russia-insider--2020-09-22--The Extent of NATO's Destruction in Yugoslavia

This article from our archives was first published on RI in March 2015 The article at Tanjug .
Translated for RI by Mihajlo Doknic 16 years ago , without a UN Security Resolution , NATO started an illegal attack on Yugoslavia .
Today commemorative ceremonies will take place all over the country .
Tanjug presents the figures that show the massive destruction of the country and loss of life .
On the 24th of March in 1999 , without a Security Council Resolution , NATO started the military attack on Yugoslavia [ Serbia and Montenegro ] .
Yugoslavia , allegedly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kosovo and Metohija , was attacked after the so-called Rambouillet negotiations about the future status of Kosovo failed .
The Rambouillet agreement foresaw the deployment of NATO forces on the territory of Yugoslavia .
The Yugoslav party didn ’ t want NATO forces on its territory and suggested UN troops should be deployed instead , to oversee the implementation of the Rambouillet agreement , which was also confirmed by the Yugoslavian parliament .
Unsatisfied , NATO unleashed a massive military onslaught on the small country and its people , which led to massive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wesley Clark , who led the campaign , admitted in his book 'Modern Warfare ’ that the planning and preparations for the war were already underway in summer 1998 and finalized in August 1998 .
Which actually implies that Rambouillet never really had a chance of succeeding .
Today `` Tanjug '' listed some figures that were released by the Serbian Government , that show the devastating results and the destruction of the country by the NATO led attack : • Over 2.500 people killed , of which more than 1.500 civilians • @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the country destroyed There is n't a city in Serbia that wasn ’ t targeted by NATO .
The extent of structural damage was : • Some 22.000 tons of bombs and other ammunition After diplomatic efforts , the bombing and the aggression stopped with the signing of the Military Technical Agreement of Kumanovo [ Macedonia ] on the 9th of June , which foresaw the withdrawal of the Yugoslav Army from Kosovo within three days .
On that day that the UN Security Council adopted the resolution , 1244 and some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ KFOR [ NATO led Kosovo peace keeping force ] were sent to Kosovo , with a mandate to secure peace and stability and enable the return of refugees , until a broad autonomy status has been negotiated for Kosovo .
With the support of US , NATO and the majority of EU States Kosovo declared its independence in 2008 ... !
The same countries that vociferously oppose the self-determination of Crimea or other parts of Ukraine ... !

This article from our archives was first published on RI in March 2015
The article originally appeared at Tanjug. Translated for RI by Mihajlo Doknic
16 years ago, without a UN Security Resolution, NATO started an illegal attack on Yugoslavia. Today commemorative ceremonies will take place all over the country. Tanjug presents the figures that show the massive destruction of the country and loss of life.
Mission accomplished: Country destroyed, people killed
On the 24th of March in 1999, without a Security Council Resolution, NATO started the military attack on Yugoslavia [Serbia and Montenegro].
Yugoslavia, allegedly responsible for the 'humanitarian catastrophy’ in Kosovo and Metohija, was attacked after the so-called Rambouillet negotiations about the future status of Kosovo failed. The Rambouillet agreement foresaw the deployment of NATO forces on the territory of Yugoslavia. The Yugoslav party didn’t want NATO forces on its territory and suggested UN troops should be deployed instead, to oversee the implementation of the Rambouillet agreement, which was also confirmed by the Yugoslavian parliament.
Unsatisfied, NATO unleashed a massive military onslaught on the small country and its people, which led to massive destruction and loss of lives. General Wesley Clark, who led the campaign, admitted in his book 'Modern Warfare’ that the planning and preparations for the war were already underway in summer 1998 and finalized in August 1998. Which actually implies that Rambouillet never really had a chance of succeeding.
Today "Tanjug" listed some figures that were released by the Serbian Government, that show the devastating results and the destruction of the country by the NATO led attack:
Over 2.500 people killed, of which more than 1.500 civilians
12.500 people wounded
One third of electricity and energy capacity of the country destroyed
Total cost of destruction over 100bn dollars
There isn't a city in Serbia that wasn’t targeted by NATO. The extent of structural damage was:
25.000 houses and flats
470km of roads
595km of railway tracks
14 airports
39 hospitals and medical centers
69 schools
19 kinder gardens
176 cultural objects
82 bridges
NATO’s massive military attack on the small country involved:
1.150 Airplanes
2.300 attacks [sorties] by airplanes
1.300 Cruise Middles launched
37.000 [prohibited] cluster bombs
Some 22.000 tons of bombs and other ammunition
Ammunition with depleted uranium
After diplomatic efforts, the bombing and the aggression stopped with the signing of the Military Technical Agreement of Kumanovo [Macedonia] on the 9th of June, which foresaw the withdrawal of the Yugoslav Army from Kosovo within three days.
On that day that the UN Security Council adopted the resolution, 1244 and some 37 000 soldiers as part of the KFOR [NATO led Kosovo peace keeping force] were sent to Kosovo, with a mandate to secure peace and stability and enable the return of refugees, until a broad autonomy status has been negotiated for Kosovo.
With the support of US, NATO and the majority of EU States Kosovo declared its independence in 2008...!
The same countries that vociferously oppose the self-determination of Crimea or other parts of Ukraine...!


russia-insider--2020-09-22--Wonderful New Book: 'Miraculous Architecture of The Russian North'

This article from our archives was first published on RI in August 2015 The extraordinary William Brumfield has done it again with another great book about Russian architecture .
Brumfield is a legend and , despite living in New Orleans where he is a professor at Tulane , a Russian national treasure .
The book came out in late June , and is available on Amazon .
The first 20 pages of the book are available online from Duke University Press Here are some blurbs : '' The Russian north lies beyond the American imagination ; and is imagined by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ William Craft Brumfield has done more to uncover this vast and culturally rich area than nearly anyone of his generation either American or , for that matter , Russian .
Brumfield reveals a region of vast cultural wealth and natural beauty that has suffered more than its share of history 's vicissitudes .
His homage to the region ’ s architecture proclaims to the world that no one can understand Russia without beginning in the north . ''
`` William Craft Brumfield 's intrepid explorations of European Russia 's remotest northern region and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the pursuit of scholarship takes physical fortitude as well as intellectual curiosity .
It 's an adventure to journey with him—by text and image—and discover the astounding variety and quality of the extant architecture heritage in this sometimes nearly trackless zone .
As he scans the frozen horizon for onion domes , we owe him immensely for his tireless labors . ''
Following is a pre-review , which appeared at RBTH in April .
New book by William Brumfield reveals the miraculous architecture of the Russian North The Arctic Circle , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time – William Brumfield , professor of Slavic Studies at Tulane University in New Orleans , has spent years traveling through these most isolated regions of the Russian North photographing the beauty of traditional Russian architecture .
Brumfield 's latest book , Architecture at the End of the Earth : Photographing the Russian North , contains some 200 glorious color photographs of legendary centuries-old structures and documents various aspects of Russian architecture , from log houses to grand cathedrals .
In his photographs of onion-domed wooden churches in Varzuga , the massive walled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Cathedral of St. Sophia in Vologda , Brumfield outlines the region 's significance to Russian history and culture .
For decades Brumfield has collected material on the art of building in the Russian North , from ancient times to the end of the Soviet era .
“ It is especially important to preserve the region 's vulnerable achievements of master Russian carpenters , ” says Brumfield , “ all the more so because a number of the wooden churches also contain remarkable paintings – either icons or wall art .
It is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Russian North is more than just wooden buildings .
Working under the most difficult conditions , skilled masons built large cathedrals and monasteries with massive stone and brick walls .
The style is always boldly distinctive.
” Scholar Blair Ruble , former director of the Kennan Institute for Russian studies in Washinton , DC , writes in a review of the book , `` The Russian north lies beyond the American imagination ; and is imagined by Russians more than it is known .
William Craft Brumfield has done more to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than nearly anyone of his generation either American or , for that matter , Russian .
Brumfield reveals a region of vast cultural wealth and natural beauty that has suffered more than its share of history 's vicissitudes .
His homage to the region ’ s architecture proclaims to the world that no one can understand Russia without beginning in the north . ''
William Brumfield , professor of Slavic Studies at Tulane University , is a historian specializing in Russian architecture , a photographer , a tireless defender of monuments , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of articles on the problems of preserving the architecture of Russia , primarily in the Russian North .

This article from our archives was first published on RI in August 2015
The extraordinary William Brumfield has done it again with another great book about Russian architecture. Brumfield is a legend and, despite living in New Orleans where he is a professor at Tulane, a Russian national treasure.
The book came out in late June, and is available on Amazon.
The first 20 pages of the book are available online from Duke University Press
Here are some blurbs:
"The Russian north lies beyond the American imagination; and is imagined by Russians more than it is known. William Craft Brumfield has done more to uncover this vast and culturally rich area than nearly anyone of his generation either American or, for that matter, Russian. Brumfield reveals a region of vast cultural wealth and natural beauty that has suffered more than its share of history's vicissitudes. His homage to the region’s architecture proclaims to the world that no one can understand Russia without beginning in the north."
(Blair A. Ruble, author of Washington's U Street: A Biography)
"In this combination of travelogue, diary, and history, William Craft Brumfield brings to life a northern territory which, in many respects, subsumes the ancient Russia of hallowed tradition, harsh winter, and human steadfastness. Driven by a passion for things Russian and a rare aesthetic sensitivity, Brumfield embarked upon an arduous journey towards the White Sea and, with luminous photographic skill and deft description, has rediscovered and represented a vast cultural stratum of ecclesiastical architecture, iconostases, cemeteries, and simple wooden huts."
(John E. Bowlt, author of Moscow & St. Petersburg 1900-1920: Art, Life & Culture of the Russian Silver Age)
"William Craft Brumfield's intrepid explorations of European Russia's remotest northern region and their photographic record are a humbling reminder that the pursuit of scholarship takes physical fortitude as well as intellectual curiosity. It's an adventure to journey with him—by text and image—and discover the astounding variety and quality of the extant architecture heritage in this sometimes nearly trackless zone. As he scans the frozen horizon for onion domes, we owe him immensely for his tireless labors."
(John Beldon Scott, author of Architecture for the Shroud: Relic and Ritual in Turin)
Following is a pre-review, which appeared at RBTH in April.
New book by William Brumfield reveals the miraculous architecture of the Russian North
The Arctic Circle, the White Sea and lonely villages spared by time – William Brumfield, professor of Slavic Studies at Tulane University in New Orleans, has spent years traveling through these most isolated regions of the Russian North photographing the beauty of traditional Russian architecture.
Brumfield's latest book, Architecture at the End of the Earth: Photographing the Russian North, contains some 200 glorious color photographs of legendary centuries-old structures and documents various aspects of Russian architecture, from log houses to grand cathedrals.
In his photographs of onion-domed wooden churches in Varzuga, the massive walled Transfiguration Monastery on Great Solovetsky Island and the Cathedral of St. Sophia in Vologda, Brumfield outlines the region's significance to Russian history and culture. For decades Brumfield has collected material on the art of building in the Russian North, from ancient times to the end of the Soviet era.
“It is especially important to preserve the region's vulnerable achievements of master Russian carpenters,” says Brumfield, “all the more so because a number of the wooden churches also contain remarkable paintings – either icons or wall art. It is also important to remember that the architecture of the Russian North is more than just wooden buildings. Working under the most difficult conditions, skilled masons built large cathedrals and monasteries with massive stone and brick walls. The style is always boldly distinctive.”
Scholar Blair Ruble, former director of the Kennan Institute for Russian studies in Washinton, DC, writes in a review of the book, "The Russian north lies beyond the American imagination; and is imagined by Russians more than it is known. William Craft Brumfield has done more to uncover this vast and culturally rich area than nearly anyone of his generation either American or, for that matter, Russian. Brumfield reveals a region of vast cultural wealth and natural beauty that has suffered more than its share of history's vicissitudes. His homage to the region’s architecture proclaims to the world that no one can understand Russia without beginning in the north."
William Brumfield, professor of Slavic Studies at Tulane University, is a historian specializing in Russian architecture, a photographer, a tireless defender of monuments, and the author of 35 books and dozens of articles on the problems of preserving the architecture of Russia, primarily in the Russian North.


russia-insider--2020-09-23--Yelabuga in Tatarstan - One of the Hidden Gems of Russia

This article from our archives was first published on RI in April 2016 Most visitors to the Russian republic of Tatarstan just go to the republic ’ s beautiful capital of Kazan , with its interesting mix of East and West and Muslim and Orthodox cultures .
However the republic has a lot more to offer than just its capital – as wonderful as it is .
One such destination is the Historical City of Yelabuga in the east of the republic .
As with many Historical Cities of Russia , Yelabuga has managed to retain its charm due to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the railway lines were drawn up .
We therefore opted to travel to Yelabuga by bus from Kazan which takes five hours , but we flew back to Moscow via the Begishevo Airport which is about a 30-minute taxi ride from Yelabuga .
This airport also serves Yelabuga ’ s larger neighbouring cities of Nizhnekamsk and Naberezhnye Chelny ( where KamAZ trucks are manufactured ) .
Of these three cities , Yelabuga is without a doubt the gem in the triangle and the only one which can truly be described as a tourist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be more different from its industrial neighbours The city is divided into two parts – the upper part is more industrial ( one of the first special economic zones in Russia was established here ) , whereas the lower part is where most of the historical sites , restaurants and museums are found .
However we started our visit in the upper part where the bus station is located .
Despite being the less touristic part , it is here that you will find one of the most famous landmarks of Yelabuga @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ancient Settlement .
It is also appropriate in terms of chronology to start your visit here as this is where the first settlement in the area is believed to have been located next to the River Toyma ( a tributary of the Kama ) .
Yelabuga is one of the oldest cities in Tatarstan and it celebrated its millennium in 2007 , although the city ’ s official adoption of 1007 as the year of foundation is debated among some historians .
Supporters of the 1007 theory suggest that Yelabuga was founded by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Volga Bulgars – a nomadic Turkic people who settled here in the 10th century and whose lands were incorporated into the Mongols ’ Golden Horde in 1236 .
It was the Bulgars who built the fortification whose tower , which was restored in the mid-19th century , now once again stands overlooking the River Toyma as it flows into the Kama .
From this vantage point you can enjoy great views of the river and the city below .
After looking around the settlement ’ s recent additions of a recreation of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ibragim , we descended the staircase and headed for the lower part of the city .
It is this part of the city which has earned Yelabuga the status of a historical city as it practically only consists of buildings from the 19th century arranged according to a town plan which was developed during the reign of Catherine the Great .
The main street in the historical part of the city is Ulitsa Kazanskaya which runs horizontally across the city .
The street has completely retained its original appearance , albeit with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One of the strangest monuments is an unusual statue of Lenin .
It consists of a small bust of Lenin placed on top of a large pedestal in front of an small-scale imitation of the Moscow Kremlin ’ s walls .
All in all it creates a rather out of proportion and comical picture .
The statue of Lenin in Yelabuga From visiting the City History Museum on Ulitsa Kazanskaya is it immediately obvious that a great deal of investment has been made in Yelabuga ’ s tourist infrastructure .
Normally provincial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your standard displays of stuffed animals and old photos of the city .
However this museum has been recently completely revamped and interactive elements have been added , which is still rather rare for Russian museums , even in cities much larger than Yelabuga .
Just off Ulitsa Kazanskaya is the city ’ s main cathedral – the Saviour Cathedral .
We took the opportunity to go up the cathedral ’ s bell tower to again enjoy views of the city , this time looking from the historical centre to the River Kama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the River Kama and the Chyortovo Ancient Settlement .
A major benefit to Yelabuga ’ s tourism potential is its connection with significant figures from Russian culture and history .
These connections have been made the most of and museums have been opened in the houses where these people once lived .
The famous Russian landscape painter Ivan Shishkin , who is especially celebrated for his realistic forest scenes , was born in Yelabuga in 1832 ( in fact , the restoration of the tower at Chyortovo Ancient Settlement was largely down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dedicated to him is located in what was once his family ’ s beautiful estate house .
It is easy to image that the picturesque views of the Kama enjoyed from the house ’ s balcony must have helped inspire the young painter .
Marina Tsvetaeva , a leading figure of Russia ’ s Silver Age of poetry also has a link with Yelabuga , although her connection is much more tragic .
She was evacuated here in 1941 during the Second World War but was deeply unhappy here and wished to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been evacuated .
Her application was rejected and a few days later she hanged herself .
We visited the museum located in the small house where Tsvetaeva spent the last weeks of her life and then crossed the road to another museum consisting of a recreation of a 19th-century laundry which the poet is known to have visited .
Shishkin and Tsvetaeva are well-known Russian cultural figures , but by visiting two more of Yelabuga ’ s museums we also learned about two lesser known figures .
One is Nadezhda Durova who in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disguised herself as a man and ran off to join the army .
She later became the first female officer in the Russian army and fought against Napoleon at the Battle of Borodino .
After the war she settled in Yelabuga and spent the last 50 years of her life here .
Finally , we visited a museum connected with Mikhail Bekhterev - a leading neurologist and psychologist and rival to Ivan Pavlov ( who admittedly we had never heard of before visiting Yelabuga ) .
Bekhterev died in 1927 shortly after examining @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been murdered on Stalin ’ s orders for diagnosing the dictator ’ s paranoia .
The museum is not just dedicated to Bekhterev but to the standard and practice of medicine in Yelabuga from the 18th century onwards , including recreations of a healer ’ s house , a chemist ’ s , a consultancy room , a modern operating theatre and a herbal tearoom .
Some of the items on display make you appreciate the progress made in medicine during the last century !
We had by now had our fill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as they were , and decided to walk more around the city .
We ended up at the Old Cemetery located on the very outskirts .
In keeping with our chronological order of exploring the city , the cemetery ’ s war graves brings you to the 20th century , however you will find here not just Soviet war graves but also the graves of German , Hungarian and Japanese POWs who were imprisoned at a POW camp in Yelabuga and died here .
The Japanese script certainly makes an unusual additional to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is Marina Tsvetaeva and her grave can be found on the edge of a cemetery .
However the memorial which stands on the grave today just marks the approximate place of burial as no tombstone was erected during the war and the exact location was subsequently forgotten .
All in all Yelabuga makes a great place to visit .
It may not be the easiest place to visit from Moscow or St Peterbsurg , but it is certainly worth the journey as the city has all you could want for a nice weekend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kama , a quaint , unspoiled historical centre , unusual and quirky monuments , ancient historical sites and interesting museums connected with fascinating personalities .
To top it all , you should also have no problem in finding a comfortable hotel or a good restaurant , which isn ’ t always the case with provincial cities off the beaten track !

This article from our archives was first published on RI in April 2016
Most visitors to the Russian republic of Tatarstan just go to the republic’s beautiful capital of Kazan, with its interesting mix of East and West and Muslim and Orthodox cultures. However the republic has a lot more to offer than just its capital – as wonderful as it is. One such destination is the Historical City of Yelabuga in the east of the republic.
As with many Historical Cities of Russia, Yelabuga has managed to retain its charm due to it being overlooked when the plans for the railway lines were drawn up. We therefore opted to travel to Yelabuga by bus from Kazan which takes five hours, but we flew back to Moscow via the Begishevo Airport which is about a 30-minute taxi ride from Yelabuga. This airport also serves Yelabuga’s larger neighbouring cities of Nizhnekamsk and Naberezhnye Chelny (where KamAZ trucks are manufactured). Of these three cities, Yelabuga is without a doubt the gem in the triangle and the only one which can truly be described as a tourist destination; in fact it is hard to be more different from its industrial neighbours
The city is divided into two parts – the upper part is more industrial (one of the first special economic zones in Russia was established here), whereas the lower part is where most of the historical sites, restaurants and museums are found. However we started our visit in the upper part where the bus station is located. Despite being the less touristic part, it is here that you will find one of the most famous landmarks of Yelabuga: the stone tower of the Chyortovo Ancient Settlement. It is also appropriate in terms of chronology to start your visit here as this is where the first settlement in the area is believed to have been located next to the River Toyma (a tributary of the Kama).
Chyortovo Ancient Settlemen
Yelabuga is one of the oldest cities in Tatarstan and it celebrated its millennium in 2007, although the city’s official adoption of 1007 as the year of foundation is debated among some historians. Supporters of the 1007 theory suggest that Yelabuga was founded by Emir Ibragim I ben Mukhamad of the Volga Bulgars – a nomadic Turkic people who settled here in the 10th century and whose lands were incorporated into the Mongols’ Golden Horde in 1236. It was the Bulgars who built the fortification whose tower, which was restored in the mid-19th century, now once again stands overlooking the River Toyma as it flows into the Kama. From this vantage point you can enjoy great views of the river and the city below. Statue of Emir Ibragim
After looking around the settlement’s recent additions of a recreation of a wooden fortress and a statue of Emir Ibragim, we descended the staircase and headed for the lower part of the city. It is this part of the city which has earned Yelabuga the status of a historical city as it practically only consists of buildings from the 19th century arranged according to a town plan which was developed during the reign of Catherine the Great.
View from the Chyortovo Ancient Settlemen
The main street in the historical part of the city is Ulitsa Kazanskaya which runs horizontally across the city. The street has completely retained its original appearance, albeit with the addition of Soviet or more modern monuments. One of the strangest monuments is an unusual statue of Lenin. It consists of a small bust of Lenin placed on top of a large pedestal in front of an small-scale imitation of the Moscow Kremlin’s walls. All in all it creates a rather out of proportion and comical picture. The statue of Lenin in Yelabuga From visiting the City History Museum on Ulitsa Kazanskaya is it immediately obvious that a great deal of investment has been made in Yelabuga’s tourist infrastructure. Normally provincial history museums are rather stuffy places with your standard displays of stuffed animals and old photos of the city. However this museum has been recently completely revamped and interactive elements have been added, which is still rather rare for Russian museums, even in cities much larger than Yelabuga. Just off Ulitsa Kazanskaya is the city’s main cathedral – the Saviour Cathedral. We took the opportunity to go up the cathedral’s bell tower to again enjoy views of the city, this time looking from the historical centre to the River Kama and the Chyortovo Ancient Settlement. View to the River Kama and the Chyortovo Ancient Settlement.
A major benefit to Yelabuga’s tourism potential is its connection with significant figures from Russian culture and history. These connections have been made the most of and museums have been opened in the houses where these people once lived. The famous Russian landscape painter Ivan Shishkin, who is especially celebrated for his realistic forest scenes, was born in Yelabuga in 1832 (in fact, the restoration of the tower at Chyortovo Ancient Settlement was largely down to his father). The museum dedicated to him is located in what was once his family’s beautiful estate house. It is easy to image that the picturesque views of the Kama enjoyed from the house’s balcony must have helped inspire the young painter.


russia-insider--2020-09-23--Enemy Within: Declassified U.S. Documents Show Russian Oligarchs Supported NATO Expansion

This article from our archives was first published on RI in April 2015 This article originally appeared at Business New Europe Fifteen years after the then unknown Vladimir Putin took over the Russian presidency , analysts still puzzle over how he arrived in the position .
Newly declassified documents from President Bill Clinton ’ s administration , released to bne IntelliNews , show how Putin 's candidacy was a compromise after a fierce battle for power in Russia between pro-US oligarchs and pro-state conservatives .
At stake was not just power in Russia , but the crucial question of Russia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's 'oligarchy ' took power during Yeltsin ’ s re-election in 1996 , when they used his reliance on funding from Russia 's leading seven bankers to acquire the cream of the country 's resource-producing assets .
According to the documents from the Clinton administration , which were released under a mandatory declassification review , one of the chief ideologists of Russia 's freshly minted oligarch system was Russian-Israeli banker and media magnate , Vladimir Gusinsky , owner of Most Bank and TV channel NTV .
Gusinsky came to a November 1996 lunch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important message : the oligarchs were here to stay – but they should not be feared by the US .
Oligarchy was a fitting governance system for Russia , and would put the country on a pro-US course .
`` Russia , Gusinsky explained , was not a democratic or a European country ; it is an Asiatic country , '' he said , according to embassy records , with Gusinsky 's name redacted but implicit .
`` The country was run by an oligarchy , of which businessmen like him were an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some time , '' Gusinsky told the US diplomats .
`` Our friends in the West '' had been right to criticise the oligarchs in the past , he said , but now they had taken on `` responsibilities for Russia 's national interests ” .
Gusinsky `` did not deny that many Russian businessmen , including himself , had engaged in dubious activities , especially as they were setting up their operations and accumulating capital ” , he told the diplomats .
`` Nevertheless , a number of big businessmen had now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seven bankers [ Boris Berezovsky himself , Vladimir Gusinsky , Mikhail Fridman , Vladimir Vinogradov , Aleksandr Smolensky , Mikhail Khodorkovsky , Vladimir Potanin ] – who were so big and influential that they no longer had to engage in such activities and no longer did , '' the document reads .
Gusinsky claimed that allegations of oligarchs ' links to organised crime were spread by Russia 's security services , with the aim of stemming capital flight .
Of all the 1990s oligarchs , none was more powerful than Berezovsky , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seven bankers ” .
Berezovsky attained high political office , allowing him to directly shape Russian domestic and foreign security policy – at the same time as being a citizen of Israel .
Berezovsky acknowledged that his power was based on his control over TV channel ORT .
`` 90 % of all TV influence is concentrated in the top three channels : ORT , RTR and NTV , '' Berezovsky told US diplomats in 2000 , according to the declassified documents .
Of these , his own ORT was by the far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ With ORT as his power base , Berezovsky set himself apart from all other oligarchs in terms of his political ambitions .
He sought and gained influence not only on key domestic political questions , including the country 's territorial integrity , but also directly on Russia 's foreign policy .
At the height of his power , Berezovsky was deputy head of Russia 's powerful security council , but , as the documents make clear , security council head Ivan Rybkin was merely his pawn .
In this capacity , Berezovsky actively @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he promised would be a `` radically pro-Western policy '' , according to an account to US diplomats in 1996 provided by then Georgian president and former Soviet foreign minister Eduard Shevardnadze .
Shevardnadze was backed in Georgia by Berezovsky 's close business partner and friend Bardi Patarkatsishvil , and appears to have acted as wingman for Berezovsky to approach the US in 1996 .
In a meeting with a US ambassador-at-large in Tbilisi in November 1996 , Shevardnadze told US diplomats that Berezovsky was an `` extraordinary person ” , who `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ putting Russia squarely with the West ” .
`` He merited US support , '' Shevardnadze advised , but `` support would have to be done in the right dosages ” .
In time , `` he would develop into a necessary and useful man , ” Shevardnadze said .
In particular , Shevardnadze said , Berezovsky was entirely free of any interest in expanding Russian influence across the post-Soviet space , for instance viewing embryonic plans for a post-Soviet customs union as `` nonsense ” .
Berezovsky 's plans for a pro-Western @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find a way of countering then foreign minister Evgenny Primakov .
Primakov was a former head of the KGB and strongly sceptical regarding the West 's intentions towards Russia .
According to Shevardnadze , Berezovsky intended to undermine Primakov 's position in that he `` wanted to create something like a secretary of state within the Russian security council ” .
The powers of the security council were not defined in the constitution , and critics feared it could be used to create a parallel government outside any parliamentary control .
At the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Primakov .
`` Berezovsky felt Russian policy should radically change , and he understood this would be impossible without changes in personnel , '' Shevardnadze said .
US diplomats were well aware of the negative reports in both Western and Russian media alleging that Berezovsky , the so-called `` godfather of the Kremlin ” , was involved in corrupt schemes such as siphoning funds from state-owned national carrier Aeroflot , as well as benefiting from crony privatisations .
There is no sign in the documents they ever committed themselves to support him , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ council chairman Berezovsky is a dangerous figure , '' Pavel Gusev , newspaper publisher and editor of leading Russian paper Moskovsky Konsomolets , told US diplomats .
`` He is a pure mafioso , and his appointment is proof that major criminal groups have reached the highest levels of government . ''
The only question of wrongdoing discussed in the declassified documents is Berezovsky ’ s admission that he held Israeli citizenship along with Russian , which was illegal and especially questionable for the deputy head of the security council .
`` I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forgotten about it , '' he told US diplomats somewhat implausibly .
He also claimed to have recently revoked his Israeli citizenship .
`` Judging by a phone conversation he had in pol/int chief 's presence , he was seeking to have the revocation antedated to precede his appointment to the security council , '' the dispatch commented drily .
The oligarchs came to power at the same time as Nato launched its controversial eastwards push .
US diplomats record encountering deep-seated antagonism to the move in Moscow .
`` Utterances about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for 'special agreements ' were heard ad nauseum around town , '' American diplomats wrote in 1997 .
With the US looking to overcome Russian suspicions , the oligarchs offered one obvious channel , given their monopoly on Russian TV and their search for international legitimacy .
The oligarchs thus lost not time in showing themselves the strongest backers in Russia of Nato ’ s expansion .
Berezovsky even backed an apparent offer to Russia to join the military alliance .
`` It was a mistake for Russia not to capitalise immediately on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a member , `` Berezovsky told US diplomats later at a meeting in February 1999 .
Berezovsky said at the meeting that there was considerable support for US in Russia among the intelligentsia , both `` as the carrier of democratic ideals as well as a powerful country with global plans ” .
Igor Malashenko , right-hand man of Gusinsky and president of Gusinsky 's flagship NTV channel , was even more gung-ho over Nato expansion than the US diplomats themselves .
While US diplomats were prepared to work with Russia to overcome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advised US diplomats at a meeting in 1997 to just `` do it quietly ” .
Malashenko compared Russia 's position relative to the West in the 1990s to Germany or Japan 's position after their World War II capitulations , but said that the country 's leadership failed to recognise this .
`` Russia lost the Cold War , but you will never hear any of our leaders say this , '' Malashenko said , as quoted by the US diplomats .
`` Malashenko 's injunction to the US to just get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it quietly ’ is a useful warning of the need for a deft hand in the present politically charged atmosphere , '' was the US takeaway from the encounter .
Open oligarch support for Nato expansion may have deepened suspicion of the Western alliance among conservative figures in Russia 's foreign policy and security elites , who feared that the oligarchs were ready to sell out their country to the West .
The diplomatic dispatches show how competing foreign policy positions – pro-US vs Russia-centric – were quickly enmeshed with the domestic struggle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Yeltsin era .
Berezovsky 's struggle for political supremacy with Primakov , whom he called his `` ideological enemy '' , ran parallel to Primakov pushing back against Berezovsky 's business practices in 1999 .
Primakov had become prime minister in September 1999 following Russia 's default in August 1998 .
By early 1999 he was a strong favourite for the presidency , with elections due in March 2000 , and Yeltsin barred from standing for a third time .
Under Primakov , government agencies had carried out checks of Berezovsky @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same time opposed the West over military action against Slobodan Milosevic 's Serbia .
Berezovsky directly tried to enlist US support to oust Primakov from the post of prime minister in May 1999 , and thus to scupper Primakov 's presidential ambitions , the documents reveal .
At a crucial meeting with US diplomats in February 1999 , following the first government checks of his business , Berezovsky warned that , `` Primakov actually is as red as a tomato ' '' and that , `` Primakov would not serve as prime minister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was moving `` indirectly '' to oust Primakov and sought assurances from the US that they would support what he called a `` soft landing '' for Primakov in favour of a new government .
Berezovsky then switched to English to ask for US support for a new government .
`` Such a government would understand and have a 'clearer ' approach on who and how the economy should be led .
In this case , he asked , would the US be ready to help stabilise the situation in Russia ?
Would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country forward ? ''
the documents relayed .
US diplomats were cautious about getting caught up in domestic feuding , despite the foreign policy advantages it promised them .
`` Berezovsky 's thinly-veiled query about US support in such a circumstance and his well-developed penchant for scheming should be interpreted as a warning to be extra cautious about reacting to rumors or events in the coming months too quickly , '' they wrote .
In the event , Yeltsin fired Primakov on May 12 , sending shockwaves through Russian politics .
Yelstin appointed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to replace him six weeks later with the politically unknown Vladimir Putin .
One year after Berezovsky had conspired to oust Primakov , Vladimir Putin was president and Berezovsky on his way out .
Why did Berezovsky miscalculate Putin so badly ?
The main reason cited in the US diplomatic dispatches is exactly Berezovsky 's longstanding feud with , and fear of , Primakov .
`` Putin is better than Primakov , '' Berezovsky told US diplomats bluntly in 2000 .
In contrast to Primakov , Putin had said he would not revise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through which oligarchs acquired ownership of key assets in the resource industries .
Berezovsky appears not to have anticipated that Putin would clip the oligarchs ’ political wings , perhaps because for him and his fellow oligarchs political and economic power and were one and the same .
Putin 's ideological mix of capitalism and conservative authoritarianism was new in Russia , which was used to a binary opposition of pro-Soviet statist forces and supporters of pro-Western laissez-fair policies .
Berezovsky was slow to catch on .
`` Putin is going down the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking an authoritarian state per se , but pursuing the goal of a democratic state via an authoritarian path , '' Berezovsky told US diplomats in late 2000 .
Not only was Putin against the oligarchs , but he was also suspicious of their pro-US policy preferences .
`` Putin fears neither the US nor Nato , but thinks the US holds positions that run counter to Russian interests , '' Berezovsky warned the US .
Contrary to reports that Berezovsky had selected Putin as presidential candidate , Putin and Berezovsky seem to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before Putin became president , which may have been another reason for Berezovsky 's misjudging him .
Berezovsky himself told US diplomats that he backed new foreign minister Ivan Ivanov to succeed Primakov as prime minister in 1999 , although Putin eventually got the nod , after an interlude of six weeks .
Oligarch banker Pyotr Aven confirmed to US diplomats that there was no special tie between Putin and Berezovsky , even `` noting that he himself had introduced the two ” , US diplomats wrote .
`` Putin knows no-one , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the same time acknowledging that the oligarchs have `` no instrument of influence over him ” .
Soon Berezovsky realised that his efforts to keep Primakov out of office had backfired , and that his power was in decline .
`` We understand that from an early stage in the Putin administration , Berezovsky lost his privileged access to the Kremlin , and was required to apply for permission each time he wished to visit there , '' US diplomats wrote in 2000 .
Berezovsky put on a typical show of bravado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Kremlin .
`` They can put me in jail but it wo n't help , '' he boasted to diplomats .
In the end he left the country to avoid jail on fraud charges relating to Aeroflot and the car dealership LogoVAZ that he controlled , and settled in the UK , from where he continued attempts to organise opposition to Putin .
Only once did American diplomats see a different , anxious Berezovsky , which may have presaged his suicide from depression in 2013 , after a devastating London courtroom defeat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
After Primakov 's government had ordered the first checks on Berezovsky 's businesses in 1999 , spelling the beginning of the end of his business empire , Berezovsky ’ s `` obvious signs of worry [ were ] reflected on the face and in the voice of the reputed oligarch ” , who `` spoke in hushed tones ” , the US ambassador wrote of his troubled guest .

This article from our archives was first published on RI in April 2015
This article originally appeared at Business New Europe
Fifteen years after the then unknown Vladimir Putin took over the Russian presidency, analysts still puzzle over how he arrived in the position. Newly declassified documents from President Bill Clinton’s administration, released to bne IntelliNews, show how Putin's candidacy was a compromise after a fierce battle for power in Russia between pro-US oligarchs and pro-state conservatives. At stake was not just power in Russia, but the crucial question of Russia's relationship with the West.
Russia's 'oligarchy' took power during Yeltsin’s re-election in 1996, when they used his reliance on funding from Russia's leading seven bankers to acquire the cream of the country's resource-producing assets.
According to the documents from the Clinton administration, which were released under a mandatory declassification review, one of the chief ideologists of Russia's freshly minted oligarch system was Russian-Israeli banker and media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, owner of Most Bank and TV channel NTV.
Gusinsky came to a November 1996 lunch meeting with US embassy officials with an important message: the oligarchs were here to stay – but they should not be feared by the US. Oligarchy was a fitting governance system for Russia, and would put the country on a pro-US course.
"Russia, Gusinsky explained, was not a democratic or a European country; it is an Asiatic country," he said, according to embassy records, with Gusinsky's name redacted but implicit. "The country was run by an oligarchy, of which businessmen like him were an integral part, and would be for some time," Gusinsky told the US diplomats.
"Our friends in the West" had been right to criticise the oligarchs in the past, he said, but now they had taken on "responsibilities for Russia's national interests”.
Gusinsky "did not deny that many Russian businessmen, including himself, had engaged in dubious activities, especially as they were setting up their operations and accumulating capital”, he told the diplomats. "Nevertheless, a number of big businessmen had now emerged – for example, Berezovsky's seven bankers [Boris Berezovsky himself, Vladimir Gusinsky, Mikhail Fridman, Vladimir Vinogradov, Aleksandr Smolensky, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Vladimir Potanin] – who were so big and influential that they no longer had to engage in such activities and no longer did," the document reads. Gusinsky claimed that allegations of oligarchs' links to organised crime were spread by Russia's security services, with the aim of stemming capital flight.
Rule of seven bankers
Of all the 1990s oligarchs, none was more powerful than Berezovsky, who coined the phrase "the rule of seven bankers”. Berezovsky attained high political office, allowing him to directly shape Russian domestic and foreign security policy – at the same time as being a citizen of Israel.
Berezovsky acknowledged that his power was based on his control over TV channel ORT. "90% of all TV influence is concentrated in the top three channels: ORT, RTR and NTV," Berezovsky told US diplomats in 2000, according to the declassified documents. Of these, his own ORT was by the far the most powerful, he said.
With ORT as his power base, Berezovsky set himself apart from all other oligarchs in terms of his political ambitions. He sought and gained influence not only on key domestic political questions, including the country's territorial integrity, but also directly on Russia's foreign policy.
At the height of his power, Berezovsky was deputy head of Russia's powerful security council, but, as the documents make clear, security council head Ivan Rybkin was merely his pawn.
In this capacity, Berezovsky actively sought US backing in 1996 for what he promised would be a "radically pro-Western policy", according to an account to US diplomats in 1996 provided by then Georgian president and former Soviet foreign minister Eduard Shevardnadze.
Shevardnadze was backed in Georgia by Berezovsky's close business partner and friend Bardi Patarkatsishvil, and appears to have acted as wingman for Berezovsky to approach the US in 1996.
In a meeting with a US ambassador-at-large in Tbilisi in November 1996, Shevardnadze told US diplomats that Berezovsky was an "extraordinary person”, who "wanted a radically different foreign policy, putting Russia squarely with the West”. "He merited US support," Shevardnadze advised, but "support would have to be done in the right dosages”. In time, "he would develop into a necessary and useful man,” Shevardnadze said.
In particular, Shevardnadze said, Berezovsky was entirely free of any interest in expanding Russian influence across the post-Soviet space, for instance viewing embryonic plans for a post-Soviet customs union as "nonsense”.
Berezovsky's plans for a pro-Western revolution in Russian foreign policy had to find a way of countering then foreign minister Evgenny Primakov. Primakov was a former head of the KGB and strongly sceptical regarding the West's intentions towards Russia. According to Shevardnadze, Berezovsky intended to undermine Primakov's position in that he "wanted to create something like a secretary of state within the Russian security council”. The powers of the security council were not defined in the constitution, and critics feared it could be used to create a parallel government outside any parliamentary control. At the same time, Berezovksy sought to sideline Primakov. "Berezovsky felt Russian policy should radically change, and he understood this would be impossible without changes in personnel," Shevardnadze said.
US diplomats were well aware of the negative reports in both Western and Russian media alleging that Berezovsky, the so-called "godfather of the Kremlin”, was involved in corrupt schemes such as siphoning funds from state-owned national carrier Aeroflot, as well as benefiting from crony privatisations. There is no sign in the documents they ever committed themselves to support him, as Shevardnadze wished. "Deputy security council chairman Berezovsky is a dangerous figure," Pavel Gusev, newspaper publisher and editor of leading Russian paper Moskovsky Konsomolets, told US diplomats. "He is a pure mafioso, and his appointment is proof that major criminal groups have reached the highest levels of government."
The only question of wrongdoing discussed in the declassified documents is Berezovsky’s admission that he held Israeli citizenship along with Russian, which was illegal and especially questionable for the deputy head of the security council. "I did it in 1993 and had totally forgotten about it," he told US diplomats somewhat implausibly. He also claimed to have recently revoked his Israeli citizenship. "Judging by a phone conversation he had in pol/int chief's presence, he was seeking to have the revocation antedated to precede his appointment to the security council," the dispatch commented drily.
'Do it quickly'
The oligarchs came to power at the same time as Nato launched its controversial eastwards push. US diplomats record encountering deep-seated antagonism to the move in Moscow. "Utterances about the undesirability of Nato expansion and the need for 'special agreements' were heard ad nauseum around town," American diplomats wrote in 1997.
With the US looking to overcome Russian suspicions, the oligarchs offered one obvious channel, given their monopoly on Russian TV and their search for international legitimacy. The oligarchs thus lost not time in showing themselves the strongest backers in Russia of Nato’s expansion. Berezovsky even backed an apparent offer to Russia to join the military alliance. "It was a mistake for Russia not to capitalise immediately on Nato's invitation to Russia to become a member, " Berezovsky told US diplomats later at a meeting in February 1999. Berezovsky said at the meeting that there was considerable support for US in Russia among the intelligentsia, both "as the carrier of democratic ideals as well as a powerful country with global plans”.
Igor Malashenko, right-hand man of Gusinsky and president of Gusinsky's flagship NTV channel, was even more gung-ho over Nato expansion than the US diplomats themselves. While US diplomats were prepared to work with Russia to overcome misgivings over the policy, Malashenko simply advised US diplomats at a meeting in 1997 to just "do it quietly”.
Malashenko compared Russia's position relative to the West in the 1990s to Germany or Japan's position after their World War II capitulations, but said that the country's leadership failed to recognise this. "Russia lost the Cold War, but you will never hear any of our leaders say this," Malashenko said, as quoted by the US diplomats.
"Malashenko's injunction to the US to just get on with Nato enlargement ‘but do it quietly’ is a useful warning of the need for a deft hand in the present politically charged atmosphere," was the US takeaway from the encounter.
From Primakov to Putin
Open oligarch support for Nato expansion may have deepened suspicion of the Western alliance among conservative figures in Russia's foreign policy and security elites, who feared that the oligarchs were ready to sell out their country to the West.
The diplomatic dispatches show how competing foreign policy positions – pro-US vs Russia-centric – were quickly enmeshed with the domestic struggle over power and money at the end of the Yeltsin era. Berezovsky's struggle for political supremacy with Primakov, whom he called his "ideological enemy", ran parallel to Primakov pushing back against Berezovsky's business practices in 1999.
Primakov had become prime minister in September 1999 following Russia's default in August 1998. By early 1999 he was a strong favourite for the presidency, with elections due in March 2000, and Yeltsin barred from standing for a third time. Under Primakov, government agencies had carried out checks of Berezovsky's business empire. Primakov at the same time opposed the West over military action against Slobodan Milosevic's Serbia.
Berezovsky directly tried to enlist US support to oust Primakov from the post of prime minister in May 1999, and thus to scupper Primakov's presidential ambitions, the documents reveal.
At a crucial meeting with US diplomats in February 1999, following the first government checks of his business, Berezovsky warned that, "Primakov actually is as red as a tomato'" and that, "Primakov would not serve as prime minister beyond May”. Berezovsky said he was moving "indirectly" to oust Primakov and sought assurances from the US that they would support what he called a "soft landing" for Primakov in favour of a new government.
Berezovsky then switched to English to ask for US support for a new government. "Such a government would understand and have a 'clearer' approach on who and how the economy should be led. In this case, he asked, would the US be ready to help stabilise the situation in Russia? Would the US be able to move the country forward?" the documents relayed.
US diplomats were cautious about getting caught up in domestic feuding, despite the foreign policy advantages it promised them. "Berezovsky's thinly-veiled query about US support in such a circumstance and his well-developed penchant for scheming should be interpreted as a warning to be extra cautious about reacting to rumors or events in the coming months too quickly," they wrote.
In the event, Yeltsin fired Primakov on May 12, sending shockwaves through Russian politics. Yelstin appointed Sergei Stepashin to succeed Primakov, only to replace him six weeks later with the politically unknown Vladimir Putin.
One year after Berezovsky had conspired to oust Primakov, Vladimir Putin was president and Berezovsky on his way out.
Death of an oligarch
Why did Berezovsky miscalculate Putin so badly? The main reason cited in the US diplomatic dispatches is exactly Berezovsky's longstanding feud with, and fear of, Primakov. "Putin is better than Primakov," Berezovsky told US diplomats bluntly in 2000. In contrast to Primakov, Putin had said he would not revise the controversial privatisations of the 1990s, through which oligarchs acquired ownership of key assets in the resource industries.
Berezovsky appears not to have anticipated that Putin would clip the oligarchs’ political wings, perhaps because for him and his fellow oligarchs political and economic power and were one and the same. Putin's ideological mix of capitalism and conservative authoritarianism was new in Russia, which was used to a binary opposition of pro-Soviet statist forces and supporters of pro-Western laissez-fair policies.
Berezovsky was slow to catch on. "Putin is going down the path of Peron or Pinochet – not seeking an authoritarian state per se, but pursuing the goal of a democratic state via an authoritarian path," Berezovsky told US diplomats in late 2000.
Not only was Putin against the oligarchs, but he was also suspicious of their pro-US policy preferences. "Putin fears neither the US nor Nato, but thinks the US holds positions that run counter to Russian interests," Berezovsky warned the US.
Contrary to reports that Berezovsky had selected Putin as presidential candidate, Putin and Berezovsky seem to have had little contact with each other before Putin became president, which may have been another reason for Berezovsky's misjudging him. Berezovsky himself told US diplomats that he backed new foreign minister Ivan Ivanov to succeed Primakov as prime minister in 1999, although Putin eventually got the nod, after an interlude of six weeks.
Oligarch banker Pyotr Aven confirmed to US diplomats that there was no special tie between Putin and Berezovsky, even "noting that he himself had introduced the two”, US diplomats wrote. "Putin knows no-one," Aven told the diplomats, while at the same time acknowledging that the oligarchs have "no instrument of influence over him”.
Soon Berezovsky realised that his efforts to keep Primakov out of office had backfired, and that his power was in decline. "We understand that from an early stage in the Putin administration, Berezovsky lost his privileged access to the Kremlin, and was required to apply for permission each time he wished to visit there," US diplomats wrote in 2000.
Berezovsky put on a typical show of bravado, boasting of his willingness to resist the Kremlin. "They can put me in jail but it won't help," he boasted to diplomats. In the end he left the country to avoid jail on fraud charges relating to Aeroflot and the car dealership LogoVAZ that he controlled, and settled in the UK, from where he continued attempts to organise opposition to Putin.
Only once did American diplomats see a different, anxious Berezovsky, which may have presaged his suicide from depression in 2013, after a devastating London courtroom defeat to former partner Roman Abramovich in 2012. After Primakov's government had ordered the first checks on Berezovsky's businesses in 1999, spelling the beginning of the end of his business empire, Berezovsky’s "obvious signs of worry [were] reflected on the face and in the voice of the reputed oligarch”, who "spoke in hushed tones”, the US ambassador wrote of his troubled guest.


russia-insider--2020-09-24--Famous Saints' Prophecies About the Future of Russia

`` The Church will remain unshaken to the end of the age , and a Monarch of Russia , if he remains faithful to the Orthodox Church , will be established on the Throne of Russia until the end of the age ' - St. John of Kronstadt , a few years before the Russian revolution .
This article from our archives was first published on RI in March 2018 This article originally appeared on a new site about the Christian renaissance in Russia , called Russian Faith .
Their introductory video is at end of this article .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Russian ship will be smashed to pieces .
But people can be saved even on splinters and fragments .
And not everyone will perish .
One must pray , everyone must repent and pray fervently .
And what happens after a storm ?
...
There will be a calm.
’ At this everyone said : ‘ But there is no more ship , it is shattered to pieces ; it has perished , everything has perished.
’ ‘ It is not so , ’ said Batiushka .
‘ A great miracle of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the splinters and fragments , by the will of God and His power , will come together and be united , and the ship will be rebuilt in its beauty and will go on its own way as foreordained by God .
And this will be a miracle evident to everyone.
” [ Orthodox Russia , 1970 , no .
1 , p. 9 ] .
“ Before the birth of the Antichrist there will be a great , protracted war and a terrible revolution in Russia passing all bounds of human imagination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrible : the rebellions of Ryazan , Pugachev and the French revolution will be nothing in comparison with what will take place in Russia .
Many people who are faithful to the fatherland will perish , church property and the monasteries will be robbed ; the Lord 's churches will be desecrated ; good people will be robbed of their riches and killed , rivers of Russian blood will flow ...
But the Lord will have mercy on Russia and will bring her along the path of great sufferings to glory . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ powerful Russia , still stronger and mightier than before .
On the bones of these martyrs , remember , as on a strong foundation , will the new Russia we built - according to the old model ; strong in her faith in Christ God and in the Holy Trinity !
And there will be , in accordance with the covenant of the holy Prince Vladimir , a single Church !
Russian people have ceased to understand what Rus ’ is : it is the footstool of the Lord ’ s Throne !
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ thank God that he is Russian ” .
“ The Church will remain unshaken to the end of the age , and a Monarch of Russia , if he remains faithful to the Orthodox Church , will be established on the Throne of Russia until the end of the age.
” [ 198 ] '' An evil will shortly take Russia , and wherever this evil goes , rivers of blood will flow .
It is not the Russian soul , but an imposition on the Russian soul .
It is not an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a spirit from hell .
In the last days Germany will be divided .
France will be just nothing .
Italy will be judged by natural disasters .
Britain will lose her empire and all her colonies and will come to almost total ruin , but will be saved by praying enthroned women .
America will feed the world , but will finally collapse .
Russia and China will destroy each other .
Finally , Russia will be free and from her believers will go forth and turn many from the nations to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undergoing the times before the Antichrist .
But Russia will yet be delivered .
There will be much suffering , much torture .
The whole of Russia will become a prison , and one must greatly entreat the Lord for forgiveness .
One must repent of one 's sins and fear to do even the least sin , but strive to do good , even the smallest .
For even the wing of a fly has weight , and God 's scales are exact .
And when even the smallest of good in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will God reveal His mercy upon Russia . ''
“ Shake away the sleep of despondency , O sons of Russia !
Behold the glory of her suffering and be purified ; wash yourselves from your sins !
Be strengthened in the Orthodox Faith , so as to be worthy to dwell in the dwelling of the Lord and to settle on His holy mountain !
Leap up , leap up , arise , O Russia , you who from the Lord 's hands have drunk the cup of His wrath !
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ righteousness shall go with you and the glory of the Lord shall accompany you .
The peoples shall come to your light , and kings to the shining which shall rise upon you .
Then Lift up your eyes and see : behold your children come to you from the West and the North and the Sea and the East , blessing you in Christ forever.Amen ” [ Ibid , p. 94 ] .
That 's not all the Saints had to say about Russia .
Read the full version at Russian Faith @

"The Church will remain unshaken to the end of the age, and a Monarch of Russia, if he remains faithful to the Orthodox Church, will be established on the Throne of Russia until the end of the age ' - St. John of Kronstadt, a few years before the Russian revolution.
This article from our archives was first published on RI in March 2018
This article originally appeared on a new site about the Christian renaissance in Russia, called Russian Faith. Their introductory video is at end of this article.
St. Anatole the Younger of Optina (1917)
“There will be a storm. And the Russian ship will be smashed to pieces. But people can be saved even on splinters and fragments. And not everyone will perish. One must pray, everyone must repent and pray fervently. And what happens after a storm?
...There will be a calm.’
At this everyone said: ‘But there is no more ship, it is shattered to pieces; it has perished, everything has perished.’
‘It is not so,’ said Batiushka. ‘A great miracle of God will be manifested. And all the splinters and fragments, by the will of God and His power, will come together and be united, and the ship will be rebuilt in its beauty and will go on its own way as foreordained by God.
And this will be a miracle evident to everyone.” [Orthodox Russia, 1970, no. 1, p. 9].
St. Seraphim of Sarov (+1833)
“Before the birth of the Antichrist there will be a great, protracted war and a terrible revolution in Russia passing all bounds of human imagination, for the bloodletting will be most terrible: the rebellions of Ryazan, Pugachev and the French revolution will be nothing in comparison with what will take place in Russia.
Many people who are faithful to the fatherland will perish, church property and the monasteries will be robbed; the Lord's churches will be desecrated; good people will be robbed of their riches and killed, rivers of Russian blood will flow...
But the Lord will have mercy on Russia and will bring her along the path of great sufferings to glory."
St. John of Kronstadt (+1908)
“I foresee the restoration of a powerful Russia, still stronger and mightier than before.
On the bones of these martyrs, remember, as on a strong foundation, will the new Russia we built - according to the old model; strong in her faith in Christ God and in the Holy Trinity! And there will be, in accordance with the covenant of the holy Prince Vladimir, a single Church!
Russian people have ceased to understand what Rus’ is: it is the footstool of the Lord’s Throne! The Russian person must understand this and thank God that he is Russian”.
“The Church will remain unshaken to the end of the age, and a Monarch of Russia, if he remains faithful to the Orthodox Church, will be established on the Throne of Russia until the end of the age.”[198]
Elder Aristocles of Moscow (+1918)
"An evil will shortly take Russia, and wherever this evil goes, rivers of blood will flow. It is not the Russian soul, but an imposition on the Russian soul. It is not an ideology, nor a philosophy, but a spirit from hell. In the last days Germany will be divided.
France will be just nothing. Italy will be judged by natural disasters. Britain will lose her empire and all her colonies and will come to almost total ruin, but will be saved by praying enthroned women. America will feed the world, but will finally collapse. Russia and China will destroy each other.
Finally, Russia will be free and from her believers will go forth and turn many from the nations to God."
"Now we are undergoing the times before the Antichrist. But Russia will yet be delivered. There will be much suffering, much torture. The whole of Russia will become a prison, and one must greatly entreat the Lord for forgiveness. One must repent of one's sins and fear to do even the least sin, but strive to do good, even the smallest. For even the wing of a fly has weight, and God's scales are exact. And when even the smallest of good in the cup tips the balance, then will God reveal His mercy upon Russia."
St John of Shanhai and San Francisco (1938)
“Shake away the sleep of despondency, O sons of Russia! Behold the glory of her suffering and be purified; wash yourselves from your sins! Be strengthened in the Orthodox Faith, so as to be worthy to dwell in the dwelling of the Lord and to settle on His holy mountain!
Leap up, leap up, arise, O Russia, you who from the Lord's hands have drunk the cup of His wrath!
When your suffering shall have ended, your righteousness shall go with you and the glory of the Lord shall accompany you. The peoples shall come to your light, and kings to the shining which shall rise upon you.
Then Lift up your eyes and see: behold your children come to you from the West and the North and the Sea and the East, blessing you in Christ forever.Amen” [Ibid, p. 94].
That's not all the Saints had to say about Russia. Read the full version at Russian Faith!
A video introducing Russian Faith


russia-insider--2020-09-24--Monastery of Sts. Boris and Gleb in Torzhok: In memory of martyred princes

Photos of an imposing neoclassical monastery on the way from Moscow to Tver , then and now .
This article from our archives was first published on RI in November 2018 This article originally appeared on a new site about the Christian renaissance in Russia , called Russian Faith .
Their introductory video is at end of this article .
At the beginning of the 20th century the Russian chemist and photographer Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky devised a complex process for vivid , detailed color photography ( see box text below ) .
His vision of photography as a form of education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through his photographs of architectural monuments in the historic sites throughout the Russian heartland .
As part of his journeys in the upper Volga area in the summer of 1910 , Prokudin-Gorsky made numerous photographs in the town of Torzhok , known for its ensembles of neoclassical architecture , A favorable location on the Tvertsa River just above its confluence with the Volga made Torzhok one of Russia ’ s oldest trading centers .
The town ’ s name derives from the word torg , or `` trade . ''
Monastery of Sts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from east bank of Tvertsa River .
Summer , 1910 / Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky The first reference to the town occurred under the year 1138 , but the settlement may have existed as early as the 10th century .
As an outpost of the medieval commercial center of Veliky Novgorod , the town was frequently contested .
The rise of Muscovite power in the 15th century brought an end to Novgorod 's independence in the 1480s , and in 1478 Torzhok entered the domains of Moscow 's ruler Ivan III ( the Great ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of historic Torzhok is the Monastery of Sts .
Boris and Gleb , situated on the high right ( west ) bank of the Tvertsa River .
It was the subject of several photographs by Prokudin-Gorsky .
According to church sources originating in the 17th century , the monastery was founded in 1038 by the boyar Yefrem , who had served as equerry to Grand Prince Vladimir of Kiev .
In 988 , Vladimir accepted Orthodox Christianity as the religion of his domains .
His death in 1015 unleashed a power struggle among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Sviatopolk , is said to have ordered the murder of three of his brothers , including Boris and Gleb .
Church accounts state that rather than take up arms against Sviatopolk , Boris and Gleb accepted death with Christ-like submission .
Sviatopolk , known as the ” Damned , ” briefly ruled in Kiev but after a prolonged struggle was ousted by his brother Yaroslav ( the “ Wise ) in 1019 .
Boris and Gleb were canonized in 1071 as the earliest martyrs of the Orthodox Church in Rus .
Monastery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ From left : Church of the Presentation , Cathedral of Sts .
Boris & Gleb , `` Candle '' Tower .
May 14 , 2010 .
/ William Brumfield Inspired by Boris and Gleb , Yefrem made his way to the area of Torzhok and occupied himself with charitable work , eventually founding the monastic community where he lived until his death in 1053 .
In this endeavor he was assisted by his disciple Arkady Novotorzhsky .
Originally built of logs , the Monastery of Sts .
Boris and Gleb was ransacked by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Troubles .
By the late 17th century , the revived monastery had a few brick buildings , including the Church of the Presentation ( recently restored ) .
In the early 18th century , work began on the Church the Entry of Christ into Jerusalem , completed in 1717 .
Increased support for the monastery occurred during the second half of the 18th century during the reign of Catherine the Great .
To a certain degree , this increase was related to greater visibility from prominent visitors traveling between Moscow and St. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also played a significant role .
In 1785 , work began on rebuilding the monastery ’ s main church , the Cathedral of Sts .
Boris and Gleb , with substantial support from Catherine .
The design was entrusted to one of Catherine ’ s most prominent architects , Nikolai Lvov .
Consecrated in 1796 , the cathedral is considered a masterpiece of Russian neoclassicism .
Lvov 's great neoclassical churches closely follow the manner of the 16th-century Italian master Palladio , whom he idolized and whose work he saw in Italy .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Bell tower & Church of the Miraculous Image of the Savior over Holy Gate , northwest view .
Left : `` Candle '' Tower .
Summer , 1910 .
/ Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky As seen in my photographs from 2010 , the cathedral possesses a remarkable harmony of proportions .
The hexastyle Tuscan portico on the north and south cathedral facades is balanced by Tuscan loggia at the east and west ends .
The columns are of local limestone .
The pediments above each façade provide a visual transition to the central dome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with beveled corners and a large tripartite ( thermal or “ Palladian ” ) window .
Bell tower & Church of the Miraculous Image of the Savior over Holy Gate , southeast view .
May 14 , 2010 .
/ William Brumfield The cathedral interior was no less imposing , with neoclassical columns and piers rising to the central dome , all decorated in Renaissance forms .
This interior — not photographed by Prokudin-Gorsky — was damaged by decades of neglect during the Soviet period , when the monastic territory was used for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when the monastery was given to the local history museum .
The monastery now belongs to the Orthodox Church , but the large sums needed for a restoration of the cathedral interior are difficult to obtain .
Bell tower & Church of the Miraculous Image of the Savior over Holy Gate , east view from Tvertsa River .
May 14 , 2010 .
/ William Brumfield In the 19th century , the monastery 's wealth was reflected in the construction of the Church of the Miraculous Icon of the Savior over Holy Gate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Built in 1804-11 , the neoclassical church is a model of classical symmetry and is considered partly the design of Nikolai Lvov , although its construction was supervised by Yakov Ananin .
Carefully photographed by Prokudin-Gorsky , the church was crowned with a high bell tower that is one of Torzhok 's most visible landmarks .
Prokudin-Gorsky took an additional photograph of the church ’ s lower tier , with its unusual marbling pattern on the exterior stucco ( since lost , as my photographs demonstrate ) .
Bell tower & Church of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Holy Gate , lower tier , northwest view .
Left : `` Candle '' Tower .
Summer , 1910 .
/ Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky A final decorative accent is provided by the colorful “ Candle , ” or Library Tower , located at the northeast corner of the monastery walls .
The tower was erected in an eclectic medieval style during the 1880s , when the monastery walls were rebuilt by local architect Stepan Grebenshchikov .
The upper part of the tower was brightly restored in the 1980s .
Despite the unenviable fate of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a comparison of Prokudin-Gorsky ’ s photographs from 1910 with mine from 1996 and 2010 shows that at least the exterior of this grand ensemble has survived .
Monastery of Sts .
Boris & Gleb .
North wall & `` Candle '' Tower .
View east from bell tower across Tvertsa River .
Aug. 13 , 1995 / William Brumfield In the early 20th century the Russian photographer Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky devised a complex process for color photography .
Between 1903 and 1916 he traveled through the Russian Empire and took over 2,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three exposures on a glass plate .
In August 1918 , he left Russia with a large part of his collection of glass negatives and ultimately resettled in France .
After his death in Paris in 1944 , his heirs sold his collection to the Library of Congress .
In the early 21st century the Library digitized the Prokudin-Gorsky Collection and made it freely available to the global public .
A number of Russian websites now have versions of the collection .
In 1986 the architectural historian and photographer William Brumfield organized the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Library of Congress .
Over a period of work in Russia beginning in 1970 , Brumfield has photographed most of the sites visited by Prokudin-Gorsky .
This series of articles will juxtapose Prokudin-Gorsky ’ s views of architectural monuments with photographs taken by Brumfield decades later .
The Medieval Fortress of Belozersk : From Prokudin-Gorsky to the present Solovetsky Transfiguration Monastery : From Prokudin-Gorsky to the present The Terem at Astashovo : Grand dacha in the Chukhloma forests

Photos of an imposing neoclassical monastery on the way from Moscow to Tver, then and now.
This article from our archives was first published on RI in November 2018
This article originally appeared on a new site about the Christian renaissance in Russia, called Russian Faith. Their introductory video is at end of this article.
At the beginning of the 20th century the Russian chemist and photographer Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky devised a complex process for vivid, detailed color photography (see box text below). His vision of photography as a form of education and enlightenment was demonstrated with special clarity through his photographs of architectural monuments in the historic sites throughout the Russian heartland.
As part of his journeys in the upper Volga area in the summer of 1910, Prokudin-Gorsky made numerous photographs in the town of Torzhok, known for its ensembles of neoclassical architecture, A favorable location on the Tvertsa River just above its confluence with the Volga made Torzhok one of Russia’s oldest trading centers. The town’s name derives from the word torg, or "trade."
Monastery of Sts. Boris & Gleb. Northeast view from east bank of Tvertsa River. Summer, 1910 / Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky
The first reference to the town occurred under the year 1138, but the settlement may have existed as early as the 10th century. As an outpost of the medieval commercial center of Veliky Novgorod, the town was frequently contested. The rise of Muscovite power in the 15th century brought an end to Novgorod's independence in the 1480s, and in 1478 Torzhok entered the domains of Moscow's ruler Ivan III (the Great).
A monastery named for two tragic figures
The dominant feature in the landscape of historic Torzhok is the Monastery of Sts. Boris and Gleb, situated on the high right (west) bank of the Tvertsa River. It was the subject of several photographs by Prokudin-Gorsky. According to church sources originating in the 17th century, the monastery was founded in 1038 by the boyar Yefrem, who had served as equerry to Grand Prince Vladimir of Kiev. In 988, Vladimir accepted Orthodox Christianity as the religion of his domains. His death in 1015 unleashed a power struggle among his many sons, one of whom, Sviatopolk, is said to have ordered the murder of three of his brothers, including Boris and Gleb. Church accounts state that rather than take up arms against Sviatopolk, Boris and Gleb accepted death with Christ-like submission. Sviatopolk, known as the”Damned,” briefly ruled in Kiev but after a prolonged struggle was ousted by his brother Yaroslav (the “Wise) in 1019. Boris and Gleb were canonized in 1071 as the earliest martyrs of the Orthodox Church in Rus.
Monastery of Sts. Boris & Gleb. From left: Church of the Presentation, Cathedral of Sts. Boris & Gleb, "Candle" Tower. May 14, 2010. / William Brumfield
Inspired by Boris and Gleb, Yefrem made his way to the area of Torzhok and occupied himself with charitable work, eventually founding the monastic community where he lived until his death in 1053. In this endeavor he was assisted by his disciple Arkady Novotorzhsky.
Originally built of logs, the Monastery of Sts. Boris and Gleb was ransacked by Polish forces in 1617 during the Time of Troubles. By the late 17th century, the revived monastery had a few brick buildings, including the Church of the Presentation (recently restored). In the early 18th century, work began on the Church the Entry of Christ into Jerusalem, completed in 1717.
Cathedral of Sts. Boris & Gleb, southeast view. May 14, 2010. / William Brumfield
Increased support for the monastery occurred during the second half of the 18th century during the reign of Catherine the Great. To a certain degree, this increase was related to greater visibility from prominent visitors traveling between Moscow and St. Petersburg. Support from the imperial court also played a significant role.
Neoclassical restoration
In 1785, work began on rebuilding the monastery’s main church, the Cathedral of Sts. Boris and Gleb, with substantial support from Catherine. The design was entrusted to one of Catherine’s most prominent architects, Nikolai Lvov. Consecrated in 1796, the cathedral is considered a masterpiece of Russian neoclassicism. Lvov's great neoclassical churches closely follow the manner of the 16th-century Italian master Palladio, whom he idolized and whose work he saw in Italy.
Monastery of Sts. Boris & Gleb. Bell tower & Church of the Miraculous Image of the Savior over Holy Gate, northwest view. Left: "Candle" Tower. Summer, 1910. / Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky
As seen in my photographs from 2010, the cathedral possesses a remarkable harmony of proportions. The hexastyle Tuscan portico on the north and south cathedral facades is balanced by Tuscan loggia at the east and west ends. The columns are of local limestone. The pediments above each façade provide a visual transition to the central dome, which rests on a square base with beveled corners and a large tripartite (thermal or “Palladian”) window.
Bell tower & Church of the Miraculous Image of the Savior over Holy Gate, southeast view. May 14, 2010. / William Brumfield
The cathedral interior was no less imposing, with neoclassical columns and piers rising to the central dome, all decorated in Renaissance forms. This interior — not photographed by Prokudin-Gorsky — was damaged by decades of neglect during the Soviet period, when the monastic territory was used for decades as a prison. Restoration began when the monastery was given to the local history museum. The monastery now belongs to the Orthodox Church, but the large sums needed for a restoration of the cathedral interior are difficult to obtain.
Bell tower & Church of the Miraculous Image of the Savior over Holy Gate, east view from Tvertsa River. May 14, 2010. / William Brumfield
In the 19th century, the monastery's wealth was reflected in the construction of the Church of the Miraculous Icon of the Savior over Holy Gate (the main monastery entrance). Built in 1804-11, the neoclassical church is a model of classical symmetry and is considered partly the design of Nikolai Lvov, although its construction was supervised by Yakov Ananin. Carefully photographed by Prokudin-Gorsky, the church was crowned with a high bell tower that is one of Torzhok's most visible landmarks. Prokudin-Gorsky took an additional photograph of the church’s lower tier, with its unusual marbling pattern on the exterior stucco (since lost, as my photographs demonstrate).
Bell tower & Church of the Miraculous Image of the Savior over Holy Gate, lower tier, northwest view. Left: "Candle" Tower. Summer, 1910. / Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky
A final decorative accent is provided by the colorful “Candle,” or Library Tower, located at the northeast corner of the monastery walls. The tower was erected in an eclectic medieval style during the 1880s, when the monastery walls were rebuilt by local architect Stepan Grebenshchikov. The upper part of the tower was brightly restored in the 1980s. Despite the unenviable fate of this ancient monastery during the 20th century, a comparison of Prokudin-Gorsky’s photographs from 1910 with mine from 1996 and 2010 shows that at least the exterior of this grand ensemble has survived.
Monastery of Sts. Boris & Gleb. North wall & "Candle" Tower. View east from bell tower across Tvertsa River. Aug. 13, 1995 / William Brumfield
In the early 20th century the Russian photographer Sergei Prokudin-Gorsky devised a complex process for color photography. Between 1903 and 1916 he traveled through the Russian Empire and took over 2,000 photographs with the process, which involved three exposures on a glass plate. In August 1918, he left Russia with a large part of his collection of glass negatives and ultimately resettled in France. After his death in Paris in 1944, his heirs sold his collection to the Library of Congress. In the early 21st century the Library digitized the Prokudin-Gorsky Collection and made it freely available to the global public. A number of Russian websites now have versions of the collection. In 1986 the architectural historian and photographer William Brumfield organized the first exhibit of Prokudin-Gorsky photographs at the Library of Congress. Over a period of work in Russia beginning in 1970, Brumfield has photographed most of the sites visited by Prokudin-Gorsky. This series of articles will juxtapose Prokudin-Gorsky’s views of architectural monuments with photographs taken by Brumfield decades later.
Read more:
A video introducing Russian Faith


russia-insider--2020-09-25--Russia's Universities are Packed with Liberals Who Want to Destroy Her

This article from our archives was first published on RI in August 2015 The author is one of the most prominent economists in Russia .
He calls for a thorough change of personnel at two of the country 's most important universities - the Higher School of Economics , and the Moscow State University School of Journalism .
This article originally appeared at the Russian magazine Kultura .
It was translated by Kristina Rus at the Fort Rus website .
The other day there was an article online about the scandal with admissions to the school of journalism at Moscow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is practically impossible to get a fair resolution , but the main bombshell is - applicants are tested for political loyalty .
And the examiners consider trustworthy not the supporters of the current political course , but the opposite — those who adhere to explicitly oppositional views .
Personally , having once attended a School of Young Journalist at the MGU school of journalism , it was a shock to learn that it has become a pipeline for instilling hostility towards Russia under the guise of `` journalistic professionalism '' .
While @ @ @ @ @ @ @ genuinely suffer from the destruction of education during the liberal reforms and from the need to teach students the high school curricula during the first year .
I think the root of the problem in the understanding of journalistic professionalism as the a priori hostility to the government .
Many of my colleagues drew attention to the fact that the MGU school of journalism , as in many other places ( especially the Higher School of Economics , where the notorious Albats used to be a professor ) , students have been persistently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to be journalists , you must be in opposition .
If a student suddenly notices something good done by the current government , you hear a wild outcry : `` get out of the profession . ''
And they talk about `` government '' in general , but in fact refer specifically to the Russian government .
The well-known American maxim that `` everyone is entitled to their own opinion but nobody is entitled to their own facts '' is completely shattered .
For the sake of nurturing hatred to your own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taught to deny reality and to create `` their own facts '' .
Thus , the journalists , tomorrow 's masters of public opinion , from the start are turned into enemies of not a particular state with all of its vices , but the Russian statehood as such .
Such education once again reveals the focus of the liberal clan on a systematic destruction of Russia .
Because hostility of a critically important part of the youth towards the foundation of the existence of Russian society , which is the state , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The position of the liberals is based on the position of global business , which they serve .
And which bet on the destruction of Russia for the sake of reducing expenses , on its demolition according to the Libya model , in order to negotiate about the access to oil not with the government and not with a state company , but with a scared mayor of an oil town , hoping for permanent residence in the United States .
I believe a drastic rehabilitation of all public universities is imperative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of mass consciousness .
Such a rehabilitation should , in my opinion , begin with the schools of journalism of Moscow State University and the Higher School of Economics .
DELYAGIN Mikhail Gennadievich Born in Moscow on March 18 , 1968 1986 – 1988 - served in the Soviet Army .
1992 – graduated cum laude from the Economic faculty of the Moscow State University named after Lomonosov .
From July 1990 till November 1993 – analyst of B.Yeltsin Group of experts ; resigned voluntary .
Head of Conimvest group Analytical center .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Analytic control center of the President of RF ( Heads – Y.Yasin , M.Urnov , V.Pechenev ) .
From October 1996 – referent of the Economy Assistant to the President of RF ( S.Ignatiev ) .
From March 1997 – consultant for economic safety to the vice-president , Minister of internal affairs , A.Kulikov .
From June 1997 – an adviser to the first vice-premier B.Nemtsov .
For publications in mass media , regarded as antigovernment propaganda , was fired one day before the default on August 17 , 1998 .
From October @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to first vice-premier Y.Maslukov .
From May to July 1999 – deputy director of Secretariat of the first vice-premier N.Aksenenko .
From August 1999 – an adviser to the Chairman of Coordination Council of election block Motherland-All Russia , Y.Primakov ; from January 1999 – his assistant .
From March 2002 to August 2003 – assistant to the Chairman of the Government of RF , M.Kasyanov .
In 1998 headed Institute of globalization problems ( IPROG ) which he created .
Chairman of Presidium - scientific officer ( 2002-2005 ) , since 2006 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ council of `` Rodina '' political party ( 2004-2006 ) .
Member of the permanent Political conference of `` Other Russia '' ( 2006-2007 ) and Presidium of Kongress Russian Societies .
In March , 2010 has created and has headed organizing committee on political party creation `` Motheland : common sense ( RZS ) '' .
Active II class counselor of state .
Has a personal acknowledgement of RF President B.Yeltsin ( Order № 70-rp dated March 11 , 1997 ) .
From 1994 participated in preparations of addresses of the President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ programs of the Government of Russia .
Chief developer of the program of the Government of Russia , On measures for stabilizing social and economic situation in the country ( autumn 1998 ) , participant in negotiations with IMF and World Bank in January-April 1999 .
One of the well-known Russian economists .
For a long period of time was the youngest Doctor of Science , Economics ( 1998 ) .Professor emeritus ( 2000 ) of Jilin university ( China ) .
Research professor , MGIMO ( 2003 ) .
Academician of Russian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Member of Council for External and Defense Policies ( 1999 ) , Executive Committee of All-Russian Union of Commodity Producers ( 2001 ) , Supervisory Council of Worldwide Anti-criminal Antiterrorism Forum ( 2001 ) , deputy Chairman of the Russian Union of Taxpayers ( 2003 ) , member of the Presidium of National Investment Council ( 2005 ) , Russian society of Oxford ( 2011 ) .
Author of more than 900 articles in Russia , USA , Germany , France , Finland , China , India , etc.
, author of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them being Economy of Non-payments ( 1997 ) , Ideology of Renaissance ( 2000 ) , World Crisis .
General theory of Globalization ( 2003 ) , Russia after Putin .
Is Orange-Green Revolution Inevitable in Russia ?
( 2005 ) , Mankind drive ( 2008 ) , Mankind Crisis .
Whether Russia in a non-russian distemper will survive ?
( 2010 ) .
Head of the writing team of the book , Practice of Globalization : Games and Rules of a New Era ( 2000 ) , in the co-authorship from V.Shejanovym @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out .
As the economic crisis for Russia will end ( 2009 )

This article from our archives was first published on RI in August 2015
The author is one of the most prominent economists in Russia. He calls for a thorough change of personnel at two of the country's most important universities - the Higher School of Economics, and the Moscow State University School of Journalism.
This article originally appeared at the Russian magazine Kultura. It was translated by Kristina Rus at the Fort Rus website.
The other day there was an article online about the scandal with admissions to the school of journalism at Moscow State University. Grades are lowered, it is practically impossible to get a fair resolution, but the main bombshell is - applicants are tested for political loyalty. And the examiners consider trustworthy not the supporters of the current political course, but the opposite — those who adhere to explicitly oppositional views.
Personally, having once attended a School of Young Journalist at the MGU school of journalism, it was a shock to learn that it has become a pipeline for instilling hostility towards Russia under the guise of "journalistic professionalism". While great people are teaching there, who genuinely suffer from the destruction of education during the liberal reforms and from the need to teach students the high school curricula during the first year.
I think the root of the problem in the understanding of journalistic professionalism as the a priori hostility to the government. Many of my colleagues drew attention to the fact that the MGU school of journalism, as in many other places (especially the Higher School of Economics, where the notorious Albats used to be a professor), students have been persistently hammered into their heads: if you want to be journalists, you must be in opposition. If a student suddenly notices something good done by the current government, you hear a wild outcry: "get out of the profession." And they talk about "government" in general, but in fact refer specifically to the Russian government.
The well-known American maxim that "everyone is entitled to their own opinion but nobody is entitled to their own facts" is completely shattered. For the sake of nurturing hatred to your own state and native country the students are taught to deny reality and to create "their own facts".
Thus, the journalists, tomorrow's masters of public opinion, from the start are turned into enemies of not a particular state with all of its vices, but the Russian statehood as such.
Such education once again reveals the focus of the liberal clan on a systematic destruction of Russia. Because hostility of a critically important part of the youth towards the foundation of the existence of Russian society, which is the state, simply deprives our country of the future.
The position of the liberals is based on the position of global business, which they serve. And which bet on the destruction of Russia for the sake of reducing expenses, on its demolition according to the Libya model, in order to negotiate about the access to oil not with the government and not with a state company, but with a scared mayor of an oil town, hoping for permanent residence in the United States.
I believe a drastic rehabilitation of all public universities is imperative, particularly those associated with the formation of mass consciousness. Such a rehabilitation should, in my opinion, begin with the schools of journalism of Moscow State University and the Higher School of Economics.
DELYAGIN Mikhail Gennadievich
Born in Moscow on March 18, 1968
1986 – 1988 - served in the Soviet Army .
1992 – graduated cum laude from the Economic faculty of the Moscow State University named after Lomonosov.
From July 1990 till November 1993 – analyst of B.Yeltsin Group of experts; resigned voluntary. Head of Conimvest group Analytical center.
From May 1994 – chief analytic of Analytic control center of the President of RF (Heads – Y.Yasin, M.Urnov, V.Pechenev).
From October 1996 – referent of the Economy Assistant to the President of RF (S.Ignatiev).
From March 1997 – consultant for economic safety to the vice-president, Minister of internal affairs, A.Kulikov.
From June 1997 – an adviser to the first vice-premier B.Nemtsov. For publications in mass media, regarded as antigovernment propaganda, was fired one day before the default on August 17, 1998.
From October 1998 to May 1999 – an adviser to first vice-premier Y.Maslukov.
From May to July 1999 – deputy director of Secretariat of the first vice-premier N.Aksenenko.
From August 1999 – an adviser to the Chairman of Coordination Council of election block Motherland-All Russia, Y.Primakov; from January 1999 – his assistant. From March 2002 to August 2003 – assistant to the Chairman of the Government of RF, M.Kasyanov.
In 1998 headed Institute of globalization problems (IPROG) which he created. Chairman of Presidium - scientific officer (2002-2005), since 2006 - director. Chairman of the Ideology council of "Rodina" political party (2004-2006). Member of the permanent Political conference of "Other Russia" (2006-2007) and Presidium of Kongress Russian Societies. In March, 2010 has created and has headed organizing committee on political party creation "Motheland: common sense (RZS)".
Active II class counselor of state. Has a personal acknowledgement of RF President B.Yeltsin (Order № 70-rp dated March 11, 1997).
From 1994 participated in preparations of addresses of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly and programs of the Government of Russia. Chief developer of the program of the Government of Russia, On measures for stabilizing social and economic situation in the country (autumn 1998), participant in negotiations with IMF and World Bank in January-April 1999.
One of the well-known Russian economists. For a long period of time was the youngest Doctor of Science, Economics (1998).Professor emeritus (2000) of Jilin university (China). Research professor, MGIMO (2003). Academician of Russian Academy of Natural Sciences (2004).
Member of Council for External and Defense Policies (1999), Executive Committee of All-Russian Union of Commodity Producers (2001), Supervisory Council of Worldwide Anti-criminal Antiterrorism Forum (2001), deputy Chairman of the Russian Union of Taxpayers (2003), member of the Presidium of National Investment Council (2005), Russian society of Oxford (2011).
Author of more than 900 articles in Russia, USA, Germany, France, Finland, China, India, etc., author of 12 monographs, the most famous among them being Economy of Non-payments (1997), Ideology of Renaissance (2000), World Crisis. General theory of Globalization (2003), Russia after Putin. Is Orange-Green Revolution Inevitable in Russia? (2005), Mankind drive (2008), Mankind Crisis. Whether Russia in a non-russian distemper will survive? (2010). Head of the writing team of the book, Practice of Globalization: Games and Rules of a New Era (2000), in the co-authorship from V.Shejanovym has written the book, World inside out. As the economic crisis for Russia will end (2009)