to acquire NATO-compatible weaponry with the caveat that it would have to pay in full for every last drone , either with cash or in kind .
Turkey ’ s economic situation is not so strong as to allow largesse in the form of free military aid to anyone .
Mitigating against the long-term development of what Zelensky referred to as “ strategic partnership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Erdogan who seeks to dominate any and all partners and tries to see how far he can push before the partners push back .
This practice has led to the confrontations in Syria , Libya , and eastern Mediterranean .
Ukraine , in contrast to Russia , France , and even Greece , is hardly in a position to push back .
The most dangerous aspect of Turkish politics , from Ukraine ’ s perspective , is the ideology of Pan-Turkism that just might transform Ukraine ’ s Tatar community into a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , adding yet another fissure to the already fractured political picture .
On the plus side , Erdogan does not appear interested in “ combating corruption ” in Ukraine , though that does not preclude the possibility Turkey ’ s military collaboration with Ukraine might not cost Ukraine dearly , though not to the same extent as EU-promoted privatization efforts .

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Written and produced by SF Team: J.Hawk, Daniel Deiss, Edwin Watson
On the face of it, an alliance between Turkey and Ukraine seems like a rather odd creation, yet one that may surprisingly durable simply because neither country has anywhere else to turn. What practically dooms them to a partnership if not an outright alliance is their unenviable geographic and geopolitical position of occupying the strange “no man’s land” between Russia, NATO, and the Middle East. It is, of course, largely a predicament of their own making. Ukraine, with considerable Western backing and encouragement but nevertheless mostly through efforts of a faction of its own oligarchy, opted out of the Russia-centered network of loose alliances, trade partnerships, and other forms of cooperation that were mutually beneficial to the two in the previous two decades. But that defection was not rewarded by the West in a way the likes of Poroshenko, Yatsenyuk, Avakov, Parubiy, and other architects of the Maidan coup expected. Merely being stridently anti-Russian did not prove enough to warrant a shower of US and European cash, only onerous IMF loans which moreover come with conditions Kiev elites are in no hurry to abide by. EU foreign policy chief Josef Borrel lecturing Kiev that the European Union is not an “ATM machine” delivered that point loud and clear: Kiev is supposed to privatize whatever crown jewels its economy still has (at this point, mainly agricultural land), fight corruption of its own elites and facilitate the corruption of Western elites. Joseph Robinette Biden Junior is hardly the only Western politician with a talentless son in need of a lucrative sinecure. There are entire Western companies eager to participate in the thinly disguised plunder that the privatization of Ukraine’s economy will inevitably turn into. A Kiev court’s recent decision to declare the country’s anti-corruption institutions that were painstakingly stood up with considerable aid and tutelage from Western governments, down to screening appropriately-minded individuals for the job, looks as if it were calculated to send a middle-finger gesture to Borrel in terms even dense EU bureaucratic hacks will comprehend. Pro-EU newspapers like Kiev Post were quick to label this a “death of democracy”, presumably with the intent of interesting EU and NATO in sponsoring yet another Maidan since last one seems not to be delivering the goods. The expected shower of Western weaponry has not materialized, probably because NATO is afraid to give Ukraine so much aid that it will risk a full-blown war with Russia.
Erdogan’s Turkey, by contrast, is in process of de-facto opting out of NATO, though neither Turkey nor the alliance itself want to take the final step of severing ties completely. NATO membership is still beneficial to Turkey. While the procurement of Russian S-400 air defense systems angered NATO and US in particular, resulting in the expulsion of Turkey from the F-35 program and the cancellation of F-35 sale to the country, evidently Ankara hopes that by nominally remaining in the alliance it limits NATO and EU sanctions that would no doubt be far harsher if it were totally out of the alliance. The hope that Turkey, possibly post-Erdogan, will yet see the error of its ways and return to the fold, prevents NATO from adopting harsher stances that would definitely push Ankara away. Yet the drifting apart is unmistakable, and the animosity between Turkey’s leaders and their Western European counterparts is so intense as to beggar belief. While Germany’s Merkel is careful to tip-toe around the issue due to fear of another wave of refugees as well as unrest among the large Turkish diaspora in Germany, France’s Macron seems to have taken a personal affront to Erdogan’s suggestion he might need a mental evaluation and will press the issue of EU sanctions against Turkey at future Union summits.
But from Turkey’s perspective, getting a cold shoulder from the EU is par for the course. Its own migration to the geopolitical gray zone of Eurasia was motivated by EU’s failure to admit Turkey as a member after decades of leading it by the nose and promising neighborhood in some nebulously distant future right after Hell froze over. Like Ukraine, Turkey was not seeking EU membership because of some mythical “shared values”. It, too, saw EU as an ATM machine that would shower Turkey, one of the poorest countries on the continent, with development assistance and moreover allow Turks to freely travel and work throughout the Union. Needless to say, neither of these prospects appealed to pretty much any European country, no matter how close or distant it was geographically. So after decades of leading Turkey by the nose, EU politely put an end to the charade citing problems with Turkey’s democracy. Thus snubbed, Erdogan opted to chart an independent course and appears to be finding a similarly snubbed oligarch clique in Kiev looking for ways the two countries could extract mutual benefit from their isolated status.
There are plenty of those to be had, as limited as Ukraine’s and Turkey’s resources are, compared to such patrons as EU, NATO, US. Faced with isolation and even a potential ban on arms exports, Turkey has a strong incentive to exploit the resources of the Ukrainian defense industry and engage in some export substitution in case vital supplies are no longer available from the West. Canada’s and Austria’s ban on exports of optronics and engines needed for the Bayraktar TB2 combat drones means Ukraine’s ability to provide substitutes would be most welcome. Ukraine, for its part, would not be against deploying a huge attack drone fleet of its own in the hopes of replicating Azerbaijan’s successful offensive against Nagorno-Karabakh on the Donbass, though there Ukraine’s drones would probably run afoul of Novorossiya’s air defenses in the same way Turkish drones were brought to heel over Idlib. Turkey’s Altay main battle tank is likewise little more than an assembly of components imported from other countries, particularly Germany. Since Germany has already placed a ban on export of powerpacks and transmissions for the Altay, Turkey has been casting about for replacements, looking as far as China. Whether Ukraine’s developments in this realm can be adopted to rescue the Altay project remain to be seen. However, the Oplot powerpacks and transmissions can probably be adapted to Altay use, resulting in Turkey realizing its goal of a home-grown MBT. Ultimately, the greater the contribution of Ukrainian defense industry to Turkey’s military modernization, the more freedom of action it would bestow on Turkey and make it less dependent on other foreign sources of military hardware who can exert influence over Turkey simply by withholding future technical support. If the United States were to follow up on the F-35 expulsion with a ban on servicing Turkish F-16s which form the mainstay of its airpower, the result would be crippling of the country’s air combat capabilities that drones cannot compensate for and which would be sorely missed in any confrontation with another comparable power like Greece. Turkey’s efforts to develop an indigenous fighter aircraft would benefit from Ukraine’s technological contributions and its own interest in indigenous aircraft designs. For Ukraine, the relationship would be an opportunity to acquire NATO-compatible weaponry with the caveat that it would have to pay in full for every last drone, either with cash or in kind. Turkey’s economic situation is not so strong as to allow largesse in the form of free military aid to anyone.
Mitigating against the long-term development of what Zelensky referred to as “strategic partnership” with Turkey is the erratic behavior of Erdogan who seeks to dominate any and all partners and tries to see how far he can push before the partners push back. This practice has led to the confrontations in Syria, Libya, and eastern Mediterranean. Ukraine, in contrast to Russia, France, and even Greece, is hardly in a position to push back. The most dangerous aspect of Turkish politics, from Ukraine’s perspective, is the ideology of Pan-Turkism that just might transform Ukraine’s Tatar community into a proxy force for Turkey right inside Ukraine, adding yet another fissure to the already fractured political picture. On the plus side, Erdogan does not appear interested in “combating corruption” in Ukraine, though that does not preclude the possibility Turkey’s military collaboration with Ukraine might not cost Ukraine dearly, though not to the same extent as EU-promoted privatization efforts.
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southfront--2020-12-02--Mysterious Explosion Reported In Libya’s Misrata (Photos)

On December 2 , a large explosion rocked the northern Libyan city of Misrata , which is controlled by the Government for National Accord ( GNA ) .
The explosion took place in Souq al-Ithnin , in the southeastern outskirts of the city .
The remains of an unidentified projectile were found at the explosion scene .
No casualties were reported as a result of the explosion .
Misrata hosts a joint operations room of forces loyal to the GNA and the Turkish military , which deployed thousands of Syrian mercenaries in Libya over the last year .
Initially , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a strike by the Libyan National Army , which launched a large-scale attack on the GNA last year .
However , Libyan sources said the explosion was caused by war remnants .
Some Libyans said on Twitter the explosion was caused by a man who was trying to scrap a Soviet 9K52 Luna-M short-range artillery rocket .
As a result , the defunct rocket blew up .
War remnants are a serious threat in today ’ s Libya .
The fierce civil war in 2011 and the looting of military depots back then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explosives .
The GNA and Misrata ’ s local authorities are yet to comment on the incident .
Any hostile action is usually announced within a few hours .
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On December 2, a large explosion rocked the northern Libyan city of Misrata, which is controlled by the Government for National Accord (GNA).
The explosion took place in Souq al-Ithnin, in the southeastern outskirts of the city. The remains of an unidentified projectile were found at the explosion scene. No casualties were reported as a result of the explosion.
صور من موقع الإنفجار في منطقة ” سوق الإثنين ” بمدينة #مصراتة مع العثور على بقايا صاروخ ولا أنباء أولية عن وقوع خسائر بشرية . pic.twitter.com/1yiD5o8TuR — الجيش الوطني الليبي 2 (@MohammedAlderse) December 2, 2020
Misrata hosts a joint operations room of forces loyal to the GNA and the Turkish military, which deployed thousands of Syrian mercenaries in Libya over the last year.
Initially, many thought that Misrata was subjected to a strike by the Libyan National Army, which launched a large-scale attack on the GNA last year.
However, Libyan sources said the explosion was caused by war remnants. Some Libyans said on Twitter the explosion was caused by a man who was trying to scrap a Soviet 9K52 Luna-M short-range artillery rocket. As a result, the defunct rocket blew up.
War remnants are a serious threat in today’s Libya. The fierce civil war in 2011 and the looting of military depots back then led to the widespread of ammunition and explosives.
The GNA and Misrata’s local authorities are yet to comment on the incident. Any hostile action is usually announced within a few hours.
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southfront--2020-12-02--Russian PMCs, Vehicles Spotted At Military Parade In Central Africa (Photos, Video)

On December 1 , a military parade in honor of the Republic Day was held in Bangui , the capital of the Central African Republic , CAR .
The parade was attended by President Faustin-Archange Touadéra and many other officials of the CAR .
The security of all senior officials was directly handled by Russian private military contractors .
Several units of the Central African Armed Forces and security forces as well as a Russian military marching band took part in the parade .
During the parade , CAR forces showcased a number of BRDM-2 amphibious armoured patrol , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Several Dongfeng Warrior CSK-131 armoured vehicles , which were donated to CAR by China ’ s Poly Technologies group in 2018 , also appeared in the parade .
Russian service members and PMCs were deployed in the CAR around two years ago to train and prepare local forces , which are facing increasing challenges .
The mainstream media , MSM , claim that Russian PMCs are protecting President Touadéra , who is anticipating tense presidential elections on the 27th of December .
MORE ON THIS TOPIC : • “ 2020 ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ At Least 110 Dead

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On December 1, a military parade in honor of the Republic Day was held in Bangui, the capital of the Central African Republic, CAR.
The parade was attended by President Faustin-Archange Touadéra and many other officials of the CAR. The security of all senior officials was directly handled by Russian private military contractors.
Several units of the Central African Armed Forces and security forces as well as a Russian military marching band took part in the parade.
During the parade, CAR forces showcased a number of BRDM-2 amphibious armoured patrol, which were donated by Russia earlier this year. Several Dongfeng Warrior CSK-131 armoured vehicles, which were donated to CAR by China’s Poly Technologies group in 2018, also appeared in the parade.
Russian service members and PMCs were deployed in the CAR around two years ago to train and prepare local forces, which are facing increasing challenges.
The mainstream media, MSM, claim that Russian PMCs are protecting President Touadéra, who is anticipating tense presidential elections on the 27th of December.
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southfront--2020-12-02--CNN Tapes Reveal Network’s Bias Against President Trump, Tucker Carlson

“ This is yet another investigation Project Veritas has conducted into CNN , and once again they ’ ve demonstrated their partisan political agenda and total disconnect with journalistic ethics , ” said Project Veritas founder and CEO James O ’ Keefe .
CNN attacked President Donald J. Trump , Fox News host Tucker Carlson and even U.S .
Senator Lindsey Graham , he said .
Here are some of the comments made on the CNN calls about President Trump : CNN President Jeff Zucker : “ This is a president who knows he ’ s losing , who knows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sick , maybe is on the aftereffects of steroids or not .
I don ’ t know .
But he is acting erratically and desperately , and we need to not normalize that.
” Zucker : “ You know , this is what we ’ ve come to expect for the last three and a half years , four years , but it clearly is exacerbated by the time that we ’ re in and the issues that he ’ s [ Trump ] dealing with .
I think that we can not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is all over the place and acting erratically , and I think we need to lean into that.
” Stephanie Becker , CNN field producer : “ On the issue of why it ’ s important to get the transition going right , the 9-11 report talks about one of the problems was that the trouble that was brewing that lost during the transition .
So , if you want a good , concrete example of what happens when you don ’ t have a good transition , well , look at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also told his employees to go after Lindsey Graham during one of the 9 a.m. calls .
“ Frankly , if we ’ ve made any mistake , it ’ s been that our banners have been too polite , and we need to go well after Lindsey Graham , ” he said .
“ There ’ s a ton going on .
Let ’ s stay strong .
Let ’ s stay newsy .
Let ’ s stay urgent .
Let ’ s be smart .
There is a lot of news @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deserves it , ” he said .
David Vigilante , CNN ’ s General Counsel said Tucker Carlson is a racist and that Fox News enables Carlson to host a white supremacy hour every night on their channel .
“ Yeah , I was just going to say , if you ’ re going to talk about the story , I think it ’ s unavoidable that you have to talk about the naked racism of Tucker Carlson .
Because that ’ s really what drove this anti-diversity push , you know , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and then reacts .
And just as sort of the white supremacy hour they have on Fox News every night , I think it ’ s the — You can ’ t disconnect the two , ” he said .
O ’ Keefe said these tapes show CNN executives plotting the day ’ s news .
“ These statements made by high-up executives at CNN prove that they are simply not interested in being unbiased when reporting on the news , ” O ’ Keefe said .
“ CNN likes to call themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ’ but how can the public ever trust a network that routinely bashes people simply because those people hold certain political views that are not aligned with the mainstream media ?
” he asked .
“ Calling Tucker Carlson a racist and demanding CNN employees to attack Lindsey Graham is outrageous and unprofessional behavior , ” he said .
“ Project Veritas continues its investigations into mainstream media organizations and their role in influencing elections , especially as America ’ s future is becoming more uncertain and the public ’ s trust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : The third video in this article identifies the source of the audio in the call as Marcus Mabry .
CNN ’ s PR team has informed us that it was in fact their General Counsel David Vigilante .
This article text has been updated to reflect that .

“This is yet another investigation Project Veritas has conducted into CNN, and once again they’ve demonstrated their partisan political agenda and total disconnect with journalistic ethics,” said Project Veritas founder and CEO James O’Keefe.
CNN attacked President Donald J. Trump, Fox News host Tucker Carlson and even U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham, he said.
Here are some of the comments made on the CNN calls about President Trump:
CNN President Jeff Zucker: “This is a president who knows he’s losing, who knows he’s in trouble, is sick, maybe is on the aftereffects of steroids or not. I don’t know. But he is acting erratically and desperately, and we need to not normalize that.”
Zucker: “You know, this is what we’ve come to expect for the last three and a half years, four years, but it clearly is exacerbated by the time that we’re in and the issues that he’s [Trump] dealing with. I think that we cannot just let it be normalized. He is all over the place and acting erratically, and I think we need to lean into that.”
Stephanie Becker, CNN field producer: “On the issue of why it’s important to get the transition going right, the 9-11 report talks about one of the problems was that the trouble that was brewing that lost during the transition. So, if you want a good, concrete example of what happens when you don’t have a good transition, well, look at the Twin Towers.”
CNN President Jeff Zucker also told his employees to go after Lindsey Graham during
one of the 9 a.m. calls.


southfront--2020-12-02--Putin Lends His Support To Nikol Pashinyan

On December 2 , a meeting of the Collective Security Treaty Organization ( CSTO ) Collective Security Council was held via videoconference .
The participants discussed international security and the ways to increase the effectiveness of the organization , as well as the strengthening of inter-parliamentary cooperation .
Russia holds the organization ’ s rotating presidency this year , and will hand it over to Tajikistan in 2021 .
Currently , the CSTO consists of six countries : Russia , Armenia , Belarus , Kazakhstan , Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan .
The recent Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the peacekeeping process were actively @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vladimir Putin “ At present , the trilateral declaration of Russia , Armenia and Azerbaijan of November 9 is being consistently implemented .
Russian peacekeepers are deployed on the line of contact and along the Lachin corridor , ” Putin said at the CSTO summit .
Putin stressed out the necessity to jointly provide humanitarian aid to the citizens of the Nagorno-Karabakh region .
He called on his counterparts to provide assistance in the return of refugees and the restoration of destroyed infrastructure , as well as the protection of historical , religious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Russian President pointed out great personal courage of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan that was demonstrated while signing the trilateral ceasefire agreement on November 9 .
“ He ( Nikol Pashinyan ) took upon himself this responsibility .
And our task is now to support the Prime Minister himself and his team in order to establish a peaceful life , achieve the implementation of all decisions and help people who find themselves in difficult life situation “ , – said the President of the Russian Federation .
Nikol Pashinyan in his speech @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s personal role in the peace agreement .
However , technical problems with the microphone did not allow him to start well .
The leader ’ s exchange of pleasantries took place amid the continuing protests in Armenia , where people continue to require Pashinyan ’ s resignation .
Putin ’ s support to Pashinyan and his administration seem to mark a significant shift in the relationship between Moscow and Yerevan .
During the last years , the current Armenian Prime Minister actively pursued anti-Russian politics and did everything possible to weaken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Even today , when Russian peacekeeping forces assure the stability in Nagorno-Karabakh region , Armenian political leadership disrespects its Russian counterparts .
MORE ON THE TOPIC : • Protests In Armenia As Nikol ” The Basement ” Clings To Power , Baku And Yerevan Prepare For Prisoner Exchange

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On December 2, a meeting of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Collective Security Council was held via videoconference. The participants discussed international security and the ways to increase the effectiveness of the organization, as well as the strengthening of inter-parliamentary cooperation.
Russia holds the organization’s rotating presidency this year, and will hand it over to Tajikistan in 2021. Currently, the CSTO consists of six countries: Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
The recent Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the peacekeeping process were actively discussed at the summit. Russian President Vladimir Putin
“At present, the trilateral declaration of Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan of November 9 is being consistently implemented. Russian peacekeepers are deployed on the line of contact and along the Lachin corridor,”Putin said at the CSTO summit.
Putin stressed out the necessity to jointly provide humanitarian aid to the citizens of the Nagorno-Karabakh region. He called on his counterparts to provide assistance in the return of refugees and the restoration of destroyed infrastructure, as well as the protection of historical, religious and cultural sites.
In his speech, Russian President pointed out great personal courage of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan that was demonstrated while signing the trilateral ceasefire agreement on November 9.
“He (Nikol Pashinyan) took upon himself this responsibility. And our task is now to support the Prime Minister himself and his team in order to establish a peaceful life, achieve the implementation of all decisions and help people who find themselves in difficult life situation “, – said the President of the Russian Federation.
Nikol Pashinyan in his speech at the CSTO summit also noted Putin’s personal role in the peace agreement. However, technical problems with the microphone did not allow him to start well.
The leader’s exchange of pleasantries took place amid the continuing protests in Armenia, where people continue to require Pashinyan’s resignation.
Putin’s support to Pashinyan and his administration seem to mark a significant shift in the relationship between Moscow and Yerevan. During the last years, the current Armenian Prime Minister actively pursued anti-Russian politics and did everything possible to weaken the close ties between Yerevan and Moscow.
Even today, when Russian peacekeeping forces assure the stability in Nagorno-Karabakh region, Armenian political leadership disrespects its Russian counterparts.
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southfront--2020-12-02--Explosions Rocked Yemeni Sanaa Airport

Explosions Rocked Yemeni Sanaa Airport

On December 2 , large explosions rocked Sanaa international Airport which is held by the Houthis , formally known as Ansar Allah .
The Yemeni al-Masirah TV said warplanes of the Saudi-led coalition had carried out two airstrikes on the airport .
According to the pro-Houthis channel , one of the airstrikes hit the airport ’ s reception hall , which is still under construction , causing heavy material damage .
The reports of Saudi airstrikes on Sanaa International Airport were denied by the UAE-based al-Arabiya TV .
The channel claimed that an ammunition depot of the Houthis hidden within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last 24 hours , more than 13 airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition hit the following Houthi-held areas : • The city and airport of al-Hodeida ; • The districts of Khabb wa al-Sha ’ af and al-Hazm in al-Jawf ; • The districts of Sirwah and Majzar in Mar ’ ib ; • The district of Nahim in Sanaa .
Meanwhile , heavy clashes between the Houthis and Saudi-backed forces continue in Mar ’ ib , in central Yemen , mainly in the area of Raghwan .
Houthi fighters reportedly imposed control of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Houthis are again stepping up their ground operations in central Yemen as well as their missile and drone attacks on Saudi Arabia and its proxies .
Eight Saudi service members were allegedly killed in a recent rocket strike by the Yemen group on Tadawin military camp in Mar ’ ib .
The Yemeni group blames the recent escalation in Yemen on the Saudi-led coalition repeated airstrikes and its ongoing siege of the country .
MORE ON THIS TOPIC : • Map Update : Saudi Proxies Urgently Set Up Defenses In Face Of Incoming @ @ @ @ @

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On December 2, large explosions rocked Sanaa international Airport which is held by the Houthis, formally known as Ansar Allah.
The Yemeni al-Masirah TV said warplanes of the Saudi-led coalition had carried out two airstrikes on the airport. According to the pro-Houthis channel, one of the airstrikes hit the airport’s reception hall, which is still under construction, causing heavy material damage.
The reports of Saudi airstrikes on Sanaa International Airport were denied by the UAE-based al-Arabiya TV. The channel claimed that an ammunition depot of the Houthis hidden within the airport blew up.
“The militias [Houthis] have turned Sanaa airport into a test site for advanced weapons,” a Yemeni source told al-Arabiya.
In the last 24 hours, more than 13 airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition hit the following Houthi-held areas:
The city and airport of al-Hodeida;
The districts of Khabb wa al-Sha’af and al-Hazm in al-Jawf;
The districts of Sirwah and Majzar in Mar’ib;
The district of Nahim in Sanaa.
Meanwhile, heavy clashes between the Houthis and Saudi-backed forces continue in Mar’ib, in central Yemen, mainly in the area of Raghwan. Houthi fighters reportedly imposed control of the Futaikha and Ajouz mountains.
The Houthis are again stepping up their ground operations in central Yemen as well as their missile and drone attacks on Saudi Arabia and its proxies. Eight Saudi service members were allegedly killed in a recent rocket strike by the Yemen group on Tadawin military camp in Mar’ib.
The Yemeni group blames the recent escalation in Yemen on the Saudi-led coalition repeated airstrikes and its ongoing siege of the country.
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southfront--2020-12-02--ISIS Slows Down Expansion In Mozambique Amid Fierce Clashes With Government Troops (Map Update)

Click to see the full-size image The army of Mozambique and private military contractors hired by the government have been able to slow down the expansion of ISIS in the north of the country .
Government troops recaptured the district of Muidumbe and prevented ISIS attempts to capture the important town of Mueda .
Despite this , a large chunk of the territory in the north of the country remains in the hands of terrorists .
• On December 2 and 3 , US Ambassador Nathan A .
Sales will discuss ongoing efforts to counter ISIS-linked terrorism with local officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; • As of December 2 , government forces with support from foreign military contractors are coducting a combing operation in the district of Muidumbe , which was recaptured from ISIS ; • In late October and early December , the increase of ISIS activity was reported near Mueda town .
Government forces deployed there prepare to repel militant attacks .
MORE ON THE TOPIC : • Town of “ Beheadings ” In Northeastern Mozambique Returned Under Government Forces Control • Government Forces Brace For Heated Battle With ISIS In Mozambican Mueda Town

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The army of Mozambique and private military contractors hired by the government have been able to slow down the expansion of ISIS in the north of the country. Government troops recaptured the district of Muidumbe and prevented ISIS attempts to capture the important town of Mueda. Despite this, a large chunk of the territory in the north of the country remains in the hands of terrorists.
On December 2 and 3, US Ambassador Nathan A. Sales will discuss ongoing efforts to counter ISIS-linked terrorism with local officials, according to US Department of States;
As of December 2, government forces with support from foreign military contractors are coducting a combing operation in the district of Muidumbe, which was recaptured from ISIS;
In late October and early December, the increase of ISIS activity was reported near Mueda town. Government forces deployed there prepare to repel militant attacks.
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southfront--2020-12-03--Turkish Solider Killed In Kurdish Attack In Northwestern Syria

A Turkish soldier was killed in an attack by Kurdish forces in northwestern Syria on December 3 , the Turkish Ministry of National Defense announced .
The attack targeted a Turkish military position near the town of Xezwe in northwestern Aleppo .
The Turkish MoD claimed that troops fired back , neutralizing six of the attackers .
The term “ neutralize ” is usually used to imply that the fighters in questions were killed or injured .
The London-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights ( SOHR ) reported that three other Turkish service members were injured in the attack .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ statement , operations were still ongoing in the vicinity of Xezwe .
Drones are supporting Turkish troops .
Turkey claimed that the attack was carried out by the People ’ s Protection Units , YPG .
However , Kurdish sources said the Afrin Liberation Forces ( ALF ) were behind the attack .
In September , the ALF targeted the Turkish position in Xezwe with several anti-tank guided missiles .
The attack injured several service members and resulted in heavy material losses .
The ALF was formed following the Turkish occupation of Afrin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kurdish group has carried out dozens of attacks against the Turkish military and its proxies in northeastern , northern and northwestern Aleppo .
Several Turkish service members and scores of Syrian militants were killed by the group .
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A Turkish soldier was killed in an attack by Kurdish forces in northwestern Syria on December 3, the Turkish Ministry of National Defense announced.
The attack targeted a Turkish military position near the town of Xezwe in northwestern Aleppo. The Turkish MoD claimed that troops fired back, neutralizing six of the attackers. The term “neutralize” is usually used to imply that the fighters in questions were killed or injured.
The London-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) reported that three other Turkish service members were injured in the attack.
According to the Turkish MoD’s statement, operations were still ongoing in the vicinity of Xezwe. Drones are supporting Turkish troops.
Turkey claimed that the attack was carried out by the People’s Protection Units, YPG. However, Kurdish sources said the Afrin Liberation Forces (ALF) were behind the attack.
In September, the ALF targeted the Turkish position in Xezwe with several anti-tank guided missiles. The attack injured several service members and resulted in heavy material losses.
The ALF was formed following the Turkish occupation of Afrin in 2018. Since then, the Kurdish group has carried out dozens of attacks against the Turkish military and its proxies in northeastern, northern and northwestern Aleppo. Several Turkish service members and scores of Syrian militants were killed by the group.
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southfront--2020-12-03--Map Update: Ethiopia’s War With Rebel Tigray Region Continues Despite Victorious Statements

The federal government of Ethiopia , including Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed , has been trying to present the conflict with the Tigray People ’ s Liberation Front ( TPLF ) , which controlled Tigray province as an internal security matter and the law enforcement operation .
The government even declared that the operation is over after capturing the provincial capital , Mekelle .
However , in fact , the conflict continues and the TPLF is not going to surrender .
Government forces achieved a significant progress , but most of the province population still supports the TPLF and rebels regularly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On December 2 , the Ethiopian military seized TPLF munitions depot in the city of Mekelle , according to Ethiopian authorities ; • Keria Ibrahim , one of the 9 central committee leaders of the TPLF , surrendered to Ethiopian Federal forces .
He was the Speaker of the House of Federation before the resignation to join the TPLF in Mekelle ; • On December 2 , United Nations signed an agreement with Ethiopia to allow humanitarian aid to reach Tigray region .
More on the conflict in Ethiopia and its background can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Civil War In Ethiopia : Conflict Developments And Background ” MORE ON THE TOPIC : • War In Ethiopia ’ s Tigray Region Shows No Signs Of End Despite Advances Of Government Forces ( Map Update ) • War In Ethiopia ’ s Tigray Continues Despite Fall Of Provincial Capital To Government Forces ( Map Update ) • Battle Goes On In Northern Ethiopia : Government Mig-23 Shot Down By Tigray Rebels ( Video , Photos )

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The federal government of Ethiopia, including Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, has been trying to present the conflict with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which controlled Tigray province as an internal security matter and the law enforcement operation. The government even declared that the operation is over after capturing the provincial capital, Mekelle. However, in fact, the conflict continues and the TPLF is not going to surrender.
Government forces achieved a significant progress, but most of the province population still supports the TPLF and rebels regularly conduct attacks on government positions.
On December 2, the Ethiopian military seized TPLF munitions depot in the city of Mekelle, according to Ethiopian authorities;
Keria Ibrahim, one of the 9 central committee leaders of the TPLF, surrendered to Ethiopian Federal forces. He was the Speaker of the House of Federation before the resignation to join the TPLF in Mekelle;
On December 2, United Nations signed an agreement with Ethiopia to allow humanitarian aid to reach Tigray region.
More on the conflict in Ethiopia and its background can be found in the following analysis: “Civil War In Ethiopia: Conflict Developments And Background”
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southfront--2020-12-03--Final Confession: Azerbaijan Said Nearly 2,800 Soldiers Killed In Nagorno-Karabakh War

On December 3 , Azerbaijan said that nearly 2,800 of its soldiers were killed in the recent battle with Armenian forces in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh .
According to the statement , over 100 Azerbaijani soldiers are still missing .
At least 1,245 soldiers were wounded in the heated battle .
The Azerbaijani MoD had until now not disclosed any of its losses in the battle , which started on September 27 .
The battle ended on November 10 with a Russian-brokered peace deal that saw Armenia agreeing to a gradual withdrawal from Nagorno-Karabakh .
The Armenian Karabakh records @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Azerbaijani officers and soldiers killed before October 28 .
The Ministry of Defense of Armenia has not disclosed the final death toll for its forces , thus far .
However , the country ’ s Health Ministry revealed on November 14 that 2,317 Armenian service members were killed in the battle for Nagorno-Karabakh .
The heated battle also claimed the lives of dozens of civilians .
54 Armenians and 91 Azerbaijani were reportedly killed in the battle .
Both Armenia and Azerbaijan worked hard to hide their losses .
Russia claimed in late @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Nagorno-Karabakh battle .
The Russian estimate appears to be on point .
MORE ON THIS TOPIC : • Self-Sabotage , Chaos And Failed Planning As Factors Of Armenia ’ s Defeat .
Azerbaijan Celebrates “ Glorious Victory ”

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On December 3, Azerbaijan said that nearly 2,800 of its soldiers were killed in the recent battle with Armenian forces in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh.
“2,783 servicemen of the Azerbaijani armed forces were killed in the patriotic war,” the Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan said in an official statement.
According to the statement, over 100 Azerbaijani soldiers are still missing. At least 1,245 soldiers were wounded in the heated battle.
The Azerbaijani MoD had until now not disclosed any of its losses in the battle, which started on September 27. The battle ended on November 10 with a Russian-brokered peace deal that saw Armenia agreeing to a gradual withdrawal from Nagorno-Karabakh.
The Armenian Karabakh records documented the names of more than 1,100 Azerbaijani officers and soldiers killed before October 28.
The Ministry of Defense of Armenia has not disclosed the final death toll for its forces, thus far. However, the country’s Health Ministry revealed on November 14 that 2,317 Armenian service members were killed in the battle for Nagorno-Karabakh.
The heated battle also claimed the lives of dozens of civilians. 54 Armenians and 91 Azerbaijani were reportedly killed in the battle.
Both Armenia and Azerbaijan worked hard to hide their losses. Russia claimed in late October that around 5,000 people were killed in Nagorno-Karabakh battle. The Russian estimate appears to be on point.
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southfront--2020-12-03--Map Update: Military Situation In Nagorno-Karabakh On December 3, 2020

Click to see the full-size image A brief overview of the recent developments in Nagorno-Karabakh : • On December 2 @ @ @ @ @ Akar said that Turkey , Russia agreed to build an observation center in Nagorno-Karabakh to @ @ @ @ @ ; • On December 2 , 1479 displaced persons have returned from Yerevan to Stepanakert @ @ @ @ @ peacekeepers ; • As of December 3 , Russia reported that more than 38 hectares @ @ @ @ @ kilometers of roads were cleared from mines and IEDs and 1,100 explosive objects were found @ @ @ @ @ of December 3 , around 1250 mines have been dismantled in Kalbajar District since the @ @ @ @ @ the area , according to Azerbaijani sources ; • On December 3 , Defense Minister @ @ @ @ @ with the commander of the Russian peacekeeping force in Nagorno-Karabakh .
MORE ON THE TOPIC @ @ @ @ @ And Failed Planning As Factors Of Armenia ’ s Defeat .
Azerbaijan Celebrates “ Glorious @ @

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A brief overview of the recent developments in Nagorno-Karabakh:
On December 2, Turkish Defence Minister Hulusi Akar said that Turkey, Russia agreed to build an observation center in Nagorno-Karabakh to oversee the Nagorno-Karabakh peace deal;
On December 2, 1479 displaced persons have returned from Yerevan to Stepanakert with the assistance of Russian peacekeepers;
As of December 3, Russia reported that more than 38 hectares of land and about 12 kilometers of roads were cleared from mines and IEDs and 1,100 explosive objects were found and destroyed;
As of December 3, around 1250 mines have been dismantled in Kalbajar District since the arrival of Azerbaijani forces in the area, according to Azerbaijani sources;
On December 3, Defense Minister of Azerbaijan Zakir Hasanov met with the commander of the Russian peacekeeping force in Nagorno-Karabakh.
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southfront--2020-12-03--Military-Industrial Complex Of France

Military-Industrial Complex Of France

Written by Major D. Mikhailov ; Originally appeared at Foreign Military Review 2020 # 5 , translated by AlexD exclusively for SouthFront France has a well-developed military-industrial complex that can meet the current needs of the national armed forces for basic weapons and military equipment , including nuclear weapons .
At the present stage , the development of the French military-industrial complex is carried out within the framework of the doctrine reflected in the “ White Paper on Defence and National Security ” of 2013 .
Another fundamental document is the “ Programme of Construction and Technical Equipment of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to these documents , the country ’ s military policy is based on three main principles : “ protection ” of the independence of the people and national territory , “ deterrence ” by nuclear forces , and rapid “ response ” to the changing geopolitical and economic situation in the world .
The military-political leadership of the republic has historically pursued a course to meet the needs of the armed forces mainly through the production capacity of the national military-industrial complex as one of the conditions for ensuring the “ strategic independence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the military-industrial complex amounts to more than 170 companies , about 30 of which are leading .
Among them are the plants of the companies Airbus Group , Safran , Dassault Aviation ” , Nexter , Thales , Naval Group , Arquus .
They account for at least 70 % of all production capacity .
The country is characterised by a complete industry structure of production , including nuclear .
Large associations of companies , which include the majority of the enterprises of the military-industrial complex in France , have a mixed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thus , the government , which holds a controlling stake in corporations such as the Airbus Group , Safran , Thales and Naval Group , reserves the right to make strategic decisions and veto other ones that threaten the interests of the state .
The majority of the medium-sized and small companies involved in the production weapons and military equipment are owned by private capital .
The military-industrial complex provides 170 thousand jobs involving more than 1,000 small and medium-sized enterprises .
Its production facilities are located in areas with developed transport infrastructure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ production logistics .
A third of all military-industrial enterprises are located in the Paris region , the remaining part – in the regions of Provence-Alpes-Côte d ’ Azur , Brittany and Aquitaine , and their share in the remaining departments does not exceed 5 % of the total number .
Despite the “ strategic independence ” of the military-industrial complex , its research and production base are not designed for the full cycle of development and manufacture of modern weapons and military equipment systems , so the country takes an active part in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NATO allies .
The rocket and space industry ( RSI ) is one of the strategic industries that ensure the defence capabilities and economic security of the state , including maintaining the high competitiveness of France in the world market .
Its distinctive feature is the centralisation of management and strict state control .
The task of organising research in the field of outer space is assigned to the National Centre for Space Studies of France ( CNES – Centre national d ’ études spatiales ) , the main governing and coordinating body @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The leading manufacturers of missile weapons are the unit Space Systems of the company Airbus Defence and Space a part of the Airbus Group corporation , and MBDA-France of the company MBDA Missiles Systems of the MBDA Corporation .
They are used to manufacture the M-51 SLBMs , Ariane and Vega launch systems , ASMP-A cruise missiles , as well as air- and sea-based Scalp-EG and Scalp-N missiles , Mica air-to-air missiles , Exocet anti-ship missiles , Aster-30/15 long- and medium-range missiles , and Mistral short-range missiles , Milan and Erike anti-ship missiles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the industry is also considered a multi-profile enterprise of the company TDA Armaments of the Thales Corporation ( Marsilly-en-Villette , Loire Department ) , which produces air-to-surface Aculeus-LG laser-guided missiles designed to equip Tiger attack helicopters .
The engine building is carried out by the companies Europropulsion S.A. ( t. Kourou , overseas department of French Guiana ) and Erakles ( Saint-Médard-en-Jalles and Le Haillan ( Gironde ) ) of the consortium Airbus Safran Launchers [ Note from Trans .
: Correct company ’ s name is ArianeGroup. ]
.
Their production base @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , cruise missiles of all classes , and Ariane-5 and Ariane-6 launch systems .
Shipbuilding is the second most important branch of the military-industrial complex in France .
The capacity of shipbuilding enterprises allows them to build warships of almost all classes , including aircraft carriers , submarines , universal landing ships , landing helicopter docks , frigates with guided missile weapons , patrol ships and combat boats .
Large enterprises of the shipbuilding industry are united in the association of manufacturers of military equipment for the Navy GICAN ( Le Groupement des @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The main representative of the French military shipbuilding is the Naval Group corporation .
Its shipyards have production facilities for the construction of nuclear aircraft carriers , the final assembly of the Mistral-type landing helicopter docks , the construction and repair of the Barracuda and Scorpion submarines , as well as multi-purpose frigates of the FREMM Project .
The Naval Group is engaged in equipping the French submarines and aircraft carriers with nuclear power plants , with the involvement of various contractors .
MAN Diesel Turbo specialises in the production of other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Loire Atlantique Department ) produces diesel-electric power plants for submarines and ships of all classes .
The aviation industry is one of the most dynamically developing sectors of the country ’ s military-industrial complex .
The main companies in the aviation and rocket and space industries are members of the association of the French aerospace industry GIFAS ( Groupement des industries françaises aéronautiques et spatiales ) , which represents their interests in government bodies , promotes international cooperation and promotes their interests in the national and foreign markets .
The core of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the corporations Dassault Aviation , Safran and Airbus Group .
The range of products they produce includes : Rafale tactical fighters , Tiger attack helicopters , H-225M Super Puma multi-purpose helicopters , AS-332 , AS-365/AS-565 Dauphin/Panther , NH-90 and Patroller UAVs .
The parent company of the Dassault Aviation Corporation ( Mérignac , Gironde ) carries out the final assembly and modernisation of the Rafale fighters of all modifications .
In addition , work is underway to create a promising attack UAV under the Nero programme .
One of the leading companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helicopters not only in the country , but also in the world , is Airbus Helicopters ( Marignane , Bouches-du-Rhône ) of the corporation Airbus Group .
The design office is also located there .
In addition , the company includes a plant for the production of components for the La Courneuve helicopters ( Seine-Saint-Denis ) .
Aircraft engines are manufactured at the enterprises of the Safran Aircraft Engines Company of the Safran Corporation .
The parent company is located in Courcouronnes ( Essonne Department ) .
The French armoured vehicles industry fully @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forces in armoured vehicles .
The main manufacturers of these products involved in the industry are united in the association of industrialists in the field of land weapons and military equipment GICAT ( Groupement des industries françaises de défense et de sécurité terrestres et aéroterrestre ) .
The range of military equipment produced by the armoured industry includes the main battle tank Leclerc , armoured combat vehicles , self-propelled artillery installations .
The enterprises of the Nexter and Arquus corporations have established the production of the AIFV VBCI , Aravis multi-purpose armoured vehicles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of the Scorpion programme , it is planned to implement a contract for the transfer of Jaguar and Griffon combat vehicles to the ground forces .
Engines for combat vehicles are produced at the plant of the French division of the company Iveco – Iveco France ( Annonay , Ardèche ) , as well as at the plant of the company Vartsila ( Mulhouse , Haut Rhin ) .
Assembly of tank engines is carried out at the company Moteur Baudouin ( Marseille , Bouches-du-Rhône ) .
Components are manufactured at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Tulle ( Department of Corrèze and Saint-Chamond , Loire ) ) , as well as the companies Iveco ( Bourbon-Lancy , Seine and Marne ) and Soframe ( Duppigheim , Bas Rhin ) .
The artillery and rifle branch of the French military-industrial complex supplies all types of armed forces with appropriate weapons of its own production : automatic aircraft and naval guns , guns for armoured combat vehicles , large-caliber guns for field artillery and mortars .
The Nexter Corporation has the monopoly in the industry , which produces a full @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with 20- and 25-mm guns for ground forces ACVs , automated ship artillery installations , 30-mm aviation guns for aircraft and helicopter turrets based on 20-mm guns .
In addition , 105- and 155-mm field artillery guns , 81- and 120-mm mortars are produced for the needs of the ground forces .
The ammunition industry fully meets the needs of the armed forces for artillery ammunition , aerial bombs , torpedoes , shells and cartridges , explosives and gunpowder .
The key companies in the industry are Nexter Munition and Nexter Systems of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Armaments of Thales Corporation .
One of the most technologically advanced military industries in France is the radio-electronic industry .
Assembly plants have the capacity to produce automated control systems for all types of aircraft , avionics , aircraft , ships , nuclear missiles , multi-purpose submarines and spacecraft .
In addition , electronic intelligence , electronic warfare , satellite , radio , radio relay and fiber-optic communications , radar stations , navigation equipment and laser equipment are produced .
Radio-electronic systems for military purposes are manufactured at the enterprises of the corporations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the company Airbus Defense and Space of the Airbus Group corporation .
Thus , the French leadership continues to pursue an independent policy aimed at implementing plans for the development of its military-industrial complex , which is of strategic importance for ensuring the national security of the state .
Increasing arms exports , close cooperation with partners in the EU and NATO in the field of high technologies and the creation of the latest models of military equipment allow the country to successfully compete in the global arms market .
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Written by Major D. Mikhailov; Originally appeared at Foreign Military Review 2020 #5, translated by AlexD exclusively for SouthFront
France has a well-developed military-industrial complex that can meet the current needs of the national armed forces for basic weapons and military equipment, including nuclear weapons.
At the present stage, the development of the French military-industrial complex is carried out within the framework of the doctrine reflected in the “White Paper on Defence and National Security” of 2013. Another fundamental document is the “Programme of Construction and Technical Equipment of the Armed Forces for 2019-2025”. According to these documents, the country’s military policy is based on three main principles: “protection” of the independence of the people and national territory, “deterrence” by nuclear forces, and rapid “response” to the changing geopolitical and economic situation in the world.
The military-political leadership of the republic has historically pursued a course to meet the needs of the armed forces mainly through the production capacity of the national military-industrial complex as one of the conditions for ensuring the “strategic independence” of the state.
The base of the military-industrial complex amounts to more than 170 companies, about 30 of which are leading. Among them are the plants of the companies Airbus Group, Safran, Dassault Aviation”, Nexter, Thales, Naval Group, Arquus. They account for at least 70% of all production capacity.
The country is characterised by a complete industry structure of production, including nuclear.
Large associations of companies, which include the majority of the enterprises of the military-industrial complex in France, have a mixed form of ownership with state participation. Thus, the government, which holds a controlling stake in corporations such as the Airbus Group, Safran, Thales and Naval Group, reserves the right to make strategic decisions and veto other ones that threaten the interests of the state. The majority of the medium-sized and small companies involved in the production weapons and military equipment are owned by private capital.
The military-industrial complex provides 170 thousand jobs involving more than 1,000 small and medium-sized enterprises. Its production facilities are located in areas with developed transport infrastructure, which ensures a high level of production logistics. A third of all military-industrial enterprises are located in the Paris region, the remaining part – in the regions of Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, Brittany and Aquitaine, and their share in the remaining departments does not exceed 5% of the total number.
Despite the “strategic independence” of the military-industrial complex, its research and production base are not designed for the full cycle of development and manufacture of modern weapons and military equipment systems, so the country takes an active part in international military-industrial cooperation with its EU and NATO allies.
The rocket and space industry (RSI) is one of the strategic industries that ensure the defence capabilities and economic security of the state, including maintaining the high competitiveness of France in the world market. Its distinctive feature is the centralisation of management and strict state control. The task of organising research in the field of outer space is assigned to the National Centre for Space Studies of France (CNES – Centre national d’études spatiales), the main governing and coordinating body of the rocket and space industry.
The leading manufacturers of missile weapons are the unit Space Systems of the company Airbus Defence and Space a part of the Airbus Group corporation, and MBDA-France of the company MBDA Missiles Systems of the MBDA Corporation. They are used to manufacture the M-51 SLBMs, Ariane and Vega launch systems, ASMP-A cruise missiles, as well as air- and sea-based Scalp-EG and Scalp-N missiles, Mica air-to-air missiles, Exocet anti-ship missiles, Aster-30/15 long- and medium-range missiles, and Mistral short-range missiles, Milan and Erike anti-ship missiles.
One of the main representatives of the industry is also considered a multi-profile enterprise of the company TDA Armaments of the Thales Corporation (Marsilly-en-Villette, Loire Department), which produces air-to-surface Aculeus-LG laser-guided missiles designed to equip Tiger attack helicopters.
The engine building is carried out by the companies Europropulsion S.A. (t. Kourou, overseas department of French Guiana) and Erakles (Saint-Médard-en-Jalles and Le Haillan (Gironde)) of the consortium Airbus Safran Launchers [Note from Trans.: Correct company’s name is ArianeGroup.]. Their production base allows them to produce engines for SLBMs, cruise missiles of all classes, and Ariane-5 and Ariane-6 launch systems.
Shipbuilding is the second most important branch of the military-industrial complex in France. The capacity of shipbuilding enterprises allows them to build warships of almost all classes, including aircraft carriers, submarines, universal landing ships, landing helicopter docks, frigates with guided missile weapons, patrol ships and combat boats.
Large enterprises of the shipbuilding industry are united in the association of manufacturers of military equipment for the Navy GICAN (Le Groupement des Industries de Construction et Activités Navales).
The main representative of the French military shipbuilding is the Naval Group corporation. Its shipyards have production facilities for the construction of nuclear aircraft carriers, the final assembly of the Mistral-type landing helicopter docks, the construction and repair of the Barracuda and Scorpion submarines, as well as multi-purpose frigates of the FREMM Project.
The Naval Group is engaged in equipping the French submarines and aircraft carriers with nuclear power plants, with the involvement of various contractors. MAN Diesel Turbo specialises in the production of other power plants. The plant (Saint-Nazaire, Loire Atlantique Department) produces diesel-electric power plants for submarines and ships of all classes.
The aviation industry is one of the most dynamically developing sectors of the country’s military-industrial complex. The main companies in the aviation and rocket and space industries are members of the association of the French aerospace industry GIFAS (Groupement des industries françaises aéronautiques et spatiales), which represents their interests in government bodies, promotes international cooperation and promotes their interests in the national and foreign markets.
The core of the production base consists of the factories of the corporations Dassault Aviation, Safran and Airbus Group. The range of products they produce includes: Rafale tactical fighters, Tiger attack helicopters, H-225M Super Puma multi-purpose helicopters, AS-332, AS-365/AS-565 Dauphin/Panther, NH-90 and Patroller UAVs.
The parent company of the Dassault Aviation Corporation (Mérignac, Gironde) carries out the final assembly and modernisation of the Rafale fighters of all modifications. In addition, work is underway to create a promising attack UAV under the Nero programme.
One of the leading companies in the production of multi-purpose and attack helicopters not only in the country, but also in the world, is Airbus Helicopters (Marignane, Bouches-du-Rhône) of the corporation Airbus Group. The design office is also located there. In addition, the company includes a plant for the production of components for the La Courneuve helicopters (Seine-Saint-Denis).
Aircraft engines are manufactured at the enterprises of the Safran Aircraft Engines Company of the Safran Corporation. The parent company is located in Courcouronnes (Essonne Department).
The French armoured vehicles industry fully meets the needs of the national armed forces in armoured vehicles. The main manufacturers of these products involved in the industry are united in the association of industrialists in the field of land weapons and military equipment GICAT (Groupement des industries françaises de défense et de sécurité terrestres et aéroterrestre).
The range of military equipment produced by the armoured industry includes the main battle tank Leclerc, armoured combat vehicles, self-propelled artillery installations. The enterprises of the Nexter and Arquus corporations have established the production of the AIFV VBCI, Aravis multi-purpose armoured vehicles, 1155-mm Caesar self-propelled howitzers. As part of the Scorpion programme, it is planned to implement a contract for the transfer of Jaguar and Griffon combat vehicles to the ground forces.
Engines for combat vehicles are produced at the plant of the French division of the company Iveco – Iveco France (Annonay, Ardèche), as well as at the plant of the company Vartsila (Mulhouse, Haut Rhin). Assembly of tank engines is carried out at the company Moteur Baudouin (Marseille, Bouches-du-Rhône).
Components are manufactured at the enterprises of the corporation Nexter (city of Tulle (Department of Corrèze and Saint-Chamond, Loire)), as well as the companies Iveco (Bourbon-Lancy, Seine and Marne) and Soframe (Duppigheim, Bas Rhin).
The artillery and rifle branch of the French military-industrial complex supplies all types of armed forces with appropriate weapons of its own production: automatic aircraft and naval guns, guns for armoured combat vehicles, large-caliber guns for field artillery and mortars.
The Nexter Corporation has the monopoly in the industry, which produces a full range of artillery weapons: combat modules with 20- and 25-mm guns for ground forces ACVs, automated ship artillery installations, 30-mm aviation guns for aircraft and helicopter turrets based on 20-mm guns. In addition, 105- and 155-mm field artillery guns, 81- and 120-mm mortars are produced for the needs of the ground forces. The ammunition industry fully meets the needs of the armed forces for artillery ammunition, aerial bombs, torpedoes, shells and cartridges, explosives and gunpowder. The key companies in the industry are Nexter Munition and Nexter Systems of Nexter Corporation, as well as TDA Armaments of Thales Corporation.
One of the most technologically advanced military industries in France is the radio-electronic industry. Assembly plants have the capacity to produce automated control systems for all types of aircraft, avionics, aircraft, ships, nuclear missiles, multi-purpose submarines and spacecraft. In addition, electronic intelligence, electronic warfare, satellite, radio, radio relay and fiber-optic communications, radar stations, navigation equipment and laser equipment are produced.
Radio-electronic systems for military purposes are manufactured at the enterprises of the corporations Thales, Safran, as well as the company Airbus Defense and Space of the Airbus Group corporation.
Thus, the French leadership continues to pursue an independent policy aimed at implementing plans for the development of its military-industrial complex, which is of strategic importance for ensuring the national security of the state. Increasing arms exports, close cooperation with partners in the EU and NATO in the field of high technologies and the creation of the latest models of military equipment allow the country to successfully compete in the global arms market.
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southfront--2020-12-03--Military Situation In Syria On December 3, 2020 (Map Update)

Click to see the full-size image A brief overview of the recent developments in Syria : • On December 2 @ @ @ @ @ a military post south of al-Barah ; • On December 2 , US forces stationed @ @ @ @ @ out military exercises with Maghawir al-Thawra in the area ; • On December 2 , @ @ @ @ @ than 60 vehicles , including armored vehicles , trucks carrying ammunition , logistical materials , @ @ @ @ @ entered Syria via Kafr Lusin ; • On December 2 , following the intensification of @ @ @ @ @ Turkish-backed forces in Ain Issa , a Russian military convoy entered Ain Issa town .
@ @ @ @ @

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A brief overview of the recent developments in Syria:
On December 2, the Turkish Army established a military post south of al-Barah;
On December 2, US forces stationed at the Al-Tanf base carried out military exercises with Maghawir al-Thawra in the area;
On December 2, Turkish-backed faction “Hamzat” allegedly arrested Al-Nusra-affiliated propagandist “Abdullah Al-Muhaysini” in Afrin;
On December 2, two Turkish convoys (more than 60 vehicles, including armored vehicles, trucks carrying ammunition, logistical materials, and prefabricated building blocks) entered Syria via Kafr Lusin;
On December 2, following the intensification of clashes between the SDF and Turkish-backed forces in Ain Issa, a Russian military convoy entered Ain Issa town.
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southfront--2020-12-03--The David McBride Case: Whistleblowing, Afghanistan and Australian War Crimes

Much complaint can be had of the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force Afghanistan Inquiry Report .
It exempts political actors of responsibility for alleged atrocities and war crimes .
It suggests that those in the highest echelons of the Australian Defence Forces are ignorant in incompetent innocence .
It spares the desk warriors and flays the field operatives .
Heavily redacted , this document suggests that no serious cleansing of the Augean stables is going to take place any time soon .
One recommendation in the report does stand out for its logical decency .
“ Perhaps the single @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commitment to cultural reform is the demonstration that those who have been instrumental in the exposure of misconduct , or are known to have acted with propriety and probity , are regarded as role models.
” Unfortunately , we have no way of knowing who the people being recommended for promotion or pardon are , their names furiously blacked out in the public version of the report .
But hints can be gathered from the explicit reference to the role played by whistleblowers .
“ Too often , not only in the military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adversely affected.
” One such whistleblower is Major David McBride , who once cut his teeth as a military lawyer and participated in two deployments to Afghanistan .
Between 2014 and 2016 , McBride passed on information to the ABC on alleged war crimes committed in Afghanistan by Australian soldiers .
It began with the gathering of files from computers located in the joint-operations headquarters near Bungendore , east of the nation ’ s capital .
A report documenting alleged atrocities by special forces in Afghanistan came into being , though it bulked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allegations within the military , and the treatment of women in the armed forces .
Avenues of internal disclosure were used , and exhausted .
McBride even sought to tempt the Australian Federal Police .
No one bit .
In 2017 , the material gathered by McBride became the trove of documents and revelations called The Afghan Files .
They were disturbing , enlightening , and did much to expose the whole sordid business of committing special forces to such theatres of war as Afghanistan .
But McBride ’ s view on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ focused on the minutiae of brutality .
Australia ’ s special forces , he suggested in what can only be regarded as an eternal theme , were scapegoats for desk bound commanders and bureaucrats .
While soldiers killed and bled in the field , the pen pushers back in Canberra thrived .
“ It ’ s a real sickness we need to work on , ” he told the in June 2019 .
“ Everyone has an opinion poll .
No one wants to make a decision.
” In that sense , McBride @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and far from a garlanded peacenik .
He stares at officialdom , finds them wanting : they want to send soldiers to war , but in doing so , hobble them .
“ If you are worried about Afghan deaths , why not pull us out ?
If you want us to fight the war , you have to be able to let us do it.
” For his deeds , McBride faces five charges centred on theft of Commonwealth property , breaching the Defence Act and disclosing information without due authorisation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he pleaded not guilty to all charges .
His case has put a few Australian parliamentarians in a sour mood , though not those of the major parties , who remain characteristically cowed and cowardly on such subjects .
The well-meaning and often sound independent MP Andrew Wilkie is entirely clear about what should happen to McBride .
“ The federal government must stop going after whistleblowers who risk everything to reveal what happens in dark corners.
” To that end , the government “ must drop all charges against Mr McBride.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , has also urged the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions to drop the charges .
McBride “ is a hero ” and in the absence of the CDPP failing to drop the case , “ the Attorney-General should order the discontinuance of the prosecution under the powers afforded him by section 71 ( 1 ) of the Judiciary Act.
” Nick Xenophon , law partner of the firm representing McBride and himself a former federal parliamentarian , is also a standard bearer for whistleblowers .
In an open letter to the chief of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Campbell , he argued that it was only “ whistleblowers like McBride and a handful of others who made the Brereton report possible by refusing to be intimidated into silence .
In my view , they have redeemed the reputation of our nation .
They do not deserve jail cells.
” The answer supplied by General Campbell was nothing if not predictable .
When called upon to have a view on the subject of McBride ’ s liability , he retreated to the bunker of dispassionate propriety .
“ I can ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current court process , ” he explained to the press last month .
“ I am not in a position to do so .
I understand your concern and I appreciate that many here will speak to that issue , but I am not able to talk to it.
” A petition started by Afghan Australian lawyer Arezo Safi , is bustling away to its intended target of 50,000 .
( To date 38,552 have signed it . )
“ As an Afghan-Australian and a lawyer , I am deeply upset by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whistleblower who exposed Australian Defence Force ’ s war crimes in Afghanistan.
” Democracy , she claims , is at stake without the exploits of McBride and his like .
Support is also forthcoming from the Afghan Community Support Organisation of New South Wales .
In commending the efforts and findings of the investigation , its president Nadir Azami wanted the government to “ go all the way and finish this goodwill and drop charges against Mr McBride ” .
Doing so would show “ good intention ” in supporting future whistleblowers .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ McBride , certain that he is “ being celebrated for his bravery by the general public.
” But the approach to whistleblowers in Australia is at best fickle .
The system of protections are perniciously poor for those exposing national security information .
The best McBride can hope for at this point are sensible decisions made by the CDPP based on the public interest , a concept regularly used against , rather than for , the whistleblower .
Should the matter ultimately wind its way to the Attorney-General Christian Porter , advocates for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perturbed .
Porter is a dreary authoritarian who relishes the prosecutor ’ s garb .
He has already given a clue to fellow parliamentarians on what members of the public can expect .
Intervening in the McBride case “ would be utterly extraordinary and would necessarily , by its very nature , represent political intervention in a process which has conventionally been independent.
” Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College , Cambridge .
He lectures at RMIT University , Melbourne .
Email : bkampmark @ gmail.com MORE ON THE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In New Suicide Attack In Afghanistan ’ s Ghazni ( Video )

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Submitted by Dr. Binoy Kampmark
Much complaint can be had of the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force Afghanistan Inquiry Report. It exempts political actors of responsibility for alleged atrocities and war crimes. It suggests that those in the highest echelons of the Australian Defence Forces are ignorant in incompetent innocence. It spares the desk warriors and flays the field operatives. Heavily redacted, this document suggests that no serious cleansing of the Augean stables is going to take place any time soon.
One recommendation in the report does stand out for its logical decency. “Perhaps the single most effective indication that there is a commitment to cultural reform is the demonstration that those who have been instrumental in the exposure of misconduct, or are known to have acted with propriety and probity, are regarded as role models.”
Unfortunately, we have no way of knowing who the people being recommended for promotion or pardon are, their names furiously blacked out in the public version of the report. But hints can be gathered from the explicit reference to the role played by whistleblowers. “Too often, not only in the military, have the careers of whistleblowers been adversely affected.”
One such whistleblower is Major David McBride, who once cut his teeth as a military lawyer and participated in two deployments to Afghanistan. Between 2014 and 2016, McBride passed on information to the ABC on alleged war crimes committed in Afghanistan by Australian soldiers. It began with the gathering of files from computers located in the joint-operations headquarters near Bungendore, east of the nation’s capital. A report documenting alleged atrocities by special forces in Afghanistan came into being, though it bulked to cover the mishandling of sex abuse allegations within the military, and the treatment of women in the armed forces. Avenues of internal disclosure were used, and exhausted. McBride even sought to tempt the Australian Federal Police. No one bit.
In 2017, the material gathered by McBride became the trove of documents and revelations called The Afghan Files. They were disturbing, enlightening, and did much to expose the whole sordid business of committing special forces to such theatres of war as Afghanistan. But McBride’s view on the information was more panoramic and less specifically focused on the minutiae of brutality. Australia’s special forces, he suggested in what can only be regarded as an eternal theme, were scapegoats for desk bound commanders and bureaucrats. While soldiers killed and bled in the field, the pen pushers back in Canberra thrived. “It’s a real sickness we need to work on,” he told the Sydney Morning Herald in June 2019. “Everyone has an opinion poll. No one wants to make a decision.”
In that sense, McBride remains conventional, keen on proper process, and far from a garlanded peacenik. He stares at officialdom, finds them wanting: they want to send soldiers to war, but in doing so, hobble them. “If you are worried about Afghan deaths, why not pull us out? If you want us to fight the war, you have to be able to let us do it.”
For his deeds, McBride faces five charges centred on theft of Commonwealth property, breaching the Defence Act and disclosing information without due authorisation. In a preliminary hearing in 2019, he pleaded not guilty to all charges.
His case has put a few Australian parliamentarians in a sour mood, though not those of the major parties, who remain characteristically cowed and cowardly on such subjects. The well-meaning and often sound independent MP Andrew Wilkie is entirely clear about what should happen to McBride. “The federal government must stop going after whistleblowers who risk everything to reveal what happens in dark corners.” To that end, the government “must drop all charges against Mr McBride.”
Senator Rex Patrick, another independent, has also urged the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions to drop the charges. McBride “is a hero” and in the absence of the CDPP failing to drop the case, “the Attorney-General should order the discontinuance of the prosecution under the powers afforded him by section 71(1) of the Judiciary Act.”
Nick Xenophon, law partner of the firm representing McBride and himself a former federal parliamentarian, is also a standard bearer for whistleblowers. In an open letter to the chief of the Australian Defence Forces, General Angus Campbell, he argued that it was only “whistleblowers like McBride and a handful of others who made the Brereton report possible by refusing to be intimidated into silence. In my view, they have redeemed the reputation of our nation. They do not deserve jail cells.”
The answer supplied by General Campbell was nothing if not predictable. When called upon to have a view on the subject of McBride’s liability, he retreated to the bunker of dispassionate propriety. “I can’t speak to issues at play in a current court process,” he explained to the press last month. “I am not in a position to do so. I understand your concern and I appreciate that many here will speak to that issue, but I am not able to talk to it.”
A petition started by Afghan Australian lawyer Arezo Safi, is bustling away to its intended target of 50,000. (To date 38,552 have signed it.) “As an Afghan-Australian and a lawyer, I am deeply upset by the persecution of David McBride, the brave whistleblower who exposed Australian Defence Force’s war crimes in Afghanistan.” Democracy, she claims, is at stake without the exploits of McBride and his like.
Support is also forthcoming from the Afghan Community Support Organisation of New South Wales. In commending the efforts and findings of the investigation, its president Nadir Azami wanted the government to “go all the way and finish this goodwill and drop charges against Mr McBride”. Doing so would show “good intention” in supporting future whistleblowers.
Safi is dedicated in her advocacy for McBride, certain that he is “being celebrated for his bravery by the general public.” But the approach to whistleblowers in Australia is at best fickle. The system of protections are perniciously poor for those exposing national security information. The best McBride can hope for at this point are sensible decisions made by the CDPP based on the public interest, a concept regularly used against, rather than for, the whistleblower.
Should the matter ultimately wind its way to the Attorney-General Christian Porter, advocates for McBride will have every reason to be perturbed. Porter is a dreary authoritarian who relishes the prosecutor’s garb. He has already given a clue to fellow parliamentarians on what members of the public can expect. Intervening in the McBride case “would be utterly extraordinary and would necessarily, by its very nature, represent political intervention in a process which has conventionally been independent.”
Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com
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southfront--2020-12-03--The War On Terror Is Questionably Over, Is War On Russia Inevitable?

Gone are the times of the War On Terror , as the US secretary of the Navy Kenneth Braithwaite said that U.S. Fleet Forces Command will be renamed to U.S. Atlantic Fleet .
For those wondering what ’ s so special about it , this is a return to the US Navy ’ s full focus on maritime operations in the Northern Atlantic , rather than acting as if its fighting terrorists in the Middle East and elsewhere .
“ As the world changes , we must be bold , evolve , and change with it .
Instead of perpetuating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Joint Forces Command , we are aligning to today ’ s threat .
To meet the unique maritime challenges of the Atlantic theater , we will rename Fleet Forces Command as the U.S. Atlantic Fleet , and we will refocus our naval forces in this important region on their original mission : controlling the maritime approaches to the United States and to those of our allies , ” Secretary Kenneth Braithwaite told the Senate Armed Services readiness subcommittee hearing .
“ The Atlantic Fleet will confront the reassertive Russian Navy , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our East Coast , with a tailored maritime presence capability and lethality.
” Russia is , according to the US , an issue that ’ s gaining force , when terrorists around the world appear to be subsiding , despite massive issues in Africa , and terrorism not being gone from the Middle East .
Sen. Tim Kaine , the top Democrat at the subcommittee , reviewed the history of Fleet Forces Command and asked Braithwaite if the move was “ to recognize the reality of this increased Russian presence and the fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the dominant concern of the National Defense Strategy ?
” The Secretary of the Navy simply confirmed that it was true .
The Atlantic Fleet existed in Norfolk , Va. from 1906 until 2006 .
Though those 100 years brought various iterations of fleet organization , by 2006 LANTFLT remained the naval component commander for U.S. Strategic Command as well as U.S. Northern Command .
The Commander , Fleet Forces Command title was tacked on to LANTFLT just after the September 11th attacks in 2001 “ to improve alignment and organization structure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , staffs , systems and processes delivered a combat capable Navy ready to respond to all contingencies , ” according to a Fleet Forces timeline .
In 2006 then-Chief of Naval Operations Adm. Mike Mullen overhauled the organization , doing away with the LANTFLT title and creating U.S. Fleet Forces Command to “ serve as the primary advocate for fleet personnel , training , requirements , maintenance and operations issues.
” Fleet Forces is the chief readiness organization for the fleet , as well as the naval component for NORTHCOM and STRATCOM .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ comes after a 2018 decision to reestablish U.S. 2nd Fleet in Norfolk as a means of focusing more on anti-submarine warfare in the Atlantic and with European allies on the other side of the ocean .
This is in order to rein in Russia , which developed the Knyaz Vladimir a Borei-A-class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine and other incoming projects .
Braithwaite also discussed the re-establishment of U.S. 1st Fleet , which he announced last month at the Naval Submarine League annual conference .
Secretary of the Navy said that 1st Fleet would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at-sea command ” compared to U.S. 7th Fleet , which has its headquarters in Japan but can also deploy and operate at sea aboard command ship USS Blue Ridge ( LCC-19 ) .
7th Fleet will remain active in attempting to counter China ’ s expansion in the South China Sea .
1st Fleet will be more focused on the convergence of the Pacific and Indian Oceans and out towards the border with U.S. 5th Fleet near the Northern Arabian Sea .
It should be reminded that the Russian Navy is to establish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ warships in Sudan .
“ This will reassure our allies and partners of our presence and commitment to this region , while ensuring any potential adversary knows we are committed to global presence to ensure rule of law and freedom of the seas , ” he said during the hearing .
“ We are determined today to make the bold changes required to ensure that our forces are prepared to dominate any potential battlespace and return home safely.
” “ We are going to recommission the 1st Fleet , which like the 7th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ region under the command and control of the United States Pacific Fleet , headquartered in Hawaii .
It wouldn ’ t necessarily take ships from the 7th Fleet or from the 3rd Fleet ; it would be a sharing , that ’ s how our numbered fleets operate , predicated on the demand and the threat that emanates in the part of the ocean in which those respective fleets operate , ” he added .
Earlier , at a press briefing NATO Secretary Jens Stoltenberg said that NATO plans to increase its presence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relations and cooperation with Georgia and Ukraine .
This also goes in line with the attempt to pressure Russia from all directions , both from the South and North .
Likely the US hopes for Japan and South Korea to also cooperate in a potential war scenario , and provide maritime support from the East .
Apart from maritime forces , the ground forces deployed in Europe , and notably in Eastern Europe and the military activity in terms of exercises and deployments near Russia ’ s borders increased in 2020 .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always been – the “ Russian threat ” needs to be contained .
After all , it is expected for Moscow to secure its borders when bases are popping up near them faster than mushrooms after a rainstorm .
Turkey deploying Syrian militants to South Caucasus also is cause for concern , as well as the entry of militants in the CSTO states that are in or close to Central Asia .
MORE ON THE TOPIC : • Secretary General Outlines Plan To Increase Presence In Black Sea Through Ukraine And Georgia

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Gone are the times of the War On Terror, as the US secretary of the Navy Kenneth Braithwaite said that U.S. Fleet Forces Command will be renamed to U.S. Atlantic Fleet.
For those wondering what’s so special about it, this is a return to the US Navy’s full focus on maritime operations in the Northern Atlantic, rather than acting as if its fighting terrorists in the Middle East and elsewhere.
“As the world changes, we must be bold, evolve, and change with it. Instead of perpetuating a structure designed to support yesterday’s Joint Forces Command, we are aligning to today’s threat. To meet the unique maritime challenges of the Atlantic theater, we will rename Fleet Forces Command as the U.S. Atlantic Fleet, and we will refocus our naval forces in this important region on their original mission: controlling the maritime approaches to the United States and to those of our allies,” Secretary Kenneth Braithwaite told the Senate Armed Services readiness subcommittee hearing. “The Atlantic Fleet will confront the reassertive Russian Navy, which has been deployed closer and closer to our East Coast, with a tailored maritime presence capability and lethality.”
Russia is, according to the US, an issue that’s gaining force, when terrorists around the world appear to be subsiding, despite massive issues in Africa, and terrorism not being gone from the Middle East.
Sen. Tim Kaine, the top Democrat at the subcommittee, reviewed the history of Fleet Forces Command and asked Braithwaite if the move was “to recognize the reality of this increased Russian presence and the fact that great power competition is now sort of the dominant concern of the National Defense Strategy?”
The Secretary of the Navy simply confirmed that it was true.
The Atlantic Fleet existed in Norfolk, Va. from 1906 until 2006.
Though those 100 years brought various iterations of fleet organization, by 2006 LANTFLT remained the naval component commander for U.S. Strategic Command as well as U.S. Northern Command. The Commander, Fleet Forces Command title was tacked on to LANTFLT just after the September 11th attacks in 2001 “to improve alignment and organization structure to ensure the Navy’s fleets, staffs, systems and processes delivered a combat capable Navy ready to respond to all contingencies,” according to a Fleet Forces timeline.
In 2006 then-Chief of Naval Operations Adm. Mike Mullen overhauled the organization, doing away with the LANTFLT title and creating U.S. Fleet Forces Command to “serve as the primary advocate for fleet personnel, training, requirements, maintenance and operations issues.”
Fleet Forces is the chief readiness organization for the fleet, as well as the naval component for NORTHCOM and STRATCOM.
The move to bring back Atlantic Fleet comes after a 2018 decision to reestablish U.S. 2nd Fleet in Norfolk as a means of focusing more on anti-submarine warfare in the Atlantic and with European allies on the other side of the ocean.
This is in order to rein in Russia, which developed the Knyaz Vladimir a Borei-A-class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine and other incoming projects.
Braithwaite also discussed the re-establishment of U.S. 1st Fleet, which he announced last month at the Naval Submarine League annual conference.
Secretary of the Navy said that 1st Fleet would be “an agile, mobile, at-sea command” compared to U.S. 7th Fleet, which has its headquarters in Japan but can also deploy and operate at sea aboard command ship USS Blue Ridge (LCC-19).
7th Fleet will remain active in attempting to counter China’s expansion in the South China Sea.
1st Fleet will be more focused on the convergence of the Pacific and Indian Oceans and out towards the border with U.S. 5th Fleet near the Northern Arabian Sea.
It should be reminded that the Russian Navy is to establish a naval logistics center that can house warships in Sudan.
“This will reassure our allies and partners of our presence and commitment to this region, while ensuring any potential adversary knows we are committed to global presence to ensure rule of law and freedom of the seas,” he said during the hearing.
“We are determined today to make the bold changes required to ensure that our forces are prepared to dominate any potential battlespace and return home safely.” “We are going to recommission the 1st Fleet, which like the 7th Fleet would operate in the greater Pacific region under the command and control of the United States Pacific Fleet, headquartered in Hawaii. It wouldn’t necessarily take ships from the 7th Fleet or from the 3rd Fleet; it would be a sharing, that’s how our numbered fleets operate, predicated on the demand and the threat that emanates in the part of the ocean in which those respective fleets operate,” he added.
Earlier, at a press briefing NATO Secretary Jens Stoltenberg said that NATO plans to increase its presence in the Black Sea, by improving relations and cooperation with Georgia and Ukraine.
This also goes in line with the attempt to pressure Russia from all directions, both from the South and North.
Likely the US hopes for Japan and South Korea to also cooperate in a potential war scenario, and provide maritime support from the East.
Apart from maritime forces, the ground forces deployed in Europe, and notably in Eastern Europe and the military activity in terms of exercises and deployments near Russia’s borders increased in 2020.
The justification is the same as it has always been – the “Russian threat” needs to be contained. After all, it is expected for Moscow to secure its borders when bases are popping up near them faster than mushrooms after a rainstorm. Turkey deploying Syrian militants to South Caucasus also is cause for concern, as well as the entry of militants in the CSTO states that are in or close to Central Asia.
MORE ON THE TOPIC:
Support SouthFront