mintpressnews--2020-12-14--John Pilger: The Most Lethal Virus Is Not COVID. It Is War

Britain ’ s Armed Services Memorial is a silent , haunting place .
Set in the rural beauty of Staffordshire , in an arboretum of some 30,000 trees and sweeping lawns , its Homeric figures celebrate determination and sacrifice .
The names of more than 16,000 British servicemen and women are listed .
The literature says they “ died in operational theatre or were targeted by terrorists.
” On the day I was there , a stonemason was adding new names to those who have died in some 50 operations across the world during what is known as “ peacetime.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hong Kong , Libya , Iraq , Palestine , and many more , including secret operations , such as Indochina .
Not a year has passed since peace was declared in 1945 that Britain has not sent military forces to fight the wars of empire .
Not a year has passed when countries , mostly poor and riven by conflict , have not bought or have been “ soft loaned ” British arms to further the wars , or “ interests , ” of empire .
Empire ?
What empire ?
The investigative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Boris Johnson ’ s Britain maintained 145 military sites – call them bases — in 42 countries .
Johnson has boasted that Britain is to be “ the foremost naval power in Europe.
” In the midst of the greatest health emergency in modern times , with more than 4 million surgical procedures delayed by the National Health Service , Johnson has announced a record increase of £16.5 billion in so-called defense spending – a figure that would restore the under-resourced NHS many times over .
But these billions are not for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than those within who betray the trust of its ordinary people , its nurses , and doctors , its carers , elderly , homeless , and youth , as successive neo-liberal governments have done , Conservative and Labour .
Exploring the serenity of the National War Memorial , I soon realized there was not a single monument , or plinth , or plaque , or rosebush honoring the memory of Britain ’ s victims — the civilians in the “ peacetime ” operations commemorated here .
There is no remembrance of the Libyans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Prime Minister David Cameron and his collaborators in Paris and Washington .
There is no word of regret for the Serbian women and children killed by British bombs , dropped from a safe height on schools , factories , bridges , towns , on the orders of Tony Blair ; or for the impoverished Yemeni children extinguished by Saudi pilots with their logistics and targets supplied by Britons in the air-conditioned safety of Riyadh ; or for the Syrians starved by “ sanctions.
” There is no monument to the Palestinian children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enduring connivance , such as the recent campaign that destroyed a modest reform movement within the Labour Party with specious accusations of anti-Semitism .
Two weeks ago , Israel ’ s military chief of staff and Britain ’ s Chief of the Defence Staff signed an agreement to “ formalize and enhance ” military co-operation .
This was not news .
More British arms and logistical support will now flow to the lawless regime in Tel Aviv , whose snipers target children and psychopaths interrogate children in extreme isolation .
( See the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Isolated and Alone ) .
Perhaps the most striking omission at the Staffordshire war memorial is an acknowledgment of the million Iraqis whose lives and country were destroyed by the illegal invasion of Blair and Bush in 2003 .
ORB , a member of the British Polling Council , put the figure at 1.2 million .
In 2013 , the ComRes organization asked a cross-section of the British public how many Iraqis had died in the invasion .
A majority said fewer than 10,000 .
The most refined propaganda on earth How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a sophisticated society ?
My answer is that propaganda is far more effective in societies that regard themselves as free than in dictatorships and autocracies .
I include censorship by omission .
Our propaganda industries – both political and cultural , including most of the media – are the most powerful , ubiquitous , and refined on earth .
Big lies can be repeated incessantly in comforting , credible BBC voices .
Omissions are no problem .
A similar question relates to nuclear war , whose threat is “ of no interest , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a nuclear power , is encircled by the war-making group known as NATO , with British troops regularly “ maneuvering ” right up to the border where Hitler invaded .
The defamation of all things Russian , not least the historical truth that the Red Army largely won the Second World War , is percolated into public consciousness .
The Russians are of “ no interest , ” except as demons .
China , also a nuclear power , is the brunt of unrelenting provocation , with American strategic bombers and drones @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hooray – HMS Queen Elizabeth , Britain ’ s £3billion aircraft carrier , soon to sail 6,500 miles to enforce “ freedom of navigation ” within sight of the Chinese mainland .
Some 400 American bases encircle China , “ rather like a noose , ” a former Pentagon planner said to me .
They extend all the way from Australia , through the Pacific to southern and northern Asia and across Eurasia .
In South Korea , a missile system known as Terminal High Altitude Air Defense , or THAAD , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ East China Sea .
Imagine Chinese missiles in Mexico or Canada or off the coast of California .
A few years after the invasion of Iraq , I made a film called “ The War You Don ’ t See , ” in which I asked leading American and British journalists as well as TV news executives – people I knew as colleagues — why and how Bush and Blair were allowed to get away with the great crime in Iraq , considering that the lies were not very clever .
Their response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” they said – that is journalists and broadcasters , especially in the U.S. — challenged the claims of the White House and Downing Street , investigated and exposed the lies , instead of amplifying and echoing them , the invasion of Iraq in 2003 probably would not have happened .
Countless people would be alive today .
Four million refugees would not have fled .
The grisly ISIS , a product of the Blair-Bush invasion , might not have been conceived .
David Rose , then with the London Observer , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pack of lies fed to me by a fairly sophisticated disinformation campaign.
” Rageh Omah , then the BBC ’ s man in Iraq , told me , “ We failed to press the most uncomfortable buttons hard enough.
” Dan Rather , the CBS anchorman , agreed , as did many others .
I admired these journalists who broke the silence .
But they are honorable exceptions .
Today , the war drums have new and highly enthusiastic beaters in Britain , America , and the “ West.
” Take your pick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bashers and promoters of fiction such as Russiagate .
My personal Oscar goes to Peter Hartcher of the Sydney Morning Herald , whose unrelenting rousing drivel about the “ existential threat ” ( of China-Russia , mostly China ) was illustrated by a smiling Scott Morrison , the PR man who is Australia ’ s prime minister , dressed like Churchill , V for Victory sign and all .
“ Not since the 1930s ….
” the pair of them intoned .
Ad nauseum .
Covid has provided cover for this pandemic of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his cue from Trump and announced that Australia , which has no enemies , would spend A $ 270 billion on provoking one , including missiles that could reach China .
That China ’ s purchase of Australia ’ s minerals and agriculture effectively underwrote the Australian economy was “ of no interest ” to the government in Canberra .
The Australian media cheered almost as one , delivering a shower of abuse at China .
Thousands of Chinese students , who had guaranteed the gross salaries of Australian vice-chancellors , were advised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chinese-Australians were bad-mouthed and delivery men were assaulted .
Colonial racism is never hard to revive .
Some years ago , I interviewed the former head of the CIA in Latin America , Duane Claridge .
In a few refreshingly honest words , he summed up “ Western ” foreign policy as it is ordained and directed by Washington .
The super-power , he said , could do what it wanted where it wanted whenever its “ strategic interests ” dictated .
His words were : “ Get used to it , world.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ wars .
I have seen the remains of children and women and the elderly bombed and burned to death : their villages laid to waste , their petrified trees festooned with human parts .
And much else .
Perhaps that is why I reserve a specific contempt for those who promote the crime of rapacious war , who beckon it with bad faith and profanities , having never experienced it themselves .
Their monopoly must be broken .
This is a version of an address John Pilger gave to a Stop the War @ @ @ @ @ @ @ London .
Feature photo | The British flag waves from an armored personnel carrier of the 7th Brigade Royal Scots as it advances along the Basra-Kuwait Highway near Kuwait City following the retreat of Iraqi forces during Operation Desert Storm .
Photo | PHC Holmes – Released John Pilger is an award-winning journalist .
His articles appear worldwide in newspapers such as the Guardian , the Independent , the New York Times , the Los Angeles Times , the Mail & Guardian ( South Africa ) , Aftonbladet ( Sweden ) , Il @ @ @ @ @

Britain’s Armed Services Memorial is a silent, haunting place. Set in the rural beauty of Staffordshire, in an arboretum of some 30,000 trees and sweeping lawns, its Homeric figures celebrate determination and sacrifice.
The names of more than 16,000 British servicemen and women are listed. The literature says they “died in operational theatre or were targeted by terrorists.”
On the day I was there, a stonemason was adding new names to those who have died in some 50 operations across the world during what is known as “peacetime.” Malaya, Ireland, Kenya, Hong Kong, Libya, Iraq, Palestine, and many more, including secret operations, such as Indochina.
Not a year has passed since peace was declared in 1945 that Britain has not sent military forces to fight the wars of empire.
Not a year has passed when countries, mostly poor and riven by conflict, have not bought or have been “soft loaned” British arms to further the wars, or “interests,” of empire.
Empire? What empire? The investigative journalist Phil Miller recently revealed in Declassified that Boris Johnson’s Britain maintained 145 military sites – call them bases — in 42 countries. Johnson has boasted that Britain is to be “the foremost naval power in Europe.”
In the midst of the greatest health emergency in modern times, with more than 4 million surgical procedures delayed by the National Health Service, Johnson has announced a record increase of £16.5 billion in so-called defense spending – a figure that would restore the under-resourced NHS many times over.
But these billions are not for defense. Britain has no enemies other than those within who betray the trust of its ordinary people, its nurses, and doctors, its carers, elderly, homeless, and youth, as successive neo-liberal governments have done, Conservative and Labour.
Exploring the serenity of the National War Memorial, I soon realized there was not a single monument, or plinth, or plaque, or rosebush honoring the memory of Britain’s victims — the civilians in the “peacetime” operations commemorated here.
There is no remembrance of the Libyans killed when their country was wilfully destroyed by Prime Minister David Cameron and his collaborators in Paris and Washington.
There is no word of regret for the Serbian women and children killed by British bombs, dropped from a safe height on schools, factories, bridges, towns, on the orders of Tony Blair; or for the impoverished Yemeni children extinguished by Saudi pilots with their logistics and targets supplied by Britons in the air-conditioned safety of Riyadh; or for the Syrians starved by “sanctions.”
There is no monument to the Palestinian children murdered with the British elite’s enduring connivance, such as the recent campaign that destroyed a modest reform movement within the Labour Party with specious accusations of anti-Semitism.
Two weeks ago, Israel’s military chief of staff and Britain’s Chief of the Defence Staff signed an agreement to “formalize and enhance” military co-operation. This was not news. More British arms and logistical support will now flow to the lawless regime in Tel Aviv, whose snipers target children and psychopaths interrogate children in extreme isolation. (See the recent shocking report by Defense for Children, Isolated and Alone).
Perhaps the most striking omission at the Staffordshire war memorial is an acknowledgment of the million Iraqis whose lives and country were destroyed by the illegal invasion of Blair and Bush in 2003.
ORB, a member of the British Polling Council, put the figure at 1.2 million. In 2013, the ComRes organization asked a cross-section of the British public how many Iraqis had died in the invasion. A majority said fewer than 10,000.
The most refined propaganda on earth
How is such a lethal silence sustained in a sophisticated society? My answer is that propaganda is far more effective in societies that regard themselves as free than in dictatorships and autocracies. I include censorship by omission.
Our propaganda industries – both political and cultural, including most of the media – are the most powerful, ubiquitous, and refined on earth. Big lies can be repeated incessantly in comforting, credible BBC voices. Omissions are no problem.
A similar question relates to nuclear war, whose threat is “of no interest,” to quote Harold Pinter. Russia, a nuclear power, is encircled by the war-making group known as NATO, with British troops regularly “maneuvering” right up to the border where Hitler invaded.
The defamation of all things Russian, not least the historical truth that the Red Army largely won the Second World War, is percolated into public consciousness. The Russians are of “no interest,” except as demons.
China, also a nuclear power, is the brunt of unrelenting provocation, with American strategic bombers and drones constantly probing its territorial space and – hooray – HMS Queen Elizabeth, Britain’s £3billion aircraft carrier, soon to sail 6,500 miles to enforce “freedom of navigation” within sight of the Chinese mainland.
Some 400 American bases encircle China, “rather like a noose,” a former Pentagon planner said to me. They extend all the way from Australia, through the Pacific to southern and northern Asia and across Eurasia.
In South Korea, a missile system known as Terminal High Altitude Air Defense, or THAAD, is aimed point-blank at China across the narrow East China Sea. Imagine Chinese missiles in Mexico or Canada or off the coast of California.
A few years after the invasion of Iraq, I made a film called “The War You Don’t See,” in which I asked leading American and British journalists as well as TV news executives – people I knew as colleagues — why and how Bush and Blair were allowed to get away with the great crime in Iraq, considering that the lies were not very clever.
Their response surprised me. Had “we,” they said – that is journalists and broadcasters, especially in the U.S. — challenged the claims of the White House and Downing Street, investigated and exposed the lies, instead of amplifying and echoing them, the invasion of Iraq in 2003 probably would not have happened. Countless people would be alive today. Four million refugees would not have fled. The grisly ISIS, a product of the Blair-Bush invasion, might not have been conceived.
David Rose, then with the London Observer, which supported the invasion, described “the pack of lies fed to me by a fairly sophisticated disinformation campaign.” Rageh Omah, then the BBC’s man in Iraq, told me, “We failed to press the most uncomfortable buttons hard enough.” Dan Rather, the CBS anchorman, agreed, as did many others.
I admired these journalists who broke the silence. But they are honorable exceptions. Today, the war drums have new and highly enthusiastic beaters in Britain, America, and the “West.”
Take your pick among the legion of Russia and China bashers and promoters of fiction such as Russiagate. My personal Oscar goes to Peter Hartcher of the Sydney Morning Herald, whose unrelenting rousing drivel about the “existential threat” (of China-Russia, mostly China) was illustrated by a smiling Scott Morrison, the PR man who is Australia’s prime minister, dressed like Churchill, V for Victory sign and all. “Not since the 1930s ….” the pair of them intoned. Ad nauseum.
Covid has provided cover for this pandemic of propaganda. In July, Morrison took his cue from Trump and announced that Australia, which has no enemies, would spend A$270 billion on provoking one, including missiles that could reach China.
That China’s purchase of Australia’s minerals and agriculture effectively underwrote the Australian economy was “of no interest” to the government in Canberra.
The Australian media cheered almost as one, delivering a shower of abuse at China. Thousands of Chinese students, who had guaranteed the gross salaries of Australian vice-chancellors, were advised by their government to go elsewhere. Chinese-Australians were bad-mouthed and delivery men were assaulted. Colonial racism is never hard to revive.
Some years ago, I interviewed the former head of the CIA in Latin America, Duane Claridge. In a few refreshingly honest words, he summed up “Western” foreign policy as it is ordained and directed by Washington.
The super-power, he said, could do what it wanted where it wanted whenever its “strategic interests” dictated. His words were: “Get used to it, world.”
I have reported a number of wars. I have seen the remains of children and women and the elderly bombed and burned to death: their villages laid to waste, their petrified trees festooned with human parts. And much else.
Perhaps that is why I reserve a specific contempt for those who promote the crime of rapacious war, who beckon it with bad faith and profanities, having never experienced it themselves. Their monopoly must be broken.
This is a version of an address John Pilger gave to a Stop the War fund-raiser, Artists Speak Out, in London.
Feature photo | The British flag waves from an armored personnel carrier of the 7th Brigade Royal Scots as it advances along the Basra-Kuwait Highway near Kuwait City following the retreat of Iraqi forces during Operation Desert Storm. Photo | PHC Holmes – Released
John Pilger is an award-winning journalist. His articles appear worldwide in newspapers such as the Guardian, the Independent, the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, the Mail & Guardian (South Africa), Aftonbladet (Sweden), Il Manifesto (Italy).


mintpressnews--2020-12-16--Rabbi Moshe Ber Beck Endured a Nearly a Century of Struggle for His Beliefs

Rabbi Moshe Ber Beck was 10 years old in the spring of 1944 when the Nazis invaded Hungary .
He spent many months hiding in a bunker in Pest , the eastern side of the Hungarian capital Budapest before he and his family were able to leave .
With his mother gone , having been taken to Auschwitz and killed , he and what remained of his family , along with millions of refugees , traveled through Europe to find a home .
In 1948 he traveled to Palestine where lived and studied in Jerusalem ’ s ultra-orthodox community in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1967 when he left Palestine never to return .
Among the expressions of solidarity posted on the various social media platforms during the November 2020 Palestine Solidarity Week was a photo of Rabbi Beck .
Nearly 90 years old and having survived a stroke that left him partially paralyzed , he sat for a photo with a Palestinian flag behind him , and holding a sign that read , “ All for Palestine.
” One has to admit that his life and religious devotion make his commitment to the Palestinian struggle for liberation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rabbi Beck for the first time at his home in Monsey , New York .
Rabbi Dovid Weiss , another well-known and respected anti-Zionist ultra-orthodox Rabbi and supporter of the Palestinian struggle took me to meet him .
The family of Rabbi Weiss , also from Hungary , was murdered by Nazis .
“ My father was the youngest of ten and he managed to get out .
But when he tried to return to help the others escape it was too late.
” I didn ’ t know who Rabbi Beck was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he was a revered and greatly respected Rabbi .
I tried to understand what it was that made him decide to leave Jerusalem .
He was , at the time , a young man with a large family and little means .
He was living and studying at the heart of the ultra-orthodox world in the Holy Land , so I wondered what could possibly have made him want to leave .
Rabbi Beck speaks Yiddish and very little English , so Rabbi Weiss was kind enough to translate .
Using hand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quiet voice , Rabbi Beck made it clear there were many reasons for him leaving Jerusalem and all of them had to do with Zionism .
After the 1967 war , he and a group of devoted and promising young Rabbis realized that the state of Israel was no place for Jewish people .
He spoke in Yiddish gesturing with his hands pointing to his beard , payos , and religious clothing , and then Rabbi Weiss translated : “ He did not want his beard and peyos and kaftan to crown the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reasons for his leaving , the final straw was the 1967 Israeli assault on neighboring Arab countries .
He felt he had to leave no matter what .
With four children and not a penny to his name , he somehow managed to make his way to the UK .
Rabbi Beck became more and more animated as he explained to me through Rabbi Weiss that the very idea of the Zionist state is heresy .
“ He left pure and simple because of Zionism , ” Rabbi Weiss explained , and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was doing everything in its power to disrupt their Jewish way of life .
This seemingly frail , elder Rabbi passionately explained how Zionism and the State of Israel , “ scorns and ridicules ” the very tenets of the Jewish faith and represents “ Kefira , ” or heresy .
He refused to crown this “ facade of Judaism ” with his presence and Jewish look and appearance .
A story that Rabbi Beck related to me and which I also heard from his son , Rabbi Elhonon Beck in London , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rabbi Beck and many others were sitting in a bomb shelter in Jerusalem during the 1967 war .
The neighborhood of Mea Shearim sits in an area that , until 1967 , was right on the border between the State of Israel and Jordanian-controlled East Jerusalem .
During the war , heavy fighting took place in that area and the people huddled in the bomb shelter could hear the thundering sounds of shooting and explosions .
At one point , they heard warplanes flying overhead when a man walked into the shelter and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , “ don ’ t worry , these are ours.
” That was something that Rabbi Beck and his fellow Rabbis could not stomach .
That religious Jews would associate themselves with Israeli warplanes and refer to them as “ ours.
” The Zionist State and its army were anathema to them and it was at that moment that several of them decided it was time to leave the country .
“ They didn ’ t want their children growing up in that atmosphere where religious Jews felt an association with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Israeli propaganda campaign that followed the 1967 assault was that religious Jews began to believe that the Israeli victory was a miracle .
Israel perpetuated the myth that it was faced with the overwhelming force of the Arab armies and was miraculously able to defeat them all .
Rabbi Beck and the others in his group see this as heresy , “ that a Zionist victory would be seen as a miracle.
” From the rooftop of their Yeshiva , called “ Torah Veyir ’ a ” – a famously anti-Zionist Yeshiva in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Arab part of the Jerusalem , ” which includes the Old City.
” Before 1967 one could only look in that direction , but after the war , they were able to go there “ and it gave a sense of false power , ” which Rabbi Beck abhors .
He did not want his children to grow up in an atmosphere that idolizes that kind of power .
“ Was it dangerous for you to live there ?
” Rabbi Weiss asked .
“ Have you seen their police hit people ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was beaten and arrested by the Israeli police on many occasions during protests against the Zionist state , and while plastering anti-Zionist posters on walls .
“ The danger was never the Arabs , only the Zionists , ” he added .
When the Israeli police enter ultra-orthodox neighborhoods , they do it in full force .
Riot police in full gear and often riding specially bred horses , trample people with no regard to the lives or to the safety of the residents .
The sights one sees during their marches and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are religious Jews treated with such contempt and violence .
When I visited Rabbi Beck ’ s beis midrash ( synagogue ) in Monsey one Friday night , I saw dozens of religious Jews praying .
It is a modest place , and on one of the walls , hangs a large poster denouncing Zionism and its anti-Jewish , heretic characteristics .
This last expression of solidarity by Rabbi Beck was by no means his first .
In 2018 I spoke at a rally in Brooklyn and saw him sitting there among other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ express solidarity .
Zionist propaganda regularly targets ultra-orthodox Jews who reject Zionism and Israel , creating the impression that they are irrelevant fanatics .
While their numbers may not seem significant their actions certainly are invaluable .
When a member of this community pays their respects to a Palestinian family who lost a loved one to an Israeli soldier or shakes the hand of a Palestinian prisoner on hunger strike , or even a gesture as simple as an 87-year-old Rabbi holding a sign to express solidarity with Palestine , it goes a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us that in Palestine before the Zionist invasion , people lived side by side in peace , respecting one another .
It shows us that there are common goals that unite us .
Feature photo | Rabbi Moshe Ber Beck joins activists marking Al Nakbah as they march across the Brooklyn Bridge in New York City on May 15 , 2016 .
Photo | Shutterstock Miko Peled is an author and human rights activist born in Jerusalem .
He is the author of “ The General ’ s Son .
Journey of an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Injustice , the Story of the Holy Land Foundation Five .
”

Rabbi Moshe Ber Beck was 10 years old in the spring of 1944 when the Nazis invaded Hungary. He spent many months hiding in a bunker in Pest, the eastern side of the Hungarian capital Budapest before he and his family were able to leave. With his mother gone, having been taken to Auschwitz and killed, he and what remained of his family, along with millions of refugees, traveled through Europe to find a home. In 1948 he traveled to Palestine where lived and studied in Jerusalem’s ultra-orthodox community in Mea Shearim. He remained there until 1967 when he left Palestine never to return.
Among the expressions of solidarity posted on the various social media platforms during the November 2020 Palestine Solidarity Week was a photo of Rabbi Beck. Nearly 90 years old and having survived a stroke that left him partially paralyzed, he sat for a photo with a Palestinian flag behind him, and holding a sign that read, “All for Palestine.” One has to admit that his life and religious devotion make his commitment to the Palestinian struggle for liberation all the more remarkable.
Leaving Jerusalem
I met Rabbi Beck for the first time at his home in Monsey, New York. Rabbi Dovid Weiss, another well-known and respected anti-Zionist ultra-orthodox Rabbi and supporter of the Palestinian struggle took me to meet him. The family of Rabbi Weiss, also from Hungary, was murdered by Nazis. “My father was the youngest of ten and he managed to get out. But when he tried to return to help the others escape it was too late.”
I didn’t know who Rabbi Beck was at that point but I could see that he was a revered and greatly respected Rabbi.
I tried to understand what it was that made him decide to leave Jerusalem. He was, at the time, a young man with a large family and little means. He was living and studying at the heart of the ultra-orthodox world in the Holy Land, so I wondered what could possibly have made him want to leave.
Rabbi Beck speaks Yiddish and very little English, so Rabbi Weiss was kind enough to translate. Using hand gestures and even raising his otherwise very quiet voice, Rabbi Beck made it clear there were many reasons for him leaving Jerusalem and all of them had to do with Zionism. After the 1967 war, he and a group of devoted and promising young Rabbis realized that the state of Israel was no place for Jewish people.
He spoke in Yiddish gesturing with his hands pointing to his beard, payos, and religious clothing, and then Rabbi Weiss translated: “He did not want his beard and peyos and kaftan to crown the Zionist state.”
While there were many reasons for his leaving, the final straw was the 1967 Israeli assault on neighboring Arab countries. He felt he had to leave no matter what. With four children and not a penny to his name, he somehow managed to make his way to the UK.
Heresy
Rabbi Beck became more and more animated as he explained to me through Rabbi Weiss that the very idea of the Zionist state is heresy. “He left pure and simple because of Zionism,” Rabbi Weiss explained, and other young notable Rabbis felt that the State was doing everything in its power to disrupt their Jewish way of life.
This seemingly frail, elder Rabbi passionately explained how Zionism and the State of Israel, “scorns and ridicules” the very tenets of the Jewish faith and represents “Kefira,” or heresy. He refused to crown this “facade of Judaism” with his presence and Jewish look and appearance.
“These are our guys”
A story that Rabbi Beck related to me and which I also heard from his son, Rabbi Elhonon Beck in London, involves an incident that took place while Rabbi Beck and many others were sitting in a bomb shelter in Jerusalem during the 1967 war. The neighborhood of Mea Shearim sits in an area that, until 1967, was right on the border between the State of Israel and Jordanian-controlled East Jerusalem. During the war, heavy fighting took place in that area and the people huddled in the bomb shelter could hear the thundering sounds of shooting and explosions.
At one point, they heard warplanes flying overhead when a man walked into the shelter and, wanting to reassure the others, said, “don’t worry, these are ours.” That was something that Rabbi Beck and his fellow Rabbis could not stomach. That religious Jews would associate themselves with Israeli warplanes and refer to them as “ours.” The Zionist State and its army were anathema to them and it was at that moment that several of them decided it was time to leave the country. “They didn’t want their children growing up in that atmosphere where religious Jews felt an association with the Zionist army.”
One result of the Israeli propaganda campaign that followed the 1967 assault was that religious Jews began to believe that the Israeli victory was a miracle. Israel perpetuated the myth that it was faced with the overwhelming force of the Arab armies and was miraculously able to defeat them all. Rabbi Beck and the others in his group see this as heresy, “that a Zionist victory would be seen as a miracle.”
From the rooftop of their Yeshiva, called “Torah Veyir’a” – a famously anti-Zionist Yeshiva in Jerusalem, “you could see the Arab part of the Jerusalem,” which includes the Old City.” Before 1967 one could only look in that direction, but after the war, they were able to go there “and it gave a sense of false power,” which Rabbi Beck abhors. He did not want his children to grow up in an atmosphere that idolizes that kind of power.
A dangerous environment
“Was it dangerous for you to live there?” Rabbi Weiss asked.
“Have you seen their police hit people?” he snapped back.
Rabbi Beck was beaten and arrested by the Israeli police on many occasions during protests against the Zionist state, and while plastering anti-Zionist posters on walls. “The danger was never the Arabs, only the Zionists,” he added.
When the Israeli police enter ultra-orthodox neighborhoods, they do it in full force. Riot police in full gear and often riding specially bred horses, trample people with no regard to the lives or to the safety of the residents. The sights one sees during their marches and protests are harrowing. Only in Israel are religious Jews treated with such contempt and violence.
When I visited Rabbi Beck’s beis midrash (synagogue) in Monsey one Friday night, I saw dozens of religious Jews praying. It is a modest place, and on one of the walls, hangs a large poster denouncing Zionism and its anti-Jewish, heretic characteristics.
Supporting Palestine
This last expression of solidarity by Rabbi Beck was by no means his first. In 2018 I spoke at a rally in Brooklyn and saw him sitting there among other members of the community who came to express solidarity.
Zionist propaganda regularly targets ultra-orthodox Jews who reject Zionism and Israel, creating the impression that they are irrelevant fanatics.
While their numbers may not seem significant their actions certainly are invaluable. When a member of this community pays their respects to a Palestinian family who lost a loved one to an Israeli soldier or shakes the hand of a Palestinian prisoner on hunger strike, or even a gesture as simple as an 87-year-old Rabbi holding a sign to express solidarity with Palestine, it goes a long way. It reminds all of us that in Palestine before the Zionist invasion, people lived side by side in peace, respecting one another. It shows us that there are common goals that unite us.
Feature photo | Rabbi Moshe Ber Beck joins activists marking Al Nakbah as they march across the Brooklyn Bridge in New York City on May 15, 2016. Photo | Shutterstock
Miko Peled is an author and human rights activist born in Jerusalem. He is the author of “The General’s Son. Journey of an Israeli in Palestine,” and “Injustice, the Story of the Holy Land Foundation Five.”


mintpressnews--2020-12-16--New Report Details the Shocking Growth of the Prison Exploitation Across the US

A new report from prison abolition group Worth Rises has exposed the extent to which corporate America profits from the desperation of the incarcerated .
The 132-page study , entitled “ The Prison Industry : how it started , how it works , how it harms , ” blows the lid off the scandalous business practices organizations involved in what has become known as the “ prison industrial complex ” employ to reap billions in annual profits .
“ The prison industry is ubiquitous in our society .
And yet we pay so little attention to it and we know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is really hoping to unveil the prison industry , the government and corporate actors who are exploiting the fact that they have been in the shadows , ” Bianca Tylek , Worth Rises ’ founder and executive director told MintPress .
In economics , a “ captive market ” is a situation where consumers face a severely limited number of suppliers , meaning their only choice is to purchase what is available ( usually at a much higher price ) or make no purchase at all .
Most people resent and feel exploited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ situations like stadiums , movie theaters , and airports .
But prisons take captive markets to a whole new level .
Being incarcerated is expensive , with inmates forced to pay for extra food and many things most would consider basic necessities , such as toothpaste and phone calls .
Often just being sent to a correctional facility incurs a $ 100 “ processing fee ” prisoners must pay , while visitors are often charged “ background check fees ” as well .
Prisoners ’ friends and families transfer $ 1.8 billion into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no other choices , they are forced to accept money transfer fees up to an outrageous 45 % .
Financial corporations like JPay and JP Morgan Chase partner with correctional facilities in order to ensure the best deal for them — and the worst deal for the prisoners .
As the report notes : Prisoners are often forced to use special debit cards for purchases , many of which charge fees as high as $ 2.95 per transaction , $ 0.95 for declined transactions , and a weekly “ service fee ” of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , JP Morgan Chase charges a $ 10 fee to withdraw money from the card at an ATM .
Phone calls are often far from free ; the correctional telecom “ market ” is worth $ 1.4 billion annually , with charges of upwards of $ 1 per minute .
Little wonder then that one in three prisoners go into debt trying to stay in contact with their loved ones .
While prisoners are given enough food to keep them alive , it is of notoriously low quality , with food poisoning more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in jails and prisons than average , the report notes .
Nationally , correctional facilities spent just $ 2.30 per person per day on food — a number lower than the average daily commissary spend per inmate ( $ 2.59 ) .
“ There is no doubt that in many cases people spend a lot more on commissary than the system spends to feed them .
That you can see time and time again .
The state tries to spend as little as it possibly can get away with while up-charging for all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in commissary , ” Tylek told MintPress .
Any wages earned while incarcerated are unlikely to greatly outweigh expenditures ; average hourly wages for workers in facility support jobs range between zero and $ 0.63 , with five states not paying workers anything .
Prisons are one of the last great centers of American manufacturing , making everything from military equipment to mattresses to 3M face masks .
40 % of California ’ s firefighters are prisoners earning only a few dollars per day to risk their lives .
The state ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was hampered by the COVID-19 outbreak among its prisons , meaning large parts of its fire response teams were in isolation .
Until recently , former prisoners were effectively barred from applying to become firefighters .
With almost 2.3 million people locked up across a sprawling network of over 7,000 facilities , the United States has by far the highest incarceration rate in the world , locking its citizens up at over ten times the rate of European countries like Denmark or Sweden , and over seventeen times that of Japan .
Worth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion is spent in the U.S. every year on the construction of new facilities .
Nearly 600 prisons have been built on or in close proximity to , contaminated toxic land , leading to injury , illness , birth defects , and death .
For-profit private prisons are another growing phenomenon in America ’ s incarceration system .
Since 2000 , the number of people incarcerated in private prisons has increased by 39.3 % , compared to an overall rise of 7.8 % .
Their ubiquity has become so unremarkable that , earlier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ game went viral , becoming the number one game in Apple ’ s App Store .
During the tutorial at the start of the game , a baton-wielding guard instructs players , telling them that “ the state pays us good money ” to manage the “ lowlifes ” they send your way .
“ It ’ s a perfect business , ” he says , as he shows you how to send inmates to solitary confinement , something that is near-universally described as torture .
The game was received extremely positively , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ annoying ads and in-app purchases , not the game ’ s concept .
The Worth Rises report notes that American solitary cells are so small that 19 of them could fit into an average one-bedroom apartment .
For many , a change in government from Republican to Democrat represents an opportunity for a new start .
On incarceration , however , Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have been plagued by their close ties to the prison industrial complex .
For years , Biden touted his involvement in the now-infamous 1994 Crime Bill , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nationwide .
Harris , meanwhile , a former prosecutor and district attorney , used to describe herself as California ’ s “ top cop ” and pursued harsh sentences for relatively minor drug offenses , including ones that she herself admits she committed in her youth .
Nevertheless , public sentiment towards the issue of mass incarceration is beginning to change .
What can be done ?
Among Tylek ’ s immediate recommendations are the abolition of private prisons , making phone calls free throughout prisons and jails , addressing the financial exploitation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subsidies for the construction of new facilities , and ending cash bail in a way that would decrease the number of people locked up .
Could this be done with such an obstinate pair in the White House ?
“ We are hopeful that the tide is turning , that the culture is turning to a degree that the Biden-Harris administration can not ignore and they must act and do something , ” she said .
Feature photo | Inmates return from farm work detail at the Louisiana State Penitentiary in Angola , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

A new report from prison abolition group Worth Rises has exposed the extent to which corporate America profits from the desperation of the incarcerated. The 132-page study, entitled “The Prison Industry: how it started, how it works, how it harms,” blows the lid off the scandalous business practices organizations involved in what has become known as the “prison industrial complex” employ to reap billions in annual profits.
“The prison industry is ubiquitous in our society. And yet we pay so little attention to it and we know so little about it. This report is really hoping to unveil the prison industry, the government and corporate actors who are exploiting the fact that they have been in the shadows,” Bianca Tylek, Worth Rises’ founder and executive director told MintPress.
Between 1984 and 2005, a new prison or jail was built every 8.5 days 70% were built in rural (read: poor, white) communities @WorthRises release its report on the PIC: How It Started, How It Works, and How It Harmshttps://t.co/HOuTLfBkKK#AbolishThePolice #AbolishPrisons pic.twitter.com/XSAmX0B6tz — Anti-Fascist AWK (@AWKWORDrap) December 16, 2020
In economics, a “captive market” is a situation where consumers face a severely limited number of suppliers, meaning their only choice is to purchase what is available (usually at a much higher price) or make no purchase at all. Most people resent and feel exploited by the higher prices in captive market situations like stadiums, movie theaters, and airports. But prisons take captive markets to a whole new level.
Being incarcerated is expensive, with inmates forced to pay for extra food and many things most would consider basic necessities, such as toothpaste and phone calls. Often just being sent to a correctional facility incurs a $100 “processing fee” prisoners must pay, while visitors are often charged “background check fees” as well. Prisoners’ friends and families transfer $1.8 billion into correctional facilities every year. Faced with no other choices, they are forced to accept money transfer fees up to an outrageous 45%. Financial corporations like JPay and JP Morgan Chase partner with correctional facilities in order to ensure the best deal for them — and the worst deal for the prisoners. As the report notes:
The industry was built on a profit-sharing model between financial services corporations and correctional agencies — the cost of which is layered onto money transfer fees and billed to families. After years of corporate grooming, some agencies now explicitly award contracts to the bidder offering the highest kick back percentage. As a result, not only are contracts often awarded to the most expensive service provider, but correctional administrators are also incentivized to limit cheaper or free alternatives from which they do not profit.
Prisoners are often forced to use special debit cards for purchases, many of which charge fees as high as $2.95 per transaction, $0.95 for declined transactions, and a weekly “service fee” of $2.50. And on the outside, JP Morgan Chase charges a $10 fee to withdraw money from the card at an ATM.
Phone calls are often far from free; the correctional telecom “market” is worth $1.4 billion annually, with charges of upwards of $1 per minute. Little wonder then that one in three prisoners go into debt trying to stay in contact with their loved ones.
While prisoners are given enough food to keep them alive, it is of notoriously low quality, with food poisoning more than six times more likely to occur in jails and prisons than average, the report notes. Nationally, correctional facilities spent just $2.30 per person per day on food — a number lower than the average daily commissary spend per inmate ($2.59). “There is no doubt that in many cases people spend a lot more on commissary than the system spends to feed them. That you can see time and time again. The state tries to spend as little as it possibly can get away with while up-charging for all of the products that people can purchase in commissary,” Tylek told MintPress.
Any wages earned while incarcerated are unlikely to greatly outweigh expenditures; average hourly wages for workers in facility support jobs range between zero and $0.63, with five states not paying workers anything. Prisons are one of the last great centers of American manufacturing, making everything from military equipment to mattresses to 3M face masks. 40% of California’s firefighters are prisoners earning only a few dollars per day to risk their lives. The state’s response to this summer’s wildfires was hampered by the COVID-19 outbreak among its prisons, meaning large parts of its fire response teams were in isolation. Until recently, former prisoners were effectively barred from applying to become firefighters.
With almost 2.3 million people locked up across a sprawling network of over 7,000 facilities, the United States has by far the highest incarceration rate in the world, locking its citizens up at over ten times the rate of European countries like Denmark or Sweden, and over seventeen times that of Japan. Worth Rises’ report notes that $4.6 billion is spent in the U.S. every year on the construction of new facilities. Nearly 600 prisons have been built on or in close proximity to, contaminated toxic land, leading to injury, illness, birth defects, and death.
For-profit private prisons are another growing phenomenon in America’s incarceration system. Since 2000, the number of people incarcerated in private prisons has increased by 39.3%, compared to an overall rise of 7.8%. Their ubiquity has become so unremarkable that, earlier this year, a private prison simulator game went viral, becoming the number one game in Apple’s App Store.
During the tutorial at the start of the game, a baton-wielding guard instructs players, telling them that “the state pays us good money” to manage the “lowlifes” they send your way. “It’s a perfect business,” he says, as he shows you how to send inmates to solitary confinement, something that is near-universally described as torture. The game was received extremely positively, with the few negative comments focusing on annoying ads and in-app purchases, not the game’s concept. The Worth Rises report notes that American solitary cells are so small that 19 of them could fit into an average one-bedroom apartment.
For many, a change in government from Republican to Democrat represents an opportunity for a new start. On incarceration, however, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have been plagued by their close ties to the prison industrial complex. For years, Biden touted his involvement in the now-infamous 1994 Crime Bill, which critics say helped supercharge mass incarceration nationwide. Harris, meanwhile, a former prosecutor and district attorney, used to describe herself as California’s “top cop” and pursued harsh sentences for relatively minor drug offenses, including ones that she herself admits she committed in her youth.
Nevertheless, public sentiment towards the issue of mass incarceration is beginning to change. What can be done? Among Tylek’s immediate recommendations are the abolition of private prisons, making phone calls free throughout prisons and jails, addressing the financial exploitation of prisoners, an end to federal subsidies for the construction of new facilities, and ending cash bail in a way that would decrease the number of people locked up. Could this be done with such an obstinate pair in the White House? “We are hopeful that the tide is turning, that the culture is turning to a degree that the Biden-Harris administration cannot ignore and they must act and do something,” she said.
Feature photo | Inmates return from farm work detail at the Louisiana State Penitentiary in Angola, La. Gerald Herbert | AP
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-12-16--2021’s Most Pressing Humanitarian Crises Are All Victims of US War, Regime Change

The International Rescue Committee ’ s ( IRC ) yearly report on the world ’ s most pressing humanitarian situations has just been published , with the three most disastrous cases — Yemen , Afghanistan , and Syria — all the product of decades of interventionist U.S. foreign policy .
For the third year in a row , Yemen has topped the IRC list , the report estimating that 80 % of the country ’ s 29 million citizens are in need of humanitarian assistance .
“ The world is facing unprecedented humanitarian emergencies—as well as a political crisis of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ warn .
20.5 million people inside Yemen lack access to clean water and sanitation .
This is in no small part due to the five-year-long Saudi-led coalition onslaught against the country , which has seen over 200 targeted attacks against medical or sanitation infrastructure — equivalent to one air raid every ten days .
As a result , half of all health facilities are not functioning properly , and over half of the country ’ s children are permanently physically stunted due to malnutrition .
The Yemeni rial has lost a quarter of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and fuel prices increasing amid shortages .
Women and girls are disproportionately affected by the crisis ; one million pregnant women are also malnourished .
Despite the devastation , humanitarian support to the country has actually been decreasing , thanks to the work of the Trump administration .
Throughout 2020 , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has been successfully pressuring the United Nations and its donor nations to scale back aid to Yemen in an attempt to starve the Houthi Rebels into submission .
“ A consequence of over five years of war @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country to new lows in 2020 , ” the report notes , although it does not point any fingers at the United States .
“ Yemen faces a triple threat from conflict , hunger , and a collapsing international response , ” said Abeer Fowzi , the IRC ’ s deputy nutrition coordinator .
The other countries on the IRC ’ s top ten most concerning humanitarian situations included : 4 .
The Democratic Republic of the Congo What is striking about the three most pressing cases is the role of the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. invaded and occupied Afghanistan 19 years ago and continues to refuse to leave , flooding the country with arms and propping up its chosen political factions .
Syria , meanwhile , is the site of a bitter international conflict confusingly labeled a civil war , where the great powers , including the U.S. , vie for control of the Middle Eastern nation , fuelling continual violence that has led to a crisis of 5.6 million refugees and a further 6.7 million internally displaced people , according to the IRC report .
While @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 90 % of the population lives below the poverty line .
Meanwhile , Venezuela has faced years of crippling American sanctions that one United Nations rapporteur compared to a medieval siege , estimating they had cost the lives of over 100,000 Venezuelans .
However , the obvious role that the U.S. government has played in destabilizing or destroying so many nations on the list is not remarked upon .
Indeed , the words “ United States ” are not mentioned anywhere in the 59-page report .
One potential reason could be that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is substantially funded by the U.S. government through its Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance , Bureau of Population , Refugees and Migration , the U.S. Agency for International Development , and the Department of Health and Human Services .
While the U.S. has contributed over $ 2.5 billion in aid to Yemen , that number pales in comparison with weapons sales to Saudi Arabia , the chief driver of the violence in the country .
American made bombs continue to be dropped by American made jets , maintained by American operatives , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And even as he leaves office , President Trump is making a point of showering the Saudis with gifts .
While the damage 2020 has done to the world can not be undone , the IRC warned that 2021 could be just as important from a humanitarian point of view .
“ 2020 will go down as one of the most turbulent years in history , but the next year will be remembered for how we either helped or turned away from those suffering the most , ” they stated .
Feature photo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at a U.S. soldier standing guard in the so-called “ safe zone ” on the Syrian side of the border with Turkey , near Tal Abyad , Syria , Sept. 8 , 2019 .
Maya Alleruzzo | AP Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

The International Rescue Committee’s (IRC) yearly report on the world’s most pressing humanitarian situations has just been published, with the three most disastrous cases — Yemen, Afghanistan, and Syria — all the product of decades of interventionist U.S. foreign policy.
For the third year in a row, Yemen has topped the IRC list, the report estimating that 80% of the country’s 29 million citizens are in need of humanitarian assistance. “The world is facing unprecedented humanitarian emergencies—as well as a political crisis of inaction by world leaders,” they warn.
20.5 million people inside Yemen lack access to clean water and sanitation. This is in no small part due to the five-year-long Saudi-led coalition onslaught against the country, which has seen over 200 targeted attacks against medical or sanitation infrastructure — equivalent to one air raid every ten days. As a result, half of all health facilities are not functioning properly, and over half of the country’s children are permanently physically stunted due to malnutrition. The Yemeni rial has lost a quarter of its value this year, with food and fuel prices increasing amid shortages. Women and girls are disproportionately affected by the crisis; one million pregnant women are also malnourished.
Despite the devastation, humanitarian support to the country has actually been decreasing, thanks to the work of the Trump administration. Throughout 2020, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has been successfully pressuring the United Nations and its donor nations to scale back aid to Yemen in an attempt to starve the Houthi Rebels into submission.
“A consequence of over five years of war and severe underfunding that has pushed the country to new lows in 2020,” the report notes, although it does not point any fingers at the United States. “Yemen faces a triple threat from conflict, hunger, and a collapsing international response,” said Abeer Fowzi, the IRC’s deputy nutrition coordinator.
At the end of 2020, malnutrition for children under 5 was the highest ever recorded, yet, in the face of an unprecedented threat, the world has turned its back on Yemen. Never before have Yemenis faced so little support from the international community – or so many simultaneous challenges.”
The other countries on the IRC’s top ten most concerning humanitarian situations included:
2. Afghanistan
3. Syria
4. The Democratic Republic of the Congo
5. Ethiopia
6. Burkina Faso
7. South Sudan
8. Nigeria
9. Venezuela
10. Mozambique
The common denominator
What is striking about the three most pressing cases is the role of the United States in worsening the problem. The U.S. invaded and occupied Afghanistan 19 years ago and continues to refuse to leave, flooding the country with arms and propping up its chosen political factions. Syria, meanwhile, is the site of a bitter international conflict confusingly labeled a civil war, where the great powers, including the U.S., vie for control of the Middle Eastern nation, fuelling continual violence that has led to a crisis of 5.6 million refugees and a further 6.7 million internally displaced people, according to the IRC report. While once a reasonably prosperous nation, today 90% of the population lives below the poverty line. Meanwhile, Venezuela has faced years of crippling American sanctions that one United Nations rapporteur compared to a medieval siege, estimating they had cost the lives of over 100,000 Venezuelans.
However, the obvious role that the U.S. government has played in destabilizing or destroying so many nations on the list is not remarked upon. Indeed, the words “United States” are not mentioned anywhere in the 59-page report. One potential reason could be that the IRC, headquartered in New York City, is substantially funded by the U.S. government through its Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance, Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration, the U.S. Agency for International Development, and the Department of Health and Human Services.
While the U.S. has contributed over $2.5 billion in aid to Yemen, that number pales in comparison with weapons sales to Saudi Arabia, the chief driver of the violence in the country. American made bombs continue to be dropped by American made jets, maintained by American operatives, and flown by American trained pilots. And even as he leaves office, President Trump is making a point of showering the Saudis with gifts.
While the damage 2020 has done to the world cannot be undone, the IRC warned that 2021 could be just as important from a humanitarian point of view. “2020 will go down as one of the most turbulent years in history, but the next year will be remembered for how we either helped or turned away from those suffering the most,” they stated.
Feature photo | A Syrian boy selling snacks looks at a U.S. soldier standing guard in the so-called “safe zone” on the Syrian side of the border with Turkey, near Tal Abyad, Syria, Sept. 8, 2019. Maya Alleruzzo | AP
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-12-16--When the People Rose: How the Intifada Changed the Political Discourse around Palestine

December 8 came and went as if it was an ordinary day .
For Palestinian political groups , it was another anniversary to be commemorated , however hastily .
It was on this day , thirty-three years ago , that the First Palestinian Intifada ( uprising ) broke out , and there was nothing ordinary about this historic event .
Today , the uprising is merely viewed from a historic point of view , another opportunity to reflect and , perhaps , learn from a seemingly distant past .
Whatever political context to the Intifada , it has evaporated over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Intifada goes as follows : Ordinary Palestinians at the time were fed up with the status quo and they wished to ‘ shake off ’ Israel ’ s military occupation and make their voices heard .
Expectedly , the Palestine Liberation Organization ( PLO ) quickly moved in to harvest the fruit of the people ’ s sacrifices and translate them into tangible political gains , as if the traditional Palestinian leadership truly and democratically represented the will of the Palestinian people .
The outcome was a sheer disaster , as the Intifada @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some Palestinian ‘ leaders ’ , who claimed to be mandated by the Palestinians to speak on their behalf , resulting in the Madrid Talks in 1991 , the Oslo Accords in 1993 and all other ‘ compromises ’ ever since .
But there is more to the story .
Thousands of Palestinians , mostly youth , were killed by the Israeli army during the seven years of Intifada , where Israel treated non-violent protesters and rock-throwing children , who were demanding their freedom , as if enemy combatants .
It was during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ shoot to kill ’ and ‘ broken-bones policies ’ and many more military stratagems were introduced to an already violent discourse .
In truth , however , the Intifada was not a mandate for Yasser Arafat , Mahmoud Abbas or any other Palestinian official or faction to negotiate on behalf of the Palestinian people , and was certainly not a people ’ s call on their leadership to offer unreciprocated political compromises .
To understand the meaning of the Intifada and its current relevance , it has to be viewed as an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meanings , as opposed to a historical event of little relevance to today ’ s realities .
Historically , the Palestinian people have struggled with the issue of political representation .
As early as the mid-20th century , various Arab regimes have claimed to speak on behalf of the Palestinian people , thus , inevitably using Palestine as an item in their own domestic and foreign policy agendas .
The use and misuse of Palestine as an item in some imagined collective Arab agenda came to a relative end after the humiliating defeat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ war , known in Arabic as the ‘ Naksa ’ , or the ‘ Letdown ’ .
The crisis of legitimacy was meant to be quickly resolved when the largest Palestinian political party , Fatah , took over the leadership of the PLO .
The latter was then recognized in 1974 during the Arab Summit in Rabat , as the ‘ sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people ’ .
The above statement alone was meant to be the formula that resolved the crisis of representation , therefore drowning out all other claims @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worked , but not for long .
Despite Arafat ’ s and Fatah ’ s hegemony over the PLO , the latter did , in fact , enjoy a degree of legitimacy among Palestinians .
At that time , Palestine was part and parcel of a global national liberation movement , and Arab governments , despite the deep wounds of war , were forced to accommodate the aspirations of the Arab people , keeping Palestine the focal issue among the Arab masses as well .
However , in the 1980s , things began @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Lebanon in 1982 resulted in the forced exile of tens of thousands of Palestinian fighters , along with the leaderships of all Palestinian groups , leading to successive and bloody massacres targeting Palestinian refugees in Lebanon .
The years that followed accentuated two grave realities .
First , the Palestinian leadership shifted its focus from armed struggle to merely remaining relevant as a political actor .
Now based in Tunis , Arafat , Abbas and others were issuing statements , sending all kinds of signals that they were ready to ‘ compromise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this term .
Second , Arab governments also moved on , as the growing marginalization of the Palestinian leadership was lessening the pressure of the Arab masses to act as a united front against Israeli military occupation and colonialism in Palestine .
It was at this precise moment in history that Palestinians rose and , indeed , it was a spontaneous movement that , at its beginning , involved none of the traditional Palestinian leadership , Arab regimes , or any of the familiar slogans .
I was a teenager in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ took place , a true popular revolution being fashioned in a most organic and pure form .
The use of a slingshot to counter Israeli military helicopters ; the use of blankets to disable the chains of Israeli army tanks ; the use of raw onions to assuage the pain of inhaling teargas ; and , more importantly , the creation of language to respond to every violent strategy employed by the Israeli army , and to articulate the resistance of Palestinians on the ground in simple , yet profound slogans , written @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refugee camp , town or city .
While the Intifada did not attack the traditional leadership openly , it was clear that Palestinians were seeking alternative leadership .
Grassroots local leadership swiftly sprang out from every neighborhood , every university and even in prison , and no amount of Israeli violence was able to thwart the natural formation of this leadership .
It was unmistakably clear that the Palestinian people had chosen a different path , one that did not go through any Arab capital – and certainly not through Tunis .
Not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solidarity from their Arab brethren , or the world at large .
Instead , they sought solidarity that does not subtract the Palestinian people from their own quest for freedom and justice .
Years of relentless Israeli violence , coupled with the lack of a political strategy by the Palestinian leadership , sheer exhaustion , growing factionalism and extreme poverty brought the Intifada to an end .
Since then , even the achievements of the Intifada were tarnished , where the Palestinian leadership has used it to revive itself politically and financially , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dismal Oslo Accords and the futile peace process were , themselves , direct ‘ achievements ’ of the Intifada .
The true accomplishment of the Intifada is the fact that it almost entirely changed the nature of the political equation pertaining to Palestine , imposing the ‘ Palestinian people ’ , not as a cliche used by the Palestinian leadership and Arab governments to secure for themselves a degree of political legitimacy , but as an actual political actor .
Thanks to the Intifada , the Palestinian people have demonstrated their own capacity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military , challenging the Palestinian leadership by organically generating their own leaders , confronting the Arabs and , in fact , the whole world , regarding their own moral and legal responsibilities towards Palestine and the Palestinian people .
Very few popular movements around the world , and throughout modern history , can be compared to the First Intifada , which remains as relevant today as it was when it began thirty-three years ago .
Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle .
He is the author of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ These Chains Will Be Broken : Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons ” ( Clarity Press ) .
Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs ( CIGA ) and also at the Afro-Middle East Center ( AMEC ) .
His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

December 8 came and went as if it was an ordinary day. For Palestinian political groups, it was another anniversary to be commemorated, however hastily. It was on this day, thirty-three years ago, that the First Palestinian Intifada (uprising) broke out, and there was nothing ordinary about this historic event.
Today, the uprising is merely viewed from a historic point of view, another opportunity to reflect and, perhaps, learn from a seemingly distant past. Whatever political context to the Intifada, it has evaporated over time.
The simple explanation of the Intifada goes as follows: Ordinary Palestinians at the time were fed up with the status quo and they wished to ‘shake off’ Israel’s military occupation and make their voices heard.
Expectedly, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) quickly moved in to harvest the fruit of the people’s sacrifices and translate them into tangible political gains, as if the traditional Palestinian leadership truly and democratically represented the will of the Palestinian people. The outcome was a sheer disaster, as the Intifada was used to resurrect the careers of some Palestinian ‘leaders’, who claimed to be mandated by the Palestinians to speak on their behalf, resulting in the Madrid Talks in 1991, the Oslo Accords in 1993 and all other ‘compromises’ ever since.
But there is more to the story.
Thousands of Palestinians, mostly youth, were killed by the Israeli army during the seven years of Intifada, where Israel treated non-violent protesters and rock-throwing children, who were demanding their freedom, as if enemy combatants. It was during these horrific years that such terms as ‘shoot to kill’ and ‘broken-bones policies’ and many more military stratagems were introduced to an already violent discourse.
In truth, however, the Intifada was not a mandate for Yasser Arafat, Mahmoud Abbas or any other Palestinian official or faction to negotiate on behalf of the Palestinian people, and was certainly not a people’s call on their leadership to offer unreciprocated political compromises.
To understand the meaning of the Intifada and its current relevance, it has to be viewed as an active political event, constantly generating new meanings, as opposed to a historical event of little relevance to today’s realities.
Historically, the Palestinian people have struggled with the issue of political representation. As early as the mid-20th century, various Arab regimes have claimed to speak on behalf of the Palestinian people, thus, inevitably using Palestine as an item in their own domestic and foreign policy agendas.
The use and misuse of Palestine as an item in some imagined collective Arab agenda came to a relative end after the humiliating defeat of several Arab armies in the 1967 war, known in Arabic as the ‘Naksa’, or the ‘Letdown’. The crisis of legitimacy was meant to be quickly resolved when the largest Palestinian political party, Fatah, took over the leadership of the PLO. The latter was then recognized in 1974 during the Arab Summit in Rabat, as the ‘sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people’.
The above statement alone was meant to be the formula that resolved the crisis of representation, therefore drowning out all other claims made by Arab governments. That strategy worked, but not for long. Despite Arafat’s and Fatah’s hegemony over the PLO, the latter did, in fact, enjoy a degree of legitimacy among Palestinians. At that time, Palestine was part and parcel of a global national liberation movement, and Arab governments, despite the deep wounds of war, were forced to accommodate the aspirations of the Arab people, keeping Palestine the focal issue among the Arab masses as well.
However, in the 1980s, things began changing rapidly. Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982 resulted in the forced exile of tens of thousands of Palestinian fighters, along with the leaderships of all Palestinian groups, leading to successive and bloody massacres targeting Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.
The years that followed accentuated two grave realities. First, the Palestinian leadership shifted its focus from armed struggle to merely remaining relevant as a political actor. Now based in Tunis, Arafat, Abbas and others were issuing statements, sending all kinds of signals that they were ready to ‘compromise’ – as per the American definitions of this term. Second, Arab governments also moved on, as the growing marginalization of the Palestinian leadership was lessening the pressure of the Arab masses to act as a united front against Israeli military occupation and colonialism in Palestine.
It was at this precise moment in history that Palestinians rose and, indeed, it was a spontaneous movement that, at its beginning, involved none of the traditional Palestinian leadership, Arab regimes, or any of the familiar slogans. I was a teenager in a Gaza refugee camp when all of this took place, a true popular revolution being fashioned in a most organic and pure form. The use of a slingshot to counter Israeli military helicopters; the use of blankets to disable the chains of Israeli army tanks; the use of raw onions to assuage the pain of inhaling teargas; and, more importantly, the creation of language to respond to every violent strategy employed by the Israeli army, and to articulate the resistance of Palestinians on the ground in simple, yet profound slogans, written on the decaying walls of every Palestinian refugee camp, town or city.
While the Intifada did not attack the traditional leadership openly, it was clear that Palestinians were seeking alternative leadership. Grassroots local leadership swiftly sprang out from every neighborhood, every university and even in prison, and no amount of Israeli violence was able to thwart the natural formation of this leadership.
It was unmistakably clear that the Palestinian people had chosen a different path, one that did not go through any Arab capital – and certainly not through Tunis. Not that Palestinians at the time quit seeking solidarity from their Arab brethren, or the world at large. Instead, they sought solidarity that does not subtract the Palestinian people from their own quest for freedom and justice.
Years of relentless Israeli violence, coupled with the lack of a political strategy by the Palestinian leadership, sheer exhaustion, growing factionalism and extreme poverty brought the Intifada to an end.
Since then, even the achievements of the Intifada were tarnished, where the Palestinian leadership has used it to revive itself politically and financially, reaching the point of arguing that the dismal Oslo Accords and the futile peace process were, themselves, direct ‘achievements’ of the Intifada.
The true accomplishment of the Intifada is the fact that it almost entirely changed the nature of the political equation pertaining to Palestine, imposing the ‘Palestinian people’, not as a cliche used by the Palestinian leadership and Arab governments to secure for themselves a degree of political legitimacy, but as an actual political actor.
Thanks to the Intifada, the Palestinian people have demonstrated their own capacity at challenging Israel without having their own military, challenging the Palestinian leadership by organically generating their own leaders, confronting the Arabs and, in fact, the whole world, regarding their own moral and legal responsibilities towards Palestine and the Palestinian people.
Very few popular movements around the world, and throughout modern history, can be compared to the First Intifada, which remains as relevant today as it was when it began thirty-three years ago.
Feature photo | Musa Alsha’er
Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA) and also at the Afro-Middle East Center (AMEC). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net


mintpressnews--2020-12-18--The TPP Was All but Dead, Now DC Think Tanks Are Quietly Urging Biden to Bring It Back

The Trans-Pacific Partnership ( TPP ) was dead and buried .
But now , with the imminent arrival of the new Biden administration , many of the most influential policy groups in Washington are quietly trying to resurrect it .
Writing for the American Foreign Policy Council ( AFPC ) , Joshua Eisenman , the organization ’ s Senior Fellow in China Studies , argues that it is “ time to revisit the TPP , ” which has now been rebranded as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership ( CPTPP ) .
Last month , China signed a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries of south and east Asia , as well as Australia and New Zealand .
For many in Washington , this is a warning sign that the Pacific region is slipping out of U.S. control .
For Eisenman , Asian countries are apparently , “ chafing under Beijing ’ s aggressive economic embrace.
” While the United States continues to build up its military in the South China Sea , “ U.S .
leadership on the economic front remains weak , ” he states .
In a remarkable feat of projection , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Beijing continues to wield its growing economic weight as a cudgel against those it perceives as challenging its political interests — and does so without consequence.
” The situation for the Biden administration , therefore , “ represents both a crisis and an opportunity…because only with the U.S. on board will CPTPP partners have the leverage they need to rebuff Beijing ’ s advances.
” The AFPC is one of the most influential think tanks in Washington D.C. , its board of advisors full of powerful state officials .
Among them are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Newt Gingrich , former CIA Director R. James Woolsey , and former Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge .
Encompassing around 800 million people and accounting for 40 % of the world ’ s economy , the TPP was the largest proposed trade agreement in world history , with the Obama administration describing it as the “ cornerstone ” of its economic policy .
It included not only tariff reductions but also investor rights , intellectual property , and patent protection agreements .
Biden was Obama ’ s vice-president and supported the deal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials are practically begging him to revisit the controversial agreement , arguing that China must be isolated .
“ The U.S. has simply got to be in the game or , of course , we cede territory to China , ” said former U.S. Trade Representative Charlene Barshefsky .
If Biden does not commit to the new CPTPP , then he is , “ going to have to at least consider what the future of U.S. economic leadership in Asia looks like , ” Richard Fontaine , former foreign policy advisor to Sen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also appear to be taking the prospect of a renewed TPP deal quite seriously .
While it was negotiated in secret , away from public eyes , when it was completed , there was a massive public relations campaign aimed at pushing the American public to accept it .
This included some utterly bizarre and brazen pieces of public propaganda , including President Obama appearing on The Tonight Show to sing a love song dedicated to the TPP .
“ I believe it is of the utmost importance to work alongside other leaders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slow jams of the Roots .
“ That ’ s why I negotiated the new trade deal called the Trans-Pacific Partnership , or TPP.
” “ Now , hold on there , Prez dispenser .
Are you saying you ’ re down with TPP ?
” host Jimmy Fallon sung back .
“ Yeah , you know me .
Look , Jimmy , the TPP allows American businesses to sell their products both at home and abroad .
The more we sell abroad , the more higher-paying jobs we provide at home .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama responded .
“ So what are you saying , that this trade deal would put Americans back to work , work , work , work , work ?
” Fallon warbled , over the baying hoots of the ecstatic audience .
It appeared a poorly-performed love song was not enough to convince the public of the deal ’ s efficacy , however , and it was permanently shelved by the Trump administration in early 2017 .
This was partially due to enormous popular pushback to the agreement .
Once it was established @ @ @ @ @ @ @ profits over issues like environmental regulations , safety standards on foods and other goods , or costly safety protections for workers , public anger mounted .
There were mass protests across virtually every signatory country to the TPP , leading to an unlikely alliance between trade unions , farmers , libertarians , members of the Tea Party , socialists , and many other groups who would have been negatively affected .
Professor Robert Reich , former Secretary of Labor , described the TPP as a “ Trojan horse in a global race to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wall Street banks a way to eliminate any and all laws and regulations that get in the way of their profits , ” while Senator Bernie Sanders claimed it would have “ ended up devastating working families and enriching large corporations.
” If these estimations are correct , it is understandable why those within the elite are so eager to resurrect such an unpopular deal .
Those who opposed it four years ago will no doubt have to muster similar energy if the deal returns in 2021 .
Feature photo | A protester @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Trans-Pacific Partnership ( TPP ) in Tokyo , April 22 , 2014 .
Shizuo Kambayashi | AP Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary @

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was dead and buried. But now, with the imminent arrival of the new Biden administration, many of the most influential policy groups in Washington are quietly trying to resurrect it.
Writing for the American Foreign Policy Council (AFPC), Joshua Eisenman, the organization’s Senior Fellow in China Studies, argues that it is “time to revisit the TPP,” which has now been rebranded as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). Last month, China signed a far-reaching trade agreement with most of the countries of south and east Asia, as well as Australia and New Zealand. For many in Washington, this is a warning sign that the Pacific region is slipping out of U.S. control.
For Eisenman, Asian countries are apparently, “chafing under Beijing’s aggressive economic embrace.” While the United States continues to build up its military in the South China Sea, “U.S. leadership on the economic front remains weak,” he states.
In a remarkable feat of projection, the American think tank also suggests that, “Beijing continues to wield its growing economic weight as a cudgel against those it perceives as challenging its political interests — and does so without consequence.” The situation for the Biden administration, therefore, “represents both a crisis and an opportunity…because only with the U.S. on board will CPTPP partners have the leverage they need to rebuff Beijing’s advances.”
The AFPC is one of the most influential think tanks in Washington D.C., its board of advisors full of powerful state officials. Among them are former Speaker of the House of Representatives Newt Gingrich, former CIA Director R. James Woolsey, and former Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge.
Encompassing around 800 million people and accounting for 40% of the world’s economy, the TPP was the largest proposed trade agreement in world history, with the Obama administration describing it as the “cornerstone” of its economic policy. It included not only tariff reductions but also investor rights, intellectual property, and patent protection agreements.
Biden was Obama’s vice-president and supported the deal at the time. Now, former officials are practically begging him to revisit the controversial agreement, arguing that China must be isolated. “The U.S. has simply got to be in the game or, of course, we cede territory to China,” said former U.S. Trade Representative Charlene Barshefsky. If Biden does not commit to the new CPTPP, then he is, “going to have to at least consider what the future of U.S. economic leadership in Asia looks like,” Richard Fontaine, former foreign policy advisor to Sen. John McCain told CNBC. Asian media also appear to be taking the prospect of a renewed TPP deal quite seriously.
While it was negotiated in secret, away from public eyes, when it was completed, there was a massive public relations campaign aimed at pushing the American public to accept it. This included some utterly bizarre and brazen pieces of public propaganda, including President Obama appearing on The Tonight Show to sing a love song dedicated to the TPP.
“I believe it is of the utmost importance to work alongside other leaders,” the president crooned over the slow jams of the Roots. “That’s why I negotiated the new trade deal called the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP.” “Now, hold on there, Prez dispenser. Are you saying you’re down with TPP?” host Jimmy Fallon sung back. “Yeah, you know me. Look, Jimmy, the TPP allows American businesses to sell their products both at home and abroad. The more we sell abroad, the more higher-paying jobs we provide at home. It’s that simple,” Obama responded. “So what are you saying, that this trade deal would put Americans back to work, work, work, work, work?” Fallon warbled, over the baying hoots of the ecstatic audience.
It appeared a poorly-performed love song was not enough to convince the public of the deal’s efficacy, however, and it was permanently shelved by the Trump administration in early 2017. This was partially due to enormous popular pushback to the agreement. Once it was established that corporations could sue governments for lost profits over issues like environmental regulations, safety standards on foods and other goods, or costly safety protections for workers, public anger mounted. There were mass protests across virtually every signatory country to the TPP, leading to an unlikely alliance between trade unions, farmers, libertarians, members of the Tea Party, socialists, and many other groups who would have been negatively affected.
Professor Robert Reich, former Secretary of Labor, described the TPP as a “Trojan horse in a global race to the bottom, giving big corporations and Wall Street banks a way to eliminate any and all laws and regulations that get in the way of their profits,” while Senator Bernie Sanders claimed it would have “ended up devastating working families and enriching large corporations.”
If these estimations are correct, it is understandable why those within the elite are so eager to resurrect such an unpopular deal. Those who opposed it four years ago will no doubt have to muster similar energy if the deal returns in 2021.
Feature photo | A protester holds a slogan during a rally against the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in Tokyo, April 22, 2014. Shizuo Kambayashi | AP
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-12-18--Podcast: Chris Hedges on the Collapse of US Empire, Liberal Suicide and the Rise of Fascism

Welcome to MintCast — an interview series featuring dissenting voices the establishment would rather silence — with host Mnar Muhawesh Adley .
Joe Biden may have won the presidential election , but his victory masks a deeper rot within the American political system , one where both parties have become servants to increasingly powerful corporations , Wall Street , and the military industrial complex .
The Democratic Party , in particular , presents itself to the public as a symbol of social justice and peace , yet is increasingly beholden to powerful interests .
Our guest today , Chris Hedges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic Party sold its soul long ago and turned its back on the American people and that we Americans have been living through what he calls a “ corporate coup d ’ etat in slow motion.
” Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist who spent nearly two decades as a foreign correspondent in Central America , the Balkans , and the Middle East , where he saw the bloody realities of the U.S. empire first hand .
He hosts the show “ On Contact ” on RT and is the author of over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which is “ America : The Farewell Tour , ” about the terminal decline of the United States .
This program is 100 percent listener supported !
You can join the hundreds of financial sponsors who make this show possible by becoming a member on our Patreon page .
Subscribe to this podcast on iTunes , Spotify and SoundCloud .
Please leave us a review and share this segment .
Mnar Muhawesh is founder , CEO and editor in chief of MintPress News , and is also a regular speaker on responsible journalism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and journalism start-ups .

Welcome to MintCast — an interview series featuring dissenting voices the establishment would rather silence — with host Mnar Muhawesh Adley.
Joe Biden may have won the presidential election, but his victory masks a deeper rot within the American political system, one where both parties have become servants to increasingly powerful corporations, Wall Street, and the military industrial complex. The Democratic Party, in particular, presents itself to the public as a symbol of social justice and peace, yet is increasingly beholden to powerful interests.
Our guest today, Chris Hedges — has for years argued that the Democratic Party sold its soul long ago and turned its back on the American people and that we Americans have been living through what he calls a “corporate coup d’etat in slow motion.”
Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist who spent nearly two decades as a foreign correspondent in Central America, the Balkans, and the Middle East, where he saw the bloody realities of the U.S. empire first hand. He hosts the show “On Contact” on RT and is the author of over a dozen books, the latest of which is “America: The Farewell Tour,” about the terminal decline of the United States.
This program is 100 percent listener supported! You can join the hundreds of financial sponsors who make this show possible by becoming a member on our Patreon page.
Subscribe to this podcast on iTunes, Spotify and SoundCloud. Please leave us a review and share this segment.
Mnar Muhawesh is founder, CEO and editor in chief of MintPress News, and is also a regular speaker on responsible journalism, sexism, neoconservativism within the media and journalism start-ups.