mintpressnews--2020-09-21--From Mass Incarceration to Plan Colombia: Biden’s Role in the Failed War on Drugs

In an increasingly angry and bad faith campaign , Donald Trump and his team are presenting Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden as an anti-police radical controlled by the far left .
Last week , the Trump campaign sent a text message to supporters warning them that Antifa would raid their homes if Biden wins in November .
“ They ’ ll disarm you , empty the prisons , lock you in your home and invite MS-13 to live next door , ” warned Florida congressman Matt Gaetz .
The reality , however , is that the 77-year-old former vice president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislation and spearheading increasingly more draconian police , immigration , and criminal justice measures .
Biden first shot to prominence in the 1970s , when , as a freshman senator , he became a leading voice against bussing , the practice of desegregating schools via public transport ( something his now-running mate Kamala Harris grilled him on during the debates ) .
He also maintained a close relationship with arch segregationist Sen. Strom Thurmond , who left the Democratic party and became a Republican due to his vehement opposition to the Civil Rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Thurmond ’ s funeral , around the time of which it came out that Thurmond had fathered a child with a 15-16-year-old black servant girl working for him .
But Biden ’ s problematic history with race goes much further ; the Delawarian has been one of the chief architects of the racist prison system we live under today .
For decades , he pushed for more cops , more jails , more arrests , and more convictions , even criticizing the notorious Ronald Reagan for not locking enough people up .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ worked on a number of bills that radically reshaped the criminal justice system , including the 1984 Comprehensive Crime Control Act which limited parole and cut sentence reductions for good behavior .
Biden continued to attack Republican George H.W .
Bush from the right on crime , in 1989 , condemning his draconian proposals as not going far enough .
“ In a nutshell , the President ’ s plan does not include enough police officers to catch the violent thugs , enough prosecutors to convict them , enough judges to sentence them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them away for a long time , ” he said , later demanding to know why Bush hadn ’ t executed more drug dealers like he wanted .
Despite Bush pushing through substantial increases to the prison industrial system , Biden continually demanded more , publishing his own plans that included billions more in funding for increased numbers of police , FBI , and DEA agents .
This all culminated in what in 2007 he called his “ greatest accomplishment ” in politics : the controversial 1994 Crime Bill .
Often labeled the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its author and chief promoter , the bill laid the basis for an ever-increasing prison population , introducing the death penalty for dozens of new offenses and spent billions on hundreds of thousands of extra police and prison cells .
Just as Bill Clinton was making a point of returning to Arkansas to oversee the execution of a mentally handicapped black man , Biden was staking out his position as a new leader of the new , “ tough on crime ” Democrats , boasting that his bill meant that “ we do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As his biographer Branko Marcetic wrote , Biden makes Hillary Clinton look like [ civil rights advocate ] Michelle Alexander .
The effects of the increase in mass incarceration are relatively well known but are still shocking nonetheless .
From less than 200,000 in 1970 , the prison population exploded in the 1980s and 1990s , increasing to 740,000 in 1990 and 1.33 million by 2000 , where it continued to grow to the point where nearly a quarter of the world ’ s prisoners are American .
African Americans — who Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” and “ superpredators ” — are incarcerated at over five times the rate of whites .
In five states ( Iowa , Minnesota , New Jersey , Vermont , and Wisconsin ) , the disparity is more than 10 to 1 .
One in three black men will be incarcerated during their lifetimes .
The United States locks up a higher proportion of its citizens than any other country in the world .
More people are serving life in 2020 than were serving at all in 1970 .
Much of the spike @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nixon ’ s war on drugs , now often understood as a political project to criminalize his two major political enemies : black people and the antiwar left .
“ We knew we couldn ’ t make it illegal to be either against the war or black , but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin .
And then criminalizing both heavily , we could disrupt those communities , ” one of Nixon ’ s aides admitted to Harper ’ s Magazine .
Biden continued to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the threat , and even championing the notorious 100-to-1 sentencing disparity in crack versus powder cocaine .
Crack was rampant in poor black communities , while the more expensive powder was synonymous with Wall Street traders .
Throughout this time , his son Hunter struggled with addiction , even buying crack himself .
But even his son ’ s problems did not soften his hardline approach .
Yet the destruction and devastation caused by policies Biden proposed or supported pales into comparison with the consequences of the U.S. drug war in Latin America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Colombia .
Plan Colombia was originally conceived as a peace and development proposal by then-Colombia President Andres Pastrana in 1999 .
However , in the Clinton administration ’ s hands , it was radically altered into a massive militarization of Colombian society , Biden successfully lobbying for 80 percent of the $ 7.5 billion total to go to the Colombian military ( with much of the weaponry finding its way into the hands of far-right death squads linked to the government ) .
In the era of 9/11 , narco-traffickers were rebranded “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. interference .
Biden was among its key architects , telling the Des Moines Register in January that “ I ’ m the guy who put together Plan Colombia , ” adding that it “ straightened that government out for a long while.
” When the bill came to the Senate floor , Biden worked with Republicans to push for a hardline strategy , declaring that , “ What is at stake is whether or not Colombia becomes a narcostate or not , ” warning that if the bill was not passed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for terrorists and drug dealers .
What was billed as a huge anti-drug push turned into a war against the population , with the government carrying out a massive chemical defoliation regime , forcing huge numbers of people off the land and clearing it for multinational corporations .
The plan also ended up giving the government and associated far-right paramilitaries carte blanche to massacre whom it liked under the premise that anyone opposing them were drug smugglers .
Over 10,000 innocent civilians were murdered , the government dressing them up as narco-terrorists , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funding from the U.S. on the grounds that dead bodies equaled progress in the fight against drugs .
Under Plan Colombia , the country became the most dangerous place to be a trade unionist , according to Amnesty International , with more unionist murders happening inside Colombia than in all other countries combined .
The United Nations estimates that 7.4 million Colombians are internally displaced to this day because of the ongoing civil war and Plan Colombia , with millions more leaving the country altogether .
The plan ’ s stated goal of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as cocaine producers simply moved across the border to other Andean countries not affected by the war , returning when the violence subsided .
By 2017 , domestic coca production reached an all-time high , according to the U.N .
Since Trump took over the White House , American policy in Latin America has become more openly belligerent , with the president publicly supporting coups around the region .
However , as Dr. Barry Cannon of the National University of Ireland , Maynooth , told MintPress , The growing refugee and migrant crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a key policing and criminal justice question of the next presidency .
Unlike most Democratic presidential candidates , Biden favors retaining the policy of criminally prosecuting those crossing the border , even if they are fleeing violence or persecution elsewhere .
He also rejects abolishing , or seriously defunding Immigration and Customs Enforcement , a policy pushed heavily by the progressive wing of the Democratic party following the allegations of human rights abuses carried out by the organization and condemned widely by human rights groups .
“ We shouldn ’ t abolish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said in November .
Yet barely mentioned in the debate about the crisis is that people fleeing are doing so , in no small part , due to U.S. foreign policy , many of them masterminded by Biden in his role as vice president .
In 2014 , President Obama charged him with spearheading a Central American development plan that would attack the root cause of the wave of migration .
Like Plan Colombia , his $ 750 million plan included privatizations and austerity measures that perpetuated the very economic and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the first place .
Under Biden ’ s Plan , health services were gutted , teachers laid off , and utilities like electricity were privatized , driving prices skyward .
Added to that were a number of environmentally destructive infrastructure projects that forced people from their land .
The North American Free Trade Act ( NAFTA ) and similar agreements devastated Central America , with peasant farmers now having to compete against massive , U.S.-government subsidized agribusiness , leading to an exodus from the countryside to ever-growing slums around the region ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NAFTA , something that , of late , Trump has turned into a political weapon .
Worse still , the Obama administration supported a coup against democratically-elected Honduran president Manuel Zelaya , Hillary Clinton boasting that in her role as Secretary of State she worked with allied nations to “ render the question of Zelaya moot.
” Today , the country is ruled over by the American-backed Juan Orlando Hernandez , who came to power in a highly dubious election in 2017 .
After the coup , the country exploded in violence , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world .
And despite “ the Biden Plan , ” as the U.S ’ 2014 project was called , there has been no reduction in poverty since its implementation there .
Thus , the Obama-Biden administration ’ s actions have directly contributed to the growing migrant crisis .
Yet they were treated with brutality once they arrived at the American border .
“ We would not be where we are today without the devastating groundwork laid by the Biden Plan and the profitable , xenophobic border militarization schemes of the Deporter-in-Chief and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pine , an anthropologist at the American University in Washington , D.C. told MintPress , adding that , President Obama did indeed deport more individuals than all other presidents .
And while many like to present the problem of ICE concentration camps as purely a Trump affair , Pine notes that those facilities were being built long before his ascension to power .
As part of his presidential bid , Biden has unveiled a new $ 4 billion plan to deal with Latin American refugees , but it is difficult to discern how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Colombia and the Biden Plan , especially as he still promotes the two as triumphs of legislation .
What would a Biden presidency mean for Latin America and the drug war ?
Dr. Cannon , an expert on Andean and Central American politics , was skeptical that there would be any major changes under Democratic leadership , stating , In recent months he has categorically opposed defunding the police or abolishing ICE , despite what pro-Trump media might say , and continues to shy away from marijuana legalization .
As self-described “ California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ running mate Kamala Harris oversaw 1,900 marijuana convictions in the San Francisco area , yet laughed about her own usage last year .
Thus , it seems likely that in this era of self-reflection about systemic racism and police brutality , a Biden-Harris ticket would offer more of a continuation of , than a break from , the drug war , mass incarceration , and the criminalization of undocumented immigrants .
With only weeks to go before the election , and with Biden ’ s lead over Trump narrowing , things are beginning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the Democrats rejected an insurgent progressive candidate in favor of an established one with a troubling history on racial justice , drugs and immigration .
And we all know what happened four years ago .
Feature photo | Vice President Joe Biden , left , his wife , Dr. Jill Biden , center , and Colombia ’ s Commander of the Armed Forces Alejandro Navas , stand for the Colombian national anthem in Bogota , Colombia , May 27 , 2013 .
Fernando Vergara | AP Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

In an increasingly angry and bad faith campaign, Donald Trump and his team are presenting Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden as an anti-police radical controlled by the far left. Last week, the Trump campaign sent a text message to supporters warning them that Antifa would raid their homes if Biden wins in November. “They’ll disarm you, empty the prisons, lock you in your home and invite MS-13 to live next door,” warned Florida congressman Matt Gaetz.
The reality, however, is that the 77-year-old former vice president has a long history of opposing progressive legislation and spearheading increasingly more draconian police, immigration, and criminal justice measures. Biden first shot to prominence in the 1970s, when, as a freshman senator, he became a leading voice against bussing, the practice of desegregating schools via public transport (something his now-running mate Kamala Harris grilled him on during the debates). He also maintained a close relationship with arch segregationist Sen. Strom Thurmond, who left the Democratic party and became a Republican due to his vehement opposition to the Civil Rights Act. He even read the eulogy at Thurmond’s funeral, around the time of which it came out that Thurmond had fathered a child with a 15-16-year-old black servant girl working for him.
“Hang People for Jaywalking”
But Biden’s problematic history with race goes much further; the Delawarian has been one of the chief architects of the racist prison system we live under today. For decades, he pushed for more cops, more jails, more arrests, and more convictions, even criticizing the notorious Ronald Reagan for not locking enough people up.
Throughout the 1980s, he and Thurmond worked on a number of bills that radically reshaped the criminal justice system, including the 1984 Comprehensive Crime Control Act which limited parole and cut sentence reductions for good behavior. Biden continued to attack Republican George H.W. Bush from the right on crime, in 1989, condemning his draconian proposals as not going far enough. “In a nutshell, the President’s plan does not include enough police officers to catch the violent thugs, enough prosecutors to convict them, enough judges to sentence them, or enough prison cells to put them away for a long time,” he said, later demanding to know why Bush hadn’t executed more drug dealers like he wanted.
Despite Bush pushing through substantial increases to the prison industrial system, Biden continually demanded more, publishing his own plans that included billions more in funding for increased numbers of police, FBI, and DEA agents.
This all culminated in what in 2007 he called his “greatest accomplishment” in politics: the controversial 1994 Crime Bill. Often labeled the “Biden Crime Bill” because of its author and chief promoter, the bill laid the basis for an ever-increasing prison population, introducing the death penalty for dozens of new offenses and spent billions on hundreds of thousands of extra police and prison cells. Just as Bill Clinton was making a point of returning to Arkansas to oversee the execution of a mentally handicapped black man, Biden was staking out his position as a new leader of the new, “tough on crime” Democrats, boasting that his bill meant that “we do everything but hang people for jaywalking.” As his biographer Branko Marcetic wrote, Biden makes Hillary Clinton look like [civil rights advocate] Michelle Alexander.
Incarceration Nation
The effects of the increase in mass incarceration are relatively well known but are still shocking nonetheless. From less than 200,000 in 1970, the prison population exploded in the 1980s and 1990s, increasing to 740,000 in 1990 and 1.33 million by 2000, where it continued to grow to the point where nearly a quarter of the world’s prisoners are American. African Americans — who Biden and Hillary Clinton described as “thugs” and “superpredators” — are incarcerated at over five times the rate of whites. In five states (Iowa, Minnesota, New Jersey, Vermont, and Wisconsin), the disparity is more than 10 to 1. One in three black men will be incarcerated during their lifetimes. The United States locks up a higher proportion of its citizens than any other country in the world. More people are serving life in 2020 than were serving at all in 1970.
Much of the spike in numbers can be attributed to Richard Nixon’s war on drugs, now often understood as a political project to criminalize his two major political enemies: black people and the antiwar left. “We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin. And then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities,” one of Nixon’s aides admitted to Harper’s Magazine.
Biden continued to support the drug war, hyping up the threat, and even championing the notorious 100-to-1 sentencing disparity in crack versus powder cocaine. Crack was rampant in poor black communities, while the more expensive powder was synonymous with Wall Street traders. Throughout this time, his son Hunter struggled with addiction, even buying crack himself. But even his son’s problems did not soften his hardline approach.
Plan Colombia
Yet the destruction and devastation caused by policies Biden proposed or supported pales into comparison with the consequences of the U.S. drug war in Latin America, most notoriously of all, Plan Colombia.
Plan Colombia was originally conceived as a peace and development proposal by then-Colombia President Andres Pastrana in 1999. However, in the Clinton administration’s hands, it was radically altered into a massive militarization of Colombian society, Biden successfully lobbying for 80 percent of the $7.5 billion total to go to the Colombian military (with much of the weaponry finding its way into the hands of far-right death squads linked to the government). In the era of 9/11, narco-traffickers were rebranded “narco-terrorists” as a flimsy justification for U.S. interference. Biden was among its key architects, telling the Des Moines Register in January that “I’m the guy who put together Plan Colombia,” adding that it “straightened that government out for a long while.”
Joe Biden brags "I'm the guy who put together Plan Colombia".#PlanColombia used murderous, failed drug war policies as cover to destabilize democracy in South America, arming right wing death squads so openly that Congress had to force it to stop with an amendment. pic.twitter.com/8qtLhirf1P — CPD Action (@CPDAction) January 17, 2020
When the bill came to the Senate floor, Biden worked with Republicans to push for a hardline strategy, declaring that, “What is at stake is whether or not Colombia becomes a narcostate or not,” warning that if the bill was not passed, the hemisphere would turn into a haven for terrorists and drug dealers.
What was billed as a huge anti-drug push turned into a war against the population, with the government carrying out a massive chemical defoliation regime, forcing huge numbers of people off the land and clearing it for multinational corporations. The plan also ended up giving the government and associated far-right paramilitaries carte blanche to massacre whom it liked under the premise that anyone opposing them were drug smugglers. Over 10,000 innocent civilians were murdered, the government dressing them up as narco-terrorists, their numbers being used to trigger more funding from the U.S. on the grounds that dead bodies equaled progress in the fight against drugs. Under Plan Colombia, the country became the most dangerous place to be a trade unionist, according to Amnesty International, with more unionist murders happening inside Colombia than in all other countries combined. The United Nations estimates that 7.4 million Colombians are internally displaced to this day because of the ongoing civil war and Plan Colombia, with millions more leaving the country altogether.
The plan’s stated goal of drug reduction did not even work, as cocaine producers simply moved across the border to other Andean countries not affected by the war, returning when the violence subsided. By 2017, domestic coca production reached an all-time high, according to the U.N.
Since Trump took over the White House, American policy in Latin America has become more openly belligerent, with the president publicly supporting coups around the region. However, as Dr. Barry Cannon of the National University of Ireland, Maynooth, told MintPress,
It’s important to keep in mind the continuities in the U.S.’ Americas policy with Trump in charge rather than the differences. U.S. policy, with Democrats or Republicans, has always been suspicious of any government in the region which can undermine U.S. power, be that political, economic, military, or cultural.”
The Biden Plan
The growing refugee and migrant crisis of people coming from Central America will be a key policing and criminal justice question of the next presidency. Unlike most Democratic presidential candidates, Biden favors retaining the policy of criminally prosecuting those crossing the border, even if they are fleeing violence or persecution elsewhere. He also rejects abolishing, or seriously defunding Immigration and Customs Enforcement, a policy pushed heavily by the progressive wing of the Democratic party following the allegations of human rights abuses carried out by the organization and condemned widely by human rights groups. “We shouldn’t abolish ICE… ICE is not the problem,” he said in November.
Yet barely mentioned in the debate about the crisis is that people fleeing are doing so, in no small part, due to U.S. foreign policy, many of them masterminded by Biden in his role as vice president. In 2014, President Obama charged him with spearheading a Central American development plan that would attack the root cause of the wave of migration. Like Plan Colombia, his $750 million plan included privatizations and austerity measures that perpetuated the very economic and political conditions that led migrants to flee in the first place. Under Biden’s Plan, health services were gutted, teachers laid off, and utilities like electricity were privatized, driving prices skyward. Added to that were a number of environmentally destructive infrastructure projects that forced people from their land.
The North American Free Trade Act (NAFTA) and similar agreements devastated Central America, with peasant farmers now having to compete against massive, U.S.-government subsidized agribusiness, leading to an exodus from the countryside to ever-growing slums around the region’s largest cities. Biden voted for NAFTA, something that, of late, Trump has turned into a political weapon.
Worse still, the Obama administration supported a coup against democratically-elected Honduran president Manuel Zelaya, Hillary Clinton boasting that in her role as Secretary of State she worked with allied nations to “render the question of Zelaya moot.” Today, the country is ruled over by the American-backed Juan Orlando Hernandez, who came to power in a highly dubious election in 2017. After the coup, the country exploded in violence, becoming one of the most dangerous in the world. And despite “the Biden Plan,” as the U.S’ 2014 project was called, there has been no reduction in poverty since its implementation there.
Thus, the Obama-Biden administration’s actions have directly contributed to the growing migrant crisis. Yet they were treated with brutality once they arrived at the American border.
“We would not be where we are today without the devastating groundwork laid by the Biden Plan and the profitable, xenophobic border militarization schemes of the Deporter-in-Chief and his vice president,” Dr. Adrienne Pine, an anthropologist at the American University in Washington, D.C. told MintPress, adding that,
While ostensibly intended to fund development, anti-corruption efforts and security, the Biden Plan only increased narco-dictator Juan Orlando Hernandez’s power without doing anything to improve safety or security for Hondurans, who have since fled the country in droves — not despite the Biden Plan, but because of it.”
President Obama did indeed deport more individuals than all other presidents. And while many like to present the problem of ICE concentration camps as purely a Trump affair, Pine notes that those facilities were being built long before his ascension to power.
President Biden
As part of his presidential bid, Biden has unveiled a new $4 billion plan to deal with Latin American refugees, but it is difficult to discern how it would be qualitatively different from Plan Colombia and the Biden Plan, especially as he still promotes the two as triumphs of legislation.
What would a Biden presidency mean for Latin America and the drug war? Dr. Cannon, an expert on Andean and Central American politics, was skeptical that there would be any major changes under Democratic leadership, stating,
I wouldn’t expect any great departures from Trump era policies. Colombia — which has a far worse human rights record than Venezuela, for example — is almost always supported by the U.S. under most circumstances, and now that it is a member of the OECD from most other developed countries as well…there may be a change in tone, with perhaps a greater level of engagement with the region, but the underlying U.S. objective of supporting its dominance in the region will remain as consistent as it has always been in recent decades.”
In recent months he has categorically opposed defunding the police or abolishing ICE, despite what pro-Trump media might say, and continues to shy away from marijuana legalization. As self-described “California’s top cop,” his running mate Kamala Harris oversaw 1,900 marijuana convictions in the San Francisco area, yet laughed about her own usage last year. Thus, it seems likely that in this era of self-reflection about systemic racism and police brutality, a Biden-Harris ticket would offer more of a continuation of, than a break from, the drug war, mass incarceration, and the criminalization of undocumented immigrants.
With only weeks to go before the election, and with Biden’s lead over Trump narrowing, things are beginning to feel worryingly like 2016 again, where the Democrats rejected an insurgent progressive candidate in favor of an established one with a troubling history on racial justice, drugs and immigration. And we all know what happened four years ago.
Feature photo | Vice President Joe Biden, left, his wife, Dr. Jill Biden, center, and Colombia’s Commander of the Armed Forces Alejandro Navas, stand for the Colombian national anthem in Bogota, Colombia, May 27, 2013. Fernando Vergara | AP
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-09-21--Top 1% Responsible for Double the Carbon Emissions of Bottom Half: Oxfam

A new report published today by international charity Oxfam lays bare the massive disparities in carbon dioxide emissions between the world ’ s wealthy elite and the rest of society .
Titled “ Confronting Carbon Inequality , ” the study found that over the previous 25 years , the globe ’ s richest one percent are responsible for 15 percent of all carbon emissions — more than double that of the bottom 50 percent ( over three billion people ) .
The other nine percent of the population who make up the richest decile used up 37 percent of humanity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the top 10 percent — mostly located in Europe and North America — are responsible for the majority of the problem .
The middle 40 percent used up the remaining 41 percent .
This means that the wealthiest one percent use over 100 times the carbon dioxide as someone in the bottom half of humanity .
The current system , the report warns , is completely unsustainable if humanity is to avoid catastrophic global warming that will challenge organized human society .
If the planet is to avoid a temperature increase of over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Paris Agreement — then we will have to radically reduce our collective carbon footprint .
Unfortunately , Oxfam notes , the rich have been blowing through our remaining carbon budget at a perilously fast rate ; the per capita carbon usage of the world ’ s rich being 35 times higher than the targets for 2030 set by the Paris Agreement .
While energy consumption has dropped during the COVID-related lockdown this year , if the wealthiest ten percent of society continues to live as they do , the world ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by 2033 , even if all other emissions from the bottom 90 percent drop to zero .
“ The over-consumption of a wealthy minority is fuelling the climate crisis yet it is poor communities and young people who are paying the price .
Such extreme carbon inequality is a direct consequence of our governments decades long pursuit of grossly unequal and carbon intensive economic growth , ” said Tim Gore , Head of Climate Policy at Oxfam .
While many in the West brush off any moves towards radical action on climate change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Global South , calling for population control rather than limits on emissions , the reality is that the United States has around 160 times the per capita emissions of Malawi or Uganda , two of the fastest growing populations in the world , meaning that life in Africa is vastly more sustainable than in the U.S. From wildfires in Australia and the Western United States to tornadoes in the midwest , climate catastrophes have been headline news in 2020 , along with the COVID-19 pandemic .
The causal link between man made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well established .
Yet both the media and politicians continue to shy away from discussing the problem .
If inequality is a driver of climate change as the report states , then 2020 is not good news .
The world ’ s billionaire class has added nearly $ 1 trillion to their wealth during the pandemic , with multinational companies with robust supply chains and delivery services prospering .
On the other hand , small businesses are failing en masse .
Data from Yelp shows that 60 percent of American businesses that shut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closed .
By far the largest share of emissions from high earners comes from travel , in particular flights , meaning that the jet set elite bear the brunt of the responsibility .
Gore suggested that it was possible and necessary to tackle both the climate and inequality crises together .
“ Governments must curb the emissions of the wealthy through taxes and bans on luxury carbon such as SUVs and frequent flights .
Revenues should be invested in public services and low carbon sectors to create jobs , and help end poverty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also suggested ending airline companies ’ right to buy fuel tax free and a huge investment in public infrastructure projects , such as public transportation networks , that would allow individuals to travel in a more sustainable manner .
It even suggested a ban on advertising to reduce the consumption of unnecessary items .
Ultimately , the report demonstrates that the income and wealth gap between the world ’ s rich and everybody else is inherently unsustainable on a planet with finite resources .
The question now is whether we change it or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ photo | People tour a private jet at Flexjet ’ s Richmond Heights , OH headquarters on June 27 , 2019 .
Michael Mcelroy | AP via Flexjet Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and The Canary .

A new report published today by international charity Oxfam lays bare the massive disparities in carbon dioxide emissions between the world’s wealthy elite and the rest of society. Titled “Confronting Carbon Inequality,” the study found that over the previous 25 years, the globe’s richest one percent are responsible for 15 percent of all carbon emissions — more than double that of the bottom 50 percent (over three billion people).
The other nine percent of the population who make up the richest decile used up 37 percent of humanity’s CO2 output, meaning that the top 10 percent — mostly located in Europe and North America — are responsible for the majority of the problem. The middle 40 percent used up the remaining 41 percent. This means that the wealthiest one percent use over 100 times the carbon dioxide as someone in the bottom half of humanity.
A new report from Oxfam underlines the astonishing inequality of co2 emissions, with the top 1% responsible for twice as much as the bottom 50%https://t.co/Dy6oJrkDda pic.twitter.com/SLwNKmKdul — Alan MacLeod (@AlanRMacLeod) September 21, 2020
The current system, the report warns, is completely unsustainable if humanity is to avoid catastrophic global warming that will challenge organized human society. If the planet is to avoid a temperature increase of over 1.5 degrees Celsius — the target set by the Paris Agreement — then we will have to radically reduce our collective carbon footprint. Unfortunately, Oxfam notes, the rich have been blowing through our remaining carbon budget at a perilously fast rate; the per capita carbon usage of the world’s rich being 35 times higher than the targets for 2030 set by the Paris Agreement.
While energy consumption has dropped during the COVID-related lockdown this year, if the wealthiest ten percent of society continues to live as they do, the world’s entire carbon budget will be blown by 2033, even if all other emissions from the bottom 90 percent drop to zero.
“The over-consumption of a wealthy minority is fuelling the climate crisis yet it is poor communities and young people who are paying the price. Such extreme carbon inequality is a direct consequence of our governments decades long pursuit of grossly unequal and carbon intensive economic growth,” said Tim Gore, Head of Climate Policy at Oxfam.
While many in the West brush off any moves towards radical action on climate change by by pointing to growing populations in the Global South, calling for population control rather than limits on emissions, the reality is that the United States has around 160 times the per capita emissions of Malawi or Uganda, two of the fastest growing populations in the world, meaning that life in Africa is vastly more sustainable than in the U.S.
From wildfires in Australia and the Western United States to tornadoes in the midwest, climate catastrophes have been headline news in 2020, along with the COVID-19 pandemic. The causal link between man made climate change and extreme weather events is well established. Yet both the media and politicians continue to shy away from discussing the problem. If inequality is a driver of climate change as the report states, then 2020 is not good news. The world’s billionaire class has added nearly $1 trillion to their wealth during the pandemic, with multinational companies with robust supply chains and delivery services prospering. On the other hand, small businesses are failing en masse. Data from Yelp shows that 60 percent of American businesses that shut their doors during lockdown are now permanently closed.
By far the largest share of emissions from high earners comes from travel, in particular flights, meaning that the jet set elite bear the brunt of the responsibility. Gore suggested that it was possible and necessary to tackle both the climate and inequality crises together. “Governments must curb the emissions of the wealthy through taxes and bans on luxury carbon such as SUVs and frequent flights. Revenues should be invested in public services and low carbon sectors to create jobs, and help end poverty,” he said.
The report also suggested ending airline companies’ right to buy fuel tax free and a huge investment in public infrastructure projects, such as public transportation networks, that would allow individuals to travel in a more sustainable manner. It even suggested a ban on advertising to reduce the consumption of unnecessary items.
Ultimately, the report demonstrates that the income and wealth gap between the world’s rich and everybody else is inherently unsustainable on a planet with finite resources. The question now is whether we change it or simply watch the world burn.
Feature photo | People tour a private jet at Flexjet’s Richmond Heights, OH headquarters on June 27, 2019. Michael Mcelroy | AP via Flexjet
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-09-21--Pompeo Announces Funding for Welfare, Healthcare and Indigenous Support. In Venezuela

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has returned from his official visits to Suriname , Guyana , Colombia and Brazil , where he discussed the possibilities of regime change in Venezuela , a nation which has drawn Washington ’ s ire for over 20 years .
On Saturday the 56-year-old former CIA Director announced a $ 348 million package he said was a “ response to the ongoing humanitarian crisis caused by the corrupt and illegitimate Maduro regime , ” and signaled the U.S. ’ “ commitment to the Venezuelan people.
” “ U.S .
humanitarian assistance provides access to emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cash assistance , sanitation , and hygiene support , health care , medical supplies , psychosocial support , livelihoods , and protection for vulnerable groups including women , youth , and indigenous people , ” the State Department ’ s press release on the issue read , programs that the U.S. government is failing to provide for its own citizens during the pandemic .
It also noted that much of the cash would actually be going to neighboring countries that have taken in migrants , rather than individuals themselves .
Yet neither Pompeo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is in such parlous economic straits in no small part due to the actions of the U.S. government .
Washington has placed the country under ever-tightening sanctions for years , going after any individual , business or government who trades with the country .
This has effectively led to an international blockade of the country , where Venezuela can neither import vital products like food or medicines nor sell oil , its primary export .
The long economic malaise also brought on by government incompetence , local elites ’ intransigence , and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hardship for millions , with the U.S. sanctions alone directly responsible for over 100,000 deaths , according to Swiss-American U.N. Special Rapporteur Alfred de Zayas , who visited the country and declared the U.S. guilty of “ crimes against humanity.
” Thus , it could be said that the State Department ’ s actions are merely attempting to put a bandaid over a deep cut they themselves stuck a knife into .
While in Colombia , Pompeo discussed regime change in Venezuela with Colombian President Ivan Duque , who described the Kansan as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and accused President Maduro of Venezuela of crimes against humanity .
In Brazil , Pompeo managed to get the Bolsonaro administration to sign off on his “ Democratic Transition Framework ” ( DTS ) for Venezuela as the way forward .
The DTS requires Maduro to resign and for the country ’ s Constituent Assembly to be completely dissolved , with all power going to the National Assembly , the only branch of government the opposition currently controls .
From there , the National Assembly would appoint new members to the Supreme Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while the DTS does not specifically state Maduro could not run for office again , Pompeo made it clear , stating , “ Nicolas Maduro will never again govern Venezuela.
” Therefore , it seems unlikely that Maduro , who was elected by a larger share of the electorate than Trump in 2016 or Obama in 2012 , would sign off on such sweeping changes to the country that the Trump administration demands .
The United States also continues to support self-declared president Juan Guaidó , who has launched a series of unsuccessful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has recently been transferring seized Venezuelan government assets to him so he can personally give every health worker $ 20 per month during the coronavirus pandemic .
With the Venezuelan bolivar so weak , the stipend amounts to a sizable subsidy .
Guaidó has retained strong bipartisan support in Washington , despite leaked contracts between himself and U.S. mercenary group Silvercorp showing he intended to rule alone after the coup , paying the organization to become his personal security force and crushing any resistance to his rule .
Inside Venezuela , however , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ population back him .
Biden : a break with the past or more of the same ?
With elections coming up in November , it is possible that there will be a change in government in the United States before Venezuela .
Democratic challenger Joe Biden currently holds a 6.5 point nationwide lead in combined polling .
Over 100 organizations are urging the former vice-president to adopt a “ good neighbor ” policy with regards to the region .
And while the Democratic National Platform is more progressive on Cuba , it makes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Venezuela as well .
In order to better understand the potential for a different American path for Latin America under a Biden presidency , MintPress spoke with Dr. Barry Cannon , a sociologist specializing in Latin American politics at the National University of Ireland , Maynooth .
Cannon was hopeful that a Biden presidency could mean a more multilateral approach in the region , some lessening of sanctions on Venezuela , and more openness towards negotiations .
It could also mean the U.S. moving away from such close support with the far-right Bolsonaro @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , such as those in Mexico and Argentina .
“ However , I wouldn ’ t expect any great departures from Trump-era policies , ” he warned , noting that Colombia , “ which has a far worse human rights record than Venezuela , ” is , “ almost always supported by the U.S. ” While Washington will “ continue to actively work against any Latin American country which challenges U.S. imperial power in the region , ” such as Venezuela or Bolivia , where Movement to Socialism candidate Luis Arce is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ s important to keep in mind the continuities in U.S. Americas policy with Trump in charge rather than the differences , ” he concluded .
Feature photo | U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo , second right , and Brazilian Foreign Minister Ernesto Araujo , are received at a reception center in the Boa Vista Air Base in Roraima , Brazil , Sept. 18 , 2020 .
Bruno Mancinelle | Pool via AP Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has returned from his official visits to Suriname, Guyana, Colombia and Brazil, where he discussed the possibilities of regime change in Venezuela, a nation which has drawn Washington’s ire for over 20 years.
On Saturday the 56-year-old former CIA Director announced a $348 million package he said was a “response to the ongoing humanitarian crisis caused by the corrupt and illegitimate Maduro regime,” and signaled the U.S.’ “commitment to the Venezuelan people.”
“U.S. humanitarian assistance provides access to emergency food, safe drinking water, direct cash assistance, sanitation, and hygiene support, health care, medical supplies, psychosocial support, livelihoods, and protection for vulnerable groups including women, youth, and indigenous people,” the State Department’s press release on the issue read, programs that the U.S. government is failing to provide for its own citizens during the pandemic. It also noted that much of the cash would actually be going to neighboring countries that have taken in migrants, rather than individuals themselves.
Yet neither Pompeo nor the State Department noted that Venezuela is in such parlous economic straits in no small part due to the actions of the U.S. government. Washington has placed the country under ever-tightening sanctions for years, going after any individual, business or government who trades with the country. This has effectively led to an international blockade of the country, where Venezuela can neither import vital products like food or medicines nor sell oil, its primary export.
The long economic malaise also brought on by government incompetence, local elites’ intransigence, and a continued regional downturn has led to extreme hardship for millions, with the U.S. sanctions alone directly responsible for over 100,000 deaths, according to Swiss-American U.N. Special Rapporteur Alfred de Zayas, who visited the country and declared the U.S. guilty of “crimes against humanity.” Thus, it could be said that the State Department’s actions are merely attempting to put a bandaid over a deep cut they themselves stuck a knife into.
While in Colombia, Pompeo discussed regime change in Venezuela with Colombian President Ivan Duque, who described the Kansan as a “dear friend of Colombia” and accused President Maduro of Venezuela of crimes against humanity. In Brazil, Pompeo managed to get the Bolsonaro administration to sign off on his “Democratic Transition Framework” (DTS) for Venezuela as the way forward.
The DTS requires Maduro to resign and for the country’s Constituent Assembly to be completely dissolved, with all power going to the National Assembly, the only branch of government the opposition currently controls. From there, the National Assembly would appoint new members to the Supreme Court and the National Electoral Council. And while the DTS does not specifically state Maduro could not run for office again, Pompeo made it clear, stating, “Nicolas Maduro will never again govern Venezuela.” Therefore, it seems unlikely that Maduro, who was elected by a larger share of the electorate than Trump in 2016 or Obama in 2012, would sign off on such sweeping changes to the country that the Trump administration demands.
The United States also continues to support self-declared president Juan Guaidó, who has launched a series of unsuccessful coup attempts since January 2019. Washington has recently been transferring seized Venezuelan government assets to him so he can personally give every health worker $20 per month during the coronavirus pandemic. With the Venezuelan bolivar so weak, the stipend amounts to a sizable subsidy. Guaidó has retained strong bipartisan support in Washington, despite leaked contracts between himself and U.S. mercenary group Silvercorp showing he intended to rule alone after the coup, paying the organization to become his personal security force and crushing any resistance to his rule. Inside Venezuela, however, polls show only three percent of the population back him.
Biden: a break with the past or more of the same?
With elections coming up in November, it is possible that there will be a change in government in the United States before Venezuela. Democratic challenger Joe Biden currently holds a 6.5 point nationwide lead in combined polling. Over 100 organizations are urging the former vice-president to adopt a “good neighbor” policy with regards to the region. And while the Democratic National Platform is more progressive on Cuba, it makes clear that it wants regime change in Venezuela as well.
In order to better understand the potential for a different American path for Latin America under a Biden presidency, MintPress spoke with Dr. Barry Cannon, a sociologist specializing in Latin American politics at the National University of Ireland, Maynooth. Cannon was hopeful that a Biden presidency could mean a more multilateral approach in the region, some lessening of sanctions on Venezuela, and more openness towards negotiations. It could also mean the U.S. moving away from such close support with the far-right Bolsonaro administration and more cooperation with left-of-center governments, such as those in Mexico and Argentina.
“However, I wouldn’t expect any great departures from Trump-era policies,” he warned, noting that Colombia, “which has a far worse human rights record than Venezuela,” is, “almost always supported by the U.S.” While Washington will “continue to actively work against any Latin American country which challenges U.S. imperial power in the region,” such as Venezuela or Bolivia, where Movement to Socialism candidate Luis Arce is the frontrunner in October’s election. “It’s important to keep in mind the continuities in U.S. Americas policy with Trump in charge rather than the differences,” he concluded.
Feature photo | U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, second right, and Brazilian Foreign Minister Ernesto Araujo, are received at a reception center in the Boa Vista Air Base in Roraima, Brazil, Sept. 18, 2020. Bruno Mancinelle | Pool via AP
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-09-22--Trump Pushes CDC To Release COVID Vaccine Before Election, Experts Warn It’s Too Early

Operation Warp Speed has grabbed all the headlines when it comes to the federal government ’ s efforts to deploy a COVID-19 vaccine when it becomes available .
A colossal enterprise , some supply chain experts have called it “ an Amazon Prime delivery model for a vaccine.
” But , the real distribution networks tasked with the job are located in 64 jurisdictions brought together under the Epidemiology and Laboratory Capacity for Prevention and Control of Emerging Infectious Diseases ( ELC ) cooperative agreement ; a 25-year old funding program inside the CDC used to enhance “ state , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disease control.
” In March , the Trump Administration secured $ 631 Million from Congress for these jurisdictions through the CARES Act to “ expand their capacity for testing , contact tracing , and containment , ” according to HHS director , Alex Azar .
But , the CDC has come back , months later , with a counteroffer ten times the original award , requesting $ 6 Billion to cover the logistical requirements of distributing a vaccine to the entire U.S. population and beyond .
The $ 6 Billion-dollar request was made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress before CDC director Dr. Robert Redfield called the agency ’ s need for more funds “ urgent ” during an open congressional hearing last week .
The decision to go public was likely motivated by the Democrats ’ blocking of the GOP coronavirus relief bill last week , which contained the $ 6 Billion allocation in addition to the $ 20 Billion requested separately by HHS for further vaccine manufacturing and development , The Hill reported .
Besides the 50 states , ELC jurisdictions also include five U.S. territories and three freely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federally recognized tribal nations serving more than 50,000 people .
In Trump ’ s first year in office , the CDC introduced a new funding mechanism for the jurisdictions to more quickly deploy resources in a public health emergency over which the CDC , itself , exercises discretion .
In August of 2019 , the ELC launched “ a new 5-year period of performance ” dubbed the “ next generation ” ELC Cooperative Agreement that prioritized surveillance , detection , and response to “ the growing threats posed by infectious diseases , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mysterious bat-borne virus broke .
Other priorities included implementing “ public health interventions and tools , ” which together with their stated intent to use “ surveillance data to inform and prepare intervention strategies , ” sounds exactly like contact tracing .
The $ 631 Million from the CARES Act went directly to these ends in all jurisdictions and now , as a still-unknown COVID-19 vaccine comes closer to fruition , the real and expensive implications of a mass vaccine distribution operation in a country of 328 million people begin to take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposed mass inoculation entails a herculean logistical effort to supply millions of vaccine doses to all the hospitals , clinics , and assorted facilities that will physically deliver them to the citizenry .
It is also a considerable political undertaking , which Redfield himself took on by sending a letter to all state governors urging them to waive requirements and expedite applications for distribution centers in order to have them fully operational two days before the presidential election .
The November 1 deadline came down straight from the Trump White House , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president wanted them “ to do everything in their power to eliminate hurdles for vaccine distribution sites to be fully operational ” by that date .
Marcus Plescia from the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials ( ASHTO ) , worries that lack of funding will leave many health departments in the “ technological dark ages ” because they “ will struggle to adequately track who has been vaccinated and when.
” Plescia also believes that underfunded vaccine distribution efforts will pose a public health challenge , claiming that it would “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the problems with testing.
” In an August 4 memo circulated among members of Operation Warp Speed , the CDC delineated many of these challenges and identified five jurisdictions that would serve as “ pilot sites for joint planning missions ” for the eventual distribution of the COVID-19 vaccine .
North Dakota , Florida , California , Minnesota , and Philadelphia are working to “ plan and prepare for the COVID-19 vaccination response ” helping to create a “ planning tool with model approaches , ” that will then be used in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ underway , life won ’ t return to normal for a while , according to a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security , who told KHN in August that “ We have to be prepared to deal with this virus in the absence of significant vaccine-induced immunity for a period of maybe a year or longer , ” due to the limited doses expected to be available in the fall .
The CDC ’ s memo revealed that the National Academies of Science has formed a committee to determine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be reached early , ” formulating the criteria that will be furnished to lawmakers , in order “ to ensure the equitable allocation of limited doses until there is sufficient global supply.
” Feature photo | Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Dr. Robert Redfield holds up a CDC document that reads “ COVID-19 Vaccination Program Interim Playbook for Jurisdiction Operations ” as he speaks appears at a Senate Appropriations subcommittee hearing on a “ Review of Coronavirus Response Efforts ” on Capitol Hill , Sept. 16 , 2020 , in Washington @ @ @ @ @

Operation Warp Speed has grabbed all the headlines when it comes to the federal government’s efforts to deploy a COVID-19 vaccine when it becomes available. A colossal enterprise, some supply chain experts have called it “an Amazon Prime delivery model for a vaccine.”
But, the real distribution networks tasked with the job are located in 64 jurisdictions brought together under the Epidemiology and Laboratory Capacity for Prevention and Control of Emerging Infectious Diseases (ELC) cooperative agreement; a 25-year old funding program inside the CDC used to enhance “state, local and territorial capacities for emerging infectious disease control.”
In March, the Trump Administration secured $631 Million from Congress for these jurisdictions through the CARES Act to “expand their capacity for testing, contact tracing, and containment,” according to HHS director, Alex Azar. But, the CDC has come back, months later, with a counteroffer ten times the original award, requesting $6 Billion to cover the logistical requirements of distributing a vaccine to the entire U.S. population and beyond.
The $6 Billion-dollar request was made privately among CDC officials and members of Congress before CDC director Dr. Robert Redfield called the agency’s need for more funds “urgent” during an open congressional hearing last week. The decision to go public was likely motivated by the Democrats’ blocking of the GOP coronavirus relief bill last week, which contained the $6 Billion allocation in addition to the $20 Billion requested separately by HHS for further vaccine manufacturing and development, The Hill reported.
First blood in November
Besides the 50 states, ELC jurisdictions also include five U.S. territories and three freely associated states, as well as all federally recognized tribal nations serving more than 50,000 people. In Trump’s first year in office, the CDC introduced a new funding mechanism for the jurisdictions to more quickly deploy resources in a public health emergency over which the CDC, itself, exercises discretion.
In August of 2019, the ELC launched “a new 5-year period of performance” dubbed the “next generation” ELC Cooperative Agreement that prioritized surveillance, detection, and response to “the growing threats posed by infectious diseases,” a full two months before news of a mysterious bat-borne virus broke. Other priorities included implementing “public health interventions and tools,” which together with their stated intent to use “surveillance data to inform and prepare intervention strategies,” sounds exactly like contact tracing.
The $631 Million from the CARES Act went directly to these ends in all jurisdictions and now, as a still-unknown COVID-19 vaccine comes closer to fruition, the real and expensive implications of a mass vaccine distribution operation in a country of 328 million people begin to take shape.
The sheer scope of the proposed mass inoculation entails a herculean logistical effort to supply millions of vaccine doses to all the hospitals, clinics, and assorted facilities that will physically deliver them to the citizenry. It is also a considerable political undertaking, which Redfield himself took on by sending a letter to all state governors urging them to waive requirements and expedite applications for distribution centers in order to have them fully operational two days before the presidential election.
The November 1 deadline came down straight from the Trump White House, according to Redfield, who stressed that the president wanted them “to do everything in their power to eliminate hurdles for vaccine distribution sites to be fully operational” by that date.
A protracted affair
Marcus Plescia from the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials (ASHTO), worries that lack of funding will leave many health departments in the “technological dark ages” because they “will struggle to adequately track who has been vaccinated and when.” Plescia also believes that underfunded vaccine distribution efforts will pose a public health challenge, claiming that it would “probably going to be even worse than the problems with testing.”
In an August 4 memo circulated among members of Operation Warp Speed, the CDC delineated many of these challenges and identified five jurisdictions that would serve as “pilot sites for joint planning missions” for the eventual distribution of the COVID-19 vaccine. North Dakota, Florida, California, Minnesota, and Philadelphia are working to “plan and prepare for the COVID-19 vaccination response” helping to create a “planning tool with model approaches,” that will then be used in the remaining jurisdictions.
Even after vaccinations get underway, life won’t return to normal for a while, according to a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security, who told KHN in August that “We have to be prepared to deal with this virus in the absence of significant vaccine-induced immunity for a period of maybe a year or longer,” due to the limited doses expected to be available in the fall.
The CDC’s memo revealed that the National Academies of Science has formed a committee to determine which “populations [are] to be reached early,” formulating the criteria that will be furnished to lawmakers, in order “to ensure the equitable allocation of limited doses until there is sufficient global supply.”
Feature photo | Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Dr. Robert Redfield holds up a CDC document that reads “COVID-19 Vaccination Program Interim Playbook for Jurisdiction Operations” as he speaks appears at a Senate Appropriations subcommittee hearing on a “Review of Coronavirus Response Efforts” on Capitol Hill, Sept. 16, 2020, in Washington. Andrew Harnik | AP
Raul Diego is a MintPress News Staff Writer, independent photojournalist, researcher, writer and documentary filmmaker.


mintpressnews--2020-09-22--Israel Promised to Slow Down Home Demolitions During COVID-19, It Stepped Them Up Instead

Israel destroyed nearly 90 Palestinian-owned structures last month , rendering 202 people homeless , half of them children .
The demolitions mark a fourfold increase in the average number of demolitions carried out by the Israeli government in 2020 .
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs ( OCHA ) reports that , in spite of Israel ’ s promise to refrain from home demolitions during the pandemic , the government has instead has stepped up the practice .
The average number of demolitions in 2020 now stands at 60 , compared to 36 in 2017 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 , a period marking the height of the coronavirus pandemic , showed the highest rate in four years .
In nearly every incident during August , the reason given for the demolitions was a “ lack of building permits , ” a problematic allegation as it is “ virtually impossible ” for Palestinians to obtain permits from the Israeli government thanks to a “ restrictive planning regime ” that applies only to Palestinians .
One Palestinian resident of East Jerusalem describes the typical procedure : after spending about $ 22,000 on pre-application @ @ @ @ @ @ @ building permit – a process that can take five years and cost upwards of $ 50,000 – but was denied .
Like many who need space for a growing family or business , he decided to take his chances and build anyway .
Borqan invested all of his savings , took on $ 230,000 in loans , and spent four years building his four-bedroom home before Israel fined him $ 17,000 for building without a permit and forced him to raze it with his own hands or pay a government demolition crew to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now pays $ 800 a month for an apartment for his family , many Palestinians end up homeless or are forced to move in with relatives – which can require expanding their home , which requires a permit , and the cycle continues .
Homes and businesses all over East Jerusalem and the West Bank have been served with open-ended demolition orders ; others are “ illegal ” but have not been tracked down yet .
OCHA reports that “ At least one-third of all Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem lack an Israeli-issued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents at risk of displacement.
” In what can only be described as an ongoing human rights travesty , Israeli forces razed an entire village in August , the Bedouin village of Al-Araqeeb in the Israeli desert for the 177th time in ten years .
The demolition was the sixth in 2020 alone .
Middle East Monitor reports that the residents of Al-Araqeeb have deeds to their land and pay taxes but Israel refuses to recognize the existence of the village , withholding services like electricity , water , and schools , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a place of Israel ’ s choosing .
The village of Wadi as Seeq also experienced demolitions in August , displacing 24 Palestinians and destroying the shelters they used to house their livestock .
A mosque in East Jerusalem faces imminent demolition after an Israeli court threw out an appeal by residents .
Funded through donations , the mosque was constructed eight years ago and serves the area ’ s 7,000 residents .
To make matters even more daunting for would-be Palestinian builders , Military Order 1797 enables Israel to begin demolition of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permit is produced , expediting a procedure that was often drawn out for months while Palestinians fought ( and almost invariably lost ) a court battle .
The order also “ virtually strips the affected residents of the right to due process and the capacity to challenge the demolition orders through legal avenues…fast-tracking the forced transfer of the occupied population ” – a crime against humanity according to the International Criminal Court .
The Israel government is not opposed to all construction projects though .
In March , Israel approved plans for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Palestinian land , a move expected to cause the forcible transfer of about 3,700 Palestinian Bedouins .
While the East Jerusalem mosque has been given a month ’ s notice for demolition , the situation is completely different for one Israeli outpost – illegal even by Israeli government standards – that has also been slated for destruction .
Mitzpeh Kramim , built on privately-owned Palestinian land , is one of a very few areas colonized by Israelis that has been unable to withstand the Israeli High Court – at least so far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the East Jerusalem mosque received , or the four days granted under Military Order 1797 , the Israeli community has been given three years to relocate , and the Israeli government and offered to foot the bill .
Israeli lawmakers have vowed to pass a law in the interim to make that court decision null and void .
Israeli settlements are illegal according to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice ; the demolition of homes is also a violation of international law .
Even the United States has sided with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ settlements until President Donald Trump finally reversed that position .
Many experts consider the practice a form of ethnic cleansing and the Israeli government ’ s discriminatory housing laws to be state-sanctioned apartheid .
Feature photo | Palestinians inspect a house after it was demolished by the Israeli army in the West Bank city of Jenin , Feb. 6 , 2020 .
Majdi Mohammed | AP Kathryn Shihadah writes for MintPress News and If Americans Knew .
She speaks regularly about the injustice and demonization Palestinians face at the hands of Israel with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Christian audiences .
Kathryn has lived in the Middle East for ten years and has traveled extensively .
She blogs at PalestineHome.org .

Israel destroyed nearly 90 Palestinian-owned structures last month, rendering 202 people homeless, half of them children. The demolitions mark a fourfold increase in the average number of demolitions carried out by the Israeli government in 2020.
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports that, in spite of Israel’s promise to refrain from home demolitions during the pandemic, the government has instead has stepped up the practice. The average number of demolitions in 2020 now stands at 60, compared to 36 in 2017. The period from March to August of 2020, a period marking the height of the coronavirus pandemic, showed the highest rate in four years.
In nearly every incident during August, the reason given for the demolitions was a “lack of building permits,” a problematic allegation as it is “virtually impossible” for Palestinians to obtain permits from the Israeli government thanks to a “restrictive planning regime” that applies only to Palestinians.
Set up to fail
One Palestinian resident of East Jerusalem describes the typical procedure: after spending about $22,000 on pre-application requirements, Alaa Borqan applied for a building permit – a process that can take five years and cost upwards of $50,000 – but was denied. Like many who need space for a growing family or business, he decided to take his chances and build anyway.
Borqan invested all of his savings, took on $230,000 in loans, and spent four years building his four-bedroom home before Israel fined him $17,000 for building without a permit and forced him to raze it with his own hands or pay a government demolition crew to do it for him.
While Borqan now pays $800 a month for an apartment for his family, many Palestinians end up homeless or are forced to move in with relatives – which can require expanding their home, which requires a permit, and the cycle continues.
Homes and businesses all over East Jerusalem and the West Bank have been served with open-ended demolition orders; others are “illegal” but have not been tracked down yet. OCHA reports that “At least one-third of all Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem lack an Israeli-issued building permit, potentially placing over 100,000 residents at risk of displacement.”
Israel takes a village
In what can only be described as an ongoing human rights travesty, Israeli forces razed an entire village in August, the Bedouin village of Al-Araqeeb in the Israeli desert for the 177th time in ten years. The demolition was the sixth in 2020 alone. Middle East Monitor reports that the residents of Al-Araqeeb have deeds to their land and pay taxes but Israel refuses to recognize the existence of the village, withholding services like electricity, water, and schools, in hopes of pressuring them to relocate to a place of Israel’s choosing.
The village of Wadi as Seeq also experienced demolitions in August, displacing 24 Palestinians and destroying the shelters they used to house their livestock.
A mosque in East Jerusalem faces imminent demolition after an Israeli court threw out an appeal by residents. Funded through donations, the mosque was constructed eight years ago and serves the area’s 7,000 residents.
To make matters even more daunting for would-be Palestinian builders, Military Order 1797 enables Israel to begin demolition of new structures within four days if no permit is produced, expediting a procedure that was often drawn out for months while Palestinians fought (and almost invariably lost) a court battle. The order also “virtually strips the affected residents of the right to due process and the capacity to challenge the demolition orders through legal avenues…fast-tracking the forced transfer of the occupied population” – a crime against humanity according to the International Criminal Court.
The Israel government is not opposed to all construction projects though. In March, Israel approved plans for the construction of almost 3,500 settlement housing units on Palestinian land, a move expected to cause the forcible transfer of about 3,700 Palestinian Bedouins.
Discriminatory deadlines
While the East Jerusalem mosque has been given a month’s notice for demolition, the situation is completely different for one Israeli outpost – illegal even by Israeli government standards – that has also been slated for destruction.
Mitzpeh Kramim, built on privately-owned Palestinian land, is one of a very few areas colonized by Israelis that has been unable to withstand the Israeli High Court – at least so far.
In contrast to the one-month warning the East Jerusalem mosque received, or the four days granted under Military Order 1797, the Israeli community has been given three years to relocate, and the Israeli government and offered to foot the bill. Israeli lawmakers have vowed to pass a law in the interim to make that court decision null and void.
Israeli settlements are illegal according to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice; the demolition of homes is also a violation of international law. Even the United States has sided with the international community on the illegality of settlements until President Donald Trump finally reversed that position. Many experts consider the practice a form of ethnic cleansing and the Israeli government’s discriminatory housing laws to be state-sanctioned apartheid.
Feature photo | Palestinians inspect a house after it was demolished by the Israeli army in the West Bank city of Jenin, Feb. 6, 2020. Majdi Mohammed | AP
Kathryn Shihadah writes for MintPress News and If Americans Knew. She speaks regularly about the injustice and demonization Palestinians face at the hands of Israel with complicity from the United States, especially to Christian audiences. Kathryn has lived in the Middle East for ten years and has traveled extensively. She blogs at PalestineHome.org.


mintpressnews--2020-09-23--More Than Just Statistics: On the Future of the Palestinian Discourse

Palestine can never be truly understood through numbers , because numbers are dehumanizing , impersonal , and , when necessary , can also be contrived to mean something else entirely .
Numbers are not meant to tell the story of the human condition , nor should they ever serve as a substitute for emotions .
Indeed , the stories of life , death – and everything in-between – can not be truly and fully appreciated through charts , figures and numbers .
The latter , although useful for many purposes , is a mere numerical depository of data .
Anguish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ courage , loss , collective struggle , and so on , however , can only be genuinely expressed through the people who lived through these experiences .
Numbers , for example , tell us that over 2,200 Palestinians were killed during the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip between July 8 and August 27 , 2014 , over 500 of them being children .
Over 17,000 homes were completely destroyed , and thousands of other buildings , including hospitals , schools and factories were either destroyed or severely damaged during the Israeli strikes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of truth that is summarized into a neat infographic , updated occasionally , in case , inevitably , some of the critically wounded eventually lose their lives .
But a single chart , or a thousand , can never truly describe the actual terror felt by a million children who feared for their lives during those horrific days ; or transport us to a bedroom where a family of ten huddled in the dark , praying for God ’ s mercy as the earth shook , concrete collapsed and glass shattered all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a mother holding the lifeless body of her child .
It is easy – and justifiable – to hold the media accountable for the dehumanization of the Palestinians or , sometimes , ignoring them altogether .
However , if blame must be apportioned , then others too , including those who consider themselves ‘ pro-Palestine ’ , must reconsider their own position .
We are all , to an extent , collectively guilty of seeing Palestinians as sheer victims , hapless , passive , intellectually stunted and ill-fated people , desperate to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the limelight in a people ’ s narrative , they do more damage than merely reduce complex human beings to data ; they erase the living , too .
Regarding Palestine , Palestinians are rarely engaged as equals ; they persist at the receiving end of charity , political expectations and unsolicited instructions on what to say and how to resist .
They are often the fodder for political bargains by factions or governments but , rarely , the initiative takers and the shapers of their own political discourse .
The Palestinian political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between one constructed around the subject of victimhood – which is often satisfied by numbers of dead and wounded – and another pertaining to the elusive Fatah-Hamas unity .
The former only surfaces whenever Israel decides to bomb Gaza under any convenient pretext at the time , and the latter was a response to western accusations that Palestinian political elites are too fractured to constitute a potential ‘ peace partner ’ for Israeli rightwing Prime Minister , Benjamin Netanyahu .
Many around the world can only understand – or relate to – Palestinians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which , themselves , carry subsidiary meanings relevant to ‘ terrorism ’ , ‘ radicalism ’ , among others .
The reality is , however , often different from reductionist political and media discourses .
Palestinians are not just numbers .
They are not spectators either , in a political game that insists on marginalizing them .
Soon after the 2014 war , a group of Palestinian youth , together with supporters from around the world , launched an important initiative that aimed to liberate the Palestinian discourse , at least in Gaza @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other belittling interpretations .
‘ We Are Not Numbers ’ was launched in early 2015 .
The group ’ s ‘ About Us ’ page reads : “ numbers don ’ t convey … the daily personal struggles and triumphs , the tears and the laughter , the aspirations that are so universal that if it weren ’ t for the context , they would immediately resonate with virtually everyone.
” Recently , I spoke to several members of the group , including the Gaza Project Manager , Issam Adwan .
It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , articulate and profoundly resolute Palestinians speaking a language that transcends all the stereotypical discourses on Palestine .
They were neither victims nor factional , and were hardly consumed by the pathological need to satisfy western demands and expectations .
“ We have talents – we are writers , we are novelists , we are poets , and we have so much potential that the world knows little about , ” Adwan told me .
Khalid Dader , one of the Organization ’ s nearly 60 active writers and bloggers in Gaza , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ storytellers.
’ “ We don ’ t tell stories , rather stories tell us … stories make us , ” he told me .
For Dader , it is not about numbers or words , but the lives that are lived , and the legacies that often go untold .
Somaia Abu Nada wants the world to know her uncle , because “ he was a person with a family and people who loved him.
” He was killed in the 2008 Israeli war on Gaza , and his death has profoundly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1,300 people were also killed in that war .
Each one of them was someone ’ s uncle , aunt , son , daughter , husband or wife .
None of them was just a number .
“ ‘ We Are Not Numbers ’ made me realize how necessary our voices are , ” Mohammed Rafik told me .
This assertion can not be overstated .
So many speak on behalf of Palestinians but rarely do Palestinians speak for themselves .
“ These are unprecedented times of fear , when our land appears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rafik said , “ but we never abandon our sense of community.
” Adwan reminded us of Arundhati Roy ’ s famous quote , “ There ’ s really no such thing as the ‘ voiceless ’ .
There are only the deliberately silenced , or the preferably unheard.
” It was refreshing to talk to Palestinians who are taking the decisive step of declaring that they are not numbers , because it is only through this realization and resolve that Palestinian youth can challenge all of us and assert their own collective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Palestinians do have a voice , and a strong , resonating one at that .
Feature photo | A Palestinian girl walks next to an apartment building destroyed by Israeli airstrikes in Gaza City , Nov. 13 , 2018 .
Khalil Hamra | AP Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle .
He is the author of five books .
His latest is “ These Chains Will Be Broken : Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons ” ( Clarity Press , Atlanta ) .
Dr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs ( CIGA ) , Istanbul Zaim University .
His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Palestine can never be truly understood through numbers, because numbers are dehumanizing, impersonal, and, when necessary, can also be contrived to mean something else entirely. Numbers are not meant to tell the story of the human condition, nor should they ever serve as a substitute for emotions.
Indeed, the stories of life, death – and everything in-between – cannot be truly and fully appreciated through charts, figures and numbers. The latter, although useful for many purposes, is a mere numerical depository of data. Anguish, joy, aspirations, defiance, courage, loss, collective struggle, and so on, however, can only be genuinely expressed through the people who lived through these experiences.
Numbers, for example, tell us that over 2,200 Palestinians were killed during the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip between July 8 and August 27, 2014, over 500 of them being children. Over 17,000 homes were completely destroyed, and thousands of other buildings, including hospitals, schools and factories were either destroyed or severely damaged during the Israeli strikes.
This is all true, the kind of truth that is summarized into a neat infographic, updated occasionally, in case, inevitably, some of the critically wounded eventually lose their lives.
But a single chart, or a thousand, can never truly describe the actual terror felt by a million children who feared for their lives during those horrific days; or transport us to a bedroom where a family of ten huddled in the dark, praying for God’s mercy as the earth shook, concrete collapsed and glass shattered all around them; or convey the anguish of a mother holding the lifeless body of her child.
It is easy – and justifiable – to hold the media accountable for the dehumanization of the Palestinians or, sometimes, ignoring them altogether. However, if blame must be apportioned, then others too, including those who consider themselves ‘pro-Palestine’, must reconsider their own position. We are all, to an extent, collectively guilty of seeing Palestinians as sheer victims, hapless, passive, intellectually stunted and ill-fated people, desperate to be ‘saved.’
When numbers monopolize the limelight in a people’s narrative, they do more damage than merely reduce complex human beings to data; they erase the living, too. Regarding Palestine, Palestinians are rarely engaged as equals; they persist at the receiving end of charity, political expectations and unsolicited instructions on what to say and how to resist. They are often the fodder for political bargains by factions or governments but, rarely, the initiative takers and the shapers of their own political discourse.
The Palestinian political discourse has, for years, vacillated between one constructed around the subject of victimhood – which is often satisfied by numbers of dead and wounded – and another pertaining to the elusive Fatah-Hamas unity. The former only surfaces whenever Israel decides to bomb Gaza under any convenient pretext at the time, and the latter was a response to western accusations that Palestinian political elites are too fractured to constitute a potential ‘peace partner’ for Israeli rightwing Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. Many around the world can only understand – or relate to – Palestinians through their victimization or factional affiliation – which, themselves, carry subsidiary meanings relevant to ‘terrorism’, ‘radicalism’, among others.
The reality is, however, often different from reductionist political and media discourses. Palestinians are not just numbers. They are not spectators either, in a political game that insists on marginalizing them. Soon after the 2014 war, a group of Palestinian youth, together with supporters from around the world, launched an important initiative that aimed to liberate the Palestinian discourse, at least in Gaza, from the confines of numbers and other belittling interpretations.
‘We Are Not Numbers’ was launched in early 2015. The group’s ‘About Us’ page reads: “numbers don’t convey … the daily personal struggles and triumphs, the tears and the laughter, the aspirations that are so universal that if it weren’t for the context, they would immediately resonate with virtually everyone.”
Recently, I spoke to several members of the group, including the Gaza Project Manager, Issam Adwan. It was, indeed, inspiring to hear young, articulate and profoundly resolute Palestinians speaking a language that transcends all the stereotypical discourses on Palestine. They were neither victims nor factional, and were hardly consumed by the pathological need to satisfy western demands and expectations.
“We have talents – we are writers, we are novelists, we are poets, and we have so much potential that the world knows little about,” Adwan told me.
Khalid Dader, one of the Organization’s nearly 60 active writers and bloggers in Gaza, contends with the designation that they are ‘storytellers.’ “We don’t tell stories, rather stories tell us … stories make us,” he told me. For Dader, it is not about numbers or words, but the lives that are lived, and the legacies that often go untold.
Somaia Abu Nada wants the world to know her uncle, because “he was a person with a family and people who loved him.” He was killed in the 2008 Israeli war on Gaza, and his death has profoundly impacted his family and community. Over 1,300 people were also killed in that war. Each one of them was someone’s uncle, aunt, son, daughter, husband or wife. None of them was just a number.
“‘We Are Not Numbers’ made me realize how necessary our voices are,” Mohammed Rafik told me. This assertion cannot be overstated. So many speak on behalf of Palestinians but rarely do Palestinians speak for themselves. “These are unprecedented times of fear, when our land appears to be broken and sad,” Rafik said, “but we never abandon our sense of community.”
Adwan reminded us of Arundhati Roy’s famous quote, “There’s really no such thing as the ‘voiceless’. There are only the deliberately silenced, or the preferably unheard.”
It was refreshing to talk to Palestinians who are taking the decisive step of declaring that they are not numbers, because it is only through this realization and resolve that Palestinian youth can challenge all of us and assert their own collective identity as a people.
Indeed, Palestinians do have a voice, and a strong, resonating one at that.
Feature photo | A Palestinian girl walks next to an apartment building destroyed by Israeli airstrikes in Gaza City, Nov. 13, 2018. Khalil Hamra | AP
Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press, Atlanta). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA), Istanbul Zaim University. His website is www.ramzybaroud.net