jewworldorder--2020-10-15--‘We’re at war’: Heshy Tischler, the Borough Park agitator aiming for NYC Council

Editor ’ s note : This story was produced in partnership with New York Magazine .
Since it was published Oct. 9 , Tischler was arrested Sunday evening and charged with inciting a riot and unlawful imprisonment in connection with an incident at a protest last Wednesday night when Tischler and a mob of followers surrounded Jacob Kornbluh , a journalist and member of the Hasidic community who has been outspoken about the need to wear masks and follow social distancing .
Tischler was released Monday night and addressed a crowd of his supporters who gathered in front of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to continue our fight , ” he said Monday .
JTA — On a sunny afternoon in June , Heshy Tischler showed up at Williamsburg ’ s Middleton Playground with bolt cutters .
The local playgrounds had been closed for months , and because the peak of the pandemic had passed — although it was hardly over , and risk remained substantial — the large families of Brooklyn ’ s Orthodox Jewish neighborhoods were frustrated .
Videos showing lively playgrounds in other neighborhoods were circulating in Orthodox WhatsApp chats , and the prospect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Tischler had been at protests calling on the governor to open summer camps for weeks , going so far as calling it “ the Heshy Movement.
” Now he was taking matters into his own hands .
Cheers rose as the lock and chain fell away .
“ Come on in , guys , ” he said , in his trademark voice — Jackie Gleason by way of Moe from “ The Simpsons ” — as boys in yarmulkes and girls in long dresses milled around him .
One man chanted : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , local elected officials — State Senator Simcha Felder , State Assemblyman Simcha Eichenstein , City Councilman Kalman Yeger — were standing by Tischler ’ s side , opening up playground after playground in defiance of the mayor ’ s orders intended to stop the spread of COVID-19 .
They even posed on a swing set , Tischler standing behind the city councilman and state assemblyman , ready to give them a push .
The brazen act of civil disobedience , amplified by the fact that Tischler himself did not wear a mask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cruz tweeted “ Bravo.
” Get The Times of Israel ’ s Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories Free Sign Up He had unlocked more than a playground .
He was now well on his way to folk-hero status among the youth of Borough Park , who , as the neighborhood stepped up its refusal to abide by the restrictions that Andrew Cuomo announced to stem new COVID outbreaks , would become Tischler ’ s army , following him into battle against the governor , the media and members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it all blew up in the streets , leaving a lot of people in his community appalled .
“ He ’ s an opportunist , ” Yosef Rapaport , a publicist and podcast host who lives in Borough Park , said .
“ Every community has its crazy hotheads , and those people are attracted to him.
” “ I ’ m willing to give my life for it , ” Tischler told me on Wednesday , of his fight to keep the yeshivas and synagogues open and the governor out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stand idly by while they ’ re doing lies .
And I will stand before the holy maker and tell him that I tried my best to fight this .
Because these people are lying.
” It ’ s all part of the Heshy show — the neverending stream of videos Tischler posts to his Instagram and Twitter feeds and which make the rounds in Orthodox WhatsApp groups that tell the story of Tischler ’ s ascent to hero status in young Borough Park .
They were also promotional material for “ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s radio program that airs Wednesday evenings , as he reminds his Instagram followers in most of the videos he posts .
The real-life show and the radio show are one .
To the Orthodox Jewish residents of Borough Park , Tischler is their own Donald Trump .
To those mothers and children who looked longingly at that playground until he stepped in , he ’ s the big guy— literally — speaking up for the little guy who feels powerless and alienated .
To virtually everyone else , he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , one who puts his followers at risk of illness and death in order to further his ambitions .
In the months following the playground event , he would threaten Cuomo that “ if you touch my boy Trump , I ’ m going to put you over my knee , Cuomo , and smack you around like a little girl when you cry ” ; call Mayor Bill de Blasio an “ idiot ” ( and sometimes “ the fuhrer ” ) ; call Chirlane McCray , de Blasio ’ s wife @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as an unclear epithet that was variously heard as racist or merely insulting .
Earlier this week , he ginned up a mob to corner an Orthodox reporter , Jacob Kornbluh , calling him an informer .
Community members and those who grew up there and left declined to comment on Tischler on the record , some worried that giving him attention would only encourage him , others worrying that he ’ d come after them if they spoke out .
City Council Speaker Corey Johnson declined to comment on Tischler @ @ @ @ @ @ @ condemnations of the attacks on Kornbluh .
So did State Senator Brad Hoylman at first : “ Our personal belief is that this kind of extremism is inflamed by attention and we ’ d prefer not to contribute to it , ” his spokesperson said on Thursday .
But Hoylman later changed his mind , calling for the Brooklyn district attorney to investigate the violence at Wednesday ’ s night ’ s protest , and saying of Tischler : “ I don ’ t know the man personally , and I don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has among his neighbors .
He does not speak for all.
” Added Rapaport , “ We need to avoid embarrassing people , but he embarrasses himself .
I have no compunction denouncing his violence .
He is responsible for instigating it and creating an uncontrollable scene.
” For a lot of New Yorkers , this was the week they got more than enough Heshy .
The playground episode in June marked the beginning of his rise from an ex-convict and radio host to leader of an anti-lockdown protest movement that would rock @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the mayor , the governor , and just about every other resident of the city who wondered what on earth was going on in haredi Orthodox Brooklyn .
Although he ’ s a longtime Borough Park resident , Tischler himself is something of an outsider .
In a community where most men wear a black suit every day , he stands out in his untucked , wrinkled white shirt , his signature press pass ( really an advertisement for the radio show ) slung around the collar .
Unlike most of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at home , where he watches Fox News ( his wife prefers CNN , which he hates ) .
And unlike the established leaders of his community who operate through conventional channels , scheduling meetings with the mayor and governor and issuing measured statements , Tischler is unencumbered by all that , insulting politicians whenever he pleases .
Even his detractors admit that he cares for his community , volunteering to pack boxes of food for the poor , visiting the sick in hospitals , making time to help formerly incarcerated residents find @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the community all the time : “ Please try to refine your speaking , please wear a suit .
Heshy , please try to use proper language , ” he says they tell him .
He answers to no one .
Except in 2013 , when a judge sentenced him to a year and a day in prison for immigration fraud .
Tischler and 11 co-conspirators had been charged with extracting fees from thousands of undocumented immigrants to pretend to employ them at jobs that didn ’ t exist .
( “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t agree with him on immigration , ” Tischler says now .
“ I believe this country should be open to everyone.
” ) “ It is clear in the case of Mr. Tischler that there is a wide disconnect between his acts of religious charity and his views about the need to conform to the laws of civil society , ” said the judge , Naomi Reice Buchwald , according to a sentencing document .
“ Not only did he commit the crimes charged as well as an earlier immigration fraud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pages and pages of debts and judgments that are recited in the presentence report which can only be understood as reflecting a dismissive view of the obligations of a civil society and perhaps worse.
” He did his time in Otisville , an Orange County prison known for accommodating Orthodox Jewish practice .
Six years later , the obligations of a civil society have , in most people ’ s view , expanded to include mask-wearing and social distancing , the two changes that public health experts say make the most difference in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inside Borough Park — where many believed the community reached herd immunity months ago , where the influence of right-wing media is strong , and where highly social habits run counter to distancing directives—those practices have relatively few adherents .
By mid-May , the community had largely resumed normal life , with its synagogues and yeshivas that defined pre-pandemic daily routines reopened .
This presented a dilemma for the neighborhood ’ s political leadership .
First , they fruitlessly exhorted residents to comply with the city ’ s public health rules .
Then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ State ’ s overnight camps , extensions of the community ’ s education system , opened for the summer — and fell short there , too .
By late summer , those leaders , previously prominent in the community response to the pandemic , had mostly vanished from the front lines .
Into the void stepped Tischler , telling his followers that the city ’ s case numbers were spurious ( “ Their testing results are lies !
” he said Wednesday ) ; posting video of himself from a large outdoor wedding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for rising COVID cases in August ; and vowing not to let Cuomo crack down on Borough Park .
“ You ’ re not coming into my neighborhood , we ’ re going to do whatever we want , ” Tischler said to Cuomo in the wedding video , guests mingling and violin music in the background .
“ The Brooklyn Jewish community has had a void of leadership , it has a lot of frustrated residents who would like to see an active response to the declarations by the governor and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Orthodox radio host , told me .
“ So a guy like this comes along and says a lot of the things a lot of people are thinking and the things that are frustrating people , he ’ s going to get attention.
” The ultimate frustration was thrust onto the neighborhood a week ago at the beginning of Sukkot , the fall harvest festival .
After an uptick in new COVID cases in late September , city and state officials had seemed to race to close businesses and , in an ultimate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to rising COVID infections in the area .
“ One of the prime places of mass gatherings are houses of worship .
I understand it ’ s a sensitive topic , but that is the truth , ” Cuomo said at a press conference Tuesday .
Normally during Sukkot , when school is closed , thousands of teenagers fill the streets of Borough Park , roaming up and down 13th Avenue in front of kosher ice cream shops and bookstores selling religious texts .
What would normally be a boisterous crowd in search @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year turned into a ready-made assembly for protest .
Depending on whom you ask , what happened over the course of the next two nights either ended Tischler ’ s rise or propelled it to another plane .
On Tuesday , the boys and young men burned a pile of face masks in the middle of the street .
They blocked city buses from moving through the neighborhood .
And Tischler , grabbing a megaphone told the crowd : “ You are my soldiers !
We are at war !
” Angered by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away .
Around 2 a.m. , a community member taking video was chased and beaten .
He was Berish Getz , the brother of Mordy Getz , a businessman who had spoken out in favor of mask wearing and social distancing back in April and been labeled a “ moser ” — one who informs on his fellow Jews to the authorities .
Some Jewish legal texts suggest that a moser is subject to the death penalty , making it a particularly menacing designation .
The next day , Wednesday , Tischler weaponized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken in front of a cemetery and posted to Instagram Wednesday , he called Jacob Kornbluh , a reporter for Jewish Insider and himself a member of the Hasidic community in Borough Park , a “ moser ” and a “ rat.
” The night before , Kornbluh had texted Tischler and asked him to apologize to the community for inciting violence .
When Kornbluh showed up to Wednesday night ’ s protest , Tischler cornered him against a brick wall , summoning a large crowd to surround him .
“ You ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Kornbluh ’ s face .
“ Everybody scream moser !
” Apart from the Jewish music and dancing , it was a scene very much like a Trump rally , from the TRUMP 2020 flags that protestors carried to the ease with which they could be turned against the media .
That was unsurprising to some who have watched the community ’ s attitudes shift in a way that dovetails with the country ’ s .
“ The community is driven and guided by a combination of paranoia and a desire for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outsider point of view , and that which makes them uncomfortable .
Trump validates a lot of their attitudes , ” said Menashe Shapiro , a political consultant .
“ Trump is the cocaine , Tischler is one of the dealers ( as are super-right-wing radio , blogs and podcasts ) .
The community are the addicts.
” The violence at both protests was condemned widely by elected officials from former state assemblyman Dov Hikind — “ I ’ m ashamed of what happened , ” he said of Tuesday ’ s protest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about Wednesday ’ s incident , “ It ’ s absolutely unacceptable , disgusting , really.
” Tischler wouldn ’ t take responsibility for it .
In fact , he wouldn ’ t even admit it happened .
“ There was no violence , ” he told me on Thursday afternoon .
“ If there would have been violence , there would have been somebody arrested.
” ( Kornbluh says he was punched and kicked , and there ’ s video showing someone trying to hit Getz on Tuesday night with a traffic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that same day , Tischler announced that he had put on a suit and presented himself at the 66th Precinct for arrest , only to be told he was not under investigation .
But on Friday , rumors swirled in Brooklyn ’ s Orthodox community that Tischler would step back from public life .
Some said he was considering dropping out of his run for city council before he ’ d even officially launched his campaign .
In a phone call Friday afternoon , Tischler said he ’ d never even considered dropping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down : “ Whatever you ’ ve seen me do , you ’ re going to see bigger and better things , ” he said .
“ I ’ m going after the governor and the mayor personally now .
There ’ ll be so much , he ’ s not going to be able to control this city .
He ’ s not going to know what hit him , ” Tischler said .
“ You just wait for round two.
” And shortly after that , he posted yet another video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be arrested at 10 a.m. Monday at the 66th precinct in Borough Park .
“ I ’ ll be taken in for inciting a riot , ” he announced directly to the camera , in a rambling speech .
He said he would plead not guilty , called Kornbluh a “ very terrible bad man , ” and apologized to Chirlane McCray .
“ Heshy Tischler here will be walking into jail with Pastor McCaul ” — a local minister who called for Tischler ’ s arrest on Thursday — “ and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m very upset about this … I ’ m hoping that I can be out for the ‘ Just Enough Heshy ’ show at 9 o ’ clock Wednesday night.
” Even after all that , he seems to believe that this week is his ticket not back to jail but to City Hall .
Three years ago , Tischler ran for City Council and , in a three-way race , drew just 670 votes out of nearly 17,000 cast .
Now that Chaim Deutsch , the city councilman representing a host @ @ @ @ @ @ @ District 48 , is term limited , Tischler thinks he can win that seat .
“ It would be like bringing Trump in , something refreshing , ” said Soya Radin , a longtime Borough Park resident who is Tischler ’ s radio co-host .
“ So we wouldn ’ t have the same people regurgitating , I ’ m going to make changes , I ’ m going to do this and then not doing it.
” Political insiders aren ’ t so sure .
“ I think the community would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think any of his colleagues would take him seriously , ” said Mark Botnick , a former advisor to Michael Bloomberg .
“ You need someone who can work with people and not just be a rabble-rouser.
” And , again like Trump , he knows exactly how to call attention to himself .
He ’ s been getting so much press , he bragged to me , “ that I don ’ t even have to spend any money … They never actually started listening to me until you guys started giving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Could he pull it off ?
On his home turf of Instagram , Tischler has earned a host of new critics , and it ’ s unclear whether he could win the support of local leaders or rabbis .
But Borough Park mothers won ’ t soon forget how Tischler fought for their right to send their children to the playground — the hyperlocal , pandemic version , perhaps , of universal prekindergarten .
“ Kids absolutely idolize him , worship him , ” said Rayne Lunger , a local mother .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the throngs of young men , many of voting age , following him through the streets , willing to wave any flag and shout any slogan for the man who promises to keep the yeshivas and synagogues open .
“ I wouldn ’ t say he has a shot , ” Kornbluh said , hours before Tischler turned the mob on him .
“ But Trump also didn ’ t have a shot .
”

Editor’s note: This story was produced in partnership with New York Magazine. Since it was published Oct. 9, Tischler was arrested Sunday evening and charged with inciting a riot and unlawful imprisonment in connection with an incident at a protest last Wednesday night when Tischler and a mob of followers surrounded Jacob Kornbluh, a journalist and member of the Hasidic community who has been outspoken about the need to wear masks and follow social distancing. Tischler was released Monday night and addressed a crowd of his supporters who gathered in front of his home. “We’re going to continue our fight,” he said Monday.
JTA — On a sunny afternoon in June, Heshy Tischler showed up at Williamsburg’s Middleton Playground with bolt cutters. The local playgrounds had been closed for months, and because the peak of the pandemic had passed — although it was hardly over, and risk remained substantial — the large families of Brooklyn’s Orthodox Jewish neighborhoods were frustrated. Videos showing lively playgrounds in other neighborhoods were circulating in Orthodox WhatsApp chats, and the prospect of a summer without sleepaway camps loomed. Tischler had been at protests calling on the governor to open summer camps for weeks, going so far as calling it “the Heshy Movement.” Now he was taking matters into his own hands.
Cheers rose as the lock and chain fell away. “Come on in, guys,” he said, in his trademark voice — Jackie Gleason by way of Moe from “The Simpsons” — as boys in yarmulkes and girls in long dresses milled around him. One man chanted: Hesh-y! Hesh-y! The next day, local elected officials — State Senator Simcha Felder, State Assemblyman Simcha Eichenstein, City Councilman Kalman Yeger — were standing by Tischler’s side, opening up playground after playground in defiance of the mayor’s orders intended to stop the spread of COVID-19. They even posed on a swing set, Tischler standing behind the city councilman and state assemblyman, ready to give them a push. The brazen act of civil disobedience, amplified by the fact that Tischler himself did not wear a mask, resonated far beyond Brooklyn. Ted Cruz tweeted “Bravo.”
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He had unlocked more than a playground. He was now well on his way to folk-hero status among the youth of Borough Park, who, as the neighborhood stepped up its refusal to abide by the restrictions that Andrew Cuomo announced to stem new COVID outbreaks, would become Tischler’s army, following him into battle against the governor, the media and members of his own community. This week, it all blew up in the streets, leaving a lot of people in his community appalled. “He’s an opportunist,” Yosef Rapaport, a publicist and podcast host who lives in Borough Park, said. “Every community has its crazy hotheads, and those people are attracted to him.”
New York City councilman Joe Lentol with Heshy Tischler, a local radio personality who cut the chains off a playground gate Monday. (Screenshot from Twitter)
“I’m willing to give my life for it,” Tischler told me on Wednesday, of his fight to keep the yeshivas and synagogues open and the governor out of his neighborhood. “I will not stand idly by while they’re doing lies. And I will stand before the holy maker and tell him that I tried my best to fight this. Because these people are lying.”
It’s all part of the Heshy show — the neverending stream of videos Tischler posts to his Instagram and Twitter feeds and which make the rounds in Orthodox WhatsApp groups that tell the story of Tischler’s ascent to hero status in young Borough Park. They were also promotional material for “The Just Enough Heshy Show,” Tischler’s radio program that airs Wednesday evenings, as he reminds his Instagram followers in most of the videos he posts. The real-life show and the radio show are one.
To the Orthodox Jewish residents of Borough Park, Tischler is their own Donald Trump. To those mothers and children who looked longingly at that playground until he stepped in, he’s the big guy— literally — speaking up for the little guy who feels powerless and alienated. To virtually everyone else, he’s a boor who whips up deadly behavior, one who puts his followers at risk of illness and death in order to further his ambitions. In the months following the playground event, he would threaten Cuomo that “if you touch my boy Trump, I’m going to put you over my knee, Cuomo, and smack you around like a little girl when you cry”; call Mayor Bill de Blasio an “idiot” (and sometimes “the fuhrer”); call Chirlane McCray, de Blasio’s wife, a “retard woman,” as well as an unclear epithet that was variously heard as racist or merely insulting. Earlier this week, he ginned up a mob to corner an Orthodox reporter, Jacob Kornbluh, calling him an informer.
Heshy Tischler, center, a City Council candidate and activist in the Orthodox Jewish neighborhood of Borough Park, is hugged while walking out of Kings County Criminal Court after his arraignment Monday, Oct. 12, 2020, in New York. Tischler had been arrested on charges of inciting people to riot and unlawful imprisonment of a journalist who was chased and trapped by a crowd. (AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura)
Community members and those who grew up there and left declined to comment on Tischler on the record, some worried that giving him attention would only encourage him, others worrying that he’d come after them if they spoke out. City Council Speaker Corey Johnson declined to comment on Tischler’s behavior, although he retweeted condemnations of the attacks on Kornbluh. So did State Senator Brad Hoylman at first: “Our personal belief is that this kind of extremism is inflamed by attention and we’d prefer not to contribute to it,” his spokesperson said on Thursday. But Hoylman later changed his mind, calling for the Brooklyn district attorney to investigate the violence at Wednesday’s night’s protest, and saying of Tischler: “I don’t know the man personally, and I don’t know how much support he truly has among his neighbors. He does not speak for all.” Added Rapaport, “We need to avoid embarrassing people, but he embarrasses himself. I have no compunction denouncing his violence. He is responsible for instigating it and creating an uncontrollable scene.” For a lot of New Yorkers, this was the week they got more than enough Heshy.
The playground episode in June marked the beginning of his rise from an ex-convict and radio host to leader of an anti-lockdown protest movement that would rock the city and draw the bewildered attention of the mayor, the governor, and just about every other resident of the city who wondered what on earth was going on in haredi Orthodox Brooklyn.
Although he’s a longtime Borough Park resident, Tischler himself is something of an outsider. In a community where most men wear a black suit every day, he stands out in his untucked, wrinkled white shirt, his signature press pass (really an advertisement for the radio show) slung around the collar. Unlike most of his Hasidic neighbors, he has a television at home, where he watches Fox News (his wife prefers CNN, which he hates). And unlike the established leaders of his community who operate through conventional channels, scheduling meetings with the mayor and governor and issuing measured statements, Tischler is unencumbered by all that, insulting politicians whenever he pleases. Even his detractors admit that he cares for his community, volunteering to pack boxes of food for the poor, visiting the sick in hospitals, making time to help formerly incarcerated residents find jobs. He gets calls from people in the community all the time: “Please try to refine your speaking, please wear a suit. Heshy, please try to use proper language,” he says they tell him. He answers to no one.
Members of the Orthodox community speak with NYPD officers, Wednesday, Oct. 7, 2020, in the Borough Park neighborhood of the Brooklyn borough of New York. Gov. Andrew Cuomo moved to reinstate restrictions on businesses, houses of worship and schools in and near areas where coronavirus cases are spiking. Many neighborhoods that stand to be affected are home to large enclaves of Orthodox Jews. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)
Except in 2013, when a judge sentenced him to a year and a day in prison for immigration fraud. Tischler and 11 co-conspirators had been charged with extracting fees from thousands of undocumented immigrants to pretend to employ them at jobs that didn’t exist. (“I love Trump but I still don’t agree with him on immigration,” Tischler says now. “I believe this country should be open to everyone.”) “It is clear in the case of Mr. Tischler that there is a wide disconnect between his acts of religious charity and his views about the need to conform to the laws of civil society,” said the judge, Naomi Reice Buchwald, according to a sentencing document. “Not only did he commit the crimes charged as well as an earlier immigration fraud, but he has built up literally pages and pages of debts and judgments that are recited in the presentence report which can only be understood as reflecting a dismissive view of the obligations of a civil society and perhaps worse.” He did his time in Otisville, an Orange County prison known for accommodating Orthodox Jewish practice.
Six years later, the obligations of a civil society have, in most people’s view, expanded to include mask-wearing and social distancing, the two changes that public health experts say make the most difference in slowing the spread of COVID-19. But inside Borough Park — where many believed the community reached herd immunity months ago, where the influence of right-wing media is strong, and where highly social habits run counter to distancing directives—those practices have relatively few adherents. By mid-May, the community had largely resumed normal life, with its synagogues and yeshivas that defined pre-pandemic daily routines reopened.
This presented a dilemma for the neighborhood’s political leadership. First, they fruitlessly exhorted residents to comply with the city’s public health rules. Then, they sought to get New York State’s overnight camps, extensions of the community’s education system, opened for the summer — and fell short there, too. By late summer, those leaders, previously prominent in the community response to the pandemic, had mostly vanished from the front lines. Into the void stepped Tischler, telling his followers that the city’s case numbers were spurious (“Their testing results are lies!” he said Wednesday); posting video of himself from a large outdoor wedding even after those very gatherings were blamed for rising COVID cases in August; and vowing not to let Cuomo crack down on Borough Park. “You’re not coming into my neighborhood, we’re going to do whatever we want,” Tischler said to Cuomo in the wedding video, guests mingling and violin music in the background.
Illustrative: Groups of protesters gather in the Brooklyn neighborhood of Borough Park to denounce lockdowns of their neighborhood due to a spike in COVID-19 cases on October 7, 2020 in New York City. (Spencer Platt/Getty Images/AFP)
“The Brooklyn Jewish community has had a void of leadership, it has a lot of frustrated residents who would like to see an active response to the declarations by the governor and the mayor,” Nachum Segal, an Orthodox radio host, told me. “So a guy like this comes along and says a lot of the things a lot of people are thinking and the things that are frustrating people, he’s going to get attention.”
The ultimate frustration was thrust onto the neighborhood a week ago at the beginning of Sukkot, the fall harvest festival. After an uptick in new COVID cases in late September, city and state officials had seemed to race to close businesses and, in an ultimate affront, limit synagogue attendance in response to rising COVID infections in the area. “One of the prime places of mass gatherings are houses of worship. I understand it’s a sensitive topic, but that is the truth,” Cuomo said at a press conference Tuesday.
Normally during Sukkot, when school is closed, thousands of teenagers fill the streets of Borough Park, roaming up and down 13th Avenue in front of kosher ice cream shops and bookstores selling religious texts. What would normally be a boisterous crowd in search of a concert or dance party this year turned into a ready-made assembly for protest. Depending on whom you ask, what happened over the course of the next two nights either ended Tischler’s rise or propelled it to another plane.
On Tuesday, the boys and young men burned a pile of face masks in the middle of the street. They blocked city buses from moving through the neighborhood. And Tischler, grabbing a megaphone told the crowd: “You are my soldiers! We are at war!” Angered by outside scrutiny, they chased a photographer away. Around 2 a.m., a community member taking video was chased and beaten. He was Berish Getz, the brother of Mordy Getz, a businessman who had spoken out in favor of mask wearing and social distancing back in April and been labeled a “moser” — one who informs on his fellow Jews to the authorities. Some Jewish legal texts suggest that a moser is subject to the death penalty, making it a particularly menacing designation.
At Heschy’s urging, the crowd just surrounded and attacked journalist @jacobkornbluh. They pinned him against a wall and shouted “moyser” (“snitch”) as NYPD lost control of the situation. Really scary scene. Jacob is a pro pic.twitter.com/783MqbzTBe — Jake Offenhartz (@jangelooff) October 8, 2020
The next day, Wednesday, Tischler weaponized the label further. In a video taken in front of a cemetery and posted to Instagram Wednesday, he called Jacob Kornbluh, a reporter for Jewish Insider and himself a member of the Hasidic community in Borough Park, a “moser” and a “rat.” The night before, Kornbluh had texted Tischler and asked him to apologize to the community for inciting violence. When Kornbluh showed up to Wednesday night’s protest, Tischler cornered him against a brick wall, summoning a large crowd to surround him. “You’re a moser,” Tischler screamed in Kornbluh’s face. “Everybody scream moser!” Apart from the Jewish music and dancing, it was a scene very much like a Trump rally, from the TRUMP 2020 flags that protestors carried to the ease with which they could be turned against the media.
That was unsurprising to some who have watched the community’s attitudes shift in a way that dovetails with the country’s. “The community is driven and guided by a combination of paranoia and a desire for full personal autonomy while excluding outsiders, outsider point of view, and that which makes them uncomfortable. Trump validates a lot of their attitudes,” said Menashe Shapiro, a political consultant. “Trump is the cocaine, Tischler is one of the dealers (as are super-right-wing radio, blogs and podcasts). The community are the addicts.”
The violence at both protests was condemned widely by elected officials from former state assemblyman Dov Hikind — “I’m ashamed of what happened,” he said of Tuesday’s protest — to de Blasio, who said about Wednesday’s incident, “It’s absolutely unacceptable, disgusting, really.” Tischler wouldn’t take responsibility for it. In fact, he wouldn’t even admit it happened.
Members of the Jewish Orthodox community stand outside a bakery shop, Wednesday, Oct. 7, 2020, in the Borough Park neighborhood of the Brooklyn borough of New York. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)
“There was no violence,” he told me on Thursday afternoon. “If there would have been violence, there would have been somebody arrested.” (Kornbluh says he was punched and kicked, and there’s video showing someone trying to hit Getz on Tuesday night with a traffic cone.) In an Instagram video that same day, Tischler announced that he had put on a suit and presented himself at the 66th Precinct for arrest, only to be told he was not under investigation.
But on Friday, rumors swirled in Brooklyn’s Orthodox community that Tischler would step back from public life. Some said he was considering dropping out of his run for city council before he’d even officially launched his campaign. In a phone call Friday afternoon, Tischler said he’d never even considered dropping out. If anything, he doubled down: “Whatever you’ve seen me do, you’re going to see bigger and better things,” he said. “I’m going after the governor and the mayor personally now. There’ll be so much, he’s not going to be able to control this city. He’s not going to know what hit him,” Tischler said. “You just wait for round two.”
And shortly after that, he posted yet another video to social media announcing that he would be arrested at 10 a.m. Monday at the 66th precinct in Borough Park. “I’ll be taken in for inciting a riot,” he announced directly to the camera, in a rambling speech. He said he would plead not guilty, called Kornbluh a “very terrible bad man,” and apologized to Chirlane McCray. “Heshy Tischler here will be walking into jail with Pastor McCaul” — a local minister who called for Tischler’s arrest on Thursday — “and a lawyer and turning himself in and I’m very upset about this … I’m hoping that I can be out for the ‘Just Enough Heshy’ show at 9 o’clock Wednesday night.”
Even after all that, he seems to believe that this week is his ticket not back to jail but to City Hall. Three years ago, Tischler ran for City Council and, in a three-way race, drew just 670 votes out of nearly 17,000 cast. Now that Chaim Deutsch, the city councilman representing a host of Orthodox neighborhoods in South Brooklyn in District 48, is term limited, Tischler thinks he can win that seat. “It would be like bringing Trump in, something refreshing,” said Soya Radin, a longtime Borough Park resident who is Tischler’s radio co-host. “So we wouldn’t have the same people regurgitating, I’m going to make changes, I’m going to do this and then not doing it.”
Heshy Tischler, center, a City Council candidate and activist in the Orthodox Jewish neighborhood of Borough Park, walks out of Kings County Criminal Court after his arraignment, October 12, 2020, in New York. (AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura)
Political insiders aren’t so sure. “I think the community would be deeply disserved because I don’t think any of his colleagues would take him seriously,” said Mark Botnick, a former advisor to Michael Bloomberg. “You need someone who can work with people and not just be a rabble-rouser.”
And, again like Trump, he knows exactly how to call attention to himself. He’s been getting so much press, he bragged to me, “that I don’t even have to spend any money … They never actually started listening to me until you guys started giving me the promotion, since the parks.”
Could he pull it off? On his home turf of Instagram, Tischler has earned a host of new critics, and it’s unclear whether he could win the support of local leaders or rabbis. But Borough Park mothers won’t soon forget how Tischler fought for their right to send their children to the playground — the hyperlocal, pandemic version, perhaps, of universal prekindergarten. “Kids absolutely idolize him, worship him,” said Rayne Lunger, a local mother. And it’s hard to discount the throngs of young men, many of voting age, following him through the streets, willing to wave any flag and shout any slogan for the man who promises to keep the yeshivas and synagogues open.
“I wouldn’t say he has a shot,” Kornbluh said, hours before Tischler turned the mob on him. “But Trump also didn’t have a shot.”


jewworldorder--2020-10-15--CDC Study: 85% of Coronavirus Patients Reported Wearing Masks ‘Always’ or ‘Often’

An overlooked study published recently by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) suggests that cloth face coverings or masks are mostly ineffective in preventing the spread of the Chinese coronavirus as promoted by public health officials .
The CDC conducted the study , largely ignored by the media , in the U.S. in July and made its findings public in September .
It compared 154 “ case-patients , ” those who tested positive for COVID-19 ( coronavirus disease ) , and a control group of 160 “ control-participants , ” those who were symptomatic but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who reported wearing a cloth face covering or mask at least 14 days before illness onset , which falls into the incubation period of 2–14 days estimated by the agency .
The researchers found that 71 percent of the case-patients contracted the virus despite reporting “ always ” wearing a cloth face covering or mask at least 14 days before illness onset , and 14 percent contracted the virus despite reporting “ often ” wearing one at least 14 days before illness onset .
That indicates 85 percent of the COVID-19 study participants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( 71 percent ) or often ( 14 percent ) wearing a face covering or mask , suggesting the masks are not entirely effective at preventing the spread of the coronavirus .
Additionally , the rate of COVID-19 patients who wore a mask mirrored the percentage of those who were showing symptoms but tested negative , suggesting that the masks did little to protect those who did not test positive from symptoms .
“ In the 14 days before illness onset , 71 % of case-patients and 74 % of control-participants reported always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ types when in public , ” the CDC reported .
Of the other positive patients who reported wearing a face covering or mask , seven percent did so “ sometimes , ” four percent “ rarely , ” and four percent “ never.
” Acknowledging the limitations of the study , the CDC pointed out , “ Adults in the study were from one of 11 participating health care facilities and might not be representative of the United States population.
” Notwithstanding the efforts of the 71 percent of patients who reported “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still caught the highly contagious coronavirus .
Wearing a mask at “ gatherings with ≤10 or > 10 persons in a home ; shopping ; dining at a restaurant ; going to an office setting , salon , gym , bar/coffee shop , or church/religious gathering ; or using public transportation , ” did not prevent them from getting infected , the CDC study indicated .
Nevertheless , Dr. Anthony Fauci and CDC Director Dr. Robert Redfield , both prominent members of the White House Coronavirus Task Force , and other public health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Redfield went as far as telling a Senate panel last month that masks are “ more guaranteed ” to protect against the coronavirus than a potential vaccine .
California Gov .
Gavin Newsom ’ s ( D ) mandated use of masks in his state prompted the governor ’ s office to urge restaurant patrons via Twitter in October to keep their masks on while dining .
“ Going out to eat with members of your household this weekend ?
Don ’ t forget to keep your mask on in between bites @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around you healthy , ” he tweeted .
Despite the CDC ’ s latest findings that masks may be ineffective against the virus , they are now required across most of the state of California and other regions , where leaders urge individuals to wear a mask when keeping at least six feet apart is impossible .
The CDC study found that positive participants were more likely to go out for food than those who tested negative , acknowledging that wearing a face covering while eating and drinking is virtually impossible .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were approximately twice as likely as were control-participants to have reported dining at a restaurant in the 14 days before becoming ill , ” CDC noted .
However , the health agency conceded that there is no accurate way to pinpoint whether the COVID-19-infected participants contracted the disease when they took their masks off to eat or drink .
“ Characterization of community exposures can be difficult to assess when [ the ] widespread transmission is occurring , especially from asymptomatic persons within inherently interconnected communities , ” the CDC pointed out .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ventilation , and intensity of airflow might affect virus transmission , even if social distancing measures and mask use are implemented according to current guidance.
” “ Most close contact exposures were to family members , consistent with household transmission of [ COVID-19 ] , ” the CDC added .
The CDC investigation was carried out on adults over 18 years old who received the test for the virus at an outpatient testing or healthcare center at one of 11 health centers throughout most of July ( 1–29 ) .
That same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Allergy and Infectious Diseases director , came out against conducting a controlled study on the effectiveness of masks to prevent the spread of the Chinese virus .

An overlooked study published recently by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) suggests that cloth face coverings or masks are mostly ineffective in preventing the spread of the Chinese coronavirus as promoted by public health officials.
The CDC conducted the study, largely ignored by the media, in the U.S. in July and made its findings public in September. It compared 154 “case-patients,” those who tested positive for COVID-19 (coronavirus disease), and a control group of 160 “control-participants,” those who were symptomatic but tested negative.
CDC researchers examined participants who reported wearing a cloth face covering or mask at least 14 days before illness onset, which falls into the incubation period of 2–14 days estimated by the agency.
The researchers found that 71 percent of the case-patients contracted the virus despite reporting “always” wearing a cloth face covering or mask at least 14 days before illness onset, and 14 percent contracted the virus despite reporting “often” wearing one at least 14 days before illness onset.
That indicates 85 percent of the COVID-19 study participants contracted the virus even after either always (71 percent) or often (14 percent) wearing a face covering or mask, suggesting the masks are not entirely effective at preventing the spread of the coronavirus.
Additionally, the rate of COVID-19 patients who wore a mask mirrored the percentage of those who were showing symptoms but tested negative, suggesting that the masks did little to protect those who did not test positive from symptoms.
“In the 14 days before illness onset, 71% of case-patients and 74% of control-participants reported always using cloth face coverings or other mask types when in public,” the CDC reported.
Of the other positive patients who reported wearing a face covering or mask, seven percent did so “sometimes,” four percent “rarely,” and four percent “never.”
Acknowledging the limitations of the study, the CDC pointed out, “Adults in the study were from one of 11 participating health care facilities and might not be representative of the United States population.”
Notwithstanding the efforts of the 71 percent of patients who reported “always” wearing a mask, they still caught the highly contagious coronavirus.
Wearing a mask at “gatherings with ≤10 or >10 persons in a home; shopping; dining at a restaurant; going to an office setting, salon, gym, bar/coffee shop, or church/religious gathering; or using public transportation,” did not prevent them from getting infected, the CDC study indicated.
Nevertheless, Dr. Anthony Fauci and CDC Director Dr. Robert Redfield, both prominent members of the White House Coronavirus Task Force, and other public health officials have urged everyone to wear masks.
Redfield went as far as telling a Senate panel last month that masks are “more guaranteed” to protect against the coronavirus than a potential vaccine.
California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s (D) mandated use of masks in his state prompted the governor’s office to urge restaurant patrons via Twitter in October to keep their masks on while dining.
“Going out to eat with members of your household this weekend? Don’t forget to keep your mask on in between bites. Do your part to keep those around you healthy,” he tweeted.
Going out to eat with members of your household this weekend? Don’t forget to keep your mask on in between bites. Do your part to keep those around you healthy. #SlowtheSpreadhttps://t.co/snYe5v55Rw pic.twitter.com/Y4fcDO5Zke — Office of the Governor of California (@CAgovernor) October 3, 2020
Despite the CDC’s latest findings that masks may be ineffective against the virus, they are now required across most of the state of California and other regions, where leaders urge individuals to wear a mask when keeping at least six feet apart is impossible.
Yes, you still have to physically distance on Halloween. Read @CAPublicHealth‘s #COVID19 Halloween guidance to learn how you can ward off unwanted germs and still have a spooktacular time: https://t.co/snYe5v55Rw. 🎃#YourActionsSaveLives pic.twitter.com/0CSxhWdqly — Office of the Governor of California (@CAgovernor) October 13, 2020
The CDC study found that positive participants were more likely to go out for food than those who tested negative, acknowledging that wearing a face covering while eating and drinking is virtually impossible.
“Adults with confirmed COVID-19 (case-patients) were approximately twice as likely as were control-participants to have reported dining at a restaurant in the 14 days before becoming ill,” CDC noted. However, the health agency conceded that there is no accurate way to pinpoint whether the COVID-19-infected participants contracted the disease when they took their masks off to eat or drink.
“Characterization of community exposures can be difficult to assess when [the] widespread transmission is occurring, especially from asymptomatic persons within inherently interconnected communities,” the CDC pointed out.
The agency further suggested that “direction, ventilation, and intensity of airflow might affect virus transmission, even if social distancing measures and mask use are implemented according to current guidance.”
“Most close contact exposures were to family members, consistent with household transmission of [COVID-19],” the CDC added.
The CDC investigation was carried out on adults over 18 years old who received the test for the virus at an outpatient testing or healthcare center at one of 11 health centers throughout most of July (1–29).
That same month, Fauci, the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases director, came out against conducting a controlled study on the effectiveness of masks to prevent the spread of the Chinese virus.


jewworldorder--2020-10-15--US first lady: Son Barron also had coronavirus, but no symptoms

WASHINGTON ( AP ) — Melania Trump said Wednesday that her and the president ’ s teenage son , Barron , tested positive for the coronavirus not long after his parents , but had no symptoms .
She made the revelation in a lengthy note chronicling her personal experience with COVID-19 , including being hit with a “ roller coaster ” of symptoms that she treated naturally with vitamins and healthy food .
Mrs. Trump said she is now negative and hopes to resume her duties soon .
After she and US President Donald Trump tested positive earlier this month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had tested negative .
Barron later tested positive for the virus but had no symptoms , she said Wednesday , adding that he has since tested negative again .
Get The Times of Israel ’ s Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories Free Sign Up The president , speaking at a campaign rally Wednesday night in Iowa , was cavalier about Barron ’ s infection , saying , “ He had it for such a short period of time , I don ’ t even think he knew that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just fine , ” Trump added , using his son ’ s quick recovery as part of his pitch to reopen schools .
“ It happens .
People have it and it goes .
Get the kids back to school .
We ’ ve got to get the kids back to school.
” Mrs. Trump shared that after she and her husband first received their positive results , “ naturally , my mind went immediately to our son.
” She said she was relieved when he tested negative at first , but kept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days to come .
“ My fear came true when he was tested again and it came up positive , ” the first lady wrote in a statement released to social media .
Sounding a bit like the president , the first lady said she was “ glad the three of us went through this at the same time so we could take care of one another and spend time together.
” President Trump has called his bout with COVID-19 , the disease caused by the coronavirus , a “ blessing in disguise.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and treated with various therapies and drugs , including steroids , supplemental oxygen and an experimental antibody treatment .
Mrs. Trump did not explain why Barron ’ s positive diagnosis was not made public earlier , but she has fiercely protected the ninth-grader ’ s privacy .
As for her own trials with the disease , the first lady said she was “ fortunate ” to have had minimal symptoms , “ though they hit me all at once and it seemed to be a roller coaster of symptoms in the days after.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ cough and headaches and said she felt extremely tired most of the time .
To treat it , “ I chose to go a more natural route in terms of medicine , opting more for vitamins and healthy food , ” she said .
The first lady praised the care provided by Navy Cmdr .
Sean Conley , the White House physician , and his team , and said it was an “ unfamiliar feeling ” to be the patient .
“ It was me being taken care of now , and getting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do , ” she said .
The disease has killed more than 216,000 people in the U.S. and caused nearly 7.9 million infections here , according to the latest count from Johns Hopkins University .
Democrat Joe Biden has made President Trump ’ s response to the coronavirus pandemic an issue in the presidential campaign .
Most coronavirus patients suffer mild to moderate symptoms and recover quickly , typically anywhere from two to six weeks , according to the World Health Organization , though older , sicker patients tend to take longer to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family was “ fortunate ” to have received “ the kind of care that we did.
” She added , “ If you are sick , or if you have a loved one who is sick — I am thinking of you and will be thinking of you every day .
”

WASHINGTON (AP) — Melania Trump said Wednesday that her and the president’s teenage son, Barron, tested positive for the coronavirus not long after his parents, but had no symptoms. She made the revelation in a lengthy note chronicling her personal experience with COVID-19, including being hit with a “roller coaster” of symptoms that she treated naturally with vitamins and healthy food.
Mrs. Trump said she is now negative and hopes to resume her duties soon.
After she and US President Donald Trump tested positive earlier this month, the White House said 14-year-old Barron had tested negative. Barron later tested positive for the virus but had no symptoms, she said Wednesday, adding that he has since tested negative again.
Get The Times of Israel’s Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories Free Sign Up
The president, speaking at a campaign rally Wednesday night in Iowa, was cavalier about Barron’s infection, saying, “He had it for such a short period of time, I don’t even think he knew that he had it.”
“Barron is just fine,” Trump added, using his son’s quick recovery as part of his pitch to reopen schools. “It happens. People have it and it goes. Get the kids back to school. We’ve got to get the kids back to school.”
US President Donald Trump speaks at a campaign rally at Des Moines International Airport, Wednesday, Oct. 14, 2020, in Des Moines, Iowa. (AP Photo/Charlie Neibergall)
Mrs. Trump shared that after she and her husband first received their positive results, “naturally, my mind went immediately to our son.” She said she was relieved when he tested negative at first, but kept thinking about what would happen in the days to come.
“My fear came true when he was tested again and it came up positive,” the first lady wrote in a statement released to social media.
Sounding a bit like the president, the first lady said she was “glad the three of us went through this at the same time so we could take care of one another and spend time together.”
President Trump has called his bout with COVID-19, the disease caused by the coronavirus, a “ blessing in disguise.” He was hospitalized for three days and treated with various therapies and drugs, including steroids, supplemental oxygen and an experimental antibody treatment.
US President Donald Trump, left, walks out of Walter Reed National Military Medical Center to return to the White House after receiving treatments for covid-19, Monday, Oct. 5, 2020, in Bethesda, Md. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)
Mrs. Trump did not explain why Barron’s positive diagnosis was not made public earlier, but she has fiercely protected the ninth-grader’s privacy.
As for her own trials with the disease, the first lady said she was “fortunate” to have had minimal symptoms, “though they hit me all at once and it seemed to be a roller coaster of symptoms in the days after.”
She described body aches, a cough and headaches and said she felt extremely tired most of the time.
To treat it, “I chose to go a more natural route in terms of medicine, opting more for vitamins and healthy food,” she said.
The first lady praised the care provided by Navy Cmdr. Sean Conley, the White House physician, and his team, and said it was an “unfamiliar feeling” to be the patient.
In this Aug. 27, 2020 file photo, Barron Trump right, stands with US President Donald Trump and first lady Melania Trump on the South Lawn of the White House on the fourth day of the Republican National Convention in Washington. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)
“It was me being taken care of now, and getting first-hand experience with all that COVID-19 can do,” she said. The disease has killed more than 216,000 people in the U.S. and caused nearly 7.9 million infections here, according to the latest count from Johns Hopkins University.
Democrat Joe Biden has made President Trump’s response to the coronavirus pandemic an issue in the presidential campaign.
Most coronavirus patients suffer mild to moderate symptoms and recover quickly, typically anywhere from two to six weeks, according to the World Health Organization, though older, sicker patients tend to take longer to get well.
Mrs. Trump acknowledged her family was “fortunate” to have received “the kind of care that we did.” She added, “If you are sick, or if you have a loved one who is sick — I am thinking of you and will be thinking of you every day.”


jewworldorder--2020-10-15--Anthology compiles 70 ways of (anxiously) thinking about Jewish past and future

NEW YORK JEWISH WEEK — In a speech in 2013 , Rabbi Rick Jacobs , president of the Union for Reform Judaism , declared he was living in a “ Golden Age of the Jewish people , ” in which anti-Semitism was down , Israel was a stable democracy and Jewish communities and creativity were flourishing more than “ at almost any other period in Jewish history.
” Jacobs ’ s speech is one of the most recent texts included in “ The New Jewish Canon : Ideas & Debates 1980-2015 ” ( Academic Studies Press ) , a new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ E. Sufrin .
The book brings together 70 essays and ideas from the recent past that “ were central to the Jewish communal conversation , ” especially to American Jews .
Excerpts from the texts are matched with commentary by a present-day author , who puts the original in context .
In contrast to Jacobs ’ s upbeat speech , anxiety is the dominant theme of many of the texts , whether they are about Israel , intermarriage , anti-Semitism , Holocaust memory , feminism or LGBT inclusion .
The past four decades @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brought us to a period of “ mass instability.
” Get The Times of Israel ’ s Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories Free Sign Up Kurtzer is president of the Shalom Hartman Institute of North America .
Sufrin is associate professor and assistant director of Jewish Studies at Northwestern University .
Our conversation was edited for length and clarity .
I want to start by saying I won ’ t take it personally that you didn ’ t include my award-winning poem , “ I ’ m a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I Don ’ t Care What You Think.
” If there is a second volume I may have to lobby for it .
But let ’ s really start with defining what you mean by “ canon , ” and your intention for the collection .
Yehuda Kurtzer : There are open canons and closed canons , and we really do envision this book as being part of an open and candid conversation .
Closed canons are kind of power moves to assert that these are the dominant ideas we ’ re trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means of helping us understand a particular moment and to shape a conversation about it .
We are really eager for a conversation about what are the dominant ideas of the last 30 years and what should have been .
There are authors that everybody knows , and there are inclusions where we said no , actually we think this should be part of the conversation because it ’ s a much bigger deal .
YK : Claire wrote about Elie Wiesel ’ s Nobel Peace Prize speech , which is kind of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and we also included Naomi Seidman ’ s critically important article about the construction of Elie Wiesel .
And in doing so we ’ re signaling not just an iconic moment , but that he is actually a really complicated figure , and part of what it means to understand the legacy of Elie Wiesel is to understand some of the pieces of his legacy that are a little less obvious .
Claire Sufrin : Part of what I love about the pairing of those two pieces is that it hasn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ died , and while we ’ re left with this enormous body of writing , he wasn ’ t particularly part of a movement and there ’ s no clear successor .
So we ’ re really at this moment of sorting out what his legacy should be , which is a combination of who he was , and also everything that he wrote .
You could spend your entire life trying to track down every single essay and novel and memoir he wrote , but the Nobel speech is an incredibly short @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gets overlooked .
Your essay is about memory but you also write about Wiesel ’ s relative silence on the Palestinian issue .
CS : Wiesel was iconic through the ‘ 80s and ‘ 90s and until his death , because of “ Night , ” his experience , his writing , but also because of his speaking out in so many other issues .
And yet at the end of the day , he was human .
He had blinders — and in fact he wasn ’ t everything that everybody wanted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the arguments in the book appear to have been settled , in the sense that consensus has been reached on once really contentious issues : women ’ s equality is accepted by the majority of Jews , so are LGBT rights .
It ’ s acceptable to embrace the peace process and Palestinian rights in ways it wasn ’ t in 1980 .
There are exceptions and much unfinished business , of course , but does that ring true with you that this period represents a time of great ferment but also a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feels very unsettled to me is the conversation around Israel , in particular the war of 1967 and the occupation that emerges from that war , and around the Lebanon War .
YK : The tensions of the American Jewish community around Israel are far from settled .
We hope the book is useful precisely on those issues that feel unsettled .
But at the same time , we have clearly opened ourselves up to criticism in that there are a set of issues that have emerged much more dramatically in the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t do was look at what ’ s in the news in 2019 and reverse engineer how we got to this moment .
That means there are going to be frustrations by some of our readers asking , why didn ’ t you tackle issue X or Y ?
Our answer is we are covering the period between 1980 and 2015 .
Two examples might be the Jews of color discussion going on right now and perhaps the struggle for recognition by Mizrachi and Sephardic Jews .
YK : Yes .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It implicates some of the choices in this book , but it ’ s not clear to me that there would have been an obvious choice of antecedent texts that could have predicted where we are today .
Since we ’ re there , let me ask the question : When the table of contents was released there was anger that you include selections by three men who faced accusations during the # MeToo movement : sociologist Steven M. Cohen , writer/editor Leon Wieseltier and Israeli journalist Ari Shavit .
What did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , as you write in the introduction , you risked either rehabilitating their reputations or re-traumatizing their accusers ?
YK : We didn ’ t pull anything from the volume , but we gave the responders to their work the opportunity to amend their commentary .
And we did swap out one commentary for a different , more critical commentary .
And we did go back to our introduction and write more carefully in greater detail about these issues .
CS : Putting people into the book didn ’ t mean that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we agree with their ideas .
Speaking as a journalist , I don ’ t know if there was a more important source for the public understanding of Jewish identity than Steve Cohen , for good and bad , just because of the sheer volume of what he wrote and how dominant he was in discussions about the Jewish communal agenda .
YK : Cohen was the direct author or co-author of something like 35 Jewish community studies .
There ’ s a direct connection to the whole Jewish philanthropic economy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just on how we understand America but how we plan Jewish communal life and how we allocate Jewish communal resources .
Sociologists like him are not merely documenting Jewish behaviors and practices , but they actually have a normative sensibility in dictating what Jewish communal actions look like about intermarriage , relationships and institutions .
One of the real visions for this book was , how do we understand this period of time — not what we think Jewish life should be .
CS : A lot of my colleagues in Jewish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say something meaningful about American Jewish history , and they have no materials to turn to other than what Steven Cohen produced .
And the parallel struggle happening among many of them is , how do you take this information , but also wrestle with the legacy of the person who produced it ?
Tell me about some of the ones that got away , works that may have seemed important at the time they were written but just didn ’ t have legs , or stuff you wish you had included .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ rejecting a suggestion was actually over dating .
“ The Jewish Catalog ” came out before 1980 , for example .
And we excluded fiction , so someone like Philip Roth doesn ’ t end up in the book despite their having become part of a larger public conversation .
There are a few places where we stretched definitions , like “ The Complete ArtScroll Siddur , ” but I think to do fiction and culture seriously it would require another volume .
There ’ s a great essay to be written about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Design ” cookbooks , which had an outsized effect in certain communities about kosher food .
Or how the film “ Schindler ’ s List ” shaped the conversation over the Holocaust and memory .
CS : Should somebody interested in issues of Holocaust memory watch “ Schindler ’ s List ” ?
Absolutely .
Is it possible to enter the conversation about history and memory from many different angles ?
Absolutely .
We have a whole section on history and memory , and my hope is that a sensitive reader will come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ analysis that will allow them to understand cultural artifacts about history and memory .
You each contribute commentaries in the book .
How did you decide which were personal and which you wanted others to write ?
YK : Our secondary authors are critical commentators with canonical power .
One of my favorite features of the book is like , look at this cool group of people who wrote these pieces about this moment in time .
In terms of your question , the Kahan Commission report [ on the massacre at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] was something I felt very passionate about , because it touches on things that I teach about a lot at Hartman , like the question of power and powerlessness in the State of Israel , and the nature of American Jewish conversation about Israel .
Yehuda , in your commentary about a bitter exchange between Rabbis Daniel Gordis and Sharon Brous over American Jews ’ ability to criticize Israel during the 2012 Gaza operation , you write about the power of the internet and social media in shaping conversations .
YK : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online phenomenon , fueled by a lot of anger over what Gordis felt was her betrayal of Israel in its time of need .
CS : One of the things that happens during the period of this book is that the internet is invented .
And that changes the way that people write and talk .
There ’ s an immediacy that the internet brings to expression , so that rather than essays that might be more carefully developed , the argument is flying back and forth in front of all of our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we yet understand everything that this shift means .
YK : Our book sits right at that threshold where you see it changing .
At the same time , I already see something of a pushback against the idea that serious Jewish discourse should now exclusively be in the form of hot takes .
But it wouldn ’ t surprise me that 30 years from now , we ’ ll actually realize that there was an ongoing production of serious ideas on Twitter .
Considering the wide divide between the non-Orthodox and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do you think you were able to capture the internal Orthodox conversation that was happening in this timeframe ?
YK : I think it ’ s a little bit of a miss in the book , that there isn ’ t a serious essay in the book on the internal theological or political logic of various sectors of Haredi Orthodox Jews , in Israel or America .
That said , I think there are two caveats .
One is Haredi Jews are still a very small percentage of the Jewish population , even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves and by the Jews for whom they are the significant other .
The second is , I think that a lot of the essays in the book that are not about Haredi Jews are about Haredi Jews .
Multiple essays on Holocaust memory implicate Haredi Judaism .
The pieces on the publication of new forms of prayer books are part of that conversation .
There is explicit discussion of the Haredi community in the essay [ by Donnie Hartman ] about Israeli Supreme Court decisions about controlling the public square .
Were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or debates you hadn ’ t been aware of or paid much attention to ?
CS : The Lubavitcher rebbe wrote a letter in 1981 to the Jewish community of Teaneck defending the public display of menorahs .
A thing that now seems so settled was something people were so vehemently opposed to .
YK : Josh Ladon wrote the commentary on Harold Kushner ’ s “ When Bad Things Happen to Good People ” — of all the primary texts , his book was the biggest best seller of all with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was doing Jewish theology for a much broader audience , and it was something people actually read .
CS : Kushner is paired with Alan Lew ’ s “ This Is Real and You Are Completely Unprepared , ” a spiritual guide to the High Holy Days .
Josh ’ s commentary asks what we lose when people relate to Judaism as individuals instead of community .
Which is also the theme of another Steven M. Cohen source you include , “ The Jew Within , ” which he wrote with Arnold Eisen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Theological Seminary , lamenting the breakdown of Jewish communal attachments in favor of personal meaning .
The two were accused at the time of nostalgia for an era that had passed .
In his commentary on the book , Alan Brill writes , “ the older models for conceptualizing Judaism fail to accurately describe our contemporary Jewish communities.
” That could be an epigraph for your book .
YK : The story of the book is an earthquake .
After the war there is a communal settling down around Israel and about how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in America .
But by the time you get to the 1980s things are rumbling .
The postwar story doesn ’ t match where Jews are heading on the American side .
It ’ s not coincidental that the Lebanon war and the intifada took place at that same time , totally remaking Israel ’ s national priorities .
CS : The other day Lex Rofeberg posted on Facebook an article from the Washington Post about the word “ Jew , ” and someone took issue with a sentence in the article asserting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be seen as white .
Lex responded that it is pretty much historical fact that in the mid-20th century most Jews wanted to be seen that way , even if today it makes us uncomfortable .
Our book is about understanding the recent past for what it actually was , so that we can begin to better articulate what we want the community to be .

NEW YORK JEWISH WEEK — In a speech in 2013, Rabbi Rick Jacobs, president of the Union for Reform Judaism, declared he was living in a “Golden Age of the Jewish people,” in which anti-Semitism was down, Israel was a stable democracy and Jewish communities and creativity were flourishing more than “at almost any other period in Jewish history.”
Jacobs’s speech is one of the most recent texts included in “The New Jewish Canon: Ideas & Debates 1980-2015” (Academic Studies Press), a new anthology co-edited by Yehuda Kurtzer and Claire E. Sufrin. The book brings together 70 essays and ideas from the recent past that “were central to the Jewish communal conversation,” especially to American Jews. Excerpts from the texts are matched with commentary by a present-day author, who puts the original in context.
In contrast to Jacobs’s upbeat speech, anxiety is the dominant theme of many of the texts, whether they are about Israel, intermarriage, anti-Semitism, Holocaust memory, feminism or LGBT inclusion. The past four decades, write Kurtzer and Sufrin, have brought us to a period of “mass instability.”
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Kurtzer is president of the Shalom Hartman Institute of North America. Sufrin is associate professor and assistant director of Jewish Studies at Northwestern University. Our conversation was edited for length and clarity.
I want to start by saying I won’t take it personally that you didn’t include my award-winning poem, “I’m a Jew Who Went to State School and I Don’t Care What You Think.” If there is a second volume I may have to lobby for it. But let’s really start with defining what you mean by “canon,” and your intention for the collection.
Yehuda Kurtzer: There are open canons and closed canons, and we really do envision this book as being part of an open and candid conversation. Closed canons are kind of power moves to assert that these are the dominant ideas we’re trying to push. Open canons are a means of helping us understand a particular moment and to shape a conversation about it. We are really eager for a conversation about what are the dominant ideas of the last 30 years and what should have been. There are authors that everybody knows, and there are inclusions where we said no, actually we think this should be part of the conversation because it’s a much bigger deal.
Illustrative: Elie Wiesel (center) during his years as a journalist. (Public domain)
What’s an example?
YK: Claire wrote about Elie Wiesel’s Nobel Peace Prize speech, which is kind of an iconic moment in Jewish history, and we also included Naomi Seidman’s critically important article about the construction of Elie Wiesel. And in doing so we’re signaling not just an iconic moment, but that he is actually a really complicated figure, and part of what it means to understand the legacy of Elie Wiesel is to understand some of the pieces of his legacy that are a little less obvious.
Claire Sufrin: Part of what I love about the pairing of those two pieces is that it hasn’t been that long since he’s died, and while we’re left with this enormous body of writing, he wasn’t particularly part of a movement and there’s no clear successor. So we’re really at this moment of sorting out what his legacy should be, which is a combination of who he was, and also everything that he wrote. You could spend your entire life trying to track down every single essay and novel and memoir he wrote, but the Nobel speech is an incredibly short and important piece of writing that often gets overlooked.
Your essay is about memory but you also write about Wiesel’s relative silence on the Palestinian issue.
CS: Wiesel was iconic through the ‘80s and ‘90s and until his death, because of “Night,” his experience, his writing, but also because of his speaking out in so many other issues. And yet at the end of the day, he was human. He had blinders — and in fact he wasn’t everything that everybody wanted him to be.
At the end of the day, Elie Wiesel was human. He had blinders — and in fact he wasn’t everything that everybody wanted him to be
A lot of the arguments in the book appear to have been settled, in the sense that consensus has been reached on once really contentious issues: women’s equality is accepted by the majority of Jews, so are LGBT rights. It’s acceptable to embrace the peace process and Palestinian rights in ways it wasn’t in 1980. There are exceptions and much unfinished business, of course, but does that ring true with you that this period represents a time of great ferment but also a kind of settling?
CS: What feels very unsettled to me is the conversation around Israel, in particular the war of 1967 and the occupation that emerges from that war, and around the Lebanon War.
YK: The tensions of the American Jewish community around Israel are far from settled. We hope the book is useful precisely on those issues that feel unsettled. But at the same time, we have clearly opened ourselves up to criticism in that there are a set of issues that have emerged much more dramatically in the last four or five years.
What we didn’t do was look at what’s in the news in 2019 and reverse engineer how we got to this moment. That means there are going to be frustrations by some of our readers asking, why didn’t you tackle issue X or Y? Our answer is we are covering the period between 1980 and 2015.
The tensions of the American Jewish community around Israel are far from settled
Two examples might be the Jews of color discussion going on right now and perhaps the struggle for recognition by Mizrachi and Sephardic Jews.
YK: Yes. And I think the #MeToo movement. It implicates some of the choices in this book, but it’s not clear to me that there would have been an obvious choice of antecedent texts that could have predicted where we are today.
Leading sociologist and Jewish social policy researcher Steven M. Cohen. (JTA)
Since we’re there, let me ask the question: When the table of contents was released there was anger that you include selections by three men who faced accusations during the #MeToo movement: sociologist Steven M. Cohen, writer/editor Leon Wieseltier and Israeli journalist Ari Shavit. What did you do in the wake of criticism that, as you write in the introduction, you risked either rehabilitating their reputations or re-traumatizing their accusers?
YK: We didn’t pull anything from the volume, but we gave the responders to their work the opportunity to amend their commentary. And we did swap out one commentary for a different, more critical commentary. And we did go back to our introduction and write more carefully in greater detail about these issues.
CS: Putting people into the book didn’t mean that we thought they are good people or that we agree with their ideas.
Putting people into the book didn’t mean that we thought they are good people or that we agree with their ideas
Speaking as a journalist, I don’t know if there was a more important source for the public understanding of Jewish identity than Steve Cohen, for good and bad, just because of the sheer volume of what he wrote and how dominant he was in discussions about the Jewish communal agenda.
YK: Cohen was the direct author or co-author of something like 35 Jewish community studies. There’s a direct connection to the whole Jewish philanthropic economy, which in turn has huge implications, not just on how we understand America but how we plan Jewish communal life and how we allocate Jewish communal resources. Sociologists like him are not merely documenting Jewish behaviors and practices, but they actually have a normative sensibility in dictating what Jewish communal actions look like about intermarriage, relationships and institutions. One of the real visions for this book was, how do we understand this period of time — not what we think Jewish life should be.
CS: A lot of my colleagues in Jewish studies need sociological data in order to say something meaningful about American Jewish history, and they have no materials to turn to other than what Steven Cohen produced. And the parallel struggle happening among many of them is, how do you take this information, but also wrestle with the legacy of the person who produced it?
An ArtScroll prayer book atop the podium at the Touro Synagogue, the nation’s oldest, in Newport, Rhode Island. (AP/Stephan Savoia)
Tell me about some of the ones that got away, works that may have seemed important at the time they were written but just didn’t have legs, or stuff you wish you had included.
YK: The most frequent reason for rejecting a suggestion was actually over dating. “The Jewish Catalog” came out before 1980, for example. And we excluded fiction, so someone like Philip Roth doesn’t end up in the book despite their having become part of a larger public conversation. There are a few places where we stretched definitions, like “The Complete ArtScroll Siddur,” but I think to do fiction and culture seriously it would require another volume. There’s a great essay to be written about Susie Fishbein and her “Kosher by Design” cookbooks, which had an outsized effect in certain communities about kosher food.
Or how the film “Schindler’s List” shaped the conversation over the Holocaust and memory.
CS: Should somebody interested in issues of Holocaust memory watch “Schindler’s List”? Absolutely. Is it possible to enter the conversation about history and memory from many different angles? Absolutely. We have a whole section on history and memory, and my hope is that a sensitive reader will come out with the kind of tools of analysis that will allow them to understand cultural artifacts about history and memory.
Is it possible to enter the conversation about history and memory from many different angles? Absolutely
You each contribute commentaries in the book. How did you decide which were personal and which you wanted others to write?
YK: Our secondary authors are critical commentators with canonical power. One of my favorite features of the book is like, look at this cool group of people who wrote these pieces about this moment in time. In terms of your question, the Kahan Commission report [on the massacre at the Sabra and Shatilla refugee camps in 1982] was something I felt very passionate about, because it touches on things that I teach about a lot at Hartman, like the question of power and powerlessness in the State of Israel, and the nature of American Jewish conversation about Israel.
Rabbi Sharon Brous of the IKAR congregation in Los Angeles. (Donovan Marks/Washington National Cathedral via JTA)
Yehuda, in your commentary about a bitter exchange between Rabbis Daniel Gordis and Sharon Brous over American Jews’ ability to criticize Israel during the 2012 Gaza operation, you write about the power of the internet and social media in shaping conversations.
YK: The Brous-Gordis debate was very much an online phenomenon, fueled by a lot of anger over what Gordis felt was her betrayal of Israel in its time of need.
The internet is invented. And that changes the way that people write and talk
CS: One of the things that happens during the period of this book is that the internet is invented. And that changes the way that people write and talk. There’s an immediacy that the internet brings to expression, so that rather than essays that might be more carefully developed, the argument is flying back and forth in front of all of our eyes. I don’t know that we yet understand everything that this shift means.
Rabbi Daniel Gordis. (Courtesy of Shalem College)
YK: Our book sits right at that threshold where you see it changing. At the same time, I already see something of a pushback against the idea that serious Jewish discourse should now exclusively be in the form of hot takes. But it wouldn’t surprise me that 30 years from now, we’ll actually realize that there was an ongoing production of serious ideas on Twitter.
Considering the wide divide between the non-Orthodox and Orthodox worlds, especially the Haredim, do you think you were able to capture the internal Orthodox conversation that was happening in this timeframe?
YK: I think it’s a little bit of a miss in the book, that there isn’t a serious essay in the book on the internal theological or political logic of various sectors of Haredi Orthodox Jews, in Israel or America. That said, I think there are two caveats. One is Haredi Jews are still a very small percentage of the Jewish population, even though they occupy an outsized perception by themselves and by the Jews for whom they are the significant other.
The second is, I think that a lot of the essays in the book that are not about Haredi Jews are about Haredi Jews. Multiple essays on Holocaust memory implicate Haredi Judaism. The pieces on the publication of new forms of prayer books are part of that conversation. There is explicit discussion of the Haredi community in the essay [by Donnie Hartman] about Israeli Supreme Court decisions about controlling the public square.
I think that a lot of the essays in the book that are not about Haredi Jews are about Haredi Jews
Were there discoveries for you, perhaps works or debates you hadn’t been aware of or paid much attention to?
CS: The Lubavitcher rebbe wrote a letter in 1981 to the Jewish community of Teaneck defending the public display of menorahs. A thing that now seems so settled was something people were so vehemently opposed to.
YK: Josh Ladon wrote the commentary on Harold Kushner’s “When Bad Things Happen to Good People” — of all the primary texts, his book was the biggest best seller of all with the possible exception of the haggadah. Kushner was doing Jewish theology for a much broader audience, and it was something people actually read.
CS: Kushner is paired with Alan Lew’s “This Is Real and You Are Completely Unprepared,” a spiritual guide to the High Holy Days. Josh’s commentary asks what we lose when people relate to Judaism as individuals instead of community.
Illustrative: A Rabbi from Chabad lights the center light on a 20-foot-high Hanukkah Menorah on the Boston Common, near the Statehouse, in Boston, December 1, 2010. (AP Photo/Steven Senne)
Which is also the theme of another Steven M. Cohen source you include, “The Jew Within,” which he wrote with Arnold Eisen, the former chancellor of the Jewish Theological Seminary, lamenting the breakdown of Jewish communal attachments in favor of personal meaning. The two were accused at the time of nostalgia for an era that had passed. In his commentary on the book, Alan Brill writes, “the older models for conceptualizing Judaism fail to accurately describe our contemporary Jewish communities.” That could be an epigraph for your book.
YK: The story of the book is an earthquake. After the war there is a communal settling down around Israel and about how to make it work as a Jew in America. But by the time you get to the 1980s things are rumbling. The postwar story doesn’t match where Jews are heading on the American side. It’s not coincidental that the Lebanon war and the intifada took place at that same time, totally remaking Israel’s national priorities.
CS: The other day Lex Rofeberg posted on Facebook an article from the Washington Post about the word “Jew,” and someone took issue with a sentence in the article asserting that Jews in the 1950s wanted to be seen as white. Lex responded that it is pretty much historical fact that in the mid-20th century most Jews wanted to be seen that way, even if today it makes us uncomfortable. Our book is about understanding the recent past for what it actually was, so that we can begin to better articulate what we want the community to be.


jewworldorder--2020-10-16--AG Barr Falsely Accused of Perjury by Michigan AG and cultural marxist Dana Nessel (Video)

AG Barr Falsely Accused of Perjury by Michigan AG and cultural marxist Dana Nessel ( Video ) You can skip @ @ @ @ @ a response .
Pinging is currently not allowed .

AG Barr Falsely Accused of Perjury by Michigan AG and cultural marxist Dana Nessel (Video)
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jewworldorder--2020-10-16--Trump Capitulates Again to Jewish Badgering About ‘White Supremacy’

Trump continues to humiliate himself by denouncing ‘ white supremacy ’ when asked to by jewish media shills .
Trump ’ s backbone only comes out when he wants to defend his obsequious shilling for Israel and the jewish global crime syndicate .
Trump went all-in on his move to kill an Iranian general in Iraq at the behest of Netanyahu , his gay lover .
He will make no apologies for assassinating foreign generals when it suits the interests of hook-nosed jews .
But when he ’ s pressed to stand for white people , he crumbles like a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because Trump ’ s heart is not with white people , it ’ s with slimy kikes who control him , like Jared Kushner and Benjamin Netanyahu .
These subversive Heebs are the real force behind Trump ’ s phony brand of populism .
The game is to throw bones to whites during the election year , but then swing everything towards making the world safe for jews and ignoring the problems faced by whites thanks to these same scumbag jews .
In other words , Trump doesn ’ t deserve the support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ filthy circumcised jewish penis in his mouth .

Trump continues to humiliate himself by denouncing ‘white supremacy’ when asked to by jewish media shills.
Hannity kicks off his show tonight by complaining that Savannah Guthrie was very nasty to Trump. “NBC fake news did their best to ambush President Trump at tonight’s town hall… it was a political debate with the morning host of [TODAY] serving as, well, Joe Biden’s surrogate pic.twitter.com/y6thtHvDnH — Justin Baragona (@justinbaragona) October 16, 2020
Trump’s backbone only comes out when he wants to defend his obsequious shilling for Israel and the jewish global crime syndicate.
Trump went all-in on his move to kill an Iranian general in Iraq at the behest of Netanyahu, his gay lover. He will make no apologies for assassinating foreign generals when it suits the interests of hook-nosed jews.
But when he’s pressed to stand for white people, he crumbles like a house of cards. That’s because Trump’s heart is not with white people, it’s with slimy kikes who control him, like Jared Kushner and Benjamin Netanyahu.
These subversive Heebs are the real force behind Trump’s phony brand of populism. The game is to throw bones to whites during the election year, but then swing everything towards making the world safe for jews and ignoring the problems faced by whites thanks to these same scumbag jews.
In other words, Trump doesn’t deserve the support of white people when he has a filthy circumcised jewish penis in his mouth.


jewworldorder--2020-10-16--C-SPAN Swiftly Suspends Steve Scully After Lying, Deceiving Debate Administrators

: President Trump was quick to note that this is exactly what he had warned about with regard to Scully and the Debate Commsission : C-SPAN has suspended anti-Trump debate moderator Steve Scully indefinitely after he admitted to lying about his Twitter feed being hacked following an awkward incident in which he appeared to accidentally tweet an intended private message to former Trump aide Anthony Scaramucci .
According to AP , Scully ’ s suspension comes on the day he was set to moderate the now-canceled second presidential debate , which was to be ‘ a career highlight for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden staffer ) .
After Scully tweeted “ @ Scaramucci should I respond to Trump , ” Frank Fahrenkopf , co-chairman for the Commission on Presidential Debates relayed Scully ’ s lie that his Twitter account was hacked .
C-SPAN similarly issued a statement , confidently claiming “ Steve Scully did not originate the tweet and believes his account has been hacked.
” Shortly after Scully ’ s ‘ hack ’ lie was peddled across the MSM by prominent voices , former Hillary Clinton staffer Yashar Ali noted that the C-SPAN veteran had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has apologized for lying .
Via AP : Scully said that when he saw his tweet had created a controversy , “ I falsely claimed that my Twitter account had been hacked.
” He had been frustrated by Trump ’ s comments and several weeks of criticism on social media and conservative news outlets about his role as moderator , including attacks directed at his family , he said .
“ These were both errors in judgement for which I am totally responsible for , ” Scully said .
“ I apologize.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ colleagues down , along with fellow news professionals and the debate commission .
“ I ask for their forgiveness as I try to move forward in a moment of reflection and disappointment in myself , ” he added .
C-SPAN , meanwhile , said : “ He understands that he made a serious mistake , ” adding “ We were very saddened by this news and do not condone his actions.
” In any event , who on the Trump team let this happen in the first place ?
Scully ’ s anti-Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

ZeroHedge.com
Update 1645ET : President Trump was quick to note that this is exactly what he had warned about with regard to Scully and the Debate Commsission:
* * *
C-SPAN has suspended anti-Trump debate moderator Steve Scully indefinitely after he admitted to lying about his Twitter feed being hacked following an awkward incident in which he appeared to accidentally tweet an intended private message to former Trump aide Anthony Scaramucci.
According to AP, Scully’s suspension comes on the day he was set to moderate the now-canceled second presidential debate, which was to be ‘a career highlight for the 30-year C-SPAN veteran’ (and former Biden staffer).
After Scully tweeted “@Scaramucci should I respond to Trump,” Frank Fahrenkopf, co-chairman for the Commission on Presidential Debates relayed Scully’s lie that his Twitter account was hacked. C-SPAN similarly issued a statement, confidently claiming “Steve Scully did not originate the tweet and believes his account has been hacked.”
Shortly after Scully’s ‘hack’ lie was peddled across the MSM by prominent voices, former Hillary Clinton staffer Yashar Ali noted that the C-SPAN veteran had previously blamed hacks twice before.
Scully has apologized for lying. Via AP:
Scully said that when he saw his tweet had created a controversy, “I falsely claimed that my Twitter account had been hacked.” He had been frustrated by Trump’s comments and several weeks of criticism on social media and conservative news outlets about his role as moderator, including attacks directed at his family, he said. “These were both errors in judgement for which I am totally responsible for,” Scully said. “I apologize.”
Scully acknowledged that he let his C-SPAN colleagues down, along with fellow news professionals and the debate commission.
“I ask for their forgiveness as I try to move forward in a moment of reflection and disappointment in myself,” he added.
C-SPAN, meanwhile, said: “He understands that he made a serious mistake,” adding “We were very saddened by this news and do not condone his actions.”
In any event, who on the Trump team let this happen in the first place? Scully’s anti-Trump bias has been known for some time.
___
https://www.zerohedge.com/political/c-span-suspends-anti-trump-debate-moderator-steve-scully-lying-about-twitter-hack


jewworldorder--2020-10-16--Playstation Says it Will Enable Voice Chats to be Recorded So Players Can be Snitched on for Mean Wo

Playstation Says it Will Enable Voice Chats to be Recorded So Players Can be Snitched on for Mean Words

A company called ViraShield has developed what it calls a “ portable pod solution ” that caters for people who have “ fear of going out ” in the age of coronavirus .
“ In a matter of seconds , the ViraShield unfolds to give users a protective , six-sided barrier between them and their seatmates , ” states a promo for the contraption on the New York Post shopping website .
“ This 360-degree protection helps keep bacteria in droplets at bay , so that the next time someone around you coughs or sneezes , you won ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The product appears to be some kind of personalized transparent tent for the upper body .
The image for it shows a woman sitting on a plane seat surrounded by the pod .
“ It even allows you to insert an oxygen mask or cover a tray table when you ’ re flying , ” states the promo , adding that the pod can be adjusted for different protection levels .
Numerous different companies have responded to the COVID pandemic by offering pods , upper body visors , or even dog cone-style contraptions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Maine ordered restaurant staff to wear anti-COVID visors upside down in order to direct breath upwards , despite concerns this would trap infectious particles in air conditioning units .
Toronto-based Protective Personal Equipment firm VYZR Technologies also revealed it had received 50,000 pre-orders for a portable head pod that looks something like an astronaut would wear .
Sophisticated post-pandemic pods have also been designed for use in offices , in addition to dining pods for restaurants .
A video out of Argentina also showed a couple happily wearing entire upper body visors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against coronavirus .
As we previously highlighted , an illustration of life in 2022 by an Italian magazine first published in 1962 depicted pedestrians using motorized pods instead of walking .
As we discuss in the video below , pods are yet another expression of how people are becoming increasingly atomized as society moves towards a “ new normal ” that resembles a futuristic dystopian movie .
In the age of mass Silicon Valley censorship It is crucial that we stay in touch .
I need you to sign up for my free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need your financial support here .

A company called ViraShield has developed what it calls a “portable pod solution” that caters for people who have “fear of going out” in the age of coronavirus.
“In a matter of seconds, the ViraShield unfolds to give users a protective, six-sided barrier between them and their seatmates,” states a promo for the contraption on the New York Post shopping website.
“This 360-degree protection helps keep bacteria in droplets at bay, so that the next time someone around you coughs or sneezes, you won’t be directly exposed to the particles.”
The product appears to be some kind of personalized transparent tent for the upper body. The image for it shows a woman sitting on a plane seat surrounded by the pod.
“It even allows you to insert an oxygen mask or cover a tray table when you’re flying,” states the promo, adding that the pod can be adjusted for different protection levels.
Numerous different companies have responded to the COVID pandemic by offering pods, upper body visors, or even dog cone-style contraptions.
Back in August, the Governor of Maine ordered restaurant staff to wear anti-COVID visors upside down in order to direct breath upwards, despite concerns this would trap infectious particles in air conditioning units.
With governments mandating the wearing of face masks left right and centre, and social distancing plastic pods popping up everywhere, it isn’t too much of a jump to image a future where we are all forced to walk around in our own bubbles, literally.https://t.co/6tahBMre4n — Paul Joseph Watson (@PrisonPlanet) July 17, 2020
Toronto-based Protective Personal Equipment firm VYZR Technologies also revealed it had received 50,000 pre-orders for a portable head pod that looks something like an astronaut would wear.
Sophisticated post-pandemic pods have also been designed for use in offices, in addition to dining pods for restaurants.
A video out of Argentina also showed a couple happily wearing entire upper body visors while walking down the streets to protect against coronavirus.
As we previously highlighted, an illustration of life in 2022 by an Italian magazine first published in 1962 depicted pedestrians using motorized pods instead of walking.
As we discuss in the video below, pods are yet another expression of how people are becoming increasingly atomized as society moves towards a “new normal” that resembles a futuristic dystopian movie.
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Follow on Twitter: Follow @PrisonPlanet
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In the age of mass Silicon Valley censorship It is crucial that we stay in touch.
I need you to sign up for my free newsletter here.
Also, I urgently need your financial support here.
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