mintpressnews--2020-10-16--A Historical Reckoning: Oxford Study Challenges Israel’s Claims Concerning Palestinian Refugees

There needs to be a fundamental change in the way Palestinian refugees are seen , no longer as victims but as people with rights who are entitled to shape their own destiny .
This assertion is made in a new study whose importance can not be overstated .
According to international law , Palestinian refugees have a right to return to their homes and land and receive restitution and compensation for their suffering and personal and communal losses .
Furthermore , the State of Israel , which is responsible for Palestine ’ s ethnic cleansing , must pay for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rebuilding that the return will necessitate .
A thorough understanding of why millions of Palestinians live as refugees and what international law says about their situation is critical , and a recently published study sheds unprecedented light on the Palestinian refugee issue .
“ Palestinian Refugees in International Law ” ( 2nd Edition ) , by Francesca P. Albanese and Lex Takkenberg , was published in May 2020 by Oxford University Press .
It is a comprehensive body of work on the Palestinian refugee issue , and its importance can not be overstated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on what caused the refugee crisis , provides vital statistics and fills in crucial pieces of information regarding what international law says regarding Palestinian refugees .
The study states at the outset that , “ At the time of publication , the unresolved exile of Palestinian refugees has entered its eighth decade.
” Some refugees are third or even fourth generation , and they account for “ the largest group of refugees globally.
” Furthermore , it says , “ theirs is the most protracted refugee situation in modern history.
” The original @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Zionist forces took place from 1947 to 1949 .
Although ethnic cleansing and internal displacement of Palestinians by Israel continued well into the 1950s , and in fact , continues to the present day , the ethnic cleansing campaign of 1947-1949 is what brought about the destruction of Palestine as it had been known for centuries .
That campaign was responsible for the emergence of what the study calls “ one of the largest and most protracted refugee crises of all times.
” The majority of these refugees and their descendants , third @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as ‘ Palestine refugees ’ with UNRWA and are commonly referred to as 1948 refugees .
The Palestinians who were exiled from the West Bank , East Jerusalem , and the Gaza Strip in 1967 are commonly referred to as “ displaced persons ” or “ 1967 refugees.
” Their fate and status under international law are similar to that of the 1948 refugees .
Still , different terminology is used regarding them because of the status of the land from which they were displaced – the Kingdom of Jordan , which at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Each year , the United Nations General Assembly passes a separate annual resolution focusing specifically on them .
Suffering a violent assault on their lives and property and suddenly deprived of protection by the government of Mandate Palestine of which they were citizens , Palestinians became stateless refugees .
They were admitted into neighboring countries on what many expected would be a temporary basis .
However , one could argue , as I do , that this expectation stemmed from a serious misunderstanding of the objectives and influence of the Zionist movement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ refugees enjoy a distinctive regime made up of specific norms and institutional arrangements different from those for other refugees.
” This reality has affected the protection Palestinians deserve as refugees and often leaves them “ excluded from the rights and standards of treatment afforded to other refugees.
” In other words , Palestinian refugees are internationally recognized yet subject to a distinctive institutional regime compared to other refugees around the world .
The distinction stems from special arrangements the UN had to make for them in 1948 , seeing that the newly established @ @ @ @ @ @ @ return .
One of the common mistakes people make regarding Palestinian refugees ’ rights is the belief that securing rights in their host countries , including citizenship , will somehow undermine their claims towards Israel .
This belief , according to this study , “ must be put to rest.
” In fact , the study goes on to state that for the rights of Palestinian refugees to be realized , the Palestinian community needs to make a paradigm shift , and international and regional diplomacy needs to provide a level of support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Furthermore , the physical and political fragmentation that has befallen the Palestinian people and the diversity of legal frameworks and actors responsible for them have become features of their experience and misfortune .
There needs to be a fundamental change in the way Palestinian refugees are seen , “ not the victims of a failed political process , but as people with rights , entitled to shape their own destiny.
” “ Today , out of over thirteen million Palestinians globally , about eight million are refugees.
” 5.5 million are registered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United Nations Relief and Works Agency or ( UNRWA ) in Jordan , Lebanon , Syria , the Gaza Strip , and the West Bank .
The study estimates that some 1.5 million Palestinians are currently dispersed outside Arab countries , and their status and documentation make them statistically invisible and , therefore , difficult to track .
As a result of their dispersal , Palestinian refugees ’ identity is often hyphenated : Palestinian-Jordanian , Palestinian-Syrian , Palestinian-American , Palestinian-Iraqi , etc .
It should be noted that for most Palestinians , long-term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the protection afforded through citizenship .
Another little known fact revealed repealed in this study is that since the late 1960s , more than 700,000 Palestinian refugees have been ejected from Arab countries , creating enormous challenges , including the need to seek asylum again in another country .
What is worse is that the UN General Assembly did not confer a mandate to care for them .
They are not included as a registered refugee population by UNRWA and do not receive comprehensive assistance from the agency .
What has become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is code for a Zionist obsession to establish a Jewish majority in Palestine – a territory that until then 1948 had a large Arab majority .
This has been a pressing issue for Zionist leadership since the early years of the British Mandate .
Still , despite British support for the Jewish national project and the waves of Jewish migration to Palestine since the late nineteenth century , at the end of 1947 , Palestine ’ s Jewish population was only one-third of the total population of Palestine .
Britain facilitated Jewish migration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Jewish migrants from Europe into Palestine Mandate citizens .
“ The Citizenship Order of August 1 , 1925 , extended full citizenship rights to all Turkish ( Ottoman ) subjects habitually resident in Palestine.
” This included the original 729,873 Ottoman citizens of Palestine , of whom the vast majority were Palestinian Arabs .
By 1946 , the population of Palestine was estimated at 1,846,000 .
This included 1,203,000 Palestinian Arabs and 608,000 Jews .
In the 30 years of British control over Palestine , the Jewish population grew over 30 percent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growth during the final 20 years of the Ottoman Empire , a time period already marked by increased Jewish immigration .
The idea of forcing the Arab Palestinians out of Palestine through expulsion and transfer had become ingrained in the Zionist leadership mindset very early on .
As early as the 1930s , the Jewish Agency had established a Population Transfer Committee which devised schemes to remove the Palestinian population “ by securing land for them in neighboring states , or by having Britain remove them.
” During 1948 , several Transfer Committees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and later the Israeli government to “ facilitate the exodus.
” By the time the armistice agreements were signed in 1949 between the new State of Israel and its Arab neighbors , only 15 percent of Palestine ’ s pre-1948 Arab population remained in the area that would become Israel .
The State of Israel declared independence on May 14 , 1948 .
By June of that year , the Israeli government had decided to bar refugees from returning .
In 1952 , Israel passed the Nationality Law , which effectively excluded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retaining citizenship in British Mandate Palestine , a land that was still their own country .
In 1954 , Israel passed the ‘ The Prevention of Infiltration Law , ’ which effectively criminalized the return of Palestinian refugees .
Soldiers who saw “ infiltrators , ” a term used to describe any Palestinian attempting to return to their home or lands , were authorized to shoot them on sight .
Those who were caught and not killed on the spot were imprisoned and expelled again .
This was not merely motivated by Zionist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wealth that Palestinians left behind “ was strategic to the emerging State of Israel.
” Palestinians left behind huge tracts of farmland , tools , livestock , shops , factories , houses of worship , private homes , financial assets , and personal belongings .
Produce from fields and orchards was also left behind , with large citrus fruit stores waiting to be exported for hard currency .
Moveable property was sold by Israeli authorities .
The government even leased abandoned stone quarries and sold cactus fruit from abandoned fields .
“ Beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refugees ’ property allowed Israel and the Jewish Agency to cheaply settle hundreds of thousands of Jewish immigrants who began pouring into Israel after 1948.
” “ The gap between such properties and their original owners/holders was further widened by the transfer , through ‘ purchase agreements , ’ to the Israeli Development Authority , and subsequently to the Jewish National Fund , for administration.
” These Zionist institutions made it impossible for properties – both movable and immovable – of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced Palestinians to be restored to their rightful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ severing the links between the land and its original owners , Israel transformed the territory to benefit its own economic growth .
“ By 1950 , the Custodian had become the largest landlord in Israel.
” It had acquired the legal authority to allocate Palestinian property to incoming Jewish immigrants .
In the 1950s , Absentee Property Laws consolidated the seizure of absentee properties and their transfer to the State of Israel for exclusive benefit of the Jewish population .
Absentee property played a huge role in turning Israel into a viable state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ farms and urban homes of Palestinians and populate them with Jewish newcomers from Europe and Arab countries .
Jewish kibbutzim and agricultural settlements began the process of expropriating the land of both refugees and that of the Palestinians who remained in what became Israel .
Palestinians who remained had no choice but to work for the same Israeli owners who had stolen their land .
These enormous tracts of good , arable land were now held by the state and were used by Jewish settlements and individual farmers to grow crops and vegetables @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accommodate immigrants .
With time , emptied Palestinian villages were either transformed or destroyed .
Some were turned into parks and forests ; others were used for cultivation and development .
“ All these measures steadily rendered the possibility of a return of the refugees ever more remote.
” Israel and Zionist spokespeople worldwide like to claim that the Jews came to an empty , barren land and made it bloom .
This study makes it clear that they came to an already prosperous country and stole its riches .
The report of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be remiss to discuss Palestinian refugees without mentioning the contributions and indeed sacrifice of the UN Mediator to Palestine , Count Folke Bernadotte .
Bernadotte was a Swedish diplomat , who after successfully negotiating the rescue of some twenty thousand prisoners from Nazi concentration camps ( more than half of whom were Jewish ) , was asked to take on the role of Mediator for Palestine .
He visited the country several times and presented several reports .
Count Bernadotte presented his first report regarding the refugees to the United Nations on September @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his efforts to obtain an agreement from the Provisional Government of Israel for a phased return of refugees .
This study clearly states that “ attempts at finding a diplomatic solution were unsuccessful because of the firm stance of the Provisional Government of Israel against the return of the refugees.
” Bernadotte ’ s report underscored that : The Palestinian refugees ‘ right ’ to return and to be adequately compensated is recurrent in his report , notwithstanding the views expressed by the Provisional Government of Israel .
The right of return was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most basic premises for the settlement of the conflict .
The following passage of his report still resonates today : The Mediator not only stressed the right of the refugees to return but also made clear that those rights be affirmed rather than established .
This reflected the prevailing consensus regarding the norms of international law when dealing with refugees .
Bernadotte also made it clear that , Bernadotte ’ s advocacy for the Palestinian refugees and his claim that Jerusalem – by then occupied and subjected to a thorough ethnic cleansing campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not Zionist control could not be tolerated by the Zionist government in Palestine .
On September 17 , 1948 , one day after he submitted his progress report , Folke Bernadotte was assassinated in a terrorist attack by members of a Zionist militia .
The terrorists acted on an order to get rid of Bernadotte , and although it was later claimed that the assassins were part of a fringe extremist group and that the central provisional Zionist government formally condemned the assassination , there is little doubt that the entire Zionist established @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Although the assassins were well known and had even given interviews , none were ever brought to justice .
One of the people known to have been directly involved in the assassination was Yitzhak Shamir , though he was not a part of the terrorist squad that committed the murder .
Shamir went on to serve in many important Israeli government posts , including Prime Minister .
The UN General Assembly accepted Bernadotte ’ s recommendations when it adopted Resolution 194 , and as a result of his death , established the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ UNCCP ) , which took over the main functions of the Mediator .
Concerning refugees , the resolution states that the General Assembly : Resolves that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date , and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which , under principles of international law or in equity , should be made good by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s refusal to comply with the Mediator ’ s request to allow refugees to return to their homes , in paragraph 11 , the General Assembly stressed that it , Instructs the Conciliation Commission to facilitate the repatriation , resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation of the refugees and the payment of compensation , and to maintain close relations with the Director of the United Nations Relief for Palestine Refugees and , through him , with the appropriate organs and agencies of the United Nations .
The work of the United Nations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was completed in 1964 .
According to this study , records in the Commission ’ s archives reveal that it determined the worth of the Palestinian refugees ’ privately owned land was 204,660,250 British Palestine pounds , equivalent to $ 9.6 billion U.S. dollars in 2019 .
The study also states that the Commission ’ s estimates are considered to be “ incomplete and conservative , ” yet are the most methodologically accurate ones made to date .
“ Beyond land losses , a compensation regime should also consider movable property losses , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ income until a refugee could re-establish himself/herself ) , ex-gratia payment representing a general compensation for hardship , and reintegration costs.
” In August of 1961 , at the U.S. government ’ s suggestion , the Commission appointed Dr. Joseph E. Johnson as a special representative .
Johnson ’ s overall estimate of the amount owed to Palestinian refugees for compensation was $ 1.377 billion U.S. dollars in 1962 .
This is equivalent to $ 22.975 billion in 2019 .
All of this is for the refugees of 1948 only .
Resolution 194 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resolutions in UN history .
This study states that “ resolutions that have been reaffirmed hundreds of times not only confirm long-established international consensus but they acquire a legal character.
” Resolution 194 has been repeatedly reaffirmed over the years , and it has even served as a precedent in international responses to other refugee crises .
In the aftermath of the 1967 Israeli assault and conquest of Arab lands , and immediately after it seized the West Bank , the Israeli army issued Military Order 58 .
It authorizes the seizure of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who were outside the area on June 7 , 1967 , and that of those who subsequently left .
“ Military Order 58 replicates the Absentees ’ Property Law of 1950 for the 1967 territories , applying it to territory that Israel supposedly “ merely occupies and over which it has no sovereignty.
” According to this study , Military Order 58 “ has a broader scope than the Absentees ’ Property Law , ” in that it allowed Israel to take control over property that had been held by Jordan since 1948 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Custodian ’ s authority of Israel .
Furthermore , it has no time restrictions , covers any Palestinian who leaves the West Bank , and remains in force to this day .
The British government initially made two conflicting promises regarding Palestine , one to the indigenous Palestinian Arabs and the other to the immigrant-colonizer Jewish community .
However , the British government ’ s actions made it clear that Britain favored the creation of what became known as a Jewish state – or more accurately , a Zionist state – in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is worth mentioning that the local Orthodox Jewish community residing in Palestine at the time vehemently opposed the Zionists and the creation of a Zionist state .
They made their opposition known to the British , the United Nations , and the local Palestinian Arab leadership , with whom they had excellent relations .
British support for Zionist claims to Palestine allowed the all-out military assault by Zionist militias against the indigenous Palestinian community .
This ultimately led to the creation of an independent Zionist state and the subjugation , dispossession , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Arabs .
It also brought about measures preventing the return of the Palestinians forcibly displaced while actively promoting Jewish immigration under the guise of return .
As a result of this , there is currently an unresolved refugee crisis “ that has evolved into the largest and most protracted in modern history.
” A crucial point that must be recognized is that the rights of Palestinian refugees to return , restitution , and compensation , were already enshrined in international law in 1948 .
The UN General Assembly reaffirmed these rights in resolution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already had the right to return to their homes .
Instead , 750,000 refugees were denationalized en masse , prevented from returning to their houses , and forced into a seemingly endless exile .
In other words , Israel had already violated its obligations under international humanitarian law and the law of state responsibility in 1948 .
Since then , the policies and practices of successive Israeli governments continue to prevent the return and self-determination of Palestinian people .
Israel denies Palestinian refugees the right to return , restitution , and compensation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the very existence of a Palestinian people .
Israel justifies its actions by challenging the foundation of its obligations and that of the rights of Palestinians , and the international community has been weak and unwilling to intervene .
The practice that has evolved since the Second World War affirms that individual and collective claims of refugees are not mutually exclusive but rather reinforce each other .
In fact , these are challenges found in other cases of mass displacement , serious human rights violations , and where the passage of time has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high number of possible claimants among Palestinian refugees is often seen as justifying Israel in its refusal to recognize Palestinian refugees ’ rights in general .
However , given the clarity of the individual rights and the nature of violations involved in the Palestinian case , “ individual claims and claims en masse for groups of individuals must be addressed.
” These are issues that can be overcome , as was demonstrated by the reparations to victims of Nazi persecution .
They included multiple claims in different jurisdictions within different countries and on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many decades after the violations took place .
The Israeli government aggressively encourages Jews from around the world to settle in Israel while pressing for restitution laws to be adopted regarding losses suffered by the Jewish people .
Simultaneously , it adamantly denies Palestinians the right to return and resettle in their homeland and receive restitution .
Being that Israel is a settler-colonial state these policies are not unusual , one wonders , however , at what point the international community will intervene on behalf of the millions of Palestinian refugees waiting to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Palestinian refugees claiming it is an existential threat .
However , what Zionist institutions fear equally as much are demands under international law that they pay restitution and compensation for the properties both private and public , and for the natural resources stolen from the Palestinian people .
In 1949 , the Geneva Convention elaborated regarding the prohibition of deportation and expressly referred to the repatriation of protected persons .
Article 49 of GCIV prohibits “ individual or mass forcible transfers , as well as deportation of protected persons from occupied @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that “ All protected persons who may desire to leave the territory at the outset of , or during a conflict , shall be entitled to do so.
” Zionist institutions and spokespeople claim that the refugee issue has somehow reached some imaginary statute of limitations .
However , the legal foundation of the rights of the Palestinian refugees to repatriation , restitution , and compensation – as affirmed in resolution 194 – not only has not expired but , according to this study , “ has since become even stronger.
” Furthermore @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Responsibility , “ the state responsibility does not diminish with the passing of time.
” It is only for political reasons that the rights of the Palestinian refugees continue to be side-lined .
Zionist institutions around the world , with the support of the United States government , are doing all they can to undermine the severity of the Palestinian refugee issue and to absolve Israel of any responsibility .
The fall of the Zionist- apartheid regime in Palestine and the emergence of a free and democratic Palestine in its place is arguably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the return of the refugees .
Feature photo | Palestinian refugees carry their belongings as they flee across the wrecked Allenby Bridge over the Jordan River from the Israeli-occupied section of Jordan , June 22 , 1967 .
Bernard Frye | AP Miko Peled is an author and human rights activist born in Jerusalem .
He is the author of “ The General ’ s Son .
Journey of an Israeli in Palestine , ” and “ Injustice , the Story of the Holy Land Foundation Five .
”

There needs to be a fundamental change in the way Palestinian refugees are seen, no longer as victims but as people with rights who are entitled to shape their own destiny. This assertion is made in a new study whose importance cannot be overstated.
According to international law, Palestinian refugees have a right to return to their homes and land and receive restitution and compensation for their suffering and personal and communal losses. Furthermore, the State of Israel, which is responsible for Palestine’s ethnic cleansing, must pay for the repatriation, the rehabilitation, and the rebuilding that the return will necessitate. A thorough understanding of why millions of Palestinians live as refugees and what international law says about their situation is critical, and a recently published study sheds unprecedented light on the Palestinian refugee issue.
“Palestinian Refugees in International Law” (2nd Edition), by Francesca P. Albanese and Lex Takkenberg, was published in May 2020 by Oxford University Press. It is a comprehensive body of work on the Palestinian refugee issue, and its importance cannot be overstated. This study sets the record straight on what caused the refugee crisis, provides vital statistics and fills in crucial pieces of information regarding what international law says regarding Palestinian refugees.
The study states at the outset that, “At the time of publication, the unresolved exile of Palestinian refugees has entered its eighth decade.” Some refugees are third or even fourth generation, and they account for “the largest group of refugees globally.” Furthermore, it says, “theirs is the most protracted refugee situation in modern history.”
Background
The original mass ethnic cleansing campaign of Palestinians by Zionist forces took place from 1947 to 1949. Although ethnic cleansing and internal displacement of Palestinians by Israel continued well into the 1950s, and in fact, continues to the present day, the ethnic cleansing campaign of 1947-1949 is what brought about the destruction of Palestine as it had been known for centuries. That campaign was responsible for the emergence of what the study calls “one of the largest and most protracted refugee crises of all times.” The majority of these refugees and their descendants, third and even fourth generation, are registered as ‘Palestine refugees’ with UNRWA and are commonly referred to as 1948 refugees.
The Palestinians who were exiled from the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip in 1967 are commonly referred to as “displaced persons” or “1967 refugees.” Their fate and status under international law are similar to that of the 1948 refugees. Still, different terminology is used regarding them because of the status of the land from which they were displaced – the Kingdom of Jordan, which at that point was an independent state. Each year, the United Nations General Assembly passes a separate annual resolution focusing specifically on them.
Refugee rights
Suffering a violent assault on their lives and property and suddenly deprived of protection by the government of Mandate Palestine of which they were citizens, Palestinians became stateless refugees. They were admitted into neighboring countries on what many expected would be a temporary basis. However, one could argue, as I do, that this expectation stemmed from a serious misunderstanding of the objectives and influence of the Zionist movement.
“For historical and political reasons Palestinian refugees enjoy a distinctive regime made up of specific norms and institutional arrangements different from those for other refugees.” This reality has affected the protection Palestinians deserve as refugees and often leaves them “excluded from the rights and standards of treatment afforded to other refugees.” In other words, Palestinian refugees are internationally recognized yet subject to a distinctive institutional regime compared to other refugees around the world. The distinction stems from special arrangements the UN had to make for them in 1948, seeing that the newly established Zionist state would not allow them to return.
One of the common mistakes people make regarding Palestinian refugees’ rights is the belief that securing rights in their host countries, including citizenship, will somehow undermine their claims towards Israel. This belief, according to this study, “must be put to rest.” In fact, the study goes on to state that for the rights of Palestinian refugees to be realized, the Palestinian community needs to make a paradigm shift, and international and regional diplomacy needs to provide a level of support “that has hitherto been largely lacking.”
Furthermore, the physical and political fragmentation that has befallen the Palestinian people and the diversity of legal frameworks and actors responsible for them have become features of their experience and misfortune. There needs to be a fundamental change in the way Palestinian refugees are seen, “not the victims of a failed political process, but as people with rights, entitled to shape their own destiny.”
Identity and numbers
“Today, out of over thirteen million Palestinians globally, about eight million are refugees.” 5.5 million are registered as ‘Palestine refugees’ with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency or (UNRWA) in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the Gaza Strip, and the West Bank.
The study estimates that some 1.5 million Palestinians are currently dispersed outside Arab countries, and their status and documentation make them statistically invisible and, therefore, difficult to track. As a result of their dispersal, Palestinian refugees’ identity is often hyphenated: Palestinian-Jordanian, Palestinian-Syrian, Palestinian-American, Palestinian-Iraqi, etc. It should be noted that for most Palestinians, long-term residence in host countries has not resulted in the protection afforded through citizenship.
Another little known fact revealed repealed in this study is that since the late 1960s, more than 700,000 Palestinian refugees have been ejected from Arab countries, creating enormous challenges, including the need to seek asylum again in another country. What is worse is that the UN General Assembly did not confer a mandate to care for them. They are not included as a registered refugee population by UNRWA and do not receive comprehensive assistance from the agency.
A demographic issue
What has become known as the “demographic issue” is code for a Zionist obsession to establish a Jewish majority in Palestine – a territory that until then 1948 had a large Arab majority. This has been a pressing issue for Zionist leadership since the early years of the British Mandate. Still, despite British support for the Jewish national project and the waves of Jewish migration to Palestine since the late nineteenth century, at the end of 1947, Palestine’s Jewish population was only one-third of the total population of Palestine.
Britain facilitated Jewish migration to Palestine and turned hundreds of thousands of Jewish migrants from Europe into Palestine Mandate citizens. “The Citizenship Order of August 1, 1925, extended full citizenship rights to all Turkish (Ottoman) subjects habitually resident in Palestine.” This included the original 729,873 Ottoman citizens of Palestine, of whom the vast majority were Palestinian Arabs.
By 1946, the population of Palestine was estimated at 1,846,000. This included 1,203,000 Palestinian Arabs and 608,000 Jews. In the 30 years of British control over Palestine, the Jewish population grew over 30 percent compared to an average of 10 percent growth during the final 20 years of the Ottoman Empire, a time period already marked by increased Jewish immigration.
The idea of forcing the Arab Palestinians out of Palestine through expulsion and transfer had become ingrained in the Zionist leadership mindset very early on. As early as the 1930s, the Jewish Agency had established a Population Transfer Committee which devised schemes to remove the Palestinian population “by securing land for them in neighboring states, or by having Britain remove them.” During 1948, several Transfer Committees were set up by the Jewish Agency, and later the Israeli government to “facilitate the exodus.”
By the time the armistice agreements were signed in 1949 between the new State of Israel and its Arab neighbors, only 15 percent of Palestine’s pre-1948 Arab population remained in the area that would become Israel.
Criminalizing return and confiscating property
The State of Israel declared independence on May 14, 1948. By June of that year, the Israeli government had decided to bar refugees from returning. In 1952, Israel passed the Nationality Law, which effectively excluded over two-thirds of Palestinian Arab citizens from retaining citizenship in British Mandate Palestine, a land that was still their own country.
In 1954, Israel passed the ‘The Prevention of Infiltration Law,’ which effectively criminalized the return of Palestinian refugees. Soldiers who saw “infiltrators,” a term used to describe any Palestinian attempting to return to their home or lands, were authorized to shoot them on sight. Those who were caught and not killed on the spot were imprisoned and expelled again.
This was not merely motivated by Zionist cruelty but also by greed.
The wealth that Palestinians left behind “was strategic to the emerging State of Israel.” Palestinians left behind huge tracts of farmland, tools, livestock, shops, factories, houses of worship, private homes, financial assets, and personal belongings. Produce from fields and orchards was also left behind, with large citrus fruit stores waiting to be exported for hard currency.
Moveable property was sold by Israeli authorities. The government even leased abandoned stone quarries and sold cactus fruit from abandoned fields. “Beyond this monetary gain, control of the refugees’ property allowed Israel and the Jewish Agency to cheaply settle hundreds of thousands of Jewish immigrants who began pouring into Israel after 1948.”
“The gap between such properties and their original owners/holders was further widened by the transfer, through ‘purchase agreements,’ to the Israeli Development Authority, and subsequently to the Jewish National Fund, for administration.” These Zionist institutions made it impossible for properties – both movable and immovable – of Palestinian refugees and internally displaced Palestinians to be restored to their rightful, legal owners.
In addition to severing the links between the land and its original owners, Israel transformed the territory to benefit its own economic growth. “By 1950, the Custodian had become the largest landlord in Israel.” It had acquired the legal authority to allocate Palestinian property to incoming Jewish immigrants.
In the 1950s, Absentee Property Laws consolidated the seizure of absentee properties and their transfer to the State of Israel for exclusive benefit of the Jewish population. Absentee property played a huge role in turning Israel into a viable state. It allowed Israel to take over farms and urban homes of Palestinians and populate them with Jewish newcomers from Europe and Arab countries. Jewish kibbutzim and agricultural settlements began the process of expropriating the land of both refugees and that of the Palestinians who remained in what became Israel. Palestinians who remained had no choice but to work for the same Israeli owners who had stolen their land.
These enormous tracts of good, arable land were now held by the state and were used by Jewish settlements and individual farmers to grow crops and vegetables. Vacant Arab homes were used to accommodate immigrants. With time, emptied Palestinian villages were either transformed or destroyed. Some were turned into parks and forests; others were used for cultivation and development. “All these measures steadily rendered the possibility of a return of the refugees ever more remote.”
Israel and Zionist spokespeople worldwide like to claim that the Jews came to an empty, barren land and made it bloom. This study makes it clear that they came to an already prosperous country and stole its riches.
The report of the UN Mediator for Palestine
One would be remiss to discuss Palestinian refugees without mentioning the contributions and indeed sacrifice of the UN Mediator to Palestine, Count Folke Bernadotte. Bernadotte was a Swedish diplomat, who after successfully negotiating the rescue of some twenty thousand prisoners from Nazi concentration camps (more than half of whom were Jewish), was asked to take on the role of Mediator for Palestine. He visited the country several times and presented several reports.
Count Bernadotte presented his first report regarding the refugees to the United Nations on September 16, 1948. The report describes his efforts to obtain an agreement from the Provisional Government of Israel for a phased return of refugees. This study clearly states that “attempts at finding a diplomatic solution were unsuccessful because of the firm stance of the Provisional Government of Israel against the return of the refugees.” Bernadotte’s report underscored that:
The right of innocent people, uprooted from their homes by the present terror and ravages of war, to return to their homes, should be affirmed and made effective, with assurance of adequate compensation for the property of those who may choose not to return.”
The Palestinian refugees ‘right’ to return and to be adequately compensated is recurrent in his report, notwithstanding the views expressed by the Provisional Government of Israel. The right of return was considered by Bernadotte to be among the most basic premises for the settlement of the conflict. The following passage of his report still resonates today:
No settlement can be just and complete if recognition is not accorded to the right of the Arab refugee to return to the home from which he has been dislodged … It would be an offence against the principles of elemental justice if these innocent victims of the conflict were denied the right to return to their homes while Jewish immigrants flow into Palestine, and, indeed, at least offer the threat of permanent replacement of the Arab refugees.”
The Mediator not only stressed the right of the refugees to return but also made clear that those rights be affirmed rather than established. This reflected the prevailing consensus regarding the norms of international law when dealing with refugees.
Bernadotte also made it clear that,
The right of the Arab refugees to return to their homes in Jewish-controlled territory at the earliest possible date should be affirmed by the United Nations, and their repatriation, resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation, and payment of adequate compensation for the property of those choosing not to return, should be supervised and assisted by the United Nations.”
Bernadotte’s advocacy for the Palestinian refugees and his claim that Jerusalem – by then occupied and subjected to a thorough ethnic cleansing campaign – should come under international control and not Zionist control could not be tolerated by the Zionist government in Palestine. On September 17, 1948, one day after he submitted his progress report, Folke Bernadotte was assassinated in a terrorist attack by members of a Zionist militia.
The terrorists acted on an order to get rid of Bernadotte, and although it was later claimed that the assassins were part of a fringe extremist group and that the central provisional Zionist government formally condemned the assassination, there is little doubt that the entire Zionist established was complicit in Bernadotte’s murder.
Although the assassins were well known and had even given interviews, none were ever brought to justice. One of the people known to have been directly involved in the assassination was Yitzhak Shamir, though he was not a part of the terrorist squad that committed the murder. Shamir went on to serve in many important Israeli government posts, including Prime Minister.
Resolution 194
The UN General Assembly accepted Bernadotte’s recommendations when it adopted Resolution 194, and as a result of his death, established the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP), which took over the main functions of the Mediator. Concerning refugees, the resolution states that the General Assembly:
Resolves that the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible;
Following Israel’s refusal to comply with the Mediator’s request to allow refugees to return to their homes, in paragraph 11, the General Assembly stressed that it,
Instructs the Conciliation Commission to facilitate the repatriation, resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation of the refugees and the payment of compensation, and to maintain close relations with the Director of the United Nations Relief for Palestine Refugees and, through him, with the appropriate organs and agencies of the United Nations.
The work of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP) was completed in 1964. According to this study, records in the Commission’s archives reveal that it determined the worth of the Palestinian refugees’ privately owned land was 204,660,250 British Palestine pounds, equivalent to $9.6 billion U.S. dollars in 2019.
The study also states that the Commission’s estimates are considered to be “incomplete and conservative,” yet are the most methodologically accurate ones made to date. “Beyond land losses, a compensation regime should also consider movable property losses, disturbance allowance (representing the loss of income until a refugee could re-establish himself/herself), ex-gratia payment representing a general compensation for hardship, and reintegration costs.”
In August of 1961, at the U.S. government’s suggestion, the Commission appointed Dr. Joseph E. Johnson as a special representative. Johnson’s overall estimate of the amount owed to Palestinian refugees for compensation was $1.377 billion U.S. dollars in 1962. This is equivalent to $22.975 billion in 2019. All of this is for the refugees of 1948 only.
Resolution 194 is one of the most widely reaffirmed resolutions in UN history. This study states that “resolutions that have been reaffirmed hundreds of times not only confirm long-established international consensus but they acquire a legal character.” Resolution 194 has been repeatedly reaffirmed over the years, and it has even served as a precedent in international responses to other refugee crises.
Military Order 58
In the aftermath of the 1967 Israeli assault and conquest of Arab lands, and immediately after it seized the West Bank, the Israeli army issued Military Order 58. It authorizes the seizure of any property held by West Bank residents who were outside the area on June 7, 1967, and that of those who subsequently left. “Military Order 58 replicates the Absentees’ Property Law of 1950 for the 1967 territories, applying it to territory that Israel supposedly “merely occupies and over which it has no sovereignty.”
According to this study, Military Order 58 “has a broader scope than the Absentees’ Property Law,” in that it allowed Israel to take control over property that had been held by Jordan since 1948 and placed it under the control of the Custodian’s authority of Israel. Furthermore, it has no time restrictions, covers any Palestinian who leaves the West Bank, and remains in force to this day.
International law
The British government initially made two conflicting promises regarding Palestine, one to the indigenous Palestinian Arabs and the other to the immigrant-colonizer Jewish community. However, the British government’s actions made it clear that Britain favored the creation of what became known as a Jewish state – or more accurately, a Zionist state – in Palestine. As a side note, it is worth mentioning that the local Orthodox Jewish community residing in Palestine at the time vehemently opposed the Zionists and the creation of a Zionist state. They made their opposition known to the British, the United Nations, and the local Palestinian Arab leadership, with whom they had excellent relations.
British support for Zionist claims to Palestine allowed the all-out military assault by Zionist militias against the indigenous Palestinian community. This ultimately led to the creation of an independent Zionist state and the subjugation, dispossession, exile, and statelessness of indigenous Palestinian Arabs. It also brought about measures preventing the return of the Palestinians forcibly displaced while actively promoting Jewish immigration under the guise of return. As a result of this, there is currently an unresolved refugee crisis “that has evolved into the largest and most protracted in modern history.”
A crucial point that must be recognized is that the rights of Palestinian refugees to return, restitution, and compensation, were already enshrined in international law in 1948. The UN General Assembly reaffirmed these rights in resolution 194.
In 1948, the refugees already had the right to return to their homes. Instead, 750,000 refugees were denationalized en masse, prevented from returning to their houses, and forced into a seemingly endless exile. In other words, Israel had already violated its obligations under international humanitarian law and the law of state responsibility in 1948.
Since then, the policies and practices of successive Israeli governments continue to prevent the return and self-determination of Palestinian people. Israel denies Palestinian refugees the right to return, restitution, and compensation, and Israeli leaders even continue to deny the very existence of a Palestinian people. Israel justifies its actions by challenging the foundation of its obligations and that of the rights of Palestinians, and the international community has been weak and unwilling to intervene.
The practice that has evolved since the Second World War affirms that individual and collective claims of refugees are not mutually exclusive but rather reinforce each other. In fact, these are challenges found in other cases of mass displacement, serious human rights violations, and where the passage of time has increased the number of claimants. The high number of possible claimants among Palestinian refugees is often seen as justifying Israel in its refusal to recognize Palestinian refugees’ rights in general. However, given the clarity of the individual rights and the nature of violations involved in the Palestinian case, “individual claims and claims en masse for groups of individuals must be addressed.”
These are issues that can be overcome, as was demonstrated by the reparations to victims of Nazi persecution. They included multiple claims in different jurisdictions within different countries and on different continents, with settlements being achieved many decades after the violations took place.
The Israeli government aggressively encourages Jews from around the world to settle in Israel while pressing for restitution laws to be adopted regarding losses suffered by the Jewish people. Simultaneously, it adamantly denies Palestinians the right to return and resettle in their homeland and receive restitution. Being that Israel is a settler-colonial state these policies are not unusual, one wonders, however, at what point the international community will intervene on behalf of the millions of Palestinian refugees waiting to retun.
Right to return
Israel objects to the return of the Palestinian refugees claiming it is an existential threat. However, what Zionist institutions fear equally as much are demands under international law that they pay restitution and compensation for the properties both private and public, and for the natural resources stolen from the Palestinian people.
In 1949, the Geneva Convention elaborated regarding the prohibition of deportation and expressly referred to the repatriation of protected persons. Article 49 of GCIV prohibits “individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportation of protected persons from occupied territory.” It goes on to say that “All protected persons who may desire to leave the territory at the outset of, or during a conflict, shall be entitled to do so.”
Zionist institutions and spokespeople claim that the refugee issue has somehow reached some imaginary statute of limitations. However, the legal foundation of the rights of the Palestinian refugees to repatriation, restitution, and compensation – as affirmed in resolution 194 – not only has not expired but, according to this study, “has since become even stronger.” Furthermore, according to the Articles on State Responsibility, “the state responsibility does not diminish with the passing of time.”
It is only for political reasons that the rights of the Palestinian refugees continue to be side-lined. Zionist institutions around the world, with the support of the United States government, are doing all they can to undermine the severity of the Palestinian refugee issue and to absolve Israel of any responsibility. The fall of the Zionist- apartheid regime in Palestine and the emergence of a free and democratic Palestine in its place is arguably the only development that can realistically bring about the return of the refugees.
Feature photo | Palestinian refugees carry their belongings as they flee across the wrecked Allenby Bridge over the Jordan River from the Israeli-occupied section of Jordan, June 22, 1967. Bernard Frye | AP
Miko Peled is an author and human rights activist born in Jerusalem. He is the author of “The General’s Son. Journey of an Israeli in Palestine,” and “Injustice, the Story of the Holy Land Foundation Five.”


mintpressnews--2020-10-16--FCC Head and Internet’s Most Hated Man Ajit Pai Just Vowed to Kill First Amendment Rights Online

Citing “ censorship outcry ” from the three branches of government , FCC Chairman Ajit Pai announced yesterday via tweet the agency ’ s intention to move forward with regulation of social media by looking to modify Section 230 of the Communications Act , which protects the likes of Facebook and Twitter from the parts of the U.S. code that opens publishers to legal challenges over the content posted to their platforms , which inevitably puts content creators , themselves , in the cross hairs of the legal system without the benefit of their first amendment rights .
Despite claims @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , one of Section 230 ’ s original authors , Sen. Ron Wyden ( D-Ore. ) , directly challenged Pai ’ s authority to change the law altogether .
Pai has claimed that FCC lawyers have assured him the agency has legal standing to amend the law .
Meanwhile , FCC commissioner and Democratic party member Jessica Rosenworcel denounced Pai ’ s timing as “ absurd ” and decried the Chairman ’ s decision to kowtow to Trump ’ s executive order , issued earlier this year calling for the agency to reinterpret @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her second stint as FCC commissioner in August 2017 , even though Trump had reportedly withdrawn his nomination of the Obama holdover , likely worried over her track record on the commission and her dissenting opinion on Pai ’ s scrapping of Net Neutrality soon after Trump ’ s election .
The Chairman ’ s intention to slap the ‘ publisher ’ tag on social media companies and make them legally liable for the content that appears on their platforms comes in the wake of the Twitter ’ s censorship of a New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which covered allegations against Joe Biden and his son , Hunter , in the Ukraine oil company scandal .
The article ’ s purge from the social media platform elicited strong reactions on both sides of the issue and the aisle , including Senator Ted Cruz , who accused Twitter of “ election interference.
” On Thursday , Republican Senators called for Twitter CEO , Jack Dorsey , to be subpoenaed and appear before the Senate Judiciary Committee to answer questions about the company ’ s actions .
The social media giant has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changing the policy it cited as justification , which “ prohibits the use of our service to distribute content obtained without authorization.
” Notably , the Department of Homeland Security had released its first-ever Homeland Threat Assessment only days prior , where it declared that “ denigrating ” Joe Biden constitutes grounds for de-platforming .
Appointed FCC Chairman by Barack Obama in 2010 , former Verizon company lawyer and the most hated man on the Internet , Ajit Pai , has systematically weakened privacy and access protections for the average Internet user in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like his former employer , which was embroiled in a data privacy scandal in 2013 after leaked documents disclosed classified orders from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court , compelling the largest cell phone carrier network in the country to turn over millions of phone records to the National Security Agency ( NSA ) .
Pai has earned the public ’ s distrust , especially due to his repeal of Net Neutrality rules , which overwhelmingly favored big Telecom by allowing the industry to manipulate Internet traffic for discriminatory or profit motives .
Verizon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take advantage of the deregulation in ways that contradicted Pai ’ s own argument regarding the destruction of Net Neutrality , which rested on many of the same free-market clichés used to rationalize all sorts of corporate abuses .
While still at Verizon in 2003 , Pai and another colleague produced an amateur skit comedy video where they plot to install a puppet at the FCC .
The video , which Pai himself played at the annual FCC Chairman ’ s Dinner in 2017 , led Gizmodo to file a FOIA for “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s office referencing the event or the Verizon executive , ” which the FCC has yet to release .
Pai ’ s FCC has a long history of stonewalling FOIA ’ s and being generally opaque about its moves in what is perhaps the most pivotal moment for the future of the Internet .
As the power of the tech giants grows by leaps and bounds , reinterpreting Section 230 to make social media companies liable for the content on their platforms may seem like a check on said power , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voice of the people , who are the ones creating the very content lining their shareholders ’ pockets and the ones who will ultimately face the brunt of any laws designed to muzzle the first amendment rights of all Americans .
Feature photo | Federal Communications Commission Chairman Ajit Pai says goodbye after a Senate Appropriations Subcommittee hearing on Federal Communications Commission spectrum auctions program for FY2021 on Capitol Hill , June 16 , 2020 in Washington .
Chip Somodevilla | Pool via AP

Citing “censorship outcry” from the three branches of government, FCC Chairman Ajit Pai announced yesterday via tweet the agency’s intention to move forward with regulation of social media by looking to modify Section 230 of the Communications Act, which protects the likes of Facebook and Twitter from the parts of the U.S. code that opens publishers to legal challenges over the content posted to their platforms, which inevitably puts content creators, themselves, in the cross hairs of the legal system without the benefit of their first amendment rights.
I intend to move forward with an @FCC rulemaking to clarify the meaning of #Section230. Read my full statement below. pic.twitter.com/LhUz5XMdSC — Ajit Pai (@AjitPaiFCC) October 15, 2020
Despite claims of bipartisan support for the reform initiative, one of Section 230’s original authors, Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), directly challenged Pai’s authority to change the law altogether. Pai has claimed that FCC lawyers have assured him the agency has legal standing to amend the law.
Meanwhile, FCC commissioner and Democratic party member Jessica Rosenworcel denounced Pai’s timing as “absurd” and decried the Chairman’s decision to kowtow to Trump’s executive order, issued earlier this year calling for the agency to reinterpret the law.
Rosenworcel was confirmed for her second stint as FCC commissioner in August 2017, even though Trump had reportedly withdrawn his nomination of the Obama holdover, likely worried over her track record on the commission and her dissenting opinion on Pai’s scrapping of Net Neutrality soon after Trump’s election.
The Twitter setup
The Chairman’s intention to slap the ‘publisher’ tag on social media companies and make them legally liable for the content that appears on their platforms comes in the wake of the Twitter’s censorship of a New York Post article two days ago, which covered allegations against Joe Biden and his son, Hunter, in the Ukraine oil company scandal.
The article’s purge from the social media platform elicited strong reactions on both sides of the issue and the aisle, including Senator Ted Cruz, who accused Twitter of “election interference.” On Thursday, Republican Senators called for Twitter CEO, Jack Dorsey, to be subpoenaed and appear before the Senate Judiciary Committee to answer questions about the company’s actions.
The social media giant has since backtracked, going as far as changing the policy it cited as justification, which “prohibits the use of our service to distribute content obtained without authorization.” Notably, the Department of Homeland Security had released its first-ever Homeland Threat Assessment only days prior, where it declared that “denigrating” Joe Biden constitutes grounds for de-platforming.
Stonewalling America
Appointed FCC Commisioner by Barack Obama in 2010 and later designated Chairman of the agency by Trump, former Verizon company lawyer and the most hated man on the Internet, Ajit Pai, has systematically weakened privacy and access protections for the average Internet user in the service of the giant tech companies like his former employer, which was embroiled in a data privacy scandal in 2013 after leaked documents disclosed classified orders from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, compelling the largest cell phone carrier network in the country to turn over millions of phone records to the National Security Agency (NSA).
Pai has earned the public’s distrust, especially due to his repeal of Net Neutrality rules, which overwhelmingly favored big Telecom by allowing the industry to manipulate Internet traffic for discriminatory or profit motives. Verizon was one of the first companies to take advantage of the deregulation in ways that contradicted Pai’s own argument regarding the destruction of Net Neutrality, which rested on many of the same free-market clichés used to rationalize all sorts of corporate abuses.
While still at Verizon in 2003, Pai and another colleague produced an amateur skit comedy video where they plot to install a puppet at the FCC. The video, which Pai himself played at the annual FCC Chairman’s Dinner in 2017, led Gizmodo to file a FOIA for “any communications records from within the chairman’s office referencing the event or the Verizon executive,” which the FCC has yet to release.
Pai’s FCC has a long history of stonewalling FOIA’s and being generally opaque about its moves in what is perhaps the most pivotal moment for the future of the Internet. As the power of the tech giants grows by leaps and bounds, reinterpreting Section 230 to make social media companies liable for the content on their platforms may seem like a check on said power, but it is only another restriction on the voice of the people, who are the ones creating the very content lining their shareholders’ pockets and the ones who will ultimately face the brunt of any laws designed to muzzle the first amendment rights of all Americans.
Feature photo | Federal Communications Commission Chairman Ajit Pai says goodbye after a Senate Appropriations Subcommittee hearing on Federal Communications Commission spectrum auctions program for FY2021 on Capitol Hill, June 16, 2020 in Washington. Chip Somodevilla | Pool via AP
Raul Diego is a MintPress News Staff Writer, independent photojournalist, researcher, writer and documentary filmmaker.


mintpressnews--2020-10-16--Bolivia: First Election Since US-Backed Coup Pits Right against Left, Rich Against Poor and White ag

Bolivia: First Election Since US-Backed Coup Pits Right against Left, Rich Against Poor and White against Everyone Else

Eleven months after a U.S-backed military coup overthrew the democratically elected Evo Morales and his Movement to Socialism ( MAS ) party , Bolivians will go to the polls on Sunday , offering them a chance to repudiate the coup government of Jeanine Añez , who has ruled the country since last November .
The last year has been a period of constant political struggle , as the self-described “ interim government ” has fought to impose its rule on a rebellious population , attempting to bring sweeping changes to the Andean state .
Yet despite the arrest , exile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ polls show MAS candidate Luis Arce as the clear frontrunner among many , with some suggesting he could win the election outright in the first round of voting .
Although the conflict is a political one , it is impossible to deny the clear and overt racial dynamic at play .
While the country ’ s right-wing parties draw their support from rich , upper-class white Bolivians , many of whom live in eastern areas , the MAS is inordinately backed by the country ’ s indigenous or mixed lower-class majority .
MintPress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major MAS actors in this weekend ’ s election .
Most of them see the event as an opportunity to reassert racial equality and reject an older model of white domination that ruled the country since the Spanish Conquest until Morales ’ election in 2006 .
“ On October 18th we have to bury the fascist right…look at who the candidates for the right are , they ’ re people descendants from the Spanish , from Croatians , from all those empires .
They don ’ t believe in our sovereignty or our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Unified Syndical Confederation of Rural Workers of Bolivia .
Morales , who escaped persecution in November by fleeing to Mexico , and later Argentina , was the country ’ s first indigenous leader since the Spanish conquest .
Coming from the Aymara nation , he was a poor peasant farmer before becoming politically active in trade unions .
Morales , with his strong indigenous features , made racial equality a central focus of his administration .
The 2009 constitution officially changed the country ’ s name to the “ Plurinational State of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with the indigenous Wiphala flag granted equal status to the more traditional tricolor design seen internationally .
This did not please Bolivia ’ s wealthy , mostly white , westernized elite .
Addressing a crowd , Eva Copa , president of the Bolivian senate and herself an Aymara from the city of El Alto , said of her political opponents , “ They call us Indians as if it ’ s an insult , but I ’ m proud to be an Indian !
” later adding at a MAS rally that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a respect , even reverence , for the natural environment , which they call “ Pachamama ” ( Mother Earth ) .
Leonardo Loza , a leader of the Chimore Union Federation and MAS candidate for senate in the city of Cochabamba explained why so many inside the country see this election as a turning point in the country ’ s history .
A little known senator from a party that received only four percent of the vote in last October ’ s election that Morales won ( before being ejected by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) , Jeanine Añez was an unlikely choice for president .
A strongly conservative Christian , she arrived at the presidential palace brandishing a massive , leather bound bible , proclaiming that God was returning to government .
Much of Bolivia ’ s Christian right see indigenous people as lesser citizens .
Añez herself had previously described the country ’ s indigenous majority as “ satanic ” and suggested they should not be allowed to live in cities but should be relegated to the highlands or the deserts .
In this election , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the slogan “ creemos ” ( we believe ) , presenting themselves , the true believers , against the satanic non-believers who still worship Mother Earth .
During the November coup , leaders burned the Wiphala flag in the streets , while security forces ripped off and burned the Wiphala patch that was added to their uniforms , a gesture symbolizing a return to a country with a strict racial hierarchy .
“ The burning of our Wiphala was what hurt the most , absolutely , ” said Franklin Flores , an Aymara @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mothers , our sisters , our daughters were beaten with sticks and gassed by the police , just for being indigenous .
That hurt our soul and it always will , we ’ ll never forget those moments .
With our vote now we can overcome all that and give back dignity to our people.
” In order to force the recently re-elected Morales from office in November , the country ’ s right-wing relied on a campaign of violence against MAS officials .
Patricia Arce , mayor of the town of Vinto @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had her hair shaved off , and her body painted red before she was publicly dragged through the streets barefoot , her captors abusing her forcing her to agree to leave office .
Morales made clear that he was only leaving to avert a bloodbath .
Once in power , Añez certainly did not have it all her own way , and was met with stiff but mostly uncoordinated resistance to the coup from the country ’ s indigenous and working-class .
She quickly signed an official order pre-exonerating all security services from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of order , ” effectively giving the army and the police a license to kill anyone who opposed her .
This they immediately used , carrying out a number of massacres against MAS supporters .
“ During this coup , we , as indigenous women , have been treated worse than animals , I think to them we don ’ t exist , but that pain hasn ’ t been for nothing , ” said Juanita Ancieta , Secretary of International Relations for the MAS , and an indigenous Quechua woman .
Since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ America has been exploited as a vast mineral resource , enriching Europeans , and later , North Americans .
Bolivia was no exception .
From its discovery in 1545 , the vast silver mountain of Potosí ( which , for centuries , produced more than half the world ’ s supply of silver ) enriched the Spanish king and funded Madrid ’ s escapades around Europe and the world .
Just 50 years after its founding , the city of Potosí had a population equal to that of London or Paris .
Today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But Bolivia is still rich in tin , hydrocarbons , and lithium .
Morales attempted to redress the balance by nationalizing the country ’ s mineral wealth , using the proceeds to fund ambitious anti-poverty projects .
This may have sealed his fate ; Morales contends that the events of November constituted a “ lithium coup , ” a notion backed up by Tesla CEO Elon Musk .
When challenged on his role in the coup , the billionaire ( whose electric vehicles require vast amounts of lithium for batteries ) responded , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ !
Deal with it.
” During his time in office , Morales emerged as one of the world ’ s foremost critics of the international system , continually asserting that unfettered capitalism was the root cause of human suffering .
Internationally , he opposed U.S. imperialism and attempted to build far reaching networks with other independently-minded Latin American countries , all while promoting Palestinian rights and Boycott Divestment and Sanctions against Israel .
In 2015 , his presidential plane was grounded in Europe after it was alleged that American dissident Edward Snowden might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new life of asylum in Bolivia .
Diego Pary , an indigenous Quechua and Morales ’ Foreign Minister until the 2019 coup , said that , As they wrap up their election campaign , the Movement to Socialism appears in a confident mood .
A recent poll shows Luis Arce at 42 percent nationally , more than 9 points ahead of his nearest challenger Carlos Mesa ( who was president between 2003 and 2005 ) .
Under the Bolivian system , if any candidate wins over 40 percent of the vote in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of second place , there is no second round runoff election .
The Bolivian right obviously sees the danger , with Añez herself recently dropping out of the race to rally support around one candidate .
Thus , unless projections are wildly inaccurate , a fair vote on Sunday will have the MAS in a strong position .
Yet there are serious concerns the election ( which has already been postponed multiple times ) will be far from fair .
“ Citizen observers ” are being directly paid by U.S. government organizations USAID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups expelled from Bolivia under Morales ’ premiership for interference in domestic affairs .
In the wake of the coup , the U.S. expressed its delight at what it called the “ preservation of democracy , ” releasing a statement that all but said , “ we did it.
” Since then , it has continued to back Añez .
Añez ’ s government is also trying to impose a 48-hour lockdown straight after the election , claiming it is an anti-COVID-19 measure .
However , critics allege it could be an attempt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Henry Nina , the president of the Intercultural Confederation , the country ’ s largest indigenous organization , was confident that justice would be achieved .
Sunday represents Bolivia ’ s best chance to secure lasting peace , with a resounding MAS victory being a repudiation of the right ’ s military coup in November .
Already , through constant struggle , the country ’ s indigenous groups and trade unions have forced the government to concede to an election .
The question remains , however , if it loses , how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ | An opponent of former President Evo Morales fights a supporter of the Movement Towards Socialism Party in La Paz , Bolivia , Oct. 5 , 2020 .
Juan Karita | AP Oliver Vargas is a British-Bolivian journalist covering the ongoing coup in Bolivia for MintPress News .
His writing has appeared in teleSUR , Redfish and The Grayzone among others .
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

Eleven months after a U.S-backed military coup overthrew the democratically elected Evo Morales and his Movement to Socialism (MAS) party, Bolivians will go to the polls on Sunday, offering them a chance to repudiate the coup government of Jeanine Añez, who has ruled the country since last November.
The last year has been a period of constant political struggle, as the self-described “interim government” has fought to impose its rule on a rebellious population, attempting to bring sweeping changes to the Andean state. Yet despite the arrest, exile, and repression of his colleagues, polls show MAS candidate Luis Arce as the clear frontrunner among many, with some suggesting he could win the election outright in the first round of voting.
Although the conflict is a political one, it is impossible to deny the clear and overt racial dynamic at play. While the country’s right-wing parties draw their support from rich, upper-class white Bolivians, many of whom live in eastern areas, the MAS is inordinately backed by the country’s indigenous or mixed lower-class majority.
MintPress has been speaking with a number of major MAS actors in this weekend’s election. Most of them see the event as an opportunity to reassert racial equality and reject an older model of white domination that ruled the country since the Spanish Conquest until Morales’ election in 2006.
“On October 18th we have to bury the fascist right…look at who the candidates for the right are, they’re people descendants from the Spanish, from Croatians, from all those empires. They don’t believe in our sovereignty or our culture,” said Juan Vilca of the Unified Syndical Confederation of Rural Workers of Bolivia.
What we’re excited about is that we have a winning formula, Luis Arce for president, he represents economic stability and can reach the middle class, and for vice president, we have an indigenous campesino, our brother David Choquehuanca, he’ll make sure that our culture and identity are respected, he’ll make sure our poncho, our chicote [whip], our chuspa [traditional bag], our sombrero, our dress, is respected.”
Morales, who escaped persecution in November by fleeing to Mexico, and later Argentina, was the country’s first indigenous leader since the Spanish conquest. Coming from the Aymara nation, he was a poor peasant farmer before becoming politically active in trade unions. Morales, with his strong indigenous features, made racial equality a central focus of his administration. The 2009 constitution officially changed the country’s name to the “Plurinational State of Bolivia” to recognize its multi-ethnic nature, with the indigenous Wiphala flag granted equal status to the more traditional tricolor design seen internationally. This did not please Bolivia’s wealthy, mostly white, westernized elite.
Addressing a crowd, Eva Copa, president of the Bolivian senate and herself an Aymara from the city of El Alto, said of her political opponents, “They call us Indians as if it’s an insult, but I’m proud to be an Indian!” later adding at a MAS rally that,
In this election we’ll vote against racism. October 18 is where we recover the dignity of our indigenous cultures, where we say no to hate and division. We’ll say no to violence, because we come from the culture of peace. We’ll destroy the whole idea of ‘fraud’ [referring to Morales’ disputed electoral victory last year] which they used to steal the election from Bolivia’s indigenous peoples. The city of El Alto has always been a tomb for tyrants and we’ll prove that again on October 18.”
Part of indigenous identity in Bolivia is a respect, even reverence, for the natural environment, which they call “Pachamama” (Mother Earth). Leonardo Loza, a leader of the Chimore Union Federation and MAS candidate for senate in the city of Cochabamba explained why so many inside the country see this election as a turning point in the country’s history.
Our identity and culture is at play in this election, our lives are at play, our way of life is at play, our harmony with Pachamama is at play, our coexistence between Bolivians is at play, and of course, democracy is at play. That’s why the October 18 elections are so important.”
A little known senator from a party that received only four percent of the vote in last October’s election that Morales won (before being ejected by the military on spurious vote rigging charges), Jeanine Añez was an unlikely choice for president. A strongly conservative Christian, she arrived at the presidential palace brandishing a massive, leather bound bible, proclaiming that God was returning to government. Much of Bolivia’s Christian right see indigenous people as lesser citizens. Añez herself had previously described the country’s indigenous majority as “satanic” and suggested they should not be allowed to live in cities but should be relegated to the highlands or the deserts. In this election, Bolivia’s far-right have campaigned on the slogan “creemos” (we believe), presenting themselves, the true believers, against the satanic non-believers who still worship Mother Earth.
During the November coup, leaders burned the Wiphala flag in the streets, while security forces ripped off and burned the Wiphala patch that was added to their uniforms, a gesture symbolizing a return to a country with a strict racial hierarchy. “The burning of our Wiphala was what hurt the most, absolutely,” said Franklin Flores, an Aymara MAS lawmaker. “The way our mothers, our sisters, our daughters were beaten with sticks and gassed by the police, just for being indigenous. That hurt our soul and it always will, we’ll never forget those moments. With our vote now we can overcome all that and give back dignity to our people.”
In order to force the recently re-elected Morales from office in November, the country’s right-wing relied on a campaign of violence against MAS officials. Patricia Arce, mayor of the town of Vinto, for example, was captured, had her hair shaved off, and her body painted red before she was publicly dragged through the streets barefoot, her captors abusing her forcing her to agree to leave office. Morales made clear that he was only leaving to avert a bloodbath.
Once in power, Añez certainly did not have it all her own way, and was met with stiff but mostly uncoordinated resistance to the coup from the country’s indigenous and working-class. She quickly signed an official order pre-exonerating all security services from any crimes committed during the “re-establishment of order,” effectively giving the army and the police a license to kill anyone who opposed her. This they immediately used, carrying out a number of massacres against MAS supporters.
“During this coup, we, as indigenous women, have been treated worse than animals, I think to them we don’t exist, but that pain hasn’t been for nothing,” said Juanita Ancieta, Secretary of International Relations for the MAS, and an indigenous Quechua woman.
Our children have risen up with enormous strength in defense of indigenous women, that brings us huge joy, huge pride. These elections are the chance to end that discrimination, that racism, and we’ll do it with our vote, we don’t need violence because we want to build a government of peace. I want to say to the right, that we are Bolivians too, even if we have ideological differences, we’re all humans in our Pachamama,” she added.
Since the European conquest, much of Latin America has been exploited as a vast mineral resource, enriching Europeans, and later, North Americans. Bolivia was no exception. From its discovery in 1545, the vast silver mountain of Potosí (which, for centuries, produced more than half the world’s supply of silver) enriched the Spanish king and funded Madrid’s escapades around Europe and the world. Just 50 years after its founding, the city of Potosí had a population equal to that of London or Paris. Today, the silver is mostly gone. But Bolivia is still rich in tin, hydrocarbons, and lithium. Morales attempted to redress the balance by nationalizing the country’s mineral wealth, using the proceeds to fund ambitious anti-poverty projects. This may have sealed his fate; Morales contends that the events of November constituted a “lithium coup,” a notion backed up by Tesla CEO Elon Musk. When challenged on his role in the coup, the billionaire (whose electric vehicles require vast amounts of lithium for batteries) responded, “We will coup whoever we want! Deal with it.”
During his time in office, Morales emerged as one of the world’s foremost critics of the international system, continually asserting that unfettered capitalism was the root cause of human suffering. Internationally, he opposed U.S. imperialism and attempted to build far reaching networks with other independently-minded Latin American countries, all while promoting Palestinian rights and Boycott Divestment and Sanctions against Israel. In 2015, his presidential plane was grounded in Europe after it was alleged that American dissident Edward Snowden might be on board en route to a new life of asylum in Bolivia. Diego Pary, an indigenous Quechua and Morales’ Foreign Minister until the 2019 coup, said that,
The diplomacy of Bolivia’s indigenous peoples reached the world during the last government. From the foreign ministry we showed the world what Bolivia really is, we showed the world our indigenous cultures, but sadly that indigenous diplomacy, that values unity and integration, has been abandoned. With this election we can rebuild Bolivia’s standing in the world, the values of our indigenous cultures have so much to contribute internationally.”
As they wrap up their election campaign, the Movement to Socialism appears in a confident mood. A recent poll shows Luis Arce at 42 percent nationally, more than 9 points ahead of his nearest challenger Carlos Mesa (who was president between 2003 and 2005). Under the Bolivian system, if any candidate wins over 40 percent of the vote in the first round and is 10 points clear of second place, there is no second round runoff election. The Bolivian right obviously sees the danger, with Añez herself recently dropping out of the race to rally support around one candidate. Thus, unless projections are wildly inaccurate, a fair vote on Sunday will have the MAS in a strong position.
Yet there are serious concerns the election (which has already been postponed multiple times) will be far from fair. “Citizen observers” are being directly paid by U.S. government organizations USAID and the National Endowment for Democracy, groups expelled from Bolivia under Morales’ premiership for interference in domestic affairs. In the wake of the coup, the U.S. expressed its delight at what it called the “preservation of democracy,” releasing a statement that all but said, “we did it.” Since then, it has continued to back Añez.
Añez’s government is also trying to impose a 48-hour lockdown straight after the election, claiming it is an anti-COVID-19 measure. However, critics allege it could be an attempt to stop protests against upcoming electoral fraud.
Henry Nina, the president of the Intercultural Confederation, the country’s largest indigenous organization, was confident that justice would be achieved.
We’re going to win back our identity, as the 36 indigenous and Afro nations of Bolivia, recognized by the constitution that we fought for. They’ve discriminated against us, they’ve dismantled our institutions such as the Ministry of Culture, a people without origin and without culture is not a people. This is why we have to rebuild democracy on October 18, so as to be able to rebuild our culture and our identity.”
Sunday represents Bolivia’s best chance to secure lasting peace, with a resounding MAS victory being a repudiation of the right’s military coup in November. Already, through constant struggle, the country’s indigenous groups and trade unions have forced the government to concede to an election. The question remains, however, if it loses, how will the government react?
Feature photo | An opponent of former President Evo Morales fights a supporter of the Movement Towards Socialism Party in La Paz, Bolivia, Oct. 5, 2020. Juan Karita | AP
Oliver Vargas is a British-Bolivian journalist covering the ongoing coup in Bolivia for MintPress News. His writing has appeared in teleSUR, Redfish and The Grayzone among others.
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-10-16--Questions Surround Timing and Details of Trump’s Recent Yemen Prisoner Exchange

SANA ’ A , YEMEN — “ Lak Al Hamd Ya Allah.
” These words , which translate roughly from Arabic into “ All thanks be to God , ” were the first uttered by a 60-year-old Yemeni mother upon seeing her son for the first time in five years .
The tearful reunion took place in Yemen ’ s Sana ’ a International Airport on Wednesday after the young man was released from Saudi Arabia ’ s notorious Khamis Mushait military prison near the Yemen-Saudi border .
She was among hundreds of mothers , wives , and children reunited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between the Houthis ( Ansar Allah ) on one side and Saudi Arabia and the United States on the other .
In a reception replete with pomp and ceremony , freed prisoners were greeted by a number of Ansar Allah officials , ministers , members of Parliament as well as military leaders and social figures amid patriotic music and folk dances .
The surprise prisoner exchange is the largest to have taken place since the war erupted in 2015 and was overseen by the International Committee of the Red Cross .
It would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prisoners not been involved .
” If there were no American prisoners , we would not have seen our families again , ” one fisherman freed in the release told MintPress .
According to the Red Cross , some 1,081 prisoners from all sides were released as a part of an UN-brokered peace deal struck quietly in Switzerland last month .
The UN envoy to Yemen , Martin Griffiths , said in a briefing to the UN Security Council on Thursday that the prisoner exchange offers a glimmer of hope for Yemen , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operation of its kind in history .
Saudi Arabia and its local allies reportedly released 710 Yemeni soldiers and abducted expatriates in the deal in exchange for 3 Americans , one of them deceased , 15 Saudi troops , 4 Sudanese soldiers , and 400 Saudi-backed Yemeni militants .
Kash Patel , the Deputy Assistant to Donald Trump , identified the freed U.S. nationals as Sandra Loli and Mikael Gidada .
Loli claimed to be an aid worker conducting humanitarian work in Yemen and Gidada said he was an American businessman conducting business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Houthis .
The remains of Bilal Fateen , the third U.S. captive who died during clashes with Houthi fighters , were transported to Oman .
The Houthis claim that they have documents proving that the American detainees were arrested conducting intelligence activity on behalf of the United States and Saudi-led coalition .
U.S. National Security Adviser Robert O ’ Brien said in a statement on Wednesday that “ the United States welcomes the release today of U.S. citizens Sandra Loli and Mikael Gidada from Houthi custody in Yemen .
He added @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the family of Bilal Fateen , whose remains will be repatriated as well.
” Abdul Qader Al-Murtaza , chairman of the Houthi-run Committee for Prisoners ’ Affairs , said that 250 prisoners were freed from Saudi prisons and 220 from prisons in Marib province on Thursday , in four separate batches .
Al-Murtaza said that 680 prisoners were originally supposed to have been released into Houthi custody but the “ coalition excluded tens [ of ] prisoners from the prisons of Marib province , which prompted us to exclude prisoners.
” The oil-rich @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fierce fighting between the Houthis and the Saudi-led coalition .
Houthi spokesman Brigadier General Yahya Saree revealed on Thursday that Saudi Arabia was concerned about the Houthi advance in Marib , making the Kingdom eager to negotiate .
Speaking on behalf of the Trump administration , Patel said that the released Houthis did not pose a major threat to Saudi security interests , adding that the individuals were not on any terrorism watch lists .
He also said that an undisclosed number of “ high-risk ” fighters were blocked from release .
According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to MintPress on the condition of anonymity , “ The deal was initially discussed at the start of 2020 by an Omani broker , but the American administration postponed the exchange until today to use it as leverage in the coming presidential election.
” The exchange took place less than three weeks before the start of the U.S. election .
According to a senior Hothi official who spoke to MintPress on the condition of anonymity , “ The deal was initially discussed at the start of 2020 by an Omani broker , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ today to use it as leverage in the coming presidential election.
” The exchange took place less than three weeks before the U.S. election season kicks off .
Despite what appears to many Yemenis to have been little more than a political stunt , Houthis officials remained positive about the move , confirming that they are open to other deals with the United States to end the war in Yemen .
Mohammed AbdulSalam , the spokesman for the movement , said in the wake of the deal , “ These steps restore hope @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offers to implement such a step , and we expect it to be positively reflected in the political file.
” He claimed the release of Saudi and Sudanese prisoners was aimed at encouraging the other side to move towards peace .
“ We made a major concession in this regard.
” Feature photo | US citizens , Sandra Loli , right , and Mikael Gidada , left , are pictured in Muscat , Oman on October 14 , 2020 after being released from Houthi custody back to the United States as part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a Yemeni journalist .
He covers the war in Yemen for MintPress News as well as local Yemeni media .

SANA’A, YEMEN — “Lak Al Hamd Ya Allah.” These words, which translate roughly from Arabic into “All thanks be to God,” were the first uttered by a 60-year-old Yemeni mother upon seeing her son for the first time in five years. The tearful reunion took place in Yemen’s Sana’a International Airport on Wednesday after the young man was released from Saudi Arabia’s notorious Khamis Mushait military prison near the Yemen-Saudi border. She was among hundreds of mothers, wives, and children reunited with loved-ones after a hard-won prisoner exchange between the Houthis (Ansar Allah) on one side and Saudi Arabia and the United States on the other.
In a reception replete with pomp and ceremony, freed prisoners were greeted by a number of Ansar Allah officials, ministers, members of Parliament as well as military leaders and social figures amid patriotic music and folk dances.
The surprise prisoner exchange is the largest to have taken place since the war erupted in 2015 and was overseen by the International Committee of the Red Cross. It would likely have never taken place had American prisoners not been involved. ”If there were no American prisoners, we would not have seen our families again,” one fisherman freed in the release told MintPress.
According to the Red Cross, some 1,081 prisoners from all sides were released as a part of an UN-brokered peace deal struck quietly in Switzerland last month. The UN envoy to Yemen, Martin Griffiths, said in a briefing to the UN Security Council on Thursday that the prisoner exchange offers a glimmer of hope for Yemen, adding that it may be the largest operation of its kind in history.
Saudi Arabia and its local allies reportedly released 710 Yemeni soldiers and abducted expatriates in the deal in exchange for 3 Americans, one of them deceased, 15 Saudi troops, 4 Sudanese soldiers, and 400 Saudi-backed Yemeni militants.
Kash Patel, the Deputy Assistant to Donald Trump, identified the freed U.S. nationals as Sandra Loli and Mikael Gidada. Loli claimed to be an aid worker conducting humanitarian work in Yemen and Gidada said he was an American businessman conducting business in the country when he was detained by the Houthis. The remains of Bilal Fateen, the third U.S. captive who died during clashes with Houthi fighters, were transported to Oman. The Houthis claim that they have documents proving that the American detainees were arrested conducting intelligence activity on behalf of the United States and Saudi-led coalition.
U.S. National Security Adviser Robert O’Brien said in a statement on Wednesday that “the United States welcomes the release today of U.S. citizens Sandra Loli and Mikael Gidada from Houthi custody in Yemen. He added, “We send our condolences to the family of Bilal Fateen, whose remains will be repatriated as well.”
Abdul Qader Al-Murtaza, chairman of the Houthi-run Committee for Prisoners’ Affairs, said that 250 prisoners were freed from Saudi prisons and 220 from prisons in Marib province on Thursday, in four separate batches. Al-Murtaza said that 680 prisoners were originally supposed to have been released into Houthi custody but the “coalition excluded tens [of] prisoners from the prisons of Marib province, which prompted us to exclude prisoners.”
The oil-rich Marib province has been the scene of fierce fighting between the Houthis and the Saudi-led coalition. Houthi spokesman Brigadier General Yahya Saree revealed on Thursday that Saudi Arabia was concerned about the Houthi advance in Marib, making the Kingdom eager to negotiate.
Another October surprise
Speaking on behalf of the Trump administration, Patel said that the released Houthis did not pose a major threat to Saudi security interests, adding that the individuals were not on any terrorism watch lists. He also said that an undisclosed number of “high-risk” fighters were blocked from release.
According to a senior Hothi official who spoke to MintPress on the condition of anonymity, “The deal was initially discussed at the start of 2020 by an Omani broker, but the American administration postponed the exchange until today to use it as leverage in the coming presidential election.” The exchange took place less than three weeks before the start of the U.S. election.
According to a senior Hothi official who spoke to MintPress on the condition of anonymity, “The deal was initially discussed at the start of 2020 by an Omani broker, but the American administration postponed the exchange until today to use it as leverage in the coming presidential election.” The exchange took place less than three weeks before the U.S. election season kicks off.
Despite what appears to many Yemenis to have been little more than a political stunt, Houthis officials remained positive about the move, confirming that they are open to other deals with the United States to end the war in Yemen. Mohammed AbdulSalam, the spokesman for the movement, said in the wake of the deal, “These steps restore hope in building peace. We have made offers to implement such a step, and we expect it to be positively reflected in the political file.” He claimed the release of Saudi and Sudanese prisoners was aimed at encouraging the other side to move towards peace. “We made a major concession in this regard.”
Feature photo | US citizens, Sandra Loli, right, and Mikael Gidada, left, are pictured in Muscat, Oman on October 14, 2020 after being released from Houthi custody back to the United States as part of a massive prisoner exchange.
Ahmed AbdulKareem is a Yemeni journalist. He covers the war in Yemen for MintPress News as well as local Yemeni media.