mintpressnews--2020-01-28--Pipeline or a Pipedream: A Conflict is Brewing Between Israel and Turkey over Natural Gas

Massive natural gas discoveries off the eastern coast of Israel and Palestine is slated to make Tel Aviv a regional energy hub .
Whether Israel will be able to translate positive indicators of the largely untapped gas reserves into actual economic and strategic wealth is yet to be seen .
What is certain , however , is that the Middle East is already in the throes of a major geostrategic war , which has the potential of becoming an actual military confrontation .
Unsurprisingly , Israel is at the heart of this growing conflict .
“ Last week , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We turned Israel into an energy superpower , ” Israeli Prime Minister , Benjamin Netanyahu , bragged during a cabinet meeting on January 19 .
Netanyahu ’ s self-congratulating remarks came on the heels of some exciting financial news for the embattled Prime Minister , as both Jordan and Egypt are now Tel Aviv ’ s clients , receiving billions of cubic meters of Israeli gas .
For Netanyahu , pumping Israeli gas to two neighboring Arab countries constitutes more than just economic and political advantages – it is a huge personal boost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convince the public to vote for him in yet another general election in March , while pleading to Israel ’ s political elite to give him immunity so that he can stay out of prison for various corruption charges .
For years , Israel has been exploiting the discovery of massive deposits of natural gas from the Leviathan and Tamar fields – located nearly 125 km and 80 km west of Haifa respectively – to reconstruct regional alliances and to redefine its geopolitical centrality to Europe .
The Israeli strategy , however , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an already unstable region , expanding the power play to include Cyprus , Greece , France , Italy , and Libya , as well as Egypt , Turkey , Lebanon , and Russia .
On January 2 , Netanyahu was in Athens signing a gas pipeline deal , alongside Greek Prime Minister , Kyriako Mitotakis , and Cyprus President , Nicos Anastasiades .
The EastMed pipeline is projected to travel from Israel to Cyprus , to Greece and , ultimately , to Italy , thus transporting eastern Mediterranean gas directly to the heart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this scenario seemed unthinkable , as Israel has , in fact , imported much of its natural gas from neighboring Egypt .
Israel ’ s Tamar field partly rectified Israel ’ s reliance on imported gas when it began production in 2003 .
Shortly after , Israel struck gas again , this time with far greater potential , in the massive Leviathan field .
On December 31 , 2019 , Leviathan began pumping gas for the first time .
Leviathan is located in the Mediterranean Sea ’ s Levantine Basin , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Leviathan is estimated to hold over 21 trillion cubic feet of natural gas—enough to fill Israeli power-generation needs for the next 40 years , while still leaving an ample supply for export , ” wrote Frank Musmar in the BESA Center for Strategic Studies .
Egypt ’ s share of Israeli gas – 85 billion cubic meters ( bcm ) , with an estimated cost of $ 19.5 billion – is acquired through the private Egyptian entity Dolphinus Holdings .
The Jordanian deal was signed between the country ’ s national electricity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Noble Energy , which owns a 45 % stake in the Israeli project .
Jordanians have been protesting Israel ’ s gas deal en-masse , as they view economic cooperation between their country and Israel as an act of normalization , especially as Tel Aviv continues to occupy and oppress Palestinians .
The echoes of the popular protests have reached the Jordanian parliament which , on January 19 , unanimously voted in favor of a law to ban gas imports from Israel .
Israel is diversifying beyond exerting regional economic dominance to becoming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stage as well .
The EastMed pipeline project , estimated at €6bn , is expected to cover 10 % of Europe ’ s overall need for natural gas .
This is where things get even more interesting .
Turkey believes that the deal , which involves its own regional rivals , Cyprus and Greece , is designed specifically to marginalize it economically by excluding it from the Mediterranean ’ s hydrocarbon boom .
Ankara is already a massive energy hub , being the host of TurkStream , which feeds Europe , with approximately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gas coming from Russia .
This fact has provided both Moscow and Ankara not only with more than economic advantages but geostrategic leverage as well .
If the EastMed pipeline becomes a reality , Turkey and Russia will stand to lose the most .
In a series of successive , and surprising moves , Turkey retaliated by signing a maritime border deal with Libya ’ s internationally-recognized Government of National Accord ( GNA ) , and by committing to send military support to help Tripoli in its fight against forces loyal to General @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permit any activity that is against its own interests in the region , ” Fuat Oktay , Turkey ’ s Vice-President , told Anadolu News Agency , adding that “ any plan that disregards Turkey has absolutely no chance of success.
” Although European countries were quick to condemn Ankara , the latter has succeeded in changing the rules of the game by staking a claim to vast areas that are also claimed by Greece and Cyprus as part of their so-called exclusive economic zones ( EEZ ) .
Not only will Turkey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ waters for natural gas , but in disputed water near Cyprus as well .
Ankara is accusing Cyprus of violating “ the equal claim to discoveries ” , an arrangement that followed the military conflict between both countries in 1974 .
If the issue is not resolved , the EastMed pipeline project could potentially turn into a pipedream .
What seemed like a lucrative deal , with immense geopolitical significance from an Israeli point of view , now appears to be another extension of the wider Middle Eastern conflict .
While the EU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategic control over the natural gas market , the EastMed pipeline increasingly appears unfeasible from every possible angle .
However , considering the massive deposits of natural gas that are ready to fuel struggling European markets , it is almost certain that the Mediterranean natural gas will eventually become a major source of political disputes , if not a war .
Feature photo | This photo shows Leviathan natural gas field in the Mediterranean Sea , Jan. 31 , 2019 .
Marc Israel Sellem | AP Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the author of five books .
His latest is “ These Chains Will Be Broken : Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons ” ( Clarity Press , Atlanta ) .
Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs ( CIGA ) , Istanbul Zaim University ( IZU ) .
His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Massive natural gas discoveries off the eastern coast of Israel and Palestine is slated to make Tel Aviv a regional energy hub. Whether Israel will be able to translate positive indicators of the largely untapped gas reserves into actual economic and strategic wealth is yet to be seen.
What is certain, however, is that the Middle East is already in the throes of a major geostrategic war, which has the potential of becoming an actual military confrontation.
Unsurprisingly, Israel is at the heart of this growing conflict.
“Last week, we started to stream gas to Egypt. We turned Israel into an energy superpower,” Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, bragged during a cabinet meeting on January 19.
Netanyahu’s self-congratulating remarks came on the heels of some exciting financial news for the embattled Prime Minister, as both Jordan and Egypt are now Tel Aviv’s clients, receiving billions of cubic meters of Israeli gas.
For Netanyahu, pumping Israeli gas to two neighboring Arab countries constitutes more than just economic and political advantages – it is a huge personal boost. The Israeli leader is trying to convince the public to vote for him in yet another general election in March, while pleading to Israel’s political elite to give him immunity so that he can stay out of prison for various corruption charges.
For years, Israel has been exploiting the discovery of massive deposits of natural gas from the Leviathan and Tamar fields – located nearly 125 km and 80 km west of Haifa respectively – to reconstruct regional alliances and to redefine its geopolitical centrality to Europe.
The Israeli strategy, however, has already created potentials for conflict in an already unstable region, expanding the power play to include Cyprus, Greece, France, Italy, and Libya, as well as Egypt, Turkey, Lebanon, and Russia.
On January 2, Netanyahu was in Athens signing a gas pipeline deal, alongside Greek Prime Minister, Kyriako Mitotakis, and Cyprus President, Nicos Anastasiades.
The EastMed pipeline is projected to travel from Israel to Cyprus, to Greece and, ultimately, to Italy, thus transporting eastern Mediterranean gas directly to the heart of Europe.
A few years ago, this scenario seemed unthinkable, as Israel has, in fact, imported much of its natural gas from neighboring Egypt.
Israel’s Tamar field partly rectified Israel’s reliance on imported gas when it began production in 2003. Shortly after, Israel struck gas again, this time with far greater potential, in the massive Leviathan field. On December 31, 2019, Leviathan began pumping gas for the first time.
Leviathan is located in the Mediterranean Sea’s Levantine Basin, a region that is rich with hydrocarbons.
“Leviathan is estimated to hold over 21 trillion cubic feet of natural gas—enough to fill Israeli power-generation needs for the next 40 years, while still leaving an ample supply for export,” wrote Frank Musmar in the BESA Center for Strategic Studies.
Egypt’s share of Israeli gas – 85 billion cubic meters (bcm), with an estimated cost of $19.5 billion – is acquired through the private Egyptian entity Dolphinus Holdings. The Jordanian deal was signed between the country’s national electricity company NEPCO, and American firm, Noble Energy, which owns a 45% stake in the Israeli project.
Jordanians have been protesting Israel’s gas deal en-masse, as they view economic cooperation between their country and Israel as an act of normalization, especially as Tel Aviv continues to occupy and oppress Palestinians.
The echoes of the popular protests have reached the Jordanian parliament which, on January 19, unanimously voted in favor of a law to ban gas imports from Israel.
Israel is diversifying beyond exerting regional economic dominance to becoming a big player on the international geopolitical stage as well. The EastMed pipeline project, estimated at €6bn, is expected to cover 10% of Europe’s overall need for natural gas. This is where things get even more interesting.
Turkey believes that the deal, which involves its own regional rivals, Cyprus and Greece, is designed specifically to marginalize it economically by excluding it from the Mediterranean’s hydrocarbon boom.
Ankara is already a massive energy hub, being the host of TurkStream, which feeds Europe, with approximately 40% of its needs of natural gas coming from Russia. This fact has provided both Moscow and Ankara not only with more than economic advantages but geostrategic leverage as well. If the EastMed pipeline becomes a reality, Turkey and Russia will stand to lose the most.
In a series of successive, and surprising moves, Turkey retaliated by signing a maritime border deal with Libya’s internationally-recognized Government of National Accord (GNA), and by committing to send military support to help Tripoli in its fight against forces loyal to General Khalifa Haftar.
“Turkey will not permit any activity that is against its own interests in the region,” Fuat Oktay, Turkey’s Vice-President, told Anadolu News Agency, adding that “any plan that disregards Turkey has absolutely no chance of success.”
Although European countries were quick to condemn Ankara, the latter has succeeded in changing the rules of the game by staking a claim to vast areas that are also claimed by Greece and Cyprus as part of their so-called exclusive economic zones (EEZ).
Not only will Turkey be drilling in Libya’s territorial waters for natural gas, but in disputed water near Cyprus as well. Ankara is accusing Cyprus of violating “the equal claim to discoveries”, an arrangement that followed the military conflict between both countries in 1974.
If the issue is not resolved, the EastMed pipeline project could potentially turn into a pipedream. What seemed like a lucrative deal, with immense geopolitical significance from an Israeli point of view, now appears to be another extension of the wider Middle Eastern conflict.
While the EU is eager to loosen Russia’s strategic control over the natural gas market, the EastMed pipeline increasingly appears unfeasible from every possible angle.
However, considering the massive deposits of natural gas that are ready to fuel struggling European markets, it is almost certain that the Mediterranean natural gas will eventually become a major source of political disputes, if not a war.
Feature photo | This photo shows Leviathan natural gas field in the Mediterranean Sea, Jan. 31, 2019. Marc Israel Sellem | AP
Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of five books. His latest is “These Chains Will Be Broken: Palestinian Stories of Struggle and Defiance in Israeli Prisons” (Clarity Press, Atlanta). Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA), Istanbul Zaim University (IZU). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net


mintpressnews--2020-01-28--New Zealand’s Hidden Role at the Biggest US Bombing Base in the Middle East

Last month the coalition government declared the end of New Zealand Defence Force deployments in Iraq .
The announcement was silent , however , about the future of another deployment of New Zealand personnel , to a U.S. military base in the Middle East that has attracted controversy thanks to its role at the center of a large proportion of U.S. bombing missions in the region .
The base is called the Combined Air Operations Center ( CAOC ) and it is located at the Al-Udeid airbase in the small Persian Gulf nation of Qatar .
Bombing missions that have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aircraft take off and land every 10 minutes , 24 hours a day – are implicated in large numbers of civilian casualties .
A recent issue of Air Force News revealed that a senior air force officer , Group Captain Shaun Sexton , served a six-month posting at the Qatar base ; placing New Zealanders at the heart of the main targeting and bombing center in that region .
The presence of New Zealand staff at the base has been kept largely quiet by the New Zealand military before now .
Last month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision to withdraw NZDF personnel from Iraq by next year .
But what of Qatar ?
A spokesperson for NZDF told the Spinoff that “ NZDF personnel based in the Combined Air Operations Center ( CAOC ) operate under a separate mandate to the NZDF personnel in Iraq .
This mandate has been approved until 2020.
” Whether they intend to maintain the postings to the Qatar base after 2020 remains unclear .
According to information released by NZDF in response to an Official Information Act request , there are five New Zealand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Two of the troops coordinate air tasking in support of the Combined Maritime Forces , Operation Inherent Resolve ( Iraq and Syria ) and the Resolute Support ( Afghanistan ) mission .
New Zealand also has three personnel supporting intelligence functions within the U.S. Central Command Forward Headquarters at the base .
NZDF confirmed that New Zealand personnel at the COAC work across all regional operations , including those in Syria , where the legality of U.S.-led operations has been thoroughly questioned ( although the NZDF states that its troops are not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said that because the way the CAOC operates , it is not practical to delineate participation on a country-by-country basis .
The base was responsible for 8,713 airstrikes ( or weapons released ) in 2018 , 39,577 strikes in 2017 and 30,743 in 2016 ( including both manned and unmanned aircraft ) .
Group Captain Shaun Sexton told Air Force magazine that “ serving in the CAOC gives an amazing perspective of what is happening in the Middle East ” .
He added : “ You truly get a birds-eye view , allowing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a key region of the world and into the employment of military effects , especially air power.
” In March 2015 , a former chief of the operations division at the base , Lt Col David Haworth , told the Associated Press that “ what we are doing today would [ not ] be even remotely possible without the coalition partners.
” This included intelligence gathering .
According to Sexton , “ most of the people serving in the CAOC are from the United States Air Force .
However , the other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ huge role to play.
” He continued : “ The contribution they make to the fight in terms of people and hardware is significant.
” A Stuff Circuit report last year suggested that NZDF personnel had been secretly operating at the CAOC at Al-Udeid since at least 2016 .
Reports indicate that coalition aircraft flying out of the CAOC have been responsible for anywhere between 10 percent to 20 percent of sorties flown in Iraq and Syria during Operation Inherent Resolve .
In addition , the airbase is the “ nerve center ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , managing and directing air operations in not only Iraq , Syria and Afghanistan , but in 18 other countries .
Approximately 40 percent of all strikes in Iraq and Syria have been delivered by the B1 Bomber , an aircraft that has only been departing from the airbase at Al-Udeid .
The CAOC was pivotal in the U.S.-led battle to retake Mosul from ISIS militants .
During the early stages of the offensive , U.S.-led airstrikes pounded Mosul every eight minutes .
However , an AP report found an appalling rate of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reported that some 9,000 to 11,000 civilians had died , nearly ten times what had been previously reported in the media .
This number did not take into account dead still buried underneath the rubble .
The Qatar airbase also has undertaken a crucial role in the Syrian war .
The fight to retake ISIS ’ s de-facto Syrian capital city of Raqqa saw the U.S. military raze approximately 80 percent of the city to the ground A Raqqan resident told Reuters that corpses were rotting on the street , with cats eating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mired by a special BBC report which found that the U.S. military had made a secret arrangement to allow hundreds of ISIS commanders and fighters to escape Raqqa unscathed .
Reuters subsequently reported that the number of escaped ISIS fighters numbered in the thousands .
The base also played a part in US P.r.esident Donald Trump ’ s April 2018 bombing of Syrian government assets in response to an alleged chemical weapons attack , another controversial use of force .
The NZDF spokesperson said the organization is confident its personnel on all operations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ domestic and international legal obligations .
Darius Shahtahmasebi is a New Zealand-based legal and political analyst who focuses on US foreign policy in the Middle East , Asia and Pacific region .
He is fully qualified as a lawyer in two international jurisdictions .
This article was published with special permission from the author , it originally appeared in The Spinoff

Last month the coalition government declared the end of New Zealand Defence Force deployments in Iraq. The announcement was silent, however, about the future of another deployment of New Zealand personnel, to a U.S. military base in the Middle East that has attracted controversy thanks to its role at the center of a large proportion of U.S. bombing missions in the region.
The base is called the Combined Air Operations Center (CAOC) and it is located at the Al-Udeid airbase in the small Persian Gulf nation of Qatar. Bombing missions that have been controlled from the base – where aircraft take off and land every 10 minutes, 24 hours a day – are implicated in large numbers of civilian casualties.
A recent issue of Air Force News revealed that a senior air force officer, Group Captain Shaun Sexton, served a six-month posting at the Qatar base; placing New Zealanders at the heart of the main targeting and bombing center in that region. The presence of New Zealand staff at the base has been kept largely quiet by the New Zealand military before now.
Last month, the New Zealand government delivered its decision to withdraw NZDF personnel from Iraq by next year. But what of Qatar? A spokesperson for NZDF told the Spinoff that “NZDF personnel based in the Combined Air Operations Center (CAOC) operate under a separate mandate to the NZDF personnel in Iraq. This mandate has been approved until 2020.” Whether they intend to maintain the postings to the Qatar base after 2020 remains unclear.
According to information released by NZDF in response to an Official Information Act request, there are five New Zealand personnel currently serving at the Al-Udeid Airbase. Two of the troops coordinate air tasking in support of the Combined Maritime Forces, Operation Inherent Resolve (Iraq and Syria) and the Resolute Support (Afghanistan) mission. New Zealand also has three personnel supporting intelligence functions within the U.S. Central Command Forward Headquarters at the base.
NZDF confirmed that New Zealand personnel at the COAC work across all regional operations, including those in Syria, where the legality of U.S.-led operations has been thoroughly questioned (although the NZDF states that its troops are not involved in combat operations). NZDF said that because the way the CAOC operates, it is not practical to delineate participation on a country-by-country basis.
The base was responsible for 8,713 airstrikes (or weapons released) in 2018, 39,577 strikes in 2017 and 30,743 in 2016 (including both manned and unmanned aircraft).
Group Captain Shaun Sexton told Air Force magazine that “serving in the CAOC gives an amazing perspective of what is happening in the Middle East”.
He added: “You truly get a birds-eye view, allowing fascinating insight into the politics and tensions in a key region of the world and into the employment of military effects, especially air power.”
In March 2015, a former chief of the operations division at the base, Lt Col David Haworth, told the Associated Press that “what we are doing today would [not] be even remotely possible without the coalition partners.” This included intelligence gathering.
According to Sexton, “most of the people serving in the CAOC are from the United States Air Force. However, the other 15 nations in the coalition have a huge role to play.”
He continued: “The contribution they make to the fight in terms of people and hardware is significant.”
A Stuff Circuit report last year suggested that NZDF personnel had been secretly operating at the CAOC at Al-Udeid since at least 2016.
Reports indicate that coalition aircraft flying out of the CAOC have been responsible for anywhere between 10 percent to 20 percent of sorties flown in Iraq and Syria during Operation Inherent Resolve. In addition, the airbase is the “nerve center” of U.S.-led air campaigns across the region, managing and directing air operations in not only Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan, but in 18 other countries.
Approximately 40 percent of all strikes in Iraq and Syria have been delivered by the B1 Bomber, an aircraft that has only been departing from the airbase at Al-Udeid.
The CAOC was pivotal in the U.S.-led battle to retake Mosul from ISIS militants. During the early stages of the offensive, U.S.-led airstrikes pounded Mosul every eight minutes.
However, an AP report found an appalling rate of civilian casualties during the operation. It reported that some 9,000 to 11,000 civilians had died, nearly ten times what had been previously reported in the media. This number did not take into account dead still buried underneath the rubble.
The Qatar airbase also has undertaken a crucial role in the Syrian war. The fight to retake ISIS’s de-facto Syrian capital city of Raqqa saw the U.S. military raze approximately 80 percent of the city to the ground
A Raqqan resident told Reuters that corpses were rotting on the street, with cats eating their bodies. This offensive was further mired by a special BBC report which found that the U.S. military had made a secret arrangement to allow hundreds of ISIS commanders and fighters to escape Raqqa unscathed. Reuters subsequently reported that the number of escaped ISIS fighters numbered in the thousands.
The base also played a part in US P.r.esident Donald Trump’s April 2018 bombing of Syrian government assets in response to an alleged chemical weapons attack, another controversial use of force.
The NZDF spokesperson said the organization is confident its personnel on all operations are conducting themselves in accordance with both domestic and international legal obligations.
Feature photo | A U.S. Air Force C-130 Hercules at Baghdad International Airport, Iraq, Dec. 9, 2019. Bethany E. La Ville | DVIDS
Darius Shahtahmasebi is a New Zealand-based legal and political analyst who focuses on US foreign policy in the Middle East, Asia and Pacific region. He is fully qualified as a lawyer in two international jurisdictions.
This article was published with special permission from the author, it originally appeared in The Spinoff


mintpressnews--2020-01-29--US Announces Three New Bases in Iraq After Iraqis Demand Full Withdrawal

Less than a week after millions of Iraqis took to the streets demanding the U.S. military leave for good , the United States announced that is planning to build three new military bases in Iraq , according to military news service Breaking Defense .
The three sites chosen – Erbin , Sulimania and Halabja – are all extremely close to Iran , with Halabja ( the site of the 1988 chemical weapons attack ) just eight miles from the border .
The news will come as a shock to the Iraqi parliament , who earlier this month voted overwhelmingly ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forces from the country .
But the U.S. government has flatly refused to leave .
“ At this time , any delegation sent to Iraq would be dedicated to discussing how to best recommit to our strategic partnership — not to discuss troop withdrawal , but our right , appropriate force posture in the Middle East , ” said State Department spokesperson Morgan Ortagus , adding , “ We strongly urge Iraqi leaders to reconsider the importance of the ongoing economic and security relationship between the two countries… We believe it is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Iraq to continue fighting ISIS together.
” Earlier this month the U.S. decided to send an extra 3,000 troops to the region .
President Trump responded by threatening sweeping mass punishments against the Iraqi people .
“ We ’ re not leaving unless they pay us back for it…If they do ask us to leave , if we don ’ t do it in a very friendly basis , we will charge them sanctions like they ’ ve never seen before ever , ” he said .
U.S.-led sanctions on Iraq in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over one million people , including over half a million young children .
Successive U.N. diplomats in charge of Iraq during the sanctions denounced them as genocide against its people .
Trump said his sanctions would make the ones on Iran look tame by comparison .
“ If there ’ s any hostility , ” he said , “ we are going to put sanctions on Iraq , very big sanctions.
” Trump also threatened to commit genocide against the people of Iran , destroying their cultural heritage sites in a move condemned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s destruction of the world-renowned Buddhas of Bamyan in Afghanistan .
Despite the president ’ s threats , enormous numbers of Iraqis heeded Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr ’ s call for a “ million man march ” in Baghdad last week .
While Time magazine claimed there were only “ hundreds ” in attendance , drone footage told a very different story .
Some estimates put the total at over 2.5 million .
And despite Bloomberg Quick Take originally claiming that they were “ anti-government demonstrations , ” the huge banner on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AMERICA ” in uppercase English letters suggested otherwise .
Hostilities between the United States and Iran threatened to spiral out of control after the January 3 assassination of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani .
Soleimani had been invited to Baghdad by Iraqi Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi for regional peace talks .
Abdul-Mahdi asked Trump for permission for Soleimani to enter Iraq .
Trump accepted , then used the opportunity to kill the general with a drone strike , something the Iraqi parliament declared a violation of their national sovereignty .
In retaliation , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Iraq , causing pinpoint damage , but no fatalities , as the U.S. was warned of the impending response .
The Pentagon has said that dozens of troops have suffered brain injuries as a result , but the president disagrees , claiming they amount to little more than headaches .
The plan to build new bases will be seen in Iran as an attempt to tighten the noose around it more tightly .
There are already over 65,000 American military personnel in neighboring countries .
The U.S. continues to occupy Iraq and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wake of the 2001 World Trade Center attacks .
Since 2003 , an estimated 2.4 million people have been killed in the U.S. war on Iraq .
One of the consequences of the wars in the Middle East was the rise of the Islamic State , which itself has led to further conflict .
The U.S. military also operates from a network of bases in Bahrain , Qatar , the United Arab Emirates and many other states in the region .
The move to establish three new U.S. military bases on Iran ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move to those who wish to deescalate tensions , least of all by the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists , who moved their Doomsday Clock to just 100 seconds to midnight , citing a possible regional nuclear catastrophe as a factor .
Feature photo | Protesters take to the streets of the Iraqi capital , Baghdad , for a million-man rally to call for an end to the military presence of the United States in their country .
Photo | Mehr Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still Manufacturing Consent .
He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

Less than a week after millions of Iraqis took to the streets demanding the U.S. military leave for good, the United States announced that is planning to build three new military bases in Iraq, according to military news service Breaking Defense. The three sites chosen – Erbin, Sulimania and Halabja – are all extremely close to Iran, with Halabja (the site of the 1988 chemical weapons attack) just eight miles from the border.
The news will come as a shock to the Iraqi parliament, who earlier this month voted overwhelmingly (with some abstentions) to expel American forces from the country. But the U.S. government has flatly refused to leave. “At this time, any delegation sent to Iraq would be dedicated to discussing how to best recommit to our strategic partnership — not to discuss troop withdrawal, but our right, appropriate force posture in the Middle East,” said State Department spokesperson Morgan Ortagus, adding, “We strongly urge Iraqi leaders to reconsider the importance of the ongoing economic and security relationship between the two countries… We believe it is in the shared interests of the United States and Iraq to continue fighting ISIS together.” Earlier this month the U.S. decided to send an extra 3,000 troops to the region.
President Trump responded by threatening sweeping mass punishments against the Iraqi people. “We’re not leaving unless they pay us back for it…If they do ask us to leave, if we don’t do it in a very friendly basis, we will charge them sanctions like they’ve never seen before ever,” he said. U.S.-led sanctions on Iraq in the 1990s are thought to have killed over one million people, including over half a million young children. Successive U.N. diplomats in charge of Iraq during the sanctions denounced them as genocide against its people. Trump said his sanctions would make the ones on Iran look tame by comparison.
“If there’s any hostility,” he said, “we are going to put sanctions on Iraq, very big sanctions.” Trump also threatened to commit genocide against the people of Iran, destroying their cultural heritage sites in a move condemned by many and compared to the Taliban’s destruction of the world-renowned Buddhas of Bamyan in Afghanistan.
Despite the president’s threats, enormous numbers of Iraqis heeded Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr’s call for a “million man march” in Baghdad last week. While Time magazine claimed there were only “hundreds” in attendance, drone footage told a very different story. Some estimates put the total at over 2.5 million. And despite Bloomberg Quick Take originally claiming that they were “anti-government demonstrations,” the huge banner on the main stage reading “GET OUT AMERICA” in uppercase English letters suggested otherwise.
Hostilities between the United States and Iran threatened to spiral out of control after the January 3 assassination of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani. Soleimani had been invited to Baghdad by Iraqi Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi for regional peace talks. Abdul-Mahdi asked Trump for permission for Soleimani to enter Iraq. Trump accepted, then used the opportunity to kill the general with a drone strike, something the Iraqi parliament declared a violation of their national sovereignty. In retaliation, the Iranians fired ballistic missiles at U.S.-occupied bases in Iraq, causing pinpoint damage, but no fatalities, as the U.S. was warned of the impending response. The Pentagon has said that dozens of troops have suffered brain injuries as a result, but the president disagrees, claiming they amount to little more than headaches.
The plan to build new bases will be seen in Iran as an attempt to tighten the noose around it more tightly. There are already over 65,000 American military personnel in neighboring countries. The U.S. continues to occupy Iraq and Afghanistan since the invasions launched in the wake of the 2001 World Trade Center attacks.
Since 2003, an estimated 2.4 million people have been killed in the U.S. war on Iraq. One of the consequences of the wars in the Middle East was the rise of the Islamic State, which itself has led to further conflict. The U.S. military also operates from a network of bases in Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and many other states in the region.
The move to establish three new U.S. military bases on Iran’s borders will not be a welcome move to those who wish to deescalate tensions, least of all by the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, who moved their Doomsday Clock to just 100 seconds to midnight, citing a possible regional nuclear catastrophe as a factor.
Feature photo | Protesters take to the streets of the Iraqi capital, Baghdad, for a million-man rally to call for an end to the military presence of the United States in their country. Photo | Mehr
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-01-29--The Liberal Establishment is Already Warning Third Parties Not to Ruin the 2020 Election

As predictable as death and taxes is the quadrennial injunction from liberals for progressive third parties to cease and desist .
Equally predictable is the warning that this will be the most decisive presidential election in U.S. history .
Given the prospect of four more years of Trump , do they have a valid thesis , or are they once again just sheep-dogging those of little faith back into the true church of the Democratic Party ?
Prominent left-liberals Noam Chomsky , Barbara Ehrenreich , Bill Fletcher , Leslie Cagan , Ron Daniels , Kathy Kelly , Norman Solomon , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open letter imploring third parties to “ remove themselves as a factor ” in the 2020 presidential election to “ benefit all humanity and a good part of the biosphere.
” They were addressing an article by Howie Hawkins titled , “ The Green Party Is Not the Democrats ’ Problem.
” Hawkins is running for the Green Party ’ s presidential nomination .
Chomsky et al .
“ agree with much ” that Hawkins argues except for the matter of whether third parties should engage in electoral politics .
To be more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perfectly copacetic for third parties to run in safe states where they don ’ t have a chance of affecting electoral outcomes , but not in swing states .
Third parties should feel free to do what the open letter condescendingly describes as their “ feel-good activity ” if they are guaranteed to be ineffectual , but not otherwise .
In short , these left-liberals are adverse to an independent left outside of the Democratic Party .
Shamelessly , the open letter proclaims : “ we too are furious at Democrats joining Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peace.
” These left-liberals agree the Democrats have indeed become ever more odious and indistinguishable from Republicans .
They understand that the degeneration of the Democratic Party has progressed so far that sugar-coating it doesn ’ t pass the red face test .
The left-liberal mantra is : support the Dems despite their politics , not because of their politics , to avoid an even greater evil .
Their solution , however , is to reward bad behavior by pledging – even before the primaries – to vote for whomever the Democrats dredge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stop obsessing about third parties and concentrate on mobilizing their base because they have more registered voters than Republicans .
In the long run , replace the Electoral College with a direct popular vote .
Republicans Bush in 2000 and Trump in 2016 , lost the popular vote .
Further , the best way for the Democrats to avoid losing votes to a progressive third party is to preempt their issues for combatting global warming , reducing income inequality , dismantling the national security state , and ending militarism .
A left alternative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be progressive .
Otherwise , they have little incentive to raise these crucial issues and instead can content themselves by continuing to whip the dead horse of Russiagate .
Removing a third-party challenge from the left is tantamount to encouraging the Democrats to shift to the right with the assurance that their progressive-leaning captured constituencies , such as ethnic minorities and labor , have nowhere else to go .
When Ralph Nader ran for president in 2000 as a Green , he offered to drop out of the race if Democratic candidate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ platform .
Gore refused .
If progressive third parties don ’ t contest and raise the crucial issues of the day , those issues will die in the “ graveyard of social movements , ” also known as the Democratic Party .
The open letter , it should be noted , calls for progressive third parties to capitulate even before the Democratic presidential candidate has been chosen and the platform drafted .
That strategy is the opposite of moving the Democrat ’ s in a progressive direction .
To use a popular term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Progressives are implored to drop out but get no assurances in return .
What is virtually assured by the open letter strategy is that Democrats will run on a de facto single-issue platform : we are not Trump .
Wall Street backers of the Democratic Party will be delighted .
The fact that the open letter demands that third parties abstain from effectively raising issues is symptomatic of the crisis of liberalism within the Democratic Party and the larger polity .
As Chomsky himself perceptively observed , Republican Richard Nixon was “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the EPA and OSHA , recognized the People ’ s Republic of China , supported the equal rights amendment , expanded food stamps and welfare assistance , substantially cut military spending , and signed a suite of environmental and affirmative action acts .
Since Tricky Dick , virtually no major progressive legislation has passed .
Liberalism , which made progressive contributions in the past , is dead but not down .
As exemplified by the open letter , liberalism today has been relegated to ( 1 ) attacking and suppressing the independent left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of neoliberalism and imperialism .
The authors of the Open Letter have made immense contributions to progressive causes in the past .
Yet leaning on their well-earned laurels does not preclude the bankruptcy of their current position .
But does the imminent threat of Trump render all other concerns moot ?
From a left perspective , the open letter is right on target in cautioning that the reelection of Trump would be a “ global catastrophe.
” But would the election of a Democrat avoid such an outcome , or is the problem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the full-throated proponent of neoliberal austerity at home , aggressive militarism abroad , and the ubiquitous national security state .
Democrats gave landslide approvals to a record high war budget and renewal of the Patriot Act , while Pelosi ’ s “ pay-go ” act doomed prospects for future progressive legislation .
The last Democratic president ’ s deportations , drone strikes , wars in seven countries , multi-trillion-dollar upgrading of the U.S. ’ s nuclear war-fighting capacity , multi-trillion-dollar quantitative easing gift to finance capitalists , extension of the tax cut for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rise – giving credit where credit is due – to the level of catastrophe .
But what about the environment ?
Here , giving credit where credit is due , the Dems may be better but not good enough if avoiding environmental disaster is our metric .
The biosphere , to use the terminology of the open letter , has the choice of climate change deniers and those who recognize global warming and do nothing about it .
In reality , that is giving the Dems more credit than they deserve .
To @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama : “ Suddenly America is the largest oil producer , that was me , people … say thank you.
” When oilman Bush the younger was president , U.S. oil production declined ; under Obama , it nearly doubled .
What is needed is a break from rapacious capitalism , and this will not happen with either of the two parties of capital .
Voting for the lesser evil of your choice does not break the calamitous rightward trajectory of worse and worse presidential prospects but perpetuates it .
So , yes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( now viewed favorably by a majority of the Dems ) or Romney or McCain .
The downward political spiral precipitated by lesser evil voting is reflected in a Time magazine observation in 2011 : “ Now Obama is fashioning his own presidency to follow the Gipper ’ s [ Ronald Reagan ] playbook.
” If the vicious cycle of voting for the lesser evil is not broken , future generations of progressives may look back nostalgically to the Trump years .
Left-liberals toil to influence the Democratic Party from within , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activity , gave us hawkish Hillary Clinton in 2016 .
To be evenhanded , the outcomes to date seem to suggest that working within the Democratic Party and working outside have had similarly quixotic results .
The progressive third-party perspective is to pull the political spectrum to the left from the outside , which has greater potential than unconditionally joining the lesser evil party .
To paraphrase Hawkins , third parties don ’ t spoil elections ; they improve them .
Indeed , left third parties must contest the Democratic Party ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in both warmongering and environmental turpitude , often outdoing the Republicans in the former and peddling a go-slow , soft-denialist approach to the latter .
The open letter is correct that the situation is dire .
Their solution is to make it more so .
Trump is the hook ; the Dems are the bait .
Don ’ t swallow it and get reeled in by the two-party duopoly .
A better world is possible .
Feature photo | Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders , I-Vt. , , center , speaks as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 , during a Democratic presidential primary debate in Des Moines , Iowa .
Patrick Semansky | AP Roger D. Harris is on the state central committee of the Peace and Freedom Party , the only ballot-qualified socialist party in California .

As predictable as death and taxes is the quadrennial injunction from liberals for progressive third parties to cease and desist. Equally predictable is the warning that this will be the most decisive presidential election in U.S. history. Given the prospect of four more years of Trump, do they have a valid thesis, or are they once again just sheep-dogging those of little faith back into the true church of the Democratic Party?
Prominent left-liberals Noam Chomsky, Barbara Ehrenreich, Bill Fletcher, Leslie Cagan, Ron Daniels, Kathy Kelly, Norman Solomon, Cynthia Peters and Michael Albert issued an open letter imploring third parties to “remove themselves as a factor” in the 2020 presidential election to “benefit all humanity and a good part of the biosphere.”
They were addressing an article by Howie Hawkins titled, “The Green Party Is Not the Democrats’ Problem.” Hawkins is running for the Green Party’s presidential nomination.
Chomsky et al. “agree with much” that Hawkins argues except for the matter of whether third parties should engage in electoral politics. To be more precise, they think that it is perfectly copacetic for third parties to run in safe states where they don’t have a chance of affecting electoral outcomes, but not in swing states. Third parties should feel free to do what the open letter condescendingly describes as their “feel-good activity” if they are guaranteed to be ineffectual, but not otherwise. In short, these left-liberals are adverse to an independent left outside of the Democratic Party.
Shamelessly, the open letter proclaims: “we too are furious at Democrats joining Republicans in so many violations of justice and peace.” These left-liberals agree the Democrats have indeed become ever more odious and indistinguishable from Republicans. They understand that the degeneration of the Democratic Party has progressed so far that sugar-coating it doesn’t pass the red face test.
The left-liberal mantra is: support the Dems despite their politics, not because of their politics, to avoid an even greater evil. Their solution, however, is to reward bad behavior by pledging – even before the primaries – to vote for whomever the Democrats dredge up.
Hawkins advises the Dems to stop obsessing about third parties and concentrate on mobilizing their base because they have more registered voters than Republicans. In the long run, replace the Electoral College with a direct popular vote. Republicans Bush in 2000 and Trump in 2016, lost the popular vote.
Further, the best way for the Democrats to avoid losing votes to a progressive third party is to preempt their issues for combatting global warming, reducing income inequality, dismantling the national security state, and ending militarism. A left alternative in the electoral arena challenges the Democrats to be progressive. Otherwise, they have little incentive to raise these crucial issues and instead can content themselves by continuing to whip the dead horse of Russiagate. Removing a third-party challenge from the left is tantamount to encouraging the Democrats to shift to the right with the assurance that their progressive-leaning captured constituencies, such as ethnic minorities and labor, have nowhere else to go.
When Ralph Nader ran for president in 2000 as a Green, he offered to drop out of the race if Democratic candidate Al Gore would adopt a minimal progressive platform. Gore refused. If progressive third parties don’t contest and raise the crucial issues of the day, those issues will die in the “graveyard of social movements,” also known as the Democratic Party.
The open letter, it should be noted, calls for progressive third parties to capitulate even before the Democratic presidential candidate has been chosen and the platform drafted. That strategy is the opposite of moving the Democrat’s in a progressive direction.
To use a popular term: there is no quid quo pro. Progressives are implored to drop out but get no assurances in return. What is virtually assured by the open letter strategy is that Democrats will run on a de facto single-issue platform: we are not Trump. Wall Street backers of the Democratic Party will be delighted.
The fact that the open letter demands that third parties abstain from effectively raising issues is symptomatic of the crisis of liberalism within the Democratic Party and the larger polity. As Chomsky himself perceptively observed, Republican Richard Nixon was “the last liberal president.” Nixon created the EPA and OSHA, recognized the People’s Republic of China, supported the equal rights amendment, expanded food stamps and welfare assistance, substantially cut military spending, and signed a suite of environmental and affirmative action acts. Since Tricky Dick, virtually no major progressive legislation has passed.
Liberalism, which made progressive contributions in the past, is dead but not down. As exemplified by the open letter, liberalism today has been relegated to (1) attacking and suppressing the independent left while (2) legitimizing the purveyors of neoliberalism and imperialism.
The authors of the Open Letter have made immense contributions to progressive causes in the past. Yet leaning on their well-earned laurels does not preclude the bankruptcy of their current position.
But does the imminent threat of Trump render all other concerns moot? From a left perspective, the open letter is right on target in cautioning that the reelection of Trump would be a “global catastrophe.” But would the election of a Democrat avoid such an outcome, or is the problem deeper?
The Democratic Party is now the full-throated proponent of neoliberal austerity at home, aggressive militarism abroad, and the ubiquitous national security state. Democrats gave landslide approvals to a record high war budget and renewal of the Patriot Act, while Pelosi’s “pay-go” act doomed prospects for future progressive legislation.
The last Democratic president’s deportations, drone strikes, wars in seven countries, multi-trillion-dollar upgrading of the U.S.’s nuclear war-fighting capacity, multi-trillion-dollar quantitative easing gift to finance capitalists, extension of the tax cut for the rich, and so forth also rise – giving credit where credit is due – to the level of catastrophe.
But what about the environment? Here, giving credit where credit is due, the Dems may be better but not good enough if avoiding environmental disaster is our metric. The biosphere, to use the terminology of the open letter, has the choice of climate change deniers and those who recognize global warming and do nothing about it.
In reality, that is giving the Dems more credit than they deserve. To quote no lesser an authority than Mr. Obama: “Suddenly America is the largest oil producer, that was me, people … say thank you.” When oilman Bush the younger was president, U.S. oil production declined; under Obama, it nearly doubled.
What is needed is a break from rapacious capitalism, and this will not happen with either of the two parties of capital. Voting for the lesser evil of your choice does not break the calamitous rightward trajectory of worse and worse presidential prospects but perpetuates it. So, yes, Trump is arguably worse than Dubya (now viewed favorably by a majority of the Dems) or Romney or McCain.
The downward political spiral precipitated by lesser evil voting is reflected in a Time magazine observation in 2011: “Now Obama is fashioning his own presidency to follow the Gipper’s [Ronald Reagan] playbook.” If the vicious cycle of voting for the lesser evil is not broken, future generations of progressives may look back nostalgically to the Trump years.
Left-liberals toil to influence the Democratic Party from within, and what could be characterized as their feel-good activity, gave us hawkish Hillary Clinton in 2016. To be evenhanded, the outcomes to date seem to suggest that working within the Democratic Party and working outside have had similarly quixotic results.
The progressive third-party perspective is to pull the political spectrum to the left from the outside, which has greater potential than unconditionally joining the lesser evil party. To paraphrase Hawkins, third parties don’t spoil elections; they improve them.
Indeed, left third parties must contest the Democratic Party’s presumptive electoral hegemony with its ruinous directions in both warmongering and environmental turpitude, often outdoing the Republicans in the former and peddling a go-slow, soft-denialist approach to the latter. The open letter is correct that the situation is dire. Their solution is to make it more so.
Trump is the hook; the Dems are the bait. Don’t swallow it and get reeled in by the two-party duopoly. A better world is possible.
Feature photo | Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt.,, center, speaks as fellow candidates listen, Jan. 14, 2020, during a Democratic presidential primary debate in Des Moines, Iowa. Patrick Semansky | AP
Roger D. Harris is on the state central committee of the Peace and Freedom Party, the only ballot-qualified socialist party in California.


mintpressnews--2020-01-29--France: Riot Police Beat up Striking Firefighters as Media Looks the Other Way

Truncheons rain down on fallen protestors as masked , black-clad riot police brutalize firefighters striking in full uniform , looking distinctly similar to their peers in the police , except that they are not carrying weapons .
That was the scene that few in the world saw this week , as media largely ignored firefighters joining the months-long nationwide protests against President Emmanuel Macron and his attempts to make sweeping changes to French society .
Wearing protective clothing , firefighters set themselves ablaze in the streets , performing perhaps the safest self-immolation protest in world history .
Yet few outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to social media to decry the mainstream disinterest in the growing movement , the largest and most sustained protests in the country since May 1968 .
Many asserted that if repression on this scale were happening in Venezuela or Iran , it would be the number one story in North America and across the globe .
Yet a Wednesday morning search on the homepages of the New York Times , Google News and Yahoo !
News found that there were zero links to coverage of the previous day ’ s events .
Nor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stirred even as professional photographer Taha Gueffaf was rushed to hospital after police threw a grenade at him .
Gueffaf shared an x-ray of his injuries on Twitter , asking Interior Minister Christophe Castaner why there were metal grenade fragments in his leg .
There has similarly been no reaction at all from professional human rights advocates like the Committee to Protect Journalists or Human Rights Watch , even as Iran continues to be a “ trending ” topic on the latter ’ s website .
Despite being decidedly unpopular ( December polls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent , with nearly 70 percent disapproval ) , Macron was elected president in 2017 .
As France ’ s centrist parties crumbled , the first round of the election was close to a four-way tie , but only Macron and fascist National Front leader Marine Le Pen qualified for the runoff vote .
Macron won the second round easily , but abstention was high , and nearly 12 percent chose to go to polling stations and post blank ballots as a form of protest or disgust .
Macron is a firm believer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher .
He insists that France can not be reformed but must be “ transformed ” from a social-democratic state into a neoliberal one more resembling the United States .
The trigger for the wave of current protests was the government ’ s plans to make sweeping changes to France ’ s pension plan , seen by many as the crown jewel in the country ’ s welfare state .
The president wishes to amalgamate 42 extant pension programs into a single , unified one , which he claims @ @ @ @ @ @ @ However , it would mean many unions would have to surrender hard-fought benefits for their members and accept a national standard , which includes raising the retirement age from 62 to 67 .
Macron has faced near-constant popular resistance for much of his time in office .
Since November 2018 , the Yellow Vests have protested across the country against his tax plans that they claim hit the poor and middle classes hardest .
This current round of strikes began in early December , led by transport unions who have shut down much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ metro system has been severely affected , as have regional trains .
Meanwhile , many of France ’ s ports , including Calais , Dunkirk , Marseille and Le Havre have seen workers close them down .
Transport unions have found some unusual allies joining them .
Lawyers , fearing their strong pension plan will be taken away from them , have gone on strike across the country , theatrically throwing their gowns down in a symbolic gesture of defiance .
Striking ballet dancers performed a free show on the steps of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Meanwhile , employees closed down the famous Louvre Museum , telling visitors that “ the Mona Lisa is on strike ” and arguing that Macron ’ s plan would “ lower everyone ’ s pensions.
” The firefighters themselves are protesting the proposed retirement age changes and worsening conditions .
“ We are the final link in the chain of emergency aid in France and we are overwhelmed by call-outs , ” said Frederic Perrin , head of the firefighters ’ union .
He continued , “ We need the staffing and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a guarantee that we can concentrate on our core missions , emergency response , and not serve as a supplement to absent health services.
” The French government also gives danger money bonuses to certain professions .
Firefighters are asking that their bonuses be raised to match those of the police .
Throughout the demonstrations this winter , firefighters have marched in full uniform with other striking groups , acting as a human shield in the belief that police would not attack their fellow first responders , who they work with closely every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that this belief was mistaken .
The question that arises now is how the two services will interact now that one has attacked and undermined the other ?
This is just one of the many strains put on those who are tasked with crushing dissent in Macron ’ s new state .
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News .
After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books : Bad News From Venezuela : Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age : Still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting , The Guardian , Salon , The Grayzone , Jacobin Magazine , Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary .

Truncheons rain down on fallen protestors as masked, black-clad riot police brutalize firefighters striking in full uniform, looking distinctly similar to their peers in the police, except that they are not carrying weapons. That was the scene that few in the world saw this week, as media largely ignored firefighters joining the months-long nationwide protests against President Emmanuel Macron and his attempts to make sweeping changes to French society.
https://twitter.com/zei_squirrel/status/1222399567947272193
Wearing protective clothing, firefighters set themselves ablaze in the streets, performing perhaps the safest self-immolation protest in world history. Yet few outside France saw the action; protestors took to social media to decry the mainstream disinterest in the growing movement, the largest and most sustained protests in the country since May 1968. Many asserted that if repression on this scale were happening in Venezuela or Iran, it would be the number one story in North America and across the globe. Yet a Wednesday morning search on the homepages of the New York Times, Google News and Yahoo! News found that there were zero links to coverage of the previous day’s events.
Nor have elites in other Western countries been stirred even as professional photographer Taha Gueffaf was rushed to hospital after police threw a grenade at him. Gueffaf shared an x-ray of his injuries on Twitter, asking Interior Minister Christophe Castaner why there were metal grenade fragments in his leg. There has similarly been no reaction at all from professional human rights advocates like the Committee to Protect Journalists or Human Rights Watch, even as Iran continues to be a “trending” topic on the latter’s website.
https://twitter.com/MTGphotographe/status/1222263759693021188
Despite being decidedly unpopular (December polls put his approval rate at around 30 percent, with nearly 70 percent disapproval), Macron was elected president in 2017. As France’s centrist parties crumbled, the first round of the election was close to a four-way tie, but only Macron and fascist National Front leader Marine Le Pen qualified for the runoff vote. Macron won the second round easily, but abstention was high, and nearly 12 percent chose to go to polling stations and post blank ballots as a form of protest or disgust.
Macron envisions a neoliberal France
Macron is a firm believer in neoliberalism, modeling his politics after British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. He insists that France cannot be reformed but must be “transformed” from a social-democratic state into a neoliberal one more resembling the United States. The trigger for the wave of current protests was the government’s plans to make sweeping changes to France’s pension plan, seen by many as the crown jewel in the country’s welfare state. The president wishes to amalgamate 42 extant pension programs into a single, unified one, which he claims would be more fair and transparent. However, it would mean many unions would have to surrender hard-fought benefits for their members and accept a national standard, which includes raising the retirement age from 62 to 67.
Macron has faced near-constant popular resistance for much of his time in office. Since November 2018, the Yellow Vests have protested across the country against his tax plans that they claim hit the poor and middle classes hardest. This current round of strikes began in early December, led by transport unions who have shut down much of the country. Paris’ iconic metro system has been severely affected, as have regional trains. Meanwhile, many of France’s ports, including Calais, Dunkirk, Marseille and Le Havre have seen workers close them down.
Transport unions have found some unusual allies joining them. Lawyers, fearing their strong pension plan will be taken away from them, have gone on strike across the country, theatrically throwing their gowns down in a symbolic gesture of defiance. Striking ballet dancers performed a free show on the steps of the famous Palais Garnier opera house in Paris. Meanwhile, employees closed down the famous Louvre Museum, telling visitors that “the Mona Lisa is on strike” and arguing that Macron’s plan would “lower everyone’s pensions.”
The firefighters themselves are protesting the proposed retirement age changes and worsening conditions. “We are the final link in the chain of emergency aid in France and we are overwhelmed by call-outs,” said Frederic Perrin, head of the firefighters’ union. He continued, “We need the staffing and means to respond to this and also a guarantee that we can concentrate on our core missions, emergency response, and not serve as a supplement to absent health services.” The French government also gives danger money bonuses to certain professions. Firefighters are asking that their bonuses be raised to match those of the police.
Throughout the demonstrations this winter, firefighters have marched in full uniform with other striking groups, acting as a human shield in the belief that police would not attack their fellow first responders, who they work with closely every day. Yesterday’s footage proves that this belief was mistaken. The question that arises now is how the two services will interact now that one has attacked and undermined the other? This is just one of the many strains put on those who are tasked with crushing dissent in Macron’s new state.
Feature photo | Firefighters march during a demonstration, Jan. 28, 2020 in Paris. Christophe Ena | AP
Alan MacLeod is a Staff Writer for MintPress News. After completing his PhD in 2017 he published two books: Bad News From Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting and Propaganda in the Information Age: Still Manufacturing Consent. He has also contributed to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, The Guardian, Salon, The Grayzone, Jacobin Magazine, Common Dreams the American Herald Tribune and The Canary.


mintpressnews--2020-01-29--Meet the Candidates Taking on Bolivia’s US-Backed Right Wing Government

Bolivia ’ s presidential elections are scheduled to take place on May 3 , 2020 .
The elections will be organized by the ‘ transitional ’ government of Jeanine Anez who seized power in a U.S.-backed military coup on November 10 , 2019 .
The coup forced out the democratically elected leftist-indigenous government of Evo Morales , who presided over an economic boom following a rejection of IMF-imposed neoliberal measures .
The elections that brought Anez to power were announced after a ‘ pacification ’ of the country that saw two massacres of indigenous protesters who rose up by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Morales .
The U.S. embassy hailed the “ transitional ’ period ” as a “ courageous defense of democracy ” and praised the “ commitment ” of the Anez administration to free and fair elections .
The technical organization of the elections will be carried out in conjunction with USAID and the Organization of American States ( OAS ) .
The election run-up has already been marked by persecution and threats against the most prominent figures of Morales ’ Movement Towards Socialism ( MAS ) party .
Nevertheless , the MAS is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and polls show that they still wield considerable influence in the country .
The MAS has also selected candidates , choosing Luis Arce Catacora and David Choquehuanca to run for president and vice president respectively .
Catacora served as Morales ’ economy minister while Choquehuanca was his longest-serving foreign minister .
The two were initially selected on January 19 by a commission of social movement and party leaders who traveled to Buenos Aires ; they were then approved on the following Thursday by the Pacto de Unidad ( MAS-affiliated social movements ) .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ an array of right-wing candidates , almost all of whom have deep and direct ties to Washington that long pre-date the November coup that forced Morales to flee the country .
They range from centrist neoliberals to far-right authoritarians .
The U.S. State Department is flexible in who it works with .
This article is the first installment of a two part series covering the coming election .
This article will focus on the MAS candidates , look at their politics and track record in government , and will judge the strength of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of persecution against them .
The second installment will explore the pro-coup candidates and their ties to Washington .
The MAS , as an organization , certainly isn ’ t a party with orthodox structures and organization .
It grew out of debates within the indigenous Campesino movement about the need for a ‘ political instrument ’ to represent the country ’ s indigenous majority , and in particular , organized rural Campesinos who had never had the opportunity to participate in mainstream politics long dominated by a tiny white urban elite .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ formed , it had grown to become a coalition of the most important organized indigenous movements in alliance with a collection of middle class , urban Marxist intellectuals who had broken with dogmatic thinking that looked down on the indigenous/Campesino movement .
Choquehuanca and Catacora come precisely from those two currents , respectively .
The two ideological currents are born from entirely distinct cultures and experiences but nevertheless have managed to coexist within the party for 20 years , with varying levels of tension .
The newspaper Pagina Siete labeled the duo as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as they struggled to find a basis with which to smear two of Morales ’ most popular former ministers .
Catacora had served as Morales ’ economy minister throughout the entire “ process of change.
” He is seen as the brains behind Bolivia ’ s economic miracle that followed the nationalization of natural resources and strategic industries .
Fake charges were drawn up against him by the Anez administration less than 24 hours after he was announced as a candidate .
Catacora was born and raised in urban La Paz , studying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ went on to earn a Master ’ s degree from Warwick University in the UK , a Ph.D. in Bolivia and a job at the Central Bank .
Yet Catacora really earned is stripes during the years of social struggle in the early 2000s when Evo Morales was a union leader .
During those years he ran a Marxist study circle in La Paz called Los Duendes made up of former members of Marcelo Quiroga ’ s Socialist Party .
Los Duendes was part of a web of new radical intellectual circles grappling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be following the collapse of the Soviet Union and what a transition to socialism would look like in the new age of globalization .
In a 2015 interview , he recalled the kind of discussions they had : There were a number of such groups , the most prominent being former Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera ’ s Comuna group .
Commenting on his relationship with Linera ’ s group , Catacora said : His role in this milieu of heterodox Marxist intellectuals is how Catacora earned him his place in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Garcia are representatives of this scene par excellence , but it ’ s also the reason there ’ s been some disquiet among some sections of the indigenous movements .
Some see this layer as a privileged group , the invitados who are bequeathed with candidacies to high office , despite not rising through the ranks of the indigenous and workers ’ movements .
It ’ s a complaint I ’ ve heard repeatedly at internal party and union meetings across the country , even in Morales ’ ultra-loyal base in the Chapare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always existed , in his speech proclaiming Catacora as candidate , Morales repeated his understanding of the movement as an alliance of indigenous groups and the blancos sanos ( the good whites ) .
David Choquehuanca , the vice presidential candidate , was Morales ’ first and longest-serving foreign minister and the second longest-serving minister after Catacora in a cabinet that was otherwise changing every season .
Choquehuanca is himself indigenous ( Aymara ) and is overwhelmingly favored by indigenous movements across the country .
I was in Huanuni ( Oruro ) at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one member after another nominated him for president .
In fact , some are now upset that he ’ s been selected for the lesser role of vice president .
Choquehuanca is the MAS ’ primary theorist of its indigenous wing .
As foreign minister , he convened conferences across Latin America to expound the concept of Sumaq Qamaña ( living well ) .
Sumaq Qamaña is a philosophy based on indigenous principles of reciprocity , collectiveness , balance with mother nature ( Pachamama ) , decolonization , recuperation of indigenous music , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , not as a ‘ folkloric ’ or ‘ ethnic ’ part of Bolivian culture but as the central basis of national identity .
Choquehuanca summed it up as : Choquehuanca ’ s resume would suggest a life on the traditional Marxist left .
Fe received a scholarship to study at a political cadre school in Cuba and after leaving the foreign ministry he became secretary of ALBA , the principal international organization of the Latin American left .
Nevertheless , his championing of indigenous philosophy and proximity to Campesino movements rather than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solid base of support , particularly in the Andean departments of Bolivia .
He received crucial backing in the indigenous city of El Alto , where in mid-December he was proclaimed the chosen candidate at a meeting of MAS-aligned movements in the city .
The mood among attendees was hopeful , but also determined to have Choquehuanca , and no one else , as candidate .
The chair of the meeting didn ’ t mince words : When it was announced that Choquehuanca was chosen to run as vice president , those same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out to calm fears , praising Catacora and pointing out that ; “ the right want to divide us , and they ’ ll have a party if we let ourselves be divided.
” Whatever concerns there are about the pair , it ’ s undeniable that they , better than anyone , represent the two ideological currents that made the MAS into what it is today .
Catacora and Choquehuanca steered the two most important policy transformations of their period in government .
Bolivia ’ s foreign policy has seen the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just a couple of months , the Anez administration has re-established full diplomatic relations with the United States and Israel , withdrew from ALBA , recognized the self-declared Juan Guaido as ‘ president ’ of Venezuela , cut ties with Cuba and rolled out the red carpet for USAID .
It was Choquehuanca ’ s work building an anti-imperialist foreign policy that was undone with the most haste .
It was under his leadership at the foreign ministry that the U.S. ambassador was expelled , U.S. military bases were closed and Bolivia restricted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Gaza .
Choquehuanca also oversaw Bolivia ’ s policy of solidarity with Venezuela , Cuba and other progressive countries when they were under attack by the United States .
These issues are likely to surface prominently in the coming election .
As crucial as foreign policy has been for the regime , the Bolivian economic model , brainchild of Catacora , is the centerpiece of the MAS electoral campaign .
The early phase of the model can be summarized as the nationalization of strategic industries , the profits from which provide the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ previously non-existent infrastructure and social spending .
This stimulates internal demand and feeds the growth of the private sector , in particular , the tertiary sector .
The next phase , which Bolivia had only just begun to embark on before the coup , was the industrialization of natural resources .
The aim was to surpass the country ’ s former position in the global south , condemned to live off the export of cheap raw materials .
European social democratic parties , such as the UK Labour party , often limit nationalization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vital public services like health , transportation and utilities .
In Bolivia , nationalization reached the upper echelons of the economy , and in early years included natural resources ( natural gas , some mining , lithium ) , telecomms ( Entel ) , airports , transport ( BOA the national airline , Teleferico ) and manufacturing , including numerous state-owned factories in a variety of industries from cement to paper .
This meant that profits stayed in the country and allowed the government to cover its costs and embark on ambitious social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like building highways in areas of the country that had only ever known seclusion and dirt roads .
This , in turn , stimulated the private sector .
The movement of goods along with higher living standards meant that the number of registered businesses grew by 500 percent by the end of Morales ’ second term .
In the years prior to the MAS ’ economic reforms , Bolivia could only generate enough cash to cover basic costs and debts by printing money , resulting in an annual inflation rate of over 27,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ era was overcome , the neoliberal shock therapy that was used to overcome it left the government as little more than an estado mendigo ( beggar state ) , a term Morales often used to describe the period of dependency on western financial institutions and aid .
Western NGOs flourished in Bolivia as attempts to deal with the humanitarian crisis were farmed out to them .
By 2005 , the year before Morales was first elected , outgoing neoliberal president Carlos Mesa ’ s resignation speech turned into a bizarre tirade as he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy was no longer able to pay for even the most basic functions of the state .
Mesa explained how even public sector salaries were only being paid at all thanks to the “ charity ” that he had “ begged for ” at the IMF and other western institutions .
In addressing the economic failures of the neoliberal period , the results are undeniable .
The economy today is over three times the size it was in 2005 .
The purchasing power of minimum wage workers has skyrocketed as rapid wage growth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate of general poverty that once stood at over 60 percent in 2005 dropped to around 34 percent by 2018 .
In 2005 , 35 percent of Bolivians belonged to the middle class , now over 60 percent do .
That ’ s around three million people in a country of 11 million .
Cities like El Alto are no longer centers of appalling poverty and underdevelopment but are engines of growth for the whole country .
Indeed , El Alto has been host to a particular kind of growth that has meant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have produced a new modern and luxury evolution of Andean culture , rather than turning to western chain stores and Miami holidays , like other Latin Americans who have dollars to spare .
The interior and exterior of the ‘ cholets ’ mansions owned by indigenous residents of El Alto incorporate Andean colors and designs into their property in flagrant defiance of western architectural norms .
The next phase of the economic model was industrialization , a path that was just beginning to be realized before it was interrupted by the coup .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ yielding results .
Not content with merely redistributing the profits of exporting raw materials , the Bolivian government was preparing the industrialization of those natural resources , meaning that rather than exporting crude gas or lithium in its natural state , the government would invest in building the industrial capacity to process those materials in Bolivia and sell value-added finished products .
This was already taking place with Bolivia ’ s vast lithium reserves .
The country was producing its first domestically manufactured cars that included batteries made with lithium .
When Evo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ natural gas but imported refined gas used for cooking and heating .
Now , however , Bolivia is a net exporter of refined gas .
This is only possible because of state investment in nationalized companies .
The MAS has chosen its candidates , the social movements that form the party back them , they ’ re ahead in the polls , and the U.S.-backed right is divided between at least four candidates .
In normal conditions , this would bode extremely well for the party .
But of course , these elections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ environment .
They ’ re taking place in an environment where MAS activists are being jailed on charges of ‘ sedition ’ for posting memes .
Where arrest warrants are issued to those who hosted left-wing radio shows , where even the MAS ’ presidential candidate has fake charges hanging over him , charges that were invented the day after his candidacy was announced .
Will he spend election day in a cell ?
There ’ s every reason to believe that even if the elections aren ’ t rigged , then the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ramped up to the extent where they can not , in any way , campaign openly .
Will the U.S. human rights industry and the OAS speak up ?
Bolivians are not holding their breath .
Feature photo | Luis Arce Catacora , Bolivian presidential candidate for the Movement Towards Socialism party ( MAS ) , is held up by supporters as he is welcomed at the airport before he departs El Alto , Bolivia , Jan. 28 , 2020 .
Juan Karita | AP Oliver Vargas is a British-Bolivian journalist covering the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His writing has appeared in teleSUR , Redfish and The Grayzone among others .

Bolivia’s presidential elections are scheduled to take place on May 3, 2020. The elections will be organized by the ‘transitional’ government of Jeanine Anez who seized power in a U.S.-backed military coup on November 10, 2019. The coup forced out the democratically elected leftist-indigenous government of Evo Morales, who presided over an economic boom following a rejection of IMF-imposed neoliberal measures.
The elections that brought Anez to power were announced after a ‘pacification’ of the country that saw two massacres of indigenous protesters who rose up by the hundreds of thousands calling for the return of Morales. The U.S. embassy hailed the “transitional’ period” as a “courageous defense of democracy” and praised the “commitment” of the Anez administration to free and fair elections.
The technical organization of the elections will be carried out in conjunction with USAID and the Organization of American States (OAS). The election run-up has already been marked by persecution and threats against the most prominent figures of Morales’ Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) party.
Nevertheless, the MAS is keen to go ahead with the elections and polls show that they still wield considerable influence in the country. The MAS has also selected candidates, choosing Luis Arce Catacora and David Choquehuanca to run for president and vice president respectively. Catacora served as Morales’ economy minister while Choquehuanca was his longest-serving foreign minister. The two were initially selected on January 19 by a commission of social movement and party leaders who traveled to Buenos Aires; they were then approved on the following Thursday by the Pacto de Unidad (MAS-affiliated social movements).
Catacora and Choquehuanca are likely to face an array of right-wing candidates, almost all of whom have deep and direct ties to Washington that long pre-date the November coup that forced Morales to flee the country. They range from centrist neoliberals to far-right authoritarians. The U.S. State Department is flexible in who it works with.
This article is the first installment of a two part series covering the coming election. This article will focus on the MAS candidates, look at their politics and track record in government, and will judge the strength of Morales’ party in this new climate of persecution against them. The second installment will explore the pro-coup candidates and their ties to Washington.
The Instrumento
The MAS, as an organization, certainly isn’t a party with orthodox structures and organization. It grew out of debates within the indigenous Campesino movement about the need for a ‘political instrument’ to represent the country’s indigenous majority, and in particular, organized rural Campesinos who had never had the opportunity to participate in mainstream politics long dominated by a tiny white urban elite.
By the time the MAS was fully formed, it had grown to become a coalition of the most important organized indigenous movements in alliance with a collection of middle class, urban Marxist intellectuals who had broken with dogmatic thinking that looked down on the indigenous/Campesino movement.
Choquehuanca and Catacora come precisely from those two currents, respectively. The two ideological currents are born from entirely distinct cultures and experiences but nevertheless have managed to coexist within the party for 20 years, with varying levels of tension.
“Indigenism and Economic Stability”
The newspaper Pagina Siete labeled the duo as representing “Indigenism and Economic Stability” as they struggled to find a basis with which to smear two of Morales’ most popular former ministers. Catacora had served as Morales’ economy minister throughout the entire “process of change.” He is seen as the brains behind Bolivia’s economic miracle that followed the nationalization of natural resources and strategic industries. Fake charges were drawn up against him by the Anez administration less than 24 hours after he was announced as a candidate.
Catacora was born and raised in urban La Paz, studying economics at the highest levels. He went on to earn a Master’s degree from Warwick University in the UK, a Ph.D. in Bolivia and a job at the Central Bank. Yet Catacora really earned is stripes during the years of social struggle in the early 2000s when Evo Morales was a union leader. During those years he ran a Marxist study circle in La Paz called Los Duendes made up of former members of Marcelo Quiroga’s Socialist Party. Los Duendes was part of a web of new radical intellectual circles grappling with what the future of the left would be following the collapse of the Soviet Union and what a transition to socialism would look like in the new age of globalization.
In a 2015 interview, he recalled the kind of discussions they had:
In the 90s the privatizations began. The book ‘The End of History’ by Francis Fukuyama came out, where capitalism was said to be the last stage. In Los Duendes, we argued that this was impossible, we set out to present what comes after neoliberalism. This research would later be reflected in the plans of the MAS…we had to work on proposing an economic model that we could later implement.”
There were a number of such groups, the most prominent being former Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera’s Comuna group. Commenting on his relationship with Linera’s group, Catacora said:
In a meeting of the Duende group with Álvaro García Linera, we agreed on several positions and realized that we spoke the same language; pursued the same objective but using different instruments and tools. Comuna observed the sociological-political process in great depth, while Duende worked on the transition to socialism from the point of view of the construction of a new economic model.”
His role in this milieu of heterodox Marxist intellectuals is how Catacora earned him his place in the Movement Towards Socialism. He and Alvaro Garcia are representatives of this scene par excellence, but it’s also the reason there’s been some disquiet among some sections of the indigenous movements. Some see this layer as a privileged group, the invitados who are bequeathed with candidacies to high office, despite not rising through the ranks of the indigenous and workers’ movements. It’s a complaint I’ve heard repeatedly at internal party and union meetings across the country, even in Morales’ ultra-loyal base in the Chapare region.
Though this creative tension has always existed, in his speech proclaiming Catacora as candidate, Morales repeated his understanding of the movement as an alliance of indigenous groups and the blancos sanos (the good whites).
Sumaq Qamaña
David Choquehuanca, the vice presidential candidate, was Morales’ first and longest-serving foreign minister and the second longest-serving minister after Catacora in a cabinet that was otherwise changing every season.
Choquehuanca is himself indigenous (Aymara) and is overwhelmingly favored by indigenous movements across the country. I was in Huanuni (Oruro) at a meeting of Pacto de Unidad when one member after another nominated him for president. In fact, some are now upset that he’s been selected for the lesser role of vice president. Choquehuanca is the MAS’ primary theorist of its indigenous wing. As foreign minister, he convened conferences across Latin America to expound the concept of Sumaq Qamaña (living well). Sumaq Qamaña is a philosophy based on indigenous principles of reciprocity, collectiveness, balance with mother nature (Pachamama), decolonization, recuperation of indigenous music, art, dance and forms of living, not as a ‘folkloric’ or ‘ethnic’ part of Bolivian culture but as the central basis of national identity.
Choquehuanca summed it up as:
To live well (Sumaq Qamaña) is to look for the experience in community, where all members care for all. The most important thing is not the human (prioritized by socialism) nor money (prioritized by capitalism), but life. It is intended to seek a simpler life. Become the path of harmony between nature and life”
Choquehuanca’s resume would suggest a life on the traditional Marxist left. Fe received a scholarship to study at a political cadre school in Cuba and after leaving the foreign ministry he became secretary of ALBA, the principal international organization of the Latin American left. Nevertheless, his championing of indigenous philosophy and proximity to Campesino movements rather than the urban left have won him a solid base of support, particularly in the Andean departments of Bolivia.
He received crucial backing in the indigenous city of El Alto, where in mid-December he was proclaimed the chosen candidate at a meeting of MAS-aligned movements in the city. The mood among attendees was hopeful, but also determined to have Choquehuanca, and no one else, as candidate. The chair of the meeting didn’t mince words:
He’s a man who looks for unity, for the Sumaq Qamana, that’s why we’ve attached ourselves to him as an indigenous leader, as a leader for the unity of the whole country, we respect the decision of the rank and file (to back Choquehuanca), we’re not going to allow impositions”.
When it was announced that Choquehuanca was chosen to run as vice president, those same movements were enraged. Choquehuanca himself came out to calm fears, praising Catacora and pointing out that; “the right want to divide us, and they’ll have a party if we let ourselves be divided.”
Whatever concerns there are about the pair, it’s undeniable that they, better than anyone, represent the two ideological currents that made the MAS into what it is today.
In Power
Catacora and Choquehuanca steered the two most important policy transformations of their period in government.
Bolivia’s foreign policy has seen the most dramatic change since the coup. In just a couple of months, the Anez administration has re-established full diplomatic relations with the United States and Israel, withdrew from ALBA, recognized the self-declared Juan Guaido as ‘president’ of Venezuela, cut ties with Cuba and rolled out the red carpet for USAID.
It was Choquehuanca’s work building an anti-imperialist foreign policy that was undone with the most haste. It was under his leadership at the foreign ministry that the U.S. ambassador was expelled, U.S. military bases were closed and Bolivia restricted Israeli visas in solidarity with the people of Gaza. Choquehuanca also oversaw Bolivia’s policy of solidarity with Venezuela, Cuba and other progressive countries when they were under attack by the United States. These issues are likely to surface prominently in the coming election.
The Economic Miracle
As crucial as foreign policy has been for the regime, the Bolivian economic model, brainchild of Catacora, is the centerpiece of the MAS electoral campaign. The early phase of the model can be summarized as the nationalization of strategic industries, the profits from which provide the Bolivian state the resources to invest in previously non-existent infrastructure and social spending. This stimulates internal demand and feeds the growth of the private sector, in particular, the tertiary sector.
The next phase, which Bolivia had only just begun to embark on before the coup, was the industrialization of natural resources. The aim was to surpass the country’s former position in the global south, condemned to live off the export of cheap raw materials.
European social democratic parties, such as the UK Labour party, often limit nationalization plans to industries they consider to be vital public services like health, transportation and utilities. In Bolivia, nationalization reached the upper echelons of the economy, and in early years included natural resources (natural gas, some mining, lithium), telecomms (Entel), airports, transport (BOA the national airline, Teleferico) and manufacturing, including numerous state-owned factories in a variety of industries from cement to paper.
This meant that profits stayed in the country and allowed the government to cover its costs and embark on ambitious social spending, rural development and infrastructure projects like building highways in areas of the country that had only ever known seclusion and dirt roads. This, in turn, stimulated the private sector. The movement of goods along with higher living standards meant that the number of registered businesses grew by 500 percent by the end of Morales’ second term.
In the years prior to the MAS’ economic reforms, Bolivia could only generate enough cash to cover basic costs and debts by printing money, resulting in an annual inflation rate of over 27,000 percent by 1985. Though the hyperinflationary era was overcome, the neoliberal shock therapy that was used to overcome it left the government as little more than an estado mendigo (beggar state), a term Morales often used to describe the period of dependency on western financial institutions and aid.
Western NGOs flourished in Bolivia as attempts to deal with the humanitarian crisis were farmed out to them. By 2005, the year before Morales was first elected, outgoing neoliberal president Carlos Mesa’s resignation speech turned into a bizarre tirade as he explained the extent to which the Bolivian economy was no longer able to pay for even the most basic functions of the state. Mesa explained how even public sector salaries were only being paid at all thanks to the “charity” that he had “begged for” at the IMF and other western institutions.
In addressing the economic failures of the neoliberal period, the results are undeniable. The economy today is over three times the size it was in 2005. The purchasing power of minimum wage workers has skyrocketed as rapid wage growth has been combined with low inflation
The rate of general poverty that once stood at over 60 percent in 2005 dropped to around 34 percent by 2018. In 2005, 35 percent of Bolivians belonged to the middle class, now over 60 percent do. That’s around three million people in a country of 11 million. Cities like El Alto are no longer centers of appalling poverty and underdevelopment but are engines of growth for the whole country. Indeed, El Alto has been host to a particular kind of growth that has meant some of its newly wealthy indigenous residents have produced a new modern and luxury evolution of Andean culture, rather than turning to western chain stores and Miami holidays, like other Latin Americans who have dollars to spare.
The interior and exterior of the ‘cholets’ mansions owned by indigenous residents of El Alto incorporate Andean colors and designs into their property in flagrant defiance of western architectural norms.
The next phase of the economic model was industrialization, a path that was just beginning to be realized before it was interrupted by the coup. The idea is simple and was already yielding results. Not content with merely redistributing the profits of exporting raw materials, the Bolivian government was preparing the industrialization of those natural resources, meaning that rather than exporting crude gas or lithium in its natural state, the government would invest in building the industrial capacity to process those materials in Bolivia and sell value-added finished products.
This was already taking place with Bolivia’s vast lithium reserves. The country was producing its first domestically manufactured cars that included batteries made with lithium. When Evo first came to power, Bolivia exported natural gas but imported refined gas used for cooking and heating. Now, however, Bolivia is a net exporter of refined gas. This is only possible because of state investment in nationalized companies.
Enormous challenges ahead
The MAS has chosen its candidates, the social movements that form the party back them, they’re ahead in the polls, and the U.S.-backed right is divided between at least four candidates.
In normal conditions, this would bode extremely well for the party. But of course, these elections are not taking place in a normal environment. They’re taking place in an environment where MAS activists are being jailed on charges of ‘sedition’ for posting memes. Where arrest warrants are issued to those who hosted left-wing radio shows, where even the MAS’ presidential candidate has fake charges hanging over him, charges that were invented the day after his candidacy was announced. Will he spend election day in a cell?
There’s every reason to believe that even if the elections aren’t rigged, then the persecution against the MAS could well be ramped up to the extent where they cannot, in any way, campaign openly. Will the U.S. human rights industry and the OAS speak up? Bolivians are not holding their breath.
Feature photo | Luis Arce Catacora, Bolivian presidential candidate for the Movement Towards Socialism party (MAS), is held up by supporters as he is welcomed at the airport before he departs El Alto, Bolivia, Jan. 28, 2020. Juan Karita | AP
Oliver Vargas is a British-Bolivian journalist covering the ongoing coup in Bolivia for MintPress News. His writing has appeared in teleSUR, Redfish and The Grayzone among others.