mintpressnews--2020-10-26--In Stunning Display of Popular Will, Protests in Bolivia to Chile Force Public Reckoning of “Chicago

In Stunning Display of Popular Will, Protests in Bolivia to Chile Force Public Reckoning of “Chicago Boy” Economics

With almost all votes counted , the people of Chile have overwhelmingly chosen to discard their old constitution , written and implemented under the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet .
78 percent of Chileans voted “ Sí ” yesterday for a new constitution , paving the way for a new era in the country ’ s history and a possible break from the structures enshrined by the fascist dictator .
Thousands of jubilant citizens packed into Santiago ’ s city center , especially Plaza Baquedano ( now commonly known as Plaza Dignidad ( Dignity Square ) in honor of those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The word “ rebirth ” was projected onto tall buildings around the city center .
The 1980 constitution was largely written by Pinochet advisor Jaime Guzmán and enshrined into law the neoliberal ideas of American economist Milton Friedman and his team of “ Chicago Boy ” economists who dictated the country ’ s economic policy for decades , leading to a volatile society and rapidly increasing wealth inequality .
The Chilean people also selected the more radical option for their new constitution , with 79 percent opting for a constitutional convention where citizens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ document rather than leaving it to a panel of expert lawmakers .
The historic vote comes just days after another overwhelming progressive electoral victory in Bolivia , where citizens rejected the conservative Añez administration , who came to power in November in a U.S.-backed military coup .
Instead , voters handed the Movement to Socialism Party an enormous mandate to reverse Añez ’ s attempts to privatize the economy and return it to the socialist path pursued by President Evo Morales ( 2006-2019 ) .
“ Yesterday Bolivia , today Chile , tomorrow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popular movements to win .
Latin America has shown that numerous times in the past 20 years , ” remarked Ollie Vargas , who covered the events in Bolivia for MintPress .
Ecuador is currently engulfed in nationwide protests against the neoliberal government of Lenín Moreno , who came to power promising to continue the progressive , anti-imperialist policies of Rafael Correa , but instead lurched his country to the right and towards Washington , D.C. once more .
Like in Bolivia , the strength of public opinion was so immense that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ richest man Sebastian Piñera , immediately conceded .
“ Until now , the constitution has divided us , ” he said , adding that the vote marked , “ the beginning of a path that we must all walk together.
” “ From today we must all work together so that the new constitution is the great framework of unity , stability and the future.
” While Piñera might sound magnanimous today , he was forced into accepting a new constitutional referendum by over a year of continuous and widespread popular struggle .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ with his crackdown leading to 36 deaths , more than 11,000 people wounded , and over 28,000 arrested — enormous figures considering Chile ’ s relatively small population .
The spark for the nationwide revolt was a 30-peso increase to the Santiago subway fare , but it quickly escalated into a general protest about the direction Piñera was taking the country , continuing with the discredited neoliberal model that has been in place since the days of Pinochet .
As the popular slogan went , “ It ’ s not about 30 pesos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” While popular protests pushed Pinochet to officially step down as president in 1990 , he did so from a position of power , continuing as the commander-in-chief of the armed forces for another eight years .
His handpicked officials in the military , police , courts , civil service , and other influential positions were not removed , nor were the laws or the constitution he implemented .
As a result , Chilean society is still marred by the dictatorship , with those at the top of society inordinately Pinochet loyalists .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , has often , consciously or unconsciously , imitated Pinochet .
When the protests first broke out , he sent tanks into the streets to crush them , declaring “ We are at war with a powerful , relentless enemy that respects nothing nor anyone , ” echoing Pinochet ’ s infamous catchphrase .
The progressive victories in Bolivia and Chile have raised the possibility of the dawn of a better era in Latin America .
By 2011 , the vast majority of South Americans were living under avowedly leftist administrations , all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and imperialism .
Yet throughout the 2010s , many lost power , sometimes in part due to the continent-wide economic decline , other times ( such as in Brazil in 2016 or Bolivia last year ) thanks to U.S.-supported coups .
Sunday ’ s referendum is the beginning of a process that will draft a new constitution scheduled to be presented to the people for a popular vote in mid-2022 .
In the meantime , Chile remains one of the world ’ s most unequal countries , and public dissatisfaction with life remains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with such bad news , the weekend ’ s events in Chile undeniably represent a positive step forward for all those who value democracy and the will of the people .
Feature photo | An anti-government protester raises his arms at Plaza Italia on the day Chileans voted in a referendum to decide whether the country should replace its 40-year-old constitution , written during the dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pinochet , in Santiago , Chile , Oct. 25 , 2020 .
Luis Hidalgo | AP Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

With almost all votes counted, the people of Chile have overwhelmingly chosen to discard their old constitution, written and implemented under the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. 78 percent of Chileans voted “Sí” yesterday for a new constitution, paving the way for a new era in the country’s history and a possible break from the structures enshrined by the fascist dictator.
Thousands of jubilant citizens packed into Santiago’s city center, especially Plaza Baquedano (now commonly known as Plaza Dignidad (Dignity Square) in honor of those protesters killed there last year). The word “rebirth” was projected onto tall buildings around the city center.
Massive celebrations in Chile after 78% of the people voted in support of rewriting the country’s Pinochet-era constitution. pic.twitter.com/abydDNqJRj — ian bremmer (@ianbremmer) October 26, 2020
The 1980 constitution was largely written by Pinochet advisor Jaime Guzmán and enshrined into law the neoliberal ideas of American economist Milton Friedman and his team of “Chicago Boy” economists who dictated the country’s economic policy for decades, leading to a volatile society and rapidly increasing wealth inequality.
The Chilean people also selected the more radical option for their new constitution, with 79 percent opting for a constitutional convention where citizens themselves will be elected to write the document rather than leaving it to a panel of expert lawmakers.
Good morning only to Chile, and may Pinochet, Milton Friedman and James Buchanan rot in hell 🙂 — Kate Aronoff (@KateAronoff) October 26, 2020
“Yesterday Bolivia, today Chile, tomorrow Ecuador”
The historic vote comes just days after another overwhelming progressive electoral victory in Bolivia, where citizens rejected the conservative Añez administration, who came to power in November in a U.S.-backed military coup. Instead, voters handed the Movement to Socialism Party an enormous mandate to reverse Añez’s attempts to privatize the economy and return it to the socialist path pursued by President Evo Morales (2006-2019).
“Yesterday Bolivia, today Chile, tomorrow Ecuador. It’s possible for popular movements to win. Latin America has shown that numerous times in the past 20 years,” remarked Ollie Vargas, who covered the events in Bolivia for MintPress. Ecuador is currently engulfed in nationwide protests against the neoliberal government of Lenín Moreno, who came to power promising to continue the progressive, anti-imperialist policies of Rafael Correa, but instead lurched his country to the right and towards Washington, D.C. once more.
Like in Bolivia, the strength of public opinion was so immense that the government, led by Chile’s richest man Sebastian Piñera, immediately conceded. “Until now, the constitution has divided us,” he said, adding that the vote marked, “the beginning of a path that we must all walk together.” “From today we must all work together so that the new constitution is the great framework of unity, stability and the future.”
A year of struggle
While Piñera might sound magnanimous today, he was forced into accepting a new constitutional referendum by over a year of continuous and widespread popular struggle. Millions of Chileans protested his rule, with his crackdown leading to 36 deaths, more than 11,000 people wounded, and over 28,000 arrested — enormous figures considering Chile’s relatively small population.
The spark for the nationwide revolt was a 30-peso increase to the Santiago subway fare, but it quickly escalated into a general protest about the direction Piñera was taking the country, continuing with the discredited neoliberal model that has been in place since the days of Pinochet. As the popular slogan went, “It’s not about 30 pesos, it’s about 30 years.”
The long shadow of fascism
While popular protests pushed Pinochet to officially step down as president in 1990, he did so from a position of power, continuing as the commander-in-chief of the armed forces for another eight years. His handpicked officials in the military, police, courts, civil service, and other influential positions were not removed, nor were the laws or the constitution he implemented. As a result, Chilean society is still marred by the dictatorship, with those at the top of society inordinately Pinochet loyalists.
Piñera, a conservative billionaire business tycoon, has often, consciously or unconsciously, imitated Pinochet. When the protests first broke out, he sent tanks into the streets to crush them, declaring “We are at war with a powerful, relentless enemy that respects nothing nor anyone,” echoing Pinochet’s infamous catchphrase.
Chileans have voted to bury Pinochet's constitution. The road to a more just Chile will long + hard but the people's uprising that began just over a years ago must continue until the deep injustices that brutalise Chileans are addressed. Delighted.https://t.co/EcVOFrvj20 pic.twitter.com/hz2lp4LXP6 — Pablo Navarrete (@pablonav1) October 26, 2020
A new hope?
The progressive victories in Bolivia and Chile have raised the possibility of the dawn of a better era in Latin America. By 2011, the vast majority of South Americans were living under avowedly leftist administrations, all of whom were overtly hostile to aggression and imperialism. Yet throughout the 2010s, many lost power, sometimes in part due to the continent-wide economic decline, other times (such as in Brazil in 2016 or Bolivia last year) thanks to U.S.-supported coups.
Sunday’s referendum is the beginning of a process that will draft a new constitution scheduled to be presented to the people for a popular vote in mid-2022. In the meantime, Chile remains one of the world’s most unequal countries, and public dissatisfaction with life remains high. However, in a year with such bad news, the weekend’s events in Chile undeniably represent a positive step forward for all those who value democracy and the will of the people.
Feature photo | An anti-government protester raises his arms at Plaza Italia on the day Chileans voted in a referendum to decide whether the country should replace its 40-year-old constitution, written during the dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pinochet, in Santiago, Chile, Oct. 25, 2020. Luis Hidalgo | AP
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-10-27--From a Wealthy Socialite to an Israeli Govt Censor, Facebook’s New “Free Speech Court” Is Anything b

From a Wealthy Socialite to an Israeli Govt Censor, Facebook’s New “Free Speech Court” Is Anything but Independent

Days away from the most polarized electoral contest in American history , social media companies like Facebook have vowed to censor any voices which they and their partners in the federal government consider inconvenient .
According to the Wall Street Journal , Facebook is ready to implement election information strategies that have been in the works for years .
Company spokesman Andy Stone told the WSJ that the social media giant will be applying the “ lessons ” learned from previous elections in accordance with the designs of “ hired experts ” and vague references to “ new teams , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across different areas to prepare for various scenarios.
” Mark Zuckerberg ’ s de facto monopoly over online peer-to-peer communication tools has given Facebook an inordinate amount of influence over the political narratives at both national and regional levels , which it has shown a willingness exercise with topics like the Philippines and Palestine .
Last week , the company took a major step in solidifying its grip over the content purveyed on its platform with the official launch of the Facebook Oversight board .
A body that is to function like a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , if you will , with the power to review any decisions regarding post removals or deplatforming and to make policy recommendations .
Members have been drawn from “ law experts… rights advocates ” and journalists from around the world .
The oversight board currently boasts 20 members .
Four members – two of which have extensive experience in the U.S. judicial system – serve as the board ’ s co-chairs and were handpicked by Facebook , according to The Guardian .
Other board members include former Danish prime minister , Helle Thorning-Schmidt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is perhaps only remembered outside of Denmark for her selfie faux pas at Mandela ’ s funeral in 2013 when she was photographed taking a group photo with Barack Obama and David Cameron during the commemoration .
Thorning-Schmidt ’ s insensitive moment at the laying-in-state of one of the most significant figures of the 20th century may be less damning to her presence on a social media oversight board than the tax-evasion scandal involving her husband – a British MP – , which ended up costing her re-election .
When confronted over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intention had really been to evade taxes , she would have done so “ much more elegantly.
” Despite these questionable instances and her reputation as an “ extravagant ” woman with expensive tastes , Thorning-Schmidt remains among the least objectionable figures on the oversight board .
Emi Palmor , for example , presents a much more alarming profile .
One of 16 non-chair members of the board , Palmor is a former General Director of the Israeli Ministry of Justice , she was directly responsible for the removal of tens of thousands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being fired from that job , Palmor had created the so-called “ Internet Referral Unit ” at the ministry ; a cybersecurity team that deliberately targeted and took down the aforementioned content , and whose nomination to the Facebook oversight board was loudly protested by pro-Palestinian advocacy groups back in May .
Inviting a literal state censor from a country with such an atrocious record of oppression and overt ethnic cleansing policies to serve in a supervisory role at one of the largest content networks in the world , should be reason enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough to call for the board ’ s dissolution given that such an egregious choice of personnel reveals an unacceptable political bias in an ostensibly impartial quasi-judicial body .
A look at the other co-chairs on the oversight board leaves no doubt as to which interests Facebook intends to further through its sham social media traffic court .
It might not be a surprise to learn that an American company would tap American legal minds to form part of a dispute resolution body , as Jamal Greene , an oversight board co-chair , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Professor of Law Columbia Law School who served as an aide to Sen. Kamala Harris during the highly-controversial Senate confirmation hearings of Justice Brett Kavanaugh .
Prior to this , he was a law clerk for late Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens , who wrote the 1997 Internet decency controls decision that shot down legislation that sought to regulate online speech .
An auspicious sign , perhaps , but tempered by Steven ’ s own pragmatist views on free speech , leaving the door open to context when protecting the “ public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sitting alongside Greene and Helle Thorning-Schmidt on the oversight board ’ s co-chairmanship is Michael McConnell ; a constitutional law scholar who served seven years as a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit court .
McConnell wrote the dissenting opinion in the seminal “ Ten Commandments ” case , which centered around the government ’ s authority to decide which monuments can be erected in a public park .
Judge McConnell , who has been floated as a potential Supreme Court nominee more than once and is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ church-state law , ” argued in favor of the government ’ s discretionary powers , claiming that private donations to public facilities – like the ten commandments monument in a public park in Utah , that spurred the case – became “ government speech ” and , therefore within the purview of governmental authority .
Rounding out the co-chair suite is Catalina Botero Marino , a Colombian attorney and former special rapporteur for freedom of expression at the Organization of American States ( OAS ) ; an organization well-known for being Washington ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ America .
Botero expressed her position on the very topic she will be dealing with first-hand in her new position as co-chair of the Facebook oversight board in a 2019 paper titled “ Towards an Internet Free of Censorship : standards , contexts , and lessons from the Inter-American Human Rights System.
” In it , Botero reveals why she was tapped to join the make-shift panel of social media judges when she defines freedom of expression as “ individual and collective self-government ” and highlights her “ utmost concern ” over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ created and put into circulation with the purpose of deceiving the public ” in electoral processes .

Days away from the most polarized electoral contest in American history, social media companies like Facebook have vowed to censor any voices which they and their partners in the federal government consider inconvenient. According to the Wall Street Journal, Facebook is ready to implement election information strategies that have been in the works for years.
Company spokesman Andy Stone told the WSJ that the social media giant will be applying the “lessons” learned from previous elections in accordance with the designs of “hired experts” and vague references to “new teams,” who are leveraging their “experience across different areas to prepare for various scenarios.”
Mark Zuckerberg’s de facto monopoly over online peer-to-peer communication tools has given Facebook an inordinate amount of influence over the political narratives at both national and regional levels, which it has shown a willingness exercise with topics like the Philippines and Palestine.
Last week, the company took a major step in solidifying its grip over the content purveyed on its platform with the official launch of the Facebook Oversight board. A body that is to function like a ‘Supreme Court’ for chat rooms, if you will, with the power to review any decisions regarding post removals or deplatforming and to make policy recommendations. Members have been drawn from “law experts… rights advocates” and journalists from around the world. The oversight board currently boasts 20 members.
Four members – two of which have extensive experience in the U.S. judicial system – serve as the board’s co-chairs and were handpicked by Facebook, according to The Guardian. Other board members include former Danish prime minister, Helle Thorning-Schmidt, who is also a co-chair and is perhaps only remembered outside of Denmark for her selfie faux pas at Mandela’s funeral in 2013 when she was photographed taking a group photo with Barack Obama and David Cameron during the commemoration.
Judges of little character
Thorning-Schmidt’s insensitive moment at the laying-in-state of one of the most significant figures of the 20th century may be less damning to her presence on a social media oversight board than the tax-evasion scandal involving her husband – a British MP –, which ended up costing her re-election. When confronted over the accusations, she retorted that if her intention had really been to evade taxes, she would have done so “much more elegantly.” Despite these questionable instances and her reputation as an “extravagant” woman with expensive tastes, Thorning-Schmidt remains among the least objectionable figures on the oversight board.
Emi Palmor, for example, presents a much more alarming profile. One of 16 non-chair members of the board, Palmor is a former General Director of the Israeli Ministry of Justice, she was directly responsible for the removal of tens of thousands of Palestinian posts from Facebook. Before being fired from that job, Palmor had created the so-called “Internet Referral Unit” at the ministry; a cybersecurity team that deliberately targeted and took down the aforementioned content, and whose nomination to the Facebook oversight board was loudly protested by pro-Palestinian advocacy groups back in May.
Inviting a literal state censor from a country with such an atrocious record of oppression and overt ethnic cleansing policies to serve in a supervisory role at one of the largest content networks in the world, should be reason enough for concern. Perhaps, even reason enough to call for the board’s dissolution given that such an egregious choice of personnel reveals an unacceptable political bias in an ostensibly impartial quasi-judicial body.
A clear agenda
A look at the other co-chairs on the oversight board leaves no doubt as to which interests Facebook intends to further through its sham social media traffic court. It might not be a surprise to learn that an American company would tap American legal minds to form part of a dispute resolution body, as Jamal Greene, an oversight board co-chair, describes it.
Greene is a Dwight Professor of Law Columbia Law School who served as an aide to Sen. Kamala Harris during the highly-controversial Senate confirmation hearings of Justice Brett Kavanaugh. Prior to this, he was a law clerk for late Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens, who wrote the 1997 Internet decency controls decision that shot down legislation that sought to regulate online speech. An auspicious sign, perhaps, but tempered by Steven’s own pragmatist views on free speech, leaving the door open to context when protecting the “public interest” surrounding the first amendment.
Sitting alongside Greene and Helle Thorning-Schmidt on the oversight board’s co-chairmanship is Michael McConnell; a constitutional law scholar who served seven years as a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit court. McConnell wrote the dissenting opinion in the seminal “Ten Commandments” case, which centered around the government’s authority to decide which monuments can be erected in a public park.
Judge McConnell, who has been floated as a potential Supreme Court nominee more than once and is “highly regarded for his writing on church-state law,” argued in favor of the government’s discretionary powers, claiming that private donations to public facilities – like the ten commandments monument in a public park in Utah, that spurred the case – became “government speech” and, therefore within the purview of governmental authority.
Rounding out the co-chair suite is Catalina Botero Marino, a Colombian attorney and former special rapporteur for freedom of expression at the Organization of American States (OAS); an organization well-known for being Washington’s mouthpiece for D.C.-aligned policy in Latin America.
Botero expressed her position on the very topic she will be dealing with first-hand in her new position as co-chair of the Facebook oversight board in a 2019 paper titled “Towards an Internet Free of Censorship: standards, contexts, and lessons from the Inter-American Human Rights System.” In it, Botero reveals why she was tapped to join the make-shift panel of social media judges when she defines freedom of expression as “individual and collective self-government” and highlights her “utmost concern” over the “deliberately false circulation of information, created and put into circulation with the purpose of deceiving the public” in electoral processes.
Feature photo | Graphic by MintPress News
Raul Diego is a MintPress News Staff Writer, independent photojournalist, researcher, writer and documentary filmmaker.


mintpressnews--2020-10-28--Times Editorial Lets Slip Joe Biden’s Latin America Policy: More Obama-Style Coups

With less than a week to go , polling shows Democratic candidate Joe Biden to hold a 7.1 point average lead on incumbent president Donald Trump .
Thus , thoughts of what his foreign policy would look like have come to the fore .
Yesterday , The New York Times published a long piece discussing the 77-year-old ’ s plans for Latin America .
The Times was hopeful , noting that Biden would seek to “ repudiate ” Trump ’ s “ hardball approach ” to the region , which has caused a great deal of harm , rallying round @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet buried deep in the article is perhaps the most eye-opening sentence : What the authors are referring to is a continent-wide campaign to unseat progressive leaders that ended in the jailing of Brazilian president Lula da Silva , the impeachment of his successor Dilma Rousseff , and the rise of the far-right authoritarian Jair Bolsonaro .
The so-called Operation Car Wash ( “ Lava Jato ” in Portuguese ) was ostensibly an attempt to root out corruption at all levels of society .
Yet leaked documents and recordings have shown that , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ naked powerplay attempt by Brazil ’ s rich elite to retake control of society from the progressive Workers ’ Party administrations through legal means .
This supposed anti-corruption purge was presided over by Judge Sergio Moro , who presented himself as a neutral actor working in the people ’ s interest .
But an investigation by The Intercept showed that Moro was , in fact , in constant contact with the prosecution , instructing them on how to proceed to impeach Lula .
Once Lula was imprisoned and barred from running in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ favorite to win ) , Moro took a job as justice minister in Bolsonaro ’ s cabinet .
The case against the two Workers ’ Party presidents was weak , to say the least , with many of those leading the prosecution themselves under investigation for more serious corruption cases .
Earlier this year , The Intercept also revealed how intimately ( and illegally ) involved the Obama and Trump administrations were in Lava Jato .
The U.S. Department of Justice was operating in secret from the Brazilian government , working closely with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advising them on how best to proceed .
The National Security Agency ( NSA ) under Obama-Biden also bugged the phones of 29 top Brazilian officials , including President Dilma and many of her staff .
This , despite Brazil being an official ally of the United States .
Yet since Lula ’ s election in 2002 , Brazil had also been a thorn in the side of Washington , acting as a barrier to American regime change operations against leftist governments in the region .
Lula , a self-described socialist and anti-imperialist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Venezuela ’ s Hugo Chavez and Cuba ’ s Castro brothers , while also refusing to support a U.S.-backed right-wing secessionist movement in Eastern Bolivia aimed at undermining President Evo Morales .
Lula later drew Washington ’ s ire by independently brokering a nuclear deal with Iran that undermined Obama ’ s claims that Tehran would never agree to one , hence the need for sanctions .
And so , while The Times report presents Bolsonaro as an adversary of Biden , his rise was directly facilitated by the Obama administration ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s advisors have also laid out their plans for Central America , which include a $ 750 million package tied to privatization drives and austerity measures that might perpetuate the very economic and political conditions that led migrants to flee in the first place .
His team also doubled down on his commitment to regime change in Venezuela , although , like Trump , he appears to be growing weary of U.S.-backed figure Juan Guaidó .
Figures both on the right and the left are presenting Biden as a progressive champion .
Conservative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ the party of Bernie Sanders , ” claiming that Biden is a “ facade for [ leftist ] radicalism.
” In equally questionable fashion , Rep. Ilhan Omar also claimed that she expected a leftward shift from Biden after the election .
Biden , however , is currently considering a number of Republicans for senior positions in his administration , while sidelining Sanders and even Elizabeth Warren , despite their widespread popular support among the party ’ s rank and file .
In reality , Biden has always represented the right-wing of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Latin America is little different , bearing more similarities than differences with the Trump administration ’ s .
Feature photo | Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden speaks to the media after voting at the Carvel State Office Building , Wednesday , Oct. 28 , 2020 , in Wilmington , Del .
Andrew Harnik | AP Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

With less than a week to go, polling shows Democratic candidate Joe Biden to hold a 7.1 point average lead on incumbent president Donald Trump. Thus, thoughts of what his foreign policy would look like have come to the fore. Yesterday, The New York Times published a long piece discussing the 77-year-old’s plans for Latin America. The Times was hopeful, noting that Biden would seek to “repudiate” Trump’s “hardball approach” to the region, which has caused a great deal of harm, rallying round shared goals of combating climate change.
Yet buried deep in the article is perhaps the most eye-opening sentence:
Mr. Biden’s advisers say they would seek to revive the anti-corruption campaign that set off political earthquakes across the Americas starting in 2014, but largely stalled in recent years.”
What the authors are referring to is a continent-wide campaign to unseat progressive leaders that ended in the jailing of Brazilian president Lula da Silva, the impeachment of his successor Dilma Rousseff, and the rise of the far-right authoritarian Jair Bolsonaro. The so-called Operation Car Wash (“Lava Jato” in Portuguese) was ostensibly an attempt to root out corruption at all levels of society. Yet leaked documents and recordings have shown that, from the beginning, it was a naked powerplay attempt by Brazil’s rich elite to retake control of society from the progressive Workers’ Party administrations through legal means.
Disturbing signals from Biden camp in NYT. They “seek to revive the anti-corruption campaign that set off political earthquakes across the Americas starting in 2014 but largely stalled in recent years” That #Lawfare strategy put Bolsonaro in power. ⚫https://t.co/6f3L1wzlWz pic.twitter.com/RQX1ZhGhyo — Brasil Wire (@BrasilWire) October 27, 2020
This supposed anti-corruption purge was presided over by Judge Sergio Moro, who presented himself as a neutral actor working in the people’s interest. But an investigation by The Intercept showed that Moro was, in fact, in constant contact with the prosecution, instructing them on how to proceed to impeach Lula. Once Lula was imprisoned and barred from running in the 2018 election (despite being the overwhelming favorite to win), Moro took a job as justice minister in Bolsonaro’s cabinet. The case against the two Workers’ Party presidents was weak, to say the least, with many of those leading the prosecution themselves under investigation for more serious corruption cases.
Earlier this year, The Intercept also revealed how intimately (and illegally) involved the Obama and Trump administrations were in Lava Jato. The U.S. Department of Justice was operating in secret from the Brazilian government, working closely with the prosecution, training, coaching and advising them on how best to proceed.
The National Security Agency (NSA) under Obama-Biden also bugged the phones of 29 top Brazilian officials, including President Dilma and many of her staff. This, despite Brazil being an official ally of the United States.
Yet since Lula’s election in 2002, Brazil had also been a thorn in the side of Washington, acting as a barrier to American regime change operations against leftist governments in the region. Lula, a self-described socialist and anti-imperialist, forged close ties with leaders like Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez and Cuba’s Castro brothers, while also refusing to support a U.S.-backed right-wing secessionist movement in Eastern Bolivia aimed at undermining President Evo Morales.
Lula later drew Washington’s ire by independently brokering a nuclear deal with Iran that undermined Obama’s claims that Tehran would never agree to one, hence the need for sanctions.
And so, while The Times report presents Bolsonaro as an adversary of Biden, his rise was directly facilitated by the Obama administration’s policies in Latin America.
Biden’s advisors have also laid out their plans for Central America, which include a $750 million package tied to privatization drives and austerity measures that might perpetuate the very economic and political conditions that led migrants to flee in the first place. His team also doubled down on his commitment to regime change in Venezuela, although, like Trump, he appears to be growing weary of U.S.-backed figure Juan Guaidó.
Figures both on the right and the left are presenting Biden as a progressive champion. Conservative commentator Ben Shapiro described the Democrats as “the party of Bernie Sanders,” claiming that Biden is a “facade for [leftist] radicalism.” In equally questionable fashion, Rep. Ilhan Omar also claimed that she expected a leftward shift from Biden after the election. Biden, however, is currently considering a number of Republicans for senior positions in his administration, while sidelining Sanders and even Elizabeth Warren, despite their widespread popular support among the party’s rank and file. In reality, Biden has always represented the right-wing of the Democratic Party, and his policy on Latin America is little different, bearing more similarities than differences with the Trump administration’s.
Feature photo | Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden speaks to the media after voting at the Carvel State Office Building, Wednesday, Oct. 28, 2020, in Wilmington, Del. Andrew Harnik | AP
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-10-28--Bolivia’s Hardline Christian Govt Charged with Massacring Protesters as Morales Returns from Exile

Almost exactly one year after he was overthrown in a U.S.-backed military coup , former Bolivian president Evo Morales is set to return to his homeland .
Earlier this week , a Bolivian court threw out terrorism charges leveled by Jeanine Añez ’ s coup government against Morales .
Today Senator-Elect Andronico Rodriguez , a senior official from the Movement to Socialism ( MAS ) Party , announced that he would return on November 9 , the day after Luis Arce is sworn in as president of the republic .
MAS won a landslide victory on October 20 , receiving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a five-way election .
So comprehensive was the result that the State Department felt compelled to congratulate the MAS on their victory in a “ peaceful ” and “ credible ” election , despite the fact that it supported Morales ’ removal in November .
As president from 2006 to 2019 , Morales grew the Bolivian economy while also greatly reducing poverty , illiteracy , and hunger .
The election result was a crushing defeat for Añez , whose administration ’ s claims to be an interim custodian of democracy despite ruling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and massacring those protesting her rule .
After postponing elections multiple times citing a public health threat from COVID-19 , Añez was finally forced to concede after a weeks-long summer general strike brought Bolivia to its knees .
On Monday , the country ’ s legislative assembly decided to charge her and a number of other officials from her government , including the notorious Arturo Murillo , with ordering the massacres of protesters in Senkata and Sacaba .
Just before those events , Añez announced that security services would be pre-exonerated of all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re-establishment of order.
” Medea Benjamin reported from the scene for MintPress , describing how churches were turned into makeshift morgues , with blood running from the pews .
Dozens of people were killed .
Añez took to Twitter to express her outrage at being charged .
“ MAS is recovering its habit of prosecuting those who think differently , ” she said .
“ That is why it must be reminded that democracy is not only the rule of the majority .
Also , it is the government adjusted to the law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freedom.
” She did not reference her role in the killings .
In her last days in office , Añez also appears to be attempting to push through judicial reforms that could help her in the coming months should she face trial for her crimes .
She took to Twitter to present a draft bill to amend laws on conciliation and arbitration , in her words , “ seeking to incorporate mediation in the resolution of conflicts , ” something that will doubtless be in her future .
Añez was in no conciliatory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she was handpicked by the military to become the leader of what she called an “ interim government.
” A hardline Christian conservative who had previously labeled the country ’ s indigenous majority “ satanic ” individuals who should not be allowed to live in cities , she came to the presidential palace brandishing an oversized bible and shouting that God had returned to the government .
Under her rule , the MAS was persecuted , its leaders charged with sedition and terrorism , with many ( like Morales ) forced to flee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ began shutting down media outlets and intimidating foreign human rights observers .
One final victim of the interim government died today , as miners ’ union leader Orlando Gutiérrez , who had been beaten up by a right-wing crowd during last week ’ s election , succumbed to his injuries at a La Paz hospital .
Gutiérrez emerged as one of the most vocal and charismatic opponents of Añez ’ s rule , organizing mass resistance nationwide .
Bolivia ’ s far-right have not taken their fall from grace well .
Luis Fernando @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the vote in the presidential election , began crying on camera at his defeat .
On Monday he cried fraud again , yet few appeared to heed his calls .
Many of his followers held a prayer session outside a military base in Santa Cruz , beseeching the army to intervene as it did in November .
Yesterday , Colonel Esteban Arce Leon recorded a video threatening to “ act ” if the MAS did not “ respect ” the armed forces .
“ Democracy is still fragile , some pro-coup forces @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Bolivian people , ” remarked MintPress ’ Ollie Vargas from La Paz .
Nevertheless , the strength of public sentiment to overturn the coup added to the highly organized popular classes , means that any attempt to overthrow democracy twice in a year will be met with committed resistance .
The forces of power in Bolivia have shifted , as illustrated by the return of Morales .
The boy will soon be back in town .
Feature photo | Jeanine Anez , center , wearing the Presidential sash and holding a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ balcony of the Quemado palace after she declared herself interim president of the country , in La Paz , Bolivia .
Juan Karita | AP Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Almost exactly one year after he was overthrown in a U.S.-backed military coup, former Bolivian president Evo Morales is set to return to his homeland. Earlier this week, a Bolivian court threw out terrorism charges leveled by Jeanine Añez’s coup government against Morales. Today Senator-Elect Andronico Rodriguez, a senior official from the Movement to Socialism (MAS) Party, announced that he would return on November 9, the day after Luis Arce is sworn in as president of the republic.
MAS won a landslide victory on October 20, receiving over 55 percent of the popular vote in a five-way election. So comprehensive was the result that the State Department felt compelled to congratulate the MAS on their victory in a “peaceful” and “credible” election, despite the fact that it supported Morales’ removal in November. As president from 2006 to 2019, Morales grew the Bolivian economy while also greatly reducing poverty, illiteracy, and hunger.
The election result was a crushing defeat for Añez, whose administration’s claims to be an interim custodian of democracy despite ruling with an iron fist, quashing dissent and massacring those protesting her rule. After postponing elections multiple times citing a public health threat from COVID-19, Añez was finally forced to concede after a weeks-long summer general strike brought Bolivia to its knees.
On Monday, the country’s legislative assembly decided to charge her and a number of other officials from her government, including the notorious Arturo Murillo, with ordering the massacres of protesters in Senkata and Sacaba. Just before those events, Añez announced that security services would be pre-exonerated of all crimes during what she called the “re-establishment of order.” Medea Benjamin reported from the scene for MintPress, describing how churches were turned into makeshift morgues, with blood running from the pews. Dozens of people were killed.
“Thinking differently”
Añez took to Twitter to express her outrage at being charged. “MAS is recovering its habit of prosecuting those who think differently,” she said. “That is why it must be reminded that democracy is not only the rule of the majority. Also, it is the government adjusted to the law and it is the government that respects freedom.” She did not reference her role in the killings.
In her last days in office, Añez also appears to be attempting to push through judicial reforms that could help her in the coming months should she face trial for her crimes. She took to Twitter to present a draft bill to amend laws on conciliation and arbitration, in her words, “seeking to incorporate mediation in the resolution of conflicts,” something that will doubtless be in her future.
“Interim” government
Añez was in no conciliatory mood last November, however, when she was handpicked by the military to become the leader of what she called an “interim government.” A hardline Christian conservative who had previously labeled the country’s indigenous majority “satanic” individuals who should not be allowed to live in cities, she came to the presidential palace brandishing an oversized bible and shouting that God had returned to the government.
Under her rule, the MAS was persecuted, its leaders charged with sedition and terrorism, with many (like Morales) forced to flee the country. Her government also immediately began shutting down media outlets and intimidating foreign human rights observers.
One final victim of the interim government died today, as miners’ union leader Orlando Gutiérrez, who had been beaten up by a right-wing crowd during last week’s election, succumbed to his injuries at a La Paz hospital. Gutiérrez emerged as one of the most vocal and charismatic opponents of Añez’s rule, organizing mass resistance nationwide.
Praying for another coup
Bolivia’s far-right have not taken their fall from grace well. Luis Fernando Camacho, who received only 14 percent of the vote in the presidential election, began crying on camera at his defeat. On Monday he cried fraud again, yet few appeared to heed his calls. Many of his followers held a prayer session outside a military base in Santa Cruz, beseeching the army to intervene as it did in November. Yesterday, Colonel Esteban Arce Leon recorded a video threatening to “act” if the MAS did not “respect” the armed forces. “Democracy is still fragile, some pro-coup forces are not ready to accept the will of the Bolivian people,” remarked MintPress’ Ollie Vargas from La Paz.
Bolivian military officer threatens to 'act' if the army isn't 'respected' by politicians. His face uncovered & name stated openly in the video. Democracy is still fragile, some pro-coup forces are not ready to accept the will of the Bolivian people. pic.twitter.com/RJnkXE1H2B — Ollie Vargas (@OVargas52) October 27, 2020
Nevertheless, the strength of public sentiment to overturn the coup added to the highly organized popular classes, means that any attempt to overthrow democracy twice in a year will be met with committed resistance. The forces of power in Bolivia have shifted, as illustrated by the return of Morales. The boy will soon be back in town.
Feature photo | Jeanine Anez, center, wearing the Presidential sash and holding a Bible, addresses the crowd from the balcony of the Quemado palace after she declared herself interim president of the country, in La Paz, Bolivia. Juan Karita | AP
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-10-30--The Knives Come Out as Greenwald Splits From the Intercept Citing Censorship

Glenn Greenwald , co-founder of investigative news outlet The Intercept , very publicly resigned from his position yesterday .
The immediate trigger for his decision was a refusal to publish his article exploring corruption in the Biden campaign by his editors , but , as the cult journalist explained on his Substack page , there were also long term and deeper underlying factors that forced him to move on .
Greenwald created the Substack page for this purpose , posting his resignation letter , then the censored article followed by the email exchange with his editors that preceded his resignation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has virtually complete editorial freedom and control over his own content , but he revealed that he felt like the outlet had slowly become a bulwark of the establishment , mindlessly repeating the same liberal talking points , rather than challenging them .
“ The pathologies , illiberalism , and repressive mentality that led to the bizarre spectacle of my being censored by my own media outlet are ones that are by no means unique to The Intercept , ” he wrote .
Greenwald revealed that he had harbored serious problems with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of The Intercept for some time , but continued on because he was still afforded complete control over his own output .
The 53-year-old former attorney said he found himself in the position of somehow being silenced from expressing himself days before an election because of the views of “ random editors in New York ” who wished him to conform to the Democratic Party line .
Greenwald will now pursue a reader-supported model of journalism on Substack .
For its part , The Intercept ensured that the event would be an extremely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response accusing him of throwing a “ tantrum ” over “ preposterous ” charges .
“ He believes that anyone who disagrees with him is corrupt , and anyone who presumes to edit his words is a censor , ” they wrote , claiming he was presenting falsehoods in order to falsely make himself look like a victim .
“ Over the past six years , ” they concluded , “ it is Glenn who has strayed from his original journalistic roots , not The Intercept.
” Greenwald has since published both the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between himself and his editors .
The knives come out While some Intercept employees , like Ryan Grim , attempted to steer a neutral path between management and Greenwald , others , such as Naomi Klein , went on the attack .
“ Glenn was not ‘ censored ’ — he was edited , and edited well .
Crying censorship is a marketing ploy to gin up subscribers for his new Substack .
Are people really going to fall for it ?
” she wrote on Twitter , also suggesting he was directly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ Imagine not caring that you are feeding into this garbage at this point in history.
” The Atlantic ’ s David Frum , the man who coined the term “ access of evil ” for the Bush administration , professed his outrage over the emergence of an alliance of reactionary thinkers , including Greenwald and Matt Taibbi on the left and Tucker Carlson , Joe Rogan , and the Federalist Magazine on the right .
Journalist Marcy Wheeler , who has repeatedly clashed with Greenwald over their radically different interpretations of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Intercept on the news , claiming “ a lot of good reporters…have been unfairly tainted by Glenn Greenwald simply making shit up with impunity for too long.
” The changing face of The Intercept Launched in 2014 and featuring a prestigious lineup of journalists , The Intercept immediately became synonymous with hard-hitting , investigative journalism .
But it also developed a reputation for not protecting their sources ( a cardinal sin in the journalism business ) .
NSA whistleblower Reality Winner was sentenced to five years in prison , thanks to The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One year later former FBI agent Terry J. Albury , who shared documents exposing the organization ’ s surveillance of journalists and of religious and ethnic minorities , was jailed after his identity was exposed .
Amazingly , in 2019 , The Intercept burned their third source , as intelligence analyst Daniel Hale was charged with leaking top secret documents on drone warfare the organization ’ s editor Jeremy Scahill .
The financial backing for the outlet comes from tech billionaire and eBay founder Pierre Omidyar .
With a net worth of over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has ample cash to fund a myriad of think tanks and initiatives , all with a neoliberal interventionist outlook , many of whom have direct links to Washington and its agenda of regime change around the world .
This has included using The Intercept as a vehicle to publish fawning depictions of the White Helmets in Syria .
The result of this , according to Alex Rubenstein and Max Blumental , is that Omidyar is conducting “ global information war ” and shaping the media landscape in his interests .
Thus , while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does not challenge the power and interests of its own backer .
A staunch Democrat , Omidyar gave hefty donations to anti-Trump super-PACs , while The Intercept began to turn on Wikileaks , attacking the organization for supposedly being a Trump conduit .
At the same time , it continues to refuse to publish its own Snowden archive , last year announcing it would shut down the project with fewer than 10 percent of the documents made available to the public .
Greenwald appears to have become seen as quite a problem for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clashing horribly with establishment Democratic opinion .
As Greenwald continued to undermine the mainstream narrative of widespread Russian interference in the 2016 election , Omidyar hired noted Russia hawk James Risen as “ Senior National Security Correspondent ” to offer essentially the opposite opinion in its pages .
Investigating suggests Risen was paid around $ 16,000 per article written .
This latest incident only adds fuel to the fire that the outlet has become a mainstream , Democrat-aligned organization .
As journalist Matt Taibbi noted , “ The Intercept uncritically took dictation from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Michael Hayden , and killed a piece by their Pulitzer-winning founder because it was critical of the probable next president.
” MintPress has been covering the evolution of The Intercept , from investigative outlet to “ attack dog of the establishment ” for some time , and it appears Greenwald is coming towards that same conclusion , writing in his farewell note : As someone walking away from a well-paid job in a notoriously competitive and shrinking industry , Greenwald ’ s future is now in doubt .
“ I am voluntarily sacrificing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guaranteed salary in exchange for nothing other than a belief that there are enough people who believe in the virtues of independent journalism and the need for free discourse who will be willing to support my work by subscribing , ” he wrote .
Whether you believe he is a principled truth teller or a reckless crusader helping Trump , there is no doubt that his actions this week were a big step into the unknown .
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

Glenn Greenwald, co-founder of investigative news outlet The Intercept, very publicly resigned from his position yesterday. The immediate trigger for his decision was a refusal to publish his article exploring corruption in the Biden campaign by his editors, but, as the cult journalist explained on his Substack page, there were also long term and deeper underlying factors that forced him to move on. Greenwald created the Substack page for this purpose, posting his resignation letter, then the censored article followed by the email exchange with his editors that preceded his resignation.
A bad breakup
Greenwald’s contract stipulates he has virtually complete editorial freedom and control over his own content, but he revealed that he felt like the outlet had slowly become a bulwark of the establishment, mindlessly repeating the same liberal talking points, rather than challenging them. “The pathologies, illiberalism, and repressive mentality that led to the bizarre spectacle of my being censored by my own media outlet are ones that are by no means unique to The Intercept,” he wrote.
These are the viruses that have contaminated virtually every mainstream center-left political organization, academic institution, and newsroom. I began writing about politics fifteen years ago with the goal of combatting media propaganda and repression, and — regardless of the risks involved — simply cannot accept any situation, no matter how secure or lucrative, that forces me to submit my journalism and right of free expression to its suffocating constraints and dogmatic dictates.”
Greenwald revealed that he had harbored serious problems with the conduct of his employers and the direction of The Intercept for some time, but continued on because he was still afforded complete control over his own output.
But the brute censorship this week of my article — about the Hunter Biden materials and Joe Biden’s conduct regarding Ukraine and China, as well my critique of the media’s rank-closing attempt, in a deeply unholy union with Silicon Valley and the “intelligence community,” to suppress its revelations — eroded the last justification I could cling to for staying,” he explained.
The 53-year-old former attorney said he found himself in the position of somehow being silenced from expressing himself days before an election because of the views of “random editors in New York” who wished him to conform to the Democratic Party line. Greenwald will now pursue a reader-supported model of journalism on Substack.
For its part, The Intercept ensured that the event would be an extremely messy breakup indeed, publishing an acerbic response accusing him of throwing a “tantrum” over “preposterous” charges. “He believes that anyone who disagrees with him is corrupt, and anyone who presumes to edit his words is a censor,” they wrote, claiming he was presenting falsehoods in order to falsely make himself look like a victim. “Over the past six years,” they concluded, “it is Glenn who has strayed from his original journalistic roots, not The Intercept.” Greenwald has since published both the rejected story and a lengthy email exchange between himself and his editors.
The knives come out
While some Intercept employees, like Ryan Grim, attempted to steer a neutral path between management and Greenwald, others, such as Naomi Klein, went on the attack. “Glenn was not ‘censored’ — he was edited, and edited well. Crying censorship is a marketing ploy to gin up subscribers for his new Substack. Are people really going to fall for it?” she wrote on Twitter, also suggesting he was directly and callously helping Donald Trump win re-election: “Imagine not caring that you are feeding into this garbage at this point in history.”
I'm grateful to Glenn for helping to found such an important media outlet. #TheIntercept is run by editors who give us all exceptional freedom to write and speak while also telling us when we are losing the plot. It's an honor to work with them. Become a member today. https://t.co/XO1jpPpS6y — Naomi Klein (@NaomiAKlein) October 29, 2020
Imagine not caring that you are feeding into this garbage at this point in history: https://t.co/uJ16jPQ37M — Naomi Klein (@NaomiAKlein) October 29, 2020
The Atlantic’s David Frum, the man who coined the term “axis of evil” for the Bush administration, professed his outrage over the emergence of an alliance of reactionary thinkers, including Greenwald and Matt Taibbi on the left and Tucker Carlson, Joe Rogan, and the Federalist Magazine on the right.
Journalist Marcy Wheeler, who has repeatedly clashed with Greenwald over their radically different interpretations of the RussiaGate scandal, congratulated everyone at The Intercept on the news, claiming “a lot of good reporters…have been unfairly tainted by Glenn Greenwald simply making shit up with impunity for too long.”
Sounds like an Axis of Evil you've discovered. https://t.co/XQszlY5zSF — Glenn Greenwald (@ggreenwald) October 30, 2020
The changing face of The Intercept
Launched in 2014 and featuring a prestigious lineup of journalists, The Intercept immediately became synonymous with hard-hitting, investigative journalism. But it also developed a reputation for not protecting their sources (a cardinal sin in the journalism business).
NSA whistleblower Reality Winner was sentenced to five years in prison, thanks to The Intercept revealing her identity to authorities. One year later former FBI agent Terry J. Albury, who shared documents exposing the organization’s surveillance of journalists and of religious and ethnic minorities, was jailed after his identity was exposed. Amazingly, in 2019, The Intercept burned their third source, as intelligence analyst Daniel Hale was charged with leaking top secret documents on drone warfare the organization’s editor Jeremy Scahill.
The financial backing for the outlet comes from tech billionaire and eBay founder Pierre Omidyar. With a net worth of over $17 billion, the French-born tycoon has ample cash to fund a myriad of think tanks and initiatives, all with a neoliberal interventionist outlook, many of whom have direct links to Washington and its agenda of regime change around the world. This has included using The Intercept as a vehicle to publish fawning depictions of the White Helmets in Syria. The result of this, according to Alex Rubenstein and Max Blumental, is that Omidyar is conducting “global information war” and shaping the media landscape in his interests. Thus, while The Intercept may appear radical, it does not challenge the power and interests of its own backer.
A staunch Democrat, Omidyar gave hefty donations to anti-Trump super-PACs, while The Intercept began to turn on Wikileaks, attacking the organization for supposedly being a Trump conduit. At the same time, it continues to refuse to publish its own Snowden archive, last year announcing it would shut down the project with fewer than 10 percent of the documents made available to the public.
Greenwald appears to have become seen as quite a problem for the outlet, his skepticism on RussiaGate clashing horribly with establishment Democratic opinion. As Greenwald continued to undermine the mainstream narrative of widespread Russian interference in the 2016 election, Omidyar hired noted Russia hawk James Risen as “Senior National Security Correspondent” to offer essentially the opposite opinion in its pages. Investigating suggests Risen was paid around $16,000 per article written.
This latest incident only adds fuel to the fire that the outlet has become a mainstream, Democrat-aligned organization. As journalist Matt Taibbi noted, “The Intercept uncritically took dictation from John Brennan, Jim Clapper, and Michael Hayden, and killed a piece by their Pulitzer-winning founder because it was critical of the probable next president.”
MintPress has been covering the evolution of The Intercept, from investigative outlet to “attack dog of the establishment” for some time, and it appears Greenwald is coming towards that same conclusion, writing in his farewell note:
The current iteration of The Intercept is completely unrecognizable when compared to that original vision. Rather than offering a venue for airing dissent, marginalized voices and unheard perspectives, it is rapidly becoming just another media outlet with mandated ideological and partisan loyalties, a rigid and narrow range of permitted viewpoints (ranging from establishment liberalism to soft leftism, but always anchored in ultimate support for the Democratic Party), a deep fear of offending hegemonic cultural liberalism and center-left Twitter luminaries, and an overarching need to secure the approval and admiration of the very mainstream media outlets we created The Intercept to oppose, critique and subvert.
It's now easier than ever to publish independently of corporate media. If you have a large following, you'll get paid too. Glenn Greenwald's recently opened Substack newsletter is free, but he's already got tons of readers and paying subscribers. The Intercept is a sinking ship. pic.twitter.com/Nr7P1NY2iU — FiveFilters.org ⏳ (@fivefilters) October 30, 2020
As someone walking away from a well-paid job in a notoriously competitive and shrinking industry, Greenwald’s future is now in doubt. “I am voluntarily sacrificing the support of a large institution and guaranteed salary in exchange for nothing other than a belief that there are enough people who believe in the virtues of independent journalism and the need for free discourse who will be willing to support my work by subscribing,” he wrote. Whether you believe he is a principled truth teller or a reckless crusader helping Trump, there is no doubt that his actions this week were a big step into the unknown.
Feature photo | Image by MintPress | Original photograph by Vincent Yu
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-10-30--War-Weary Yemenis See Threat in Israel’s Increasingly Public Role in Their Country

Israeli battleships now sit side by side with Emirati corvettes ominously docked in Hodeida ’ s territorial waters in a blatant sign of Israel ’ s increasingly visibly role in the Saudi-led Coalition ’ s half a decade long war in Yemen .
The ships also represent something else to residents in Western Yemen , where a Houthi-led commemoration of Prophet Muhammad ’ s birthday on Thursday turned into railed a demonstration against what many see as an imminent threat to the very identity and soul of Islam , their autonomy , security , and to their brethren in Palestine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the threat of COVID-19 , and one of the bloodiest wars currently raging anywhere on the planet , massive rallies took place across most of Yemen ’ s provinces .
Protesters shouted slogans against French President Emmanuel Macron , whose public defense of cartoons mocking Islam ’ s holiest figure , Prophet Muhammad , under the guise of free speech is seen as hypocritical coming from a country where questioning details of the Holocaust can land someone in jail .
Demonstrators , and indeed many Muslims across the region , see the events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goal of dehumanizing Muslims and gutting the identity of its adherents from within .
Demonstrators carried green flags , a symbol of the Prophet Muhammad , and banners emblazoned with slogans against Macron , the Saudi coalition , and its new Israeli partners .
In Yemen ’ s capital city of Sana ’ a , where the largest demonstrations took place , hundreds of thousands gathered in the southern district of Al-Sabaean .
Expats from 20 countries , including Sudan , Syria , Palestine , Egypt , and Bangladesh took part in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saudi province of Najran even joined .
The events were organized primarily by the Houthis and Houthi leader Abdulmalik Al-Houthi took to the podium to give a televised address to a massive audience in which he warned that western intelligence agencies in both the United States and France were involved in supporting the same extremist Salafi interpretation of Islam that is the widely practiced in Saudi Arabia , in part to tarnish the image of the religion and to justify wars in Muslim countries .
Al-Houthi also warned that distortion and misinterpretation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among Muslims .
“ Western [ countries ] have used such deviation to insult the Holy Qur ’ an and Islam .
There is no mercy or sympathy whatsoever in Western civilization .
They trample on human societies , deprive people of their freedom , plunder their wealth and occupy their lands , and then lecture others on human rights , ” he said .
The massive demonstrations came despite threats of violence from the very same elements that Al-Houthi warned of .
In the weeks leading up to Thursday ’ s rallies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ security during proceedings , including the banning of large trucks from central Sana ’ a and the establishment of additional checkpoints in the Yemeni capital and other provinces .
Despite the additional security measures , Hassan Zaid , the Houthi Minister for Youth and Sports , was assassinated on Tuesday as he drove his car through Sana ’ a .
His 11-year-old daughter was seriously injured in the attack .
Zaid was one of the most influential political opponents to Saudi Arabia and was wanted by the Kingdom , which offered a $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his capture .
Houthi security forces said that they had also thwarted dozens of other planned attacks on Thursday ’ s demonstration .
The sheer scale of this week ’ s demonstrations dwarfed similar rallies that have taken place in previous years , not only due to Macron ’ s comments in France but because of fierce opposition to Israel ’ s new partnership with the UAE and other wealthy Gulf states , and its increasingly active presence in Yemen .
Yemenis fear that Israel not only seeks control of the strategic Bab-el-Mandeb @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in previous months , but also that it seeks a permanent footprint inside of Yemen and hopes to replace the original inhabitants of the islands and other coastal cities with Israeli settlers in a move reminiscent of the land grabs that led to the eventual annexation of land in what is now Israel .
In October , Houthi spokesman Yahya Saree warned that Israel was planning to naturalize tens of thousands of Yemeni-born Jews , emphasizing that such a scenario posed a grave threat to Yemen ’ s national security .
Saree presented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that were seized when the Houthis took control from the government of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh , who ruled Yemen for 33 years .
Those documents detailed visits by Israeli officials to Yemen , facilitated by the UAE , in which a number of economic , cultural , and agricultural agreements were brokered alongside an agreement to open Yemeni airspace to Israeli aircraft .
The most dangerous documents , according to Saree , relate to “ the modernization of the Yemeni military forces.
” According to the documents , Israeli diplomat Bruce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an unannounced visit on July 14 of 2007 , which lasted 48 hours .
During that trip , Kashdan met with Yemeni military and security top brass who are relatives of Saleh .
The Israeli official left Sana ’ a International Airport on July 16 , 2007 .
The visit had been arranged by Yemeni officials in collaboration with the United Arab Emirates .
Kashdan , who was also serving as a coordinator of relations between Tel Aviv and Dubai at that time , had also visited Yemen on February 2 , 2005 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also visited Sana ’ a in March 1996 and received remarkable hospitality given the Yemeni government ’ s official stance towards Israel at the time .
Knesset members met with several senior security and civilian officials headed by former president Saleh .
Many Israeli delegations visited Yemen between 1995 and 2000 under the cover of tourism , commerce , and investment , according to the National Security Agency documents .
Saree accused the UAE and Israel of reviving a project that granted Israeli citizenship to more than 60,000 Yemenis .
According to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minister in 2004 by Hamad Saeed Al-Zaabi , the Emirati ambassador in Sana ’ a , an Israeli delegation visited the Yemeni capital as part of normalization efforts and presented demands to build a museum celebrating Yemeni Jews in Sana ’ a among other moves that included naturalizing 45,000 Yemeni Jews as Israeli citizens .
The Emirati ambassador described the move as part of a broader effort being pushed by the United States .
Feature photo | A Yemeni man holds a green flag with Arabic writing that reads , “ at your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” during a celebration of Mawlid al-Nabi , the birth of Islam ’ s prophet Muhammad in Sana ’ a , Yemen , Oct. 29 , 2020 .
Hani Mohammed | AP Ahmed AbdulKareem is a Yemeni journalist .
He covers the war in Yemen for MintPress News as well as local Yemeni media

Israeli battleships now sit side by side with Emirati corvettes ominously docked in Hodeida’s territorial waters in a blatant sign of Israel’s increasingly visibly role in the Saudi-led Coalition’s half a decade long war in Yemen. The ships also represent something else to residents in Western Yemen, where a Houthi-led commemoration of Prophet Muhammad’s birthday on Thursday turned into railed a demonstration against what many see as an imminent threat to the very identity and soul of Islam, their autonomy, security, and to their brethren in Palestine.
Despite an ongoing fuel crisis, the threat of COVID-19, and one of the bloodiest wars currently raging anywhere on the planet, massive rallies took place across most of Yemen’s provinces. Protesters shouted slogans against French President Emmanuel Macron, whose public defense of cartoons mocking Islam’s holiest figure, Prophet Muhammad, under the guise of free speech is seen as hypocritical coming from a country where questioning details of the Holocaust can land someone in jail. Demonstrators, and indeed many Muslims across the region, see the events in France as hiding a more nefarious goal of dehumanizing Muslims and gutting the identity of its adherents from within.
Demonstrators carried green flags, a symbol of the Prophet Muhammad, and banners emblazoned with slogans against Macron, the Saudi coalition, and its new Israeli partners. In Yemen’s capital city of Sana’a, where the largest demonstrations took place, hundreds of thousands gathered in the southern district of Al-Sabaean. Expats from 20 countries, including Sudan, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and Bangladesh took part in the protest. A delegation from the southern Saudi province of Najran even joined.
The events were organized primarily by the Houthis and Houthi leader Abdulmalik Al-Houthi took to the podium to give a televised address to a massive audience in which he warned that western intelligence agencies in both the United States and France were involved in supporting the same extremist Salafi interpretation of Islam that is the widely practiced in Saudi Arabia, in part to tarnish the image of the religion and to justify wars in Muslim countries.
Al-Houthi also warned that distortion and misinterpretation of Islamic teachings had created a deep rift among Muslims. “Western [countries] have used such deviation to insult the Holy Qur’an and Islam. There is no mercy or sympathy whatsoever in Western civilization. They trample on human societies, deprive people of their freedom, plunder their wealth and occupy their lands, and then lecture others on human rights,” he said.
The massive demonstrations came despite threats of violence from the very same elements that Al-Houthi warned of. In the weeks leading up to Thursday’s rallies, police implemented special measures to ensure security during proceedings, including the banning of large trucks from central Sana’a and the establishment of additional checkpoints in the Yemeni capital and other provinces.
Despite the additional security measures, Hassan Zaid, the Houthi Minister for Youth and Sports, was assassinated on Tuesday as he drove his car through Sana’a. His 11-year-old daughter was seriously injured in the attack. Zaid was one of the most influential political opponents to Saudi Arabia and was wanted by the Kingdom, which offered a $10 million bounty for information leading to his capture. Houthi security forces said that they had also thwarted dozens of other planned attacks on Thursday’s demonstration.
Israeli settlements in Yemen?
The sheer scale of this week’s demonstrations dwarfed similar rallies that have taken place in previous years, not only due to Macron’s comments in France but because of fierce opposition to Israel’s new partnership with the UAE and other wealthy Gulf states, and its increasingly active presence in Yemen.
Yemenis fear that Israel not only seeks control of the strategic Bab-el-Mandeb strait, efforts that MintPress has covered in previous months, but also that it seeks a permanent footprint inside of Yemen and hopes to replace the original inhabitants of the islands and other coastal cities with Israeli settlers in a move reminiscent of the land grabs that led to the eventual annexation of land in what is now Israel.
In October, Houthi spokesman Yahya Saree warned that Israel was planning to naturalize tens of thousands of Yemeni-born Jews, emphasizing that such a scenario posed a grave threat to Yemen’s national security. Saree presented a number of National Security Agency documents that were seized when the Houthis took control from the government of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who ruled Yemen for 33 years.
Those documents detailed visits by Israeli officials to Yemen, facilitated by the UAE, in which a number of economic, cultural, and agricultural agreements were brokered alongside an agreement to open Yemeni airspace to Israeli aircraft. The most dangerous documents, according to Saree, relate to “the modernization of the Yemeni military forces.”
According to the documents, Israeli diplomat Bruce Kashdan arrived in Sana’a on an unannounced visit on July 14 of 2007, which lasted 48 hours. During that trip, Kashdan met with Yemeni military and security top brass who are relatives of Saleh. The Israeli official left Sana’a International Airport on July 16, 2007. The visit had been arranged by Yemeni officials in collaboration with the United Arab Emirates. Kashdan, who was also serving as a coordinator of relations between Tel Aviv and Dubai at that time, had also visited Yemen on February 2, 2005.
A delegation from the Israeli Knesset also visited Sana’a in March 1996 and received remarkable hospitality given the Yemeni government’s official stance towards Israel at the time. Knesset members met with several senior security and civilian officials headed by former president Saleh. Many Israeli delegations visited Yemen between 1995 and 2000 under the cover of tourism, commerce, and investment, according to the National Security Agency documents.
Saree accused the UAE and Israel of reviving a project that granted Israeli citizenship to more than 60,000 Yemenis. According to a memorandum to the UAE’s foreign minister in 2004 by Hamad Saeed Al-Zaabi, the Emirati ambassador in Sana’a, an Israeli delegation visited the Yemeni capital as part of normalization efforts and presented demands to build a museum celebrating Yemeni Jews in Sana’a among other moves that included naturalizing 45,000 Yemeni Jews as Israeli citizens. The Emirati ambassador described the move as part of a broader effort being pushed by the United States.
Feature photo | A Yemeni man holds a green flag with Arabic writing that reads, “at your order, oh messenger of Allah,” during a celebration of Mawlid al-Nabi, the birth of Islam’s prophet Muhammad in Sana’a, Yemen, Oct. 29, 2020. Hani Mohammed | AP
Ahmed AbdulKareem is a Yemeni journalist. He covers the war in Yemen for MintPress News as well as local Yemeni media


mintpressnews--2020-11-02--Pompeo’s Tweet About Tanzania Election Irregularities Could Have Easily Been About the US

When the United States decides to bring democracy to other nations , most of the world understands it as a euphemism for foreign intervention on behalf of any number of corporate and geopolitical interests .
The level of involvement could range from a few USAID-linked NGOs providing ‘ consultancy ’ services to receptive governmental agencies all the way to remote-controlled drones and bombs dropping on innocent civilians in the name of freedom .
On the eve of America ’ s own vaunted voting ritual , incessantly propagandized as a model for countries in the Global South , it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chaos unraveling in the United States onto other countries ’ democratic processes .
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo tweeted about his concerns regarding what he called the “ politically motivated arrests and violence ” that took place in the western African nation of Tanzania .
Given the proximity to the U.S. presidential election , Pompeo ’ s humble-flex diplomacy on the social media platform was misinterpreted by some as referring to America ’ s own “ election irregularities ” and “ politically motivated arrests.
” An understandable mistake for anyone following the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respectable grasp of American history , for that matter .
From the mail-in ballot controversy and other voter-suppression tactics to the quintessential political imprisonments of Julian Assange and the all-but-forgotten Native American civil rights activist , Leonard Peltier , – who has been languishing in federal prison for decades – the contours of the 2020 U.S. election are bleeding into elections across the world .
Tanzania , the country Pompeo was actually chastising in his tweet , has ties to the U.S. establishment that date back to the 1960s , before it even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cold War peaked , Frank Carlucci – Reagan ’ s future national security adviser and defense secretary – was the U.S. consul in Zanzibar , which was considered a communist hot spot after the revolution toppled the Sultanate in 1964 .
The ploy to undermine the independent government of Zanzibar entailed making it part of a new country called Tanzania by exploiting Pan-African sensibilities , which were strong at the time , to convince the neighboring Republic of Tanganyika to join forces .
All the while , spooks like Carlucci were whispering in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries on behalf of the U.S./UK axis , which wanted Zanzibar ’ s capacity for self-determination thwarted .
Perhaps coincidentally , the current U.S .
Ambassador to Tanzania , was also in Zanzibar just after the new country was formed as a volunteer physician at a public hospital .
Dr. Donald J. Wright was nominated by President Trump in September of 2019 and was sworn in as the sixteenth United States Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania on April 2 , 2020 .
Wright , a physician who began his civil service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Administration ( OSHA ) , was tapped by the Trump administration while serving as the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Health at the Department of Health and Human Services ( HHS ) .
In his statement to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee at his confirmation hearing , he specifically mentions the 2020 elections in Tanzania , promising to continue “ the work of our embassy to encourage a fair , free , transparent and inclusive election.
” Settled in his new post by the time the election rolled around , ambassador Wright got the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on October 28th by questioning the African nation ’ s democracy , asserting in an op-ed published on the embassy ’ s website that it risked losing “ credibility in the eyes of the international community ” over reports of government interference and political violence .
Communiques from the U.S. Embassy after the election claimed that “ significant election-related fraud and intimidation ” had occurred during Wednesday ’ s presidential election , which resulted in the re-election of President John Pombe Magufuli , who is a member of the ruling party .
Tanzanian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after calling for an election re-do and planning widespread protests over the contested vote .
The focus of Pompeo ’ s departmental subordinate on the integrity of the Tanzanian election was expressed in early October , as well , when he actually threatened consequences “ for those found responsible for violence or frustrating the democratic process , ” according to Tanzanian daily The Citizen .
In a statement issued by the American diplomatic outpost on October 1 , the U.S. warned that Tanzania ’ s elections had implications for the entire East African @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the usual disclaimers of impartiality in keeping with the pretense of democratic values , has been fostered for months via powerful international policy channels like the Council on Foreign Relations .
In August , the powerful D.C. think tank published a screed noting that president Magufuli was becoming “ increasingly problematic ” in the eyes of John Campbell , Senior Fellow for Africa Policy Studies and the blog post ’ s author .
Campell rebuked Magufuli ’ s reticence to “ share ” information with international health agencies regarding COVID-19 and branded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ usual protocols ” deemed necessary for containing the disease .
It is clear that Magufuli ’ s perceived sins are impinging on certain , long-standing relationships between the U.S. and Tanzanian healthcare organizations .
As the “ leading donor ” for “ the development of health services ” in the African country , Pompeo ’ s social media calls to “ fully address concerns of irregularities ” is boilerplate code to provide cover for other , less transparent motives .
Every trick in the book In May , the official Twitter account of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 cases in its largest city , Dar es Salaam , were “ extremely high ” despite offering no evidence .
A CNN article repeats many of the same tropes ascribed to Magufuli as a result of his refusal to lockdown his country , such as claims that he suggested people “ pray the virus away , ” which was also brought up by Campbell in his CFR piece months later .
The sudden uptick in pressure from the U.S. State Department over the Tanzanian election results is a clear indication that Washington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Beyond the personal beliefs Magufuli may or may not have about how to best combat the pandemic crisis , Wednesday ’ s triumph was also accompanied by a landslide victory by his party , which picked up 97 % of seats in parliament .
That number is more than enough to change the nation ’ s constitution , which was created in 1977 after the creation of modern-day Tanzania through the merger of the People ’ s Republic of Zanzibar and the Republic of Tanganyika in the mid-sixties .
This largely unexpected union @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the height of the Cold War was fostered by the U.S. , Britain , and West Germany , who were trying to proscribe any influence Zanzibar , which had successfully overthrown the Sultan of Zanzibar in the 1964 revolution and considered to be a “ surrogate ” of Soviet Russia and other communist powers , by subsuming the newly independent country under a joint government with the more malleable Prime Minister of Tanganyika , Julius Nyerere , at its head .
The CIA and the U.S. State Department via Dean Rusk placed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaders of the Zanzibar revolution under control once the union was executed .
Nyereye proved up to the task , jailing one of the revolution ’ s most prominent figures in 1972 – Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu , who was serving as one of Nyerere ’ s ministers under the new U.S.-sanctioned regime .
Nearly fifty years later , American interests in the region remain strong and with the revival of McCarthyist rhetoric emanating from Washington , it looks as though the artificially imposed arrangements by Atlanticist powers on the people of Tanzania has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unlike his predecessors , Pompeo can project his policy directives through character-limited posts on social media platforms which have long been outed as tools of U.S. foreign policy .
It is unclear , however , if this kind of instant-mix , digital diplomacy can avoid the inevitable collapse of a system created to serve the interests of foreign powers or stem the rise of a true pan-African nationalism as envisioned by Babu , Fanon , and other enemies of the colonial juggernaut who , since the days of Cecil Rhodes , have pulled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the entire continent under its hypnotic sway .
Feature photo | U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo walks to board an aircraft to leave for Maldives , in Colombo , Sri Lanka , Oct. 28 , 2020 .
Eranga Jayawardena | AP

When the United States decides to bring democracy to other nations, most of the world understands it as a euphemism for foreign intervention on behalf of any number of corporate and geopolitical interests. The level of involvement could range from a few USAID-linked NGOs providing ‘consultancy’ services to receptive governmental agencies all the way to remote-controlled drones and bombs dropping on innocent civilians in the name of freedom.
On the eve of America’s own vaunted voting ritual, incessantly propagandized as a model for countries in the Global South, it’s top diplomat is projecting the simmering electoral chaos unraveling in the United States onto other countries’ democratic processes. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo tweeted about his concerns regarding what he called the “politically motivated arrests and violence” that took place in the western African nation of Tanzania.
Given the proximity to the U.S. presidential election, Pompeo’s humble-flex diplomacy on the social media platform was misinterpreted by some as referring to America’s own “election irregularities” and “politically motivated arrests.” An understandable mistake for anyone following the U.S. election news cycle or armed with a respectable grasp of American history, for that matter.
From the mail-in ballot controversy and other voter-suppression tactics to the quintessential political imprisonments of Julian Assange and the all-but-forgotten Native American civil rights activist, Leonard Peltier, – who has been languishing in federal prison for decades – the contours of the 2020 U.S. election are bleeding into elections across the world.
Tanzania, the country Pompeo was actually chastising in his tweet, has ties to the U.S. establishment that date back to the 1960s, before it even existed, as such. As the Cold War peaked, Frank Carlucci – Reagan’s future national security adviser and defense secretary – was the U.S. consul in Zanzibar, which was considered a communist hot spot after the revolution toppled the Sultanate in 1964.
The ploy to undermine the independent government of Zanzibar entailed making it part of a new country called Tanzania by exploiting Pan-African sensibilities, which were strong at the time, to convince the neighboring Republic of Tanganyika to join forces. All the while, spooks like Carlucci were whispering in the ear of the leadership in both countries on behalf of the U.S./UK axis, which wanted Zanzibar’s capacity for self-determination thwarted.
Perhaps coincidentally, the current U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania, was also in Zanzibar just after the new country was formed as a volunteer physician at a public hospital. Dr. Donald J. Wright was nominated by President Trump in September of 2019 and was sworn in as the sixteenth United States Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania on April 2, 2020.
Blogging diplomacy
Wright, a physician who began his civil service career at the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), was tapped by the Trump administration while serving as the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Health at the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). In his statement to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee at his confirmation hearing, he specifically mentions the 2020 elections in Tanzania, promising to continue “the work of our embassy to encourage a fair, free, transparent and inclusive election.”
Settled in his new post by the time the election rolled around, ambassador Wright got the ball rolling a week before the vote on October 28th by questioning the African nation’s democracy, asserting in an op-ed published on the embassy’s website that it risked losing “credibility in the eyes of the international community” over reports of government interference and political violence.
Communiques from the U.S. Embassy after the election claimed that “significant election-related fraud and intimidation” had occurred during Wednesday’s presidential election, which resulted in the re-election of President John Pombe Magufuli, who is a member of the ruling party. Tanzanian opposition leaders were reportedly arrested and detained after calling for an election re-do and planning widespread protests over the contested vote.
A problematic statesman
The focus of Pompeo’s departmental subordinate on the integrity of the Tanzanian election was expressed in early October, as well, when he actually threatened consequences “for those found responsible for violence or frustrating the democratic process,” according to Tanzanian daily The Citizen. In a statement issued by the American diplomatic outpost on October 1, the U.S. warned that Tanzania’s elections had implications for the entire East African region.
This narrative, always couched with the usual disclaimers of impartiality in keeping with the pretense of democratic values, has been fostered for months via powerful international policy channels like the Council on Foreign Relations. In August, the powerful D.C. think tank published a screed noting that president Magufuli was becoming “increasingly problematic” in the eyes of John Campbell, Senior Fellow for Africa Policy Studies and the blog post’s author.
Campell rebuked Magufuli’s reticence to “share” information with international health agencies regarding COVID-19 and branded him an authoritarian for rejecting the “usual protocols” deemed necessary for containing the disease.
It is clear that Magufuli’s perceived sins are impinging on certain, long-standing relationships between the U.S. and Tanzanian healthcare organizations. As the “leading donor” for “the development of health services” in the African country, Pompeo’s social media calls to “fully address concerns of irregularities” is boilerplate code to provide cover for other, less transparent motives.
Every trick in the book
In May, the official Twitter account of the U.S. Embassy in Tanzania claimed that COVID-19 cases in its largest city, Dar es Salaam, were “extremely high” despite offering no evidence. A CNN article repeats many of the same tropes ascribed to Magufuli as a result of his refusal to lockdown his country, such as claims that he suggested people “pray the virus away,” which was also brought up by Campbell in his CFR piece months later.
The sudden uptick in pressure from the U.S. State Department over the Tanzanian election results is a clear indication that Washington did not achieve its desired outcome. Beyond the personal beliefs Magufuli may or may not have about how to best combat the pandemic crisis, Wednesday’s triumph was also accompanied by a landslide victory by his party, which picked up 97% of seats in parliament. That number is more than enough to change the nation’s constitution, which was created in 1977 after the creation of modern-day Tanzania through the merger of the People’s Republic of Zanzibar and the Republic of Tanganyika in the mid-sixties.
This largely unexpected union in a heavily conflicted region of Africa at the height of the Cold War was fostered by the U.S., Britain, and West Germany, who were trying to proscribe any influence Zanzibar, which had successfully overthrown the Sultan of Zanzibar in the 1964 revolution and considered to be a “surrogate” of Soviet Russia and other communist powers, by subsuming the newly independent country under a joint government with the more malleable Prime Minister of Tanganyika, Julius Nyerere, at its head.
The CIA and the U.S. State Department via Dean Rusk placed enormous pressure on Nyerere to bring the leaders of the Zanzibar revolution under control once the union was executed. Nyereye proved up to the task, jailing one of the revolution’s most prominent figures in 1972 – Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu, who was serving as one of Nyerere’s ministers under the new U.S.-sanctioned regime.
Nearly fifty years later, American interests in the region remain strong and with the revival of McCarthyist rhetoric emanating from Washington, it looks as though the artificially imposed arrangements by Atlanticist powers on the people of Tanzania has begun to fray at the seams.
Unlike his predecessors, Pompeo can project his policy directives through character-limited posts on social media platforms which have long been outed as tools of U.S. foreign policy. It is unclear, however, if this kind of instant-mix, digital diplomacy can avoid the inevitable collapse of a system created to serve the interests of foreign powers or stem the rise of a true pan-African nationalism as envisioned by Babu, Fanon, and other enemies of the colonial juggernaut who, since the days of Cecil Rhodes, have pulled every trick in the book to keep the entire continent under its hypnotic sway.
Feature photo | U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo walks to board an aircraft to leave for Maldives, in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Oct. 28, 2020. Eranga Jayawardena | AP
Raul Diego is a MintPress News Staff Writer, independent photojournalist, researcher, writer and documentary filmmaker.