buzzfeed--2020-10-23--Protest Is Part Of The Black American Tradition. Young Activists Are Reshaping The Movement In Their

Protest Is Part Of The Black American Tradition. Young Activists Are Reshaping The Movement In Their Image.

“ Who exactly was this a reckoning for ?
Not for me.
” Four very different young Black activists doing the work on why we ’ re here and what comes next .
When I first spoke with Bennie Williams , a 19-year-old sophomore at Morehouse College from Stockton , California , in July , he ’ d just finished organizing two protests , one in Stockton and another at the state capitol in Sacramento on the 4th of July .
He was lively and spoke definitively about where he thought the movement was headed locally and nationally .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : You are advocating , witnessing , or looking at this , or you ’ re choosing to ignore it .
Those are the two options .
There ’ s no in-between right now , ” Williams told me about the movement that was building in the weeks after videos of George Floyd ’ s killing went public and as more people learned about the police killing of Breonna Taylor .
“ There ’ s action right now .
There ’ s conversations .
People are talking to each other and teaching each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Floyd and the demands for justice have flourished into a broader global movement focused on the work of tearing down and restructuring the pervasive aspects of racism that affect the wealth , well-being , and , ultimately , the lives of Black and brown people in the United States .
Younger and older activists and community organizers I spoke with over the summer told me that they felt like this was a once-in-a-lifetime moment .
This year , a global pandemic has kept people at home and forced many into unemployment .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the crisis .
People 's attention was undivided , and their increased attention on footage of racist incidents created the perfect storm for a mass movement for the country to come to terms with what injustice looks like for many Americans .
“ It feels like we ’ re finally at this moment where this country is going to have to acknowledge and finally admit to all of the wrongdoing and the injustice that it has allowed to take place in Black communities and against Black communities , ” Williams told me .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to look in the mirror at every ugly part of the face of this country — this country is going to have to recognize the genocide of Native Americans ; it ’ s going to have to reconcile with putting children in cages , and with mass incarceration , and profiting off of Black bodies in its prison systems , that it ’ s stayed silent on the death of trans lives .
It ’ s going to have to reconcile with all of that.
” After a brief pause , Williams added @ @ @ @ @ @ @ puts us on a path to liberation.
” Williams ’ ardent thoughts about where the movement was headed were reflective of where scores of Black and brown activists stood in the moment — for many , it felt like there was something markedly different in the air in June and July .
The large multicultural protests that took over cities across the country , the teach-ins , the push for reform from activist networks , and the “ DID YOU KNOW ?
” Instagram story cards written in an aesthetically pleasing modern typeface @ @ @ @ @ @ @ building across the country .
In the streets , young activists at the helm of the movements in their cities were demanding that their own communities looked at the ways racism affects things like policing , education funding , and housing .
There was a sort of skeptic ’ s optimism , similar to that charged feeling in the air when the clouds start rolling in and the first cracks of thunder sound off just before a storm .
It felt like , for the first time during the modern uprising , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been marching , posting , crying , yelling , and prodding the country toward equity had finally been heard and embraced by large parts of the rest of the country .
It felt like hope that things would change .
And then the focus of the country shifted — viral videos of protesters clashing with militarized police forces and the nearly endless number of posters for listening sessions and rallies gave way to raging wildfires in California , the presidential debates , and the undermining of American institutions like the Postal Service ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disenfranchisement efforts that have obstructed Black voters for decades ) .
The waning and waxing of interest in and acceptance of political and civil rights movements is nothing new for Black Americans .
If you ’ ve checked Twitter in recent years , at a time when the country fixed its attention toward the movement work of Black folks , you ’ ve seen at least one viral tweet referencing Martin Luther King Jr. ’ s favorability ratings in 1966 versus those today .
Gallup polls conducted in 1966 and 2011 found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ King and his work unfavorably while just 4 % viewed him unfavorably in 2011 .
A constant and poignant reminder that movement work and the progress it pushes the country toward is slow-moving at worst and incremental at best .
Polls in the midst of the movements that spread across the country during summer 2020 suggested that there was a fast-moving coalition and consensus building for many Americans .
In July , the New York Times reported that between 15 million and 26 million people had participated in protests following the deaths of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to four surveys .
Since July , I ’ ve spoken with four Black activists , including Gen Z ’ ers and young millennials from different parts of the country with different approaches and ideologies — about the work , their lives , the momentum of the summer , their view of the movement , and , particularly , this summer ’ s place in history .
There ’ s a frighteningly familiar pattern , for many Black people across the country , when it comes to incidents of publicized police brutality : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ body being harmed by the police or harassed by another person for existing in their space goes viral • None The reluctant ( and often forced ) view of the video on social media as it circulates across timelines • None The “ You good ?
” and “ Don ’ t check Twitter ” texts in group chats • None The public backlash to the protests • None The name of another Black person who has been killed or unwillingly pushed into the nation ’ s spotlight fading into the background as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another moment to be outraged by For Black Gen Z ’ ers , that pattern — including the social media dimension — started early in their adolescence with the killings of Trayvon Martin , a 17-year-old boy from Florida who was shot by a George Zimmerman , a neighborhood watch volunteer , while he was walking home from a gas station in 2012 , and Michael Brown , an 18-year-old from Ferguson , Missouri , who was fatally shot by police in 2014 .
How different factions of people across the country reacted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Brown ’ s deaths were the catalysts that would shape Black Gen Z ’ ers ’ view of the country , their faith in the political system , and their role in a grander Black tradition in the fight for equality .
Everyone I spoke with for this story had experienced the trials and seen the footage of those incidents at formative ages — from early middle schoolers to high schoolers about to start out on their own adult lives at universities across the country .
Clifton Kinnie was just into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Lutheran High School North in the St. Louis area .
Brown was killed blocks away from his school ’ s campus — just two summers after Kinnie ’ s late mother had sat him down to have “ the talk ” about interactions with police and other people .
The lecture had been prompted by the Florida jury reaching a not guilty verdict during Zimmerman ’ s trial .
For many of the young activists , those cases solidified thoughts that the country wasn ’ t out to protect citizens who looked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ existing institutions and a swift thrust into the kinds of activism they ’ d learned about from previous generations .
“ I realized that it was around the corner from my school and my grandmother ’ s house , ” he said .
He recalled protesting with other Black activists in Ferguson in the days after Brown ’ s death into the early hours of the morning .
“ There were nights when I would protest up to 4 a.m. , slide to my grandma ’ s crib to take a shower , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go right back to protesting , ” he recalled .
He said that when he would return to school after protesting the night before , he ’ d hear his teachers calling the people marching in the streets “ thugs ” and “ looters.
” “ How could they do such a thing ?
” he remembered one teacher saying .
Kinnie walked out of the classroom .
I don ’ t know how they could say any of those things when there was literally a revolution happening around the corner , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the day , nearly 50 people from his school also walked out ; they showed up at his grandmother ’ s house to vent and organize .
Kinnie has a look of weary sincerity in his deep-set eyes .
Often interviewed after Ferguson , Kinnie has been photographed staring directly into the camera , his fist pushed toward the sky like scores of photos of Black activists from the decades that preceded his own work .
Kinnie graduated from Howard University , where he supported students who created movements at predominantly white universities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism they were facing on campus .
He ’ s quick to say that he loves to be a teacher in the St. Louis area and that he 's both nervous and proud that his own students are telling him about the protests they ’ re attending and organizing in their community .
He ’ s also quick to tell you that he ’ s a student of the Black radical tradition and that he centers his activism in knowledge he ’ s gained from studying past civil rights movements and revolts from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just this image of Black fists held high .
It ’ s a part of it but not the totality of it , ” Kinnie told me .
“ Black radicalism is about our means of resisting racial capitalism and the oppression from racial capitalism .
Our movements have always been about that .
Black people used to escape and found marronage communities during slavery ; that was their means of resisting .
And today we see folks out in the streets , walking out of schools .
You see the unrest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lack of concern from our political leaders.
” Kinnie sees those early days of protest in Ferguson as foundational to various youth-led organizing efforts that have taken over the country in the past four years .
He pointed to the interconnectedness of movements like March for Our Lives , which he has worked with , and Black Lives Matter as different fronts working toward the same goal .
Both movements , he said , pushed the country toward a moment when mass protests after Floyd ’ s death popped up across the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Kinnie said .
“ We realized that we were building true youth power , but we didn ’ t realize that we were building the blueprint for newer movements to be inspired by.
” In the years since he led protests in Ferguson and contributed to efforts at his alma mater in Washington , DC , Kinnie has also caught the attention of politicians like former president Barack Obama and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , who have sat with him to talk about Black Lives Matter and the anti–gun violence movement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ after he ’ d attended protests in St. Louis , Kinnie said he saw the movement ’ s success at that moment as a response to the government ’ s inaction to citizens ’ conditions .
He warned that if things didn ’ t get better , they would see more mass action .
When we spoke again in the fall after months of sustained protest , Kinnie was weary but issued the same warning .
“ It ’ s been over a hundred days since the first protests began .
Portland is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going up , ” Kinnie told me .
“ The last time I remember the movement being this sustained was back in Ferguson , when we were in the streets for more than 300 days.
” Over the course of the summer , Kinnie told me , he ’ d been watching the growing momentum of the movement that found its footing on the streets of Missouri in 2014 .
Since then , he feels , other groups whose struggles have largely been shrugged off by politicians , have also embraced the means @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broader movements have continued to pour out into the streets to demand action and to be seen in recent years .
“ I don ’ t want people to confuse seeing thousands of young people out in the streets with enthusiasm for either of the political parties , ” he said .
“ No one is truly speaking to the concerns of young people in general and specifically to the concerns of young people in poor and Black and brown communities.
” Kinnie said that while he ’ s grateful for the work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and about the broader embrace of the movement this year , he hopes the reason people went out on the streets in the first place doesn ’ t become diluted .
“ This is personal for me after practically growing up with this movement and watching it grow and shape cultures , birth other movements , and rearrange politics after Ferguson , ” he told me .
“ It ’ s personal because I see folks trying to steer us in a direction that isn ’ t actually going to ultimately benefit the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sure that our principles and values are aligned with the people and why we went out to the streets in the first place.
” By late July , Omer Reshid had already attended 13 protests that had been organized in his community to address different issues .
He was planning to attend another community-planning meeting to talk with elected officials about how city funds could be used if they moved forward with a plan to cut funding for the city ’ s police department .
He ’ d also begun working with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforce police accountability and ban officers from using chokeholds .
The recent high school graduate from Baltimore County , Maryland , believes Gen Z ’ s climate change activism is built on the youth-led movement models that emerged after the Ferguson protests .
Reshid , who also serves as the student representative for the local school board , participated in protests and has lobbied for climate change bills in Baltimore County .
His work then , organizing around the climate crisis and planning protests to hold officials accountable , was fundamental in helping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found it imperative to protest after Floyd ’ s death .
“ When the George Floyd incident happened , a lot of my friends from that movement were like , ‘ Hey , now is the time that we need to stand up , ’ ” he said .
“ It was this sense of ‘ Oh wow , this just happened again.
’ ” Through organizing and his work on the school board as the student representative , Reshid and his friends , he said , eventually pushed school board members to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with commitments .
Reshid , who proposed the resolution , said he wanted the resolution to include commitments to hire more Black teachers and principals to reflect the city ’ s population , adapt history curriculums to teach a fuller picture of American history , and increase funding for African American studies .
After a drawn-out process that Reshid believed was an attempt to water down the resolution , the school board committed to “ proactively invest in diversity , equity , and inclusion at all levels ” and said it believes it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] understand and intentionally work to undermine racism and other forms of injustice in our curricula , our policies , our classroom culture.
” “ We just feel so powerful in this moment as 15-,16- , 17- , and 18-year-olds who are just doing what we can in this moment to hold people accountable until we can become the adults who are in charge , ” Reshid added .
“ I don ’ t see this movement dying down anytime soon , even though the Instagram feeds and Twitter are getting back to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here marching and we ’ re still protesting.
” Reshid , who emigrated from Ethiopia three years ago , has gotten involved in many civic organizations since starting high school in the United States .
In addition to his seat on the school board , Reshid has done work with his student government , climate organizations , and has represented the young people of his county on equitable policing and youth climate advisory boards .
“ Advocacy and student leadership for me started after having a pretty big shift from coming from Ethiopia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was always confused by the fact that I was one of the only people of color in my classes — I was used to being surrounded by Black people — and after some time , I began to realize that I wasn ’ t the only person of color who was feeling left out and that things were unfair.
” When I spoke with him in the immediate aftermath of the deaths of Floyd and Taylor , he was pushing the city council officials to address and adopt bills that would reform policing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the school board adopted his resolution after a hard-fought session .
Baltimore County has since passed a bill that issued police reforms and banned chokeholds .
He ’ s also started his first year at George Washington University .
He ’ d always thought he ’ d been on a premed track ; he said his parents still believed that was where he was headed when we spoke again in the fall , but he had been considering a shift to political science and focusing on community organizing after participating in this summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reshid — whose civic engagement in his community seemed central to his views in July — explained that while he still believed working in step with politicians to change the circumstances for Black people was the way forward , he didn ’ t have faith in the system overall to do that work willingly and without demands .
“ I do see it as being crucial , ” he told me .
“ As much as we yell , as much as we march , as much as we protest , if our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are supposed to be doing what ’ s best for us don ’ t listen to us , there isn ’ t much that ’ s going to be done .
I still believe in the power of policy change and the people who are representing us.
” Like many , he thinks there isn ’ t one singular moment of exponential change .
Reshid is focused on individuals : He said it ’ s up to representatives to actually listen , and he stressed the importance of voting people out of office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public ’ s demands .
And he hopes that many of the people who protested this summer will return .
“ It ’ s up to us to make them listen , ” he added .
Despite the bills that have passed and the work he ’ s done with local politicians through youth organizations , Reshid said he has noticed the momentum that he felt this summer has begun to slow down but he ’ s hopeful about the incremental work of the collective movement .
“ I wouldn ’ t say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the system .
I know that the system itself isn ’ t really designed to support underrepresented people and African American people .
It wasn ’ t designed that way — I believe that , ” Reshid said .
“ For me , it ’ s who ’ s in office and how much they ’ re willing to change rather than the system itself.
” Livingston , a doctoral student and former history teacher from Georgetown , South Carolina , who ’ d been organizing with a largely women-led coalition of Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caravan protest was long coming ; tension between activists and city officials has laid buried under a facade of Southern charm and gentility presented to tourists , despite the murders of the “ Emanuel 9 ” and the clashes between business owners and protesters .
For years , activists felt that the city was trying to quell any concerns about racism and tensions reached a high point as business owners condemned protesters after some of the storefronts on King Street were destroyed over the summer .
“ The protest came about because Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the basis of it , ” Livingston told me about the protest calling on people to boycott downtown Charleston .
“ A group of us were fed up with how Charleston was responding to the racial violence across the nation , ” she said .
“ They were trying to minimize uprisings by doing little small things or by saying that this commission was going to happen.
” “ They were trying to calm folks without actually dedicating themselves to systemic change.
” That June protest led to a Zoom call between demonstrators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which they discussed the group ’ s demands and the issues it had raised against the city .
Activists said they still felt patronized by the invitation of Charlamagne tha God , cohost of the Breakfast Club radio show and a South Carolina native by city officials .
One of those demands was the removal statue of John C. Calhoun , the South Carolina native and former US vice president ( and adamant defender of slavery ) that towered in Marion Square , a large park in downtown Charleston .
“ The Calhoun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black women and LGBTQ folks rallying and being consistent with our demands and staying on the politicians ’ heads — so that was one small win .
One symbolic win .
There are still folks who are organizing there for more change , ” Livingston said .
This isn ’ t part of a newfound motivation for activism in the moment — I ’ ve covered many of the organizing efforts that Livingston has participated in and planned since we were both students at Winthrop University , a small college outside of Charlotte @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first times I interviewed Livingston was during a protest on the university ’ s campus , where a group of students occupied Tillman Hall — named after Benjamin Tillman , a white supremacist and former US senator — to demand that the university communicate with the state legislature that it wanted to change the name of the building after holding a die-in .
In a 2017 interview for USA Today , Livingston told me how off-putting it was for Black and brown students to visit the building named after a man who “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' That occupation was held in conjunction with a die-in on campus after Charlotte police officers killed Keith Lamont Scott , a 43-year-old Black man .
Those moments were followed by work with environmental justice groups and activist networks in Charlotte and Charleston that focused on issues like prison abolition , removing police officers from schools , gentrification , and tearing down Confederate monuments .
Livingston told me she was pushed into civic work from a young age and after noticing the shift in the national conversation after the deaths of Martin and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that she was motivated to start protesting and organizing in her community .
“ It wasn ’ t that it was the sole thing that politicized us or radicalized us , but it was something that pushed our minds and actions to shift at a young age , ” she said .
Despite that work , she said she doesn ’ t feel like she ’ s lost any part of her adolescence to activism and community organizing .
“ I ’ m not an ahistorical person ; looking at the history of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I can ’ t disconnect that from Black adolescence .
Ever since we ’ ve been here during that period and during our lives , there ’ s been resistance .
We ’ ve had to resist and fight for something .
We ’ ve had to reach and grab and crawl toward some sort of freedom while also trying to maintain some sort of innocence and adolescence and being able to juggle all of it at once , ” Livingston said .
“ The only way that I would feel that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the white experience .
That ’ s not something I do.
” In the early days of her activism , after the deaths of Brown , Walter Scott , and Keith Lamont Scott , Livingston had focused on making policy changes : advocating for bills around policing reform like the use of body cameras and a ban on chokeholds .
But as those measures were enacted and police shootings and brutality continued , she started to look closer at solutions like prison abolition and defunding police departments .
“ There was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anger and rage on the murderers to an acknowledgment of that rage but adding an aspect of ‘ what is next , and how can we prevent a next ?
’ ” Livingston said of police reform over the past several years .
“ A lot of us had this reformist thinking in that moment , and we were shifting toward more decisions that would be made politically .
We were pushing ideas like body cams and citizen review boards or police accountability and bias training , and now we ’ ve arrived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to see the progression from Trayvon Martin to Walter Scott and Mike Brown and Eric Garner and Rekia Boyd to now , where a lot of our thinking is — now where we ’ re looking at abolition , ” she added .
Livingston told me that watching the justice system continually fail Black people alongside her work with grassroots organizations to hold the politicians who ’ d made empty promises accountable had pushed her into a political space where she valued collective action over transactional politics .
“ This moment has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has increased my faith in the people and those doing the work on the ground and not the people who are in political roles , ” she said .
“ I feel like collective effort is necessary and worthwhile , and it ’ s how we need to move and not center our hope around one person or politician or one political party .
It ’ s created an aversion to traditional politics.
” At the start of the summer , Livingston said she was optimistic about the movement 's future .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are small wins in the grander scheme , but she felt that framing the current moment in the country as a “ racial reckoning ” was skewed .
“ I really don ’ t mean to laugh , because this is a serious issue , ” she said while letting a few chuckles fly .
“ But who exactly was this a reckoning for ?
” “ Not for me .
The way that this has been covered by some parts of the media and talked about by others online has been very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me and other activists because it ’ s like the work that you were doing before didn ’ t matter , and it only matters because look who 's talking about it , ” she added .
While she said that she ’ s noticed that some of the attention and momentum has dissipated , she ’ s grounded herself by looking back at the movements that Black civil rights leaders have led before her and by studying their work in conjunction with her own organizing efforts .
“ I ’ m able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what they were doing , because we ’ re in a different time , but I ’ m able to learn how strategize , how to reevaluate , and be deliberate , ” Livingston said about looking back at figures from the civil rights movement .
“ I ’ m also about to take some form of delight and refuge in knowing that movements take time .
It alters my expectations and brings me back to reality .
I mean , we all want things to happen quickly , but studying movements and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time and that the slow work and the daily work are what allows movements to push forward.
” It ’ s a line that ’ s stayed with me since I spoke to him during the last days of the summer ; it ’ s indicative of the simultaneous crises that have fallen on the shoulders of people who have been fighting for justice in middle of a global pandemic that ’ s disproportionately damaged their communities as wildfires have raged in their backyard because of an environmental and climate crisis that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often in their communities .
The simultaneous battles and responsibilities that people face push and pull their attention away from doing the frontline work of protesting in the streets , but the momentum of the grander movement rolls along .
“ Folks have obligations that they have to tend to because of capitalism .
The momentum is still here , but it ’ s shifting , and it ’ s going to look a little different because people are doing the work from where they are , ” Livingston told me .
Over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened over the past few months — as footage of demonstrations showed police and military forces clashing with protesters , observers , and reporters ; a grand jury made a decision in Taylor ’ s case ; and the country ’ s focus shifted , I turned back to the books , magazines , and newspapers from the 1950s and ’ 60s , like many of the activists I interviewed for this story have done .
The pages of Jet magazine , Newsweek , and others from those decades offer a view of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even the most basic rights to be guaranteed for a generation of Black Americans and of the simultaneous traumas , joys , and mundaneness they enjoyed .
The decades-long history of the pages of those magazines document the battle toward justice and of tragedies and crises that happened simultaneously : the disappearance of Emmett Till , teenagers integrating the pews of their Catholic church in Louisiana only to be met with opposition , the Montgomery boycotts , quips about Lena Horne throwing an ashtray and dishes at a man ’ s head who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dinner with her husband , the attacks on the Freedom Riders , the ’ 50s-era Red Scare , old NAACP announcements about plans to rid the country of segregation by 1963 , the Mississippi Operation , and later of the opposition to the Vietnam War .
Throughout the decades , opposition to police brutality was a mainstay , as were stories about police-involved shootings — through it all , the incremental work of the movement trudged on .
When I followed up with Williams and the other activists I spoke with for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keen to mention the small victories that had been won in the months since they ’ d taken to the streets for another summer .
They were also keen on pointing back to similar moments in history that had grounded them in their fights this summer and the leaders whose work and reflections had guided them — from revolts of enslaved people in the early days of this country to the work of activists like Septima Clark , who had been decentered in the 30,000-foot view of the civil rights movement , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creation of the Black Lives Matter movement , which the organizers were now contributing to in its current moment .
It didn ’ t matter if the Instagram posts had faded and that the news cameras , which had shown the world the brutality they faced on the streets , had refocused on new horrors .
It didn ’ t matter that some of the allies whom the movement had picked up in the summer months had faded away as the temperatures grew colder and the work wasn ’ t as visible .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ what mattered were the small battles won : the removal of statues , the conversations about abolition and removing police from schools , about what a new form of justice that shifted away from policing altogether could look like .
If Williams , Kinnie , Reshid , and Livingston could begin to turn the tide in their own communities , they felt like the incremental work of the movement at large was well on its way on the arc toward justice .
“ We ’ re not going to be able to fix @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for my generation , but to be able to end it here is the goal , ” Reshid told me at the end of the summer .
“ No matter what , I know that not everything is going to be perfect for me in the next 20 years , but for the next generations and the generations after us , like my kids , I don ’ t want them to have to protest in the streets at 17 , 18 , 19 , or 20 years old .
“ This fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he added , “ but it sure as hell is going to end with us.
” ●

It’s a line that’s stayed with me since I spoke to him during the last days of the summer; it’s indicative of the simultaneous crises that have fallen on the shoulders of people who have been fighting for justice in middle of a global pandemic that’s disproportionately damaged their communities as wildfires have raged in their backyard because of an environmental and climate crisis that’s also proven to show up more often in their communities.
The simultaneous battles and responsibilities that people face push and pull their attention away from doing the frontline work of protesting in the streets, but the momentum of the grander movement rolls along.
“Folks have obligations that they have to tend to because of capitalism. The momentum is still here, but it’s shifting, and it’s going to look a little different because people are doing the work from where they are,” Livingston told me.
Over the course of the protests that have happened over the past few months — as footage of demonstrations showed police and military forces clashing with protesters, observers, and reporters; a grand jury made a decision in Taylor’s case; and the country’s focus shifted, I turned back to the books, magazines, and newspapers from the 1950s and ’60s, like many of the activists I interviewed for this story have done.
The pages of Jet magazine, Newsweek, and others from those decades offer a view of the incremental work it took to gain even the most basic rights to be guaranteed for a generation of Black Americans and of the simultaneous traumas, joys, and mundaneness they enjoyed.
The decades-long history of the pages of those magazines document the battle toward justice and of tragedies and crises that happened simultaneously: the disappearance of Emmett Till, teenagers integrating the pews of their Catholic church in Louisiana only to be met with opposition, the Montgomery boycotts, quips about Lena Horne throwing an ashtray and dishes at a man’s head who made racists remarks while she was at a dinner with her husband, the attacks on the Freedom Riders, the ’50s-era Red Scare, old NAACP announcements about plans to rid the country of segregation by 1963, the Mississippi Operation, and later of the opposition to the Vietnam War. Throughout the decades, opposition to police brutality was a mainstay, as were stories about police-involved shootings — through it all, the incremental work of the movement trudged on.
When I followed up with Williams and the other activists I spoke with for this story this fall, they were keen to mention the small victories that had been won in the months since they’d taken to the streets for another summer. They were also keen on pointing back to similar moments in history that had grounded them in their fights this summer and the leaders whose work and reflections had guided them — from revolts of enslaved people in the early days of this country to the work of activists like Septima Clark, who had been decentered in the 30,000-foot view of the civil rights movement, to the protests in Ferguson and the woman-led creation of the Black Lives Matter movement, which the organizers were now contributing to in its current moment.
It didn’t matter if the Instagram posts had faded and that the news cameras, which had shown the world the brutality they faced on the streets, had refocused on new horrors. It didn’t matter that some of the allies whom the movement had picked up in the summer months had faded away as the temperatures grew colder and the work wasn’t as visible.
For the activists on the ground, what mattered were the small battles won: the removal of statues, the conversations about abolition and removing police from schools, about what a new form of justice that shifted away from policing altogether could look like.
If Williams, Kinnie, Reshid, and Livingston could begin to turn the tide in their own communities, they felt like the incremental work of the movement at large was well on its way on the arc toward justice.
“We’re not going to be able to fix everything now and make things specifically better for my generation, but to be able to end it here is the goal,” Reshid told me at the end of the summer. “No matter what, I know that not everything is going to be perfect for me in the next 20 years, but for the next generations and the generations after us, like my kids, I don’t want them to have to protest in the streets at 17, 18, 19, or 20 years old.
“This fight didn’t start with us,” he added, “but it sure as hell is going to end with us.” ●


buzzfeed--2020-10-23--Lawyers Can't Find The Parents Of More Than 500 Immigrant Children Who Were Separated By The Trump A

Lawyers Can't Find The Parents Of More Than 500 Immigrant Children Who Were Separated By The Trump Administration

Lawyers tasked with locating immigrant families who were separated by the Trump administration say they have been unable to reach the parents of 545 children in an effort that has been impeded by the coronavirus pandemic , according to a court filing on Tuesday .
`` People are constantly asking me when we will find all the families , and I unfortunately do not know , '' Lee Gelernt , the lead attorney on the case and deputy director of the ACLU 's Immigrants ' Rights Project , told BuzzFeed News .
`` The numbers tell one story , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own story with its own human dimension and that 's why we can not stop looking until we have found every family . ''
In 2018 , the Trump administration systematically separated thousands of children from their parents under a so-called `` zero tolerance policy '' in which parents were sent to federal prison before going to court on charges of entering the US without authorization .
Because children ca n't be sent to federal prison with their parents , the government separated them , listed them as unaccompanied minors , and transferred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Refugee Resettlement ( ORR ) .
Wednesday 's report stems from a lawsuit filed by the ACLU in February 2018 on behalf of a Congolese asylum-seeker identified as Ms. L who had been separated from her 7-year-old daughter by US immigration authorities .
The mother and daughter were reunited , but the case was expanded into a class action lawsuit that 's covered thousands of immigrant families separated by the US government .
Following the revelation last year that the Trump administration had actually been separating families as early as the summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program , the class was expanded to include another 1,030 children that were separated from their parents as early as July 1 , 2017 .
As of Tuesday , a committee of law firms and nonprofits that the ACLU created to track down the separated families has attempted to reach the parents of all of the expanded class members , successfully reaching those of 485 children , the report states .
Of the parents the committee has been unable to reach , the ACLU believes approximately two-thirds have already been deported to their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the government gave us was largely stale , so we ’ ve been looking for the families on the ground in Central America ... but because of COVID , the on the ground search has halted , '' Gelernt said .
He described the situation as `` extraordinarily sad , '' adding that some of the children , who are living with sponsors in the US that range from a close relative to a foster family , were just babies when they were separated three years ago and `` have now spent more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parents . ''
The report stated that while the on-the-ground efforts were suspended due to the pandemic , those efforts are starting again .
`` The Steering Committee intends to continue physical on-the-ground searches while it remains safe to do so , and will continue to update the Court on its progress , particularly if such searches must be limited or suspended again due to travel restrictions or health risks , '' the report states .

Lawyers tasked with locating immigrant families who were separated by the Trump administration say they have been unable to reach the parents of 545 children in an effort that has been impeded by the coronavirus pandemic, according to a court filing on Tuesday.
"People are constantly asking me when we will find all the families, and I unfortunately do not know," Lee Gelernt, the lead attorney on the case and deputy director of the ACLU's Immigrants' Rights Project, told BuzzFeed News. "The numbers tell one story, but each individual child has his or her own story with its own human dimension and that's why we cannot stop looking until we have found every family."
In 2018, the Trump administration systematically separated thousands of children from their parents under a so-called "zero tolerance policy" in which parents were sent to federal prison before going to court on charges of entering the US without authorization. Because children can't be sent to federal prison with their parents, the government separated them, listed them as unaccompanied minors, and transferred them to the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR).
Wednesday's report stems from a lawsuit filed by the ACLU in February 2018 on behalf of a Congolese asylum-seeker identified as Ms. L who had been separated from her 7-year-old daughter by US immigration authorities. The mother and daughter were reunited, but the case was expanded into a class action lawsuit that's covered thousands of immigrant families separated by the US government.
Following the revelation last year that the Trump administration had actually been separating families as early as the summer of 2017 as part of a pilot program, the class was expanded to include another 1,030 children that were separated from their parents as early as July 1, 2017.
As of Tuesday, a committee of law firms and nonprofits that the ACLU created to track down the separated families has attempted to reach the parents of all of the expanded class members, successfully reaching those of 485 children, the report states.
Of the parents the committee has been unable to reach, the ACLU believes approximately two-thirds have already been deported to their home countries.
"The contact information the government gave us was largely stale, so we’ve been looking for the families on the ground in Central America ... but because of COVID, the on the ground search has halted," Gelernt said.
He described the situation as "extraordinarily sad," adding that some of the children, who are living with sponsors in the US that range from a close relative to a foster family, were just babies when they were separated three years ago and "have now spent more than half their lives separated from their parents."
The report stated that while the on-the-ground efforts were suspended due to the pandemic, those efforts are starting again.
"The Steering Committee intends to continue physical on-the-ground searches while it remains safe to do so, and will continue to update the Court on its progress, particularly if such searches must be limited or suspended again due to travel restrictions or health risks," the report states.


buzzfeed--2020-10-24--Mitch McConnell's Hand Is Discolored But He Swears Nothing Is Wrong

Viral photos show McConnell picking up a face mask , revealing his right hand to be much darker than the rest of his body , as well as a bandaged thumb .
Mitch McConnell , the 78-year-old Senate Majority Leader currently running for reelection , is denying any health issues despite photos showing his hand bandaged and severely discolored .
On Wednesday , photos went viral of McConnell bending down to pick up a dropped face mask on Capitol Hill the day prior , revealing his right hand to be much darker than the rest of his body and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office did not respond to numerous requests for comment from BuzzFeed News about the health of the top Senate Republican , who is up for reelection in Kentucky in just under two weeks .
However , when asked by a reporter on Thursday about his health and the concerning photos of his hand , McConnell denied there was an issue .
`` Do you have some kind of health issue ? ''
asked Politico reporter John Bresnahan .
`` Everyone been 's talking about your hands . ''
`` I 've been worried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are you feeling ? ''
replied McConnell , using the reporter 's nickname .
`` But I 'm serious , is there anything going on we should know about ? ''
asked Bresnahan .
`` Of course not , '' replied McConnell .
However , the discoloration and bandages were still somewhat visible in C-SPAN video of McConnell speaking on the Senate floor on Thursday morning .
On Thursday afternoon , another reporter tried to ask McConnell about his hands .
`` You have a bruise or something , sir .
Everything ok @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Take a look at Bres , '' McConnell replied , referring to the Politico reporter .
`` So , no concerns ? ''
the CNN reporter continued .
The reporter then asked if McConnell had sought medical treatment for the issue and the senator ignored the question .
McConnell 's health may be a relevant issue for voters in Kentucky , where early voting began on Oct. 13 .
`` It 's understandable that Senator McConnell might not want to discuss questions about his health so close to an election , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kentucky Democratic Party .
`` But as Senate Majority Leader , he is a public figure which requires more disclosure and transparency than just the average private person . ''
McNee also noted that McConnell has spoken openly in the past about his medical care , such as undergoing surgery following a shoulder fracture .
`` It 's not clear why he 's suddenly become so secretive , but we certainly wish him well and hope he is okay , '' said McNee .
In most photos taken of McConnell in recent days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hand hidden in his suit pocket .
The health of the country 's aging politicians has been brought into sharp focus in recent weeks , particularly after President Donald Trump , 74 , was hospitalized for several days and received experimental drug treatments after testing positive for COVID-19 .
If elected president , Joe Biden will become the oldest person to ever lead the nation , at 77 .
At the beginning of the current Congress in 2018 , the average age of a US senator was 61.8 years .
They are `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' according to an analysis by the Congressional Research Service .
McConnell leads a Senate that includes multiple octogenarians and which is currently working to confirm Amy Coney Barrett , 48 , to a lifetime appointment on the Supreme Court less than two weeks out from an election .
McConnell previously led the charge to stop former president Barack Obama from nominating a justice to the court in the final year of his presidency .
On Thursday , Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee voted to approve Judge Barrett 's nomination to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calling it `` illegitimate , '' but a vote to finalize her nomination will take place on Monday .
Recently concerns were raised about Dianne Feinstein 's capabilities due to her age — the Californian senator is 87 — during the hearings for a new SCOTUS appointee , where she is the top Democrat on the Judiciary Committee .
When other senators were asked if they believed her age was affecting her job , Politico quoted Sen. Chuck Grassley responding : `` She ’ s only three months older than I am , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m not running for reelection . ''

Mitch McConnell, the 78-year-old Senate Majority Leader currently running for reelection, is denying any health issues despite photos showing his hand bandaged and severely discolored.
On Wednesday, photos went viral of McConnell bending down to pick up a dropped face mask on Capitol Hill the day prior, revealing his right hand to be much darker than the rest of his body and that his thumb is bandaged.
McConnell's office did not respond to numerous requests for comment from BuzzFeed News about the health of the top Senate Republican, who is up for reelection in Kentucky in just under two weeks.
However, when asked by a reporter on Thursday about his health and the concerning photos of his hand, McConnell denied there was an issue.


buzzfeed--2020-10-24--Two Major Coronavirus Vaccine Trials Have Restarted After Being Paused For Safety Investigations

Pharmaceutical companies running clinical trials for two high profile coronavirus vaccine candidates announced on Friday that the trials would resume , after safety investigations found that serious illnesses in volunteers did not appear to be related to the vaccines .
The FDA authorized AstraZeneca to resume its trial after a six-week pause spurred by a neurological illness in a trial participant .
Johnson & Johnson 's trial was paused earlier this month .
Study pauses are not unusual in clinical trials .
Unexpected illnesses are expected in trials that involve large numbers of patients , and safety investigations are necessary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the vaccine .
“ The restart of clinical trials across the world is great news as it allows us to continue our efforts to develop this vaccine to help defeat this terrible pandemic , '' AstraZeneca CEO Pascal Soriot said in a statement .
`` We should be reassured by the care taken by independent regulators to protect the public and ensure the vaccine is safe before it is approved for use . ''
AstraZeneca 's trial , which is being conducted in a partnership with the University of Oxford in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The first pause occurred after a patient in July developed multiple sclerosis , which was determined to be unrelated to the vaccine .
The trial was was paused again in September after a participant developed a neurological illness called transverse myelitis .
Trials quickly resumed in the UK , Brazil , Brazil , South Africa , and Japan , while the US arm of the trial remained in limbo for weeks .
It 's still unclear why the US safety investigation took so long .
According to the New York Times , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alert trial participants about symptoms like weakness and numbness that could indicate a mild case of transverse myelitis .
The FDA did not respond to a request for comment .
AstraZeneca did not respond to questions about the advisory sent to trial participants .
`` You want this to happen .
You want people to be careful as they move forward , '' Paul Offit , a vaccine expert at Children ’ s Hospital of Philadelphia , who sits on the FDA vaccine advisory committee , told BuzzFeed News .
`` I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' `` In some ways you may be scaring people unnecessarily , or you might be informing them about something that could be a bigger problem , '' Offit added .
`` You don ’ t know .
But in fairness you have to let people know that it might be problem . ''
Johnson & Johnson 's trial , which is being tested in 60,000 participants , paused earlier this month .
`` After a thorough evaluation of a serious medical event experienced by one study participant , no clear cause has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a statement .
`` There are many possible factors that could have caused the event .
Based on the information gathered to date and the input of independent experts , the Company has found no evidence that the vaccine candidate caused the event . ''
Offit stressed that a lot was still unknown about both of the cases .
AstraZeneca 's pause was only reported publicly after a private call with investors was leaked to the science publication Stat .
Scientists have called for greater transparency from pharmaceutical companies as they move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and as public trust in the vaccines continues to drop .
`` There 's a lot we do n't know , '' Offit said , urging that it would be helpful to know more about what the companies found during their safety investigations .
`` We just read the tea leaves here . ''
Both AstraZeneca and Johnson & Johnson 's vaccines use the same technology to work .
A harmless chimpanzee adenovirus , which typically cause harmless colds , is used to shuttle a coronavirus gene into human cells to spur @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet to lead to an approved vaccine , but has been tested in experimental vaccines against other viruses , including influenza and Ebola .
During Thursday 's presidential debate , President Donald Trump said , “ We have a vaccine that ’ s coming .
It ’ s ready .
It ’ s going to be announced within weeks.
” In reality , no vaccine candidates have yet made it through their late-stage trials .
An FDA science advisory committee about vaccine development on Thursday recommended that the agency collect more safety data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for emergency approval , a step that would further delay the availability of a vaccine .

Pharmaceutical companies running clinical trials for two high-profile coronavirus vaccine candidates announced on Friday that the trials would resume, after safety investigations found that serious illnesses in volunteers did not appear to be related to the vaccines.
The FDA authorized AstraZeneca to resume its trial after a six-week pause spurred by a neurological illness in a trial participant. Johnson & Johnson's trial was paused earlier this month.
Study pauses are not unusual in clinical trials. Unexpected illnesses are expected in trials that involve large numbers of patients, and safety investigations are necessary to determine whether the illnesses are linked to the vaccine.
“The restart of clinical trials across the world is great news as it allows us to continue our efforts to develop this vaccine to help defeat this terrible pandemic," AstraZeneca CEO Pascal Soriot said in a statement. "We should be reassured by the care taken by independent regulators to protect the public and ensure the vaccine is safe before it is approved for use."
AstraZeneca's trial, which is being conducted in a partnership with the University of Oxford in the UK, has been halted twice. The first pause occurred after a patient in July developed multiple sclerosis, which was determined to be unrelated to the vaccine. The trial was paused again in September after a participant developed a neurological illness called transverse myelitis. Trials quickly resumed in the UK, Brazil, South Africa, and Japan, while the US arm of the trial remained in limbo for weeks.
It's still unclear why the US safety investigation took so long. According to the New York Times, the FDA has now advised the company to alert trial participants about symptoms like weakness and numbness that could indicate a mild case of transverse myelitis.
Asked about the update, an AstraZeneca spokesperson stressed that the FDA had concluded it was safe to resume the trial. "Following the FDA review, we have made changes to the Informed Consent Form, which reflects the outcome of their review and is intended to provide study participants with updated information about participating in the trial," the spokesperson said.
The FDA did not respond to a request for comment.
"You want this to happen. You want people to be careful as they move forward," Paul Offit, a vaccine expert at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, who sits on the FDA vaccine advisory committee, told BuzzFeed News. "I think it's an abundance of caution."
"In some ways, you may be scaring people unnecessarily, or you might be informing them about something that could be a bigger problem," Offit added. "You don’t know. But in fairness, you have to let people know that it might be a problem."
Johnson & Johnson's trial, which is being tested in 60,000 participants, paused earlier this month.
"After a thorough evaluation of a serious medical event experienced by one study participant, no clear cause has been identified," the company said in a statement. "There are many possible factors that could have caused the event. Based on the information gathered to date and the input of independent experts, the Company has found no evidence that the vaccine candidate caused the event."
Offit stressed that a lot was still unknown about both of the cases. AstraZeneca's pause was only reported publicly after a private call with investors was leaked to the science publication Stat. Scientists have called for greater transparency from pharmaceutical companies as they move at breakneck speed to test a vaccine, and as public trust in the vaccines continues to drop.
"There's a lot we don't know," Offit said, urging that it would be helpful to know more about what the companies found during their safety investigations. "We just read the tea leaves here."
Both AstraZeneca and Johnson & Johnson's vaccines use the same technology to work. A harmless chimpanzee adenovirus, which typically causes harmless colds, is used to shuttle a coronavirus gene into human cells to spur an immune response. The approach has yet to lead to an approved vaccine, but it has been tested in experimental vaccines against other viruses, including influenza and Ebola.
During Thursday's presidential debate, President Donald Trump said, “We have a vaccine that’s coming. It’s ready. It’s going to be announced within weeks.”
In reality, no vaccine candidates have yet made it through their late-stage trials. An FDA science advisory committee about vaccine development on Thursday recommended that the agency collect more safety data on the vaccine candidates before authorizing them for emergency approval, a step that would further delay the availability of a vaccine.


buzzfeed--2020-10-24--The Unique Way This Teacher Demonstrates Childbirth To Her Students Has Gone Viral On TikTok

Brooke , who is currently pregnant with her third child , said childbirth is important for all of her students @ @ @ @ @ a natural part of life .
`` My husband had no idea how a baby @ @ @ @ @ pregnant with my first child .
He did not believe me when I told him @ @ @ @ @ a baby , even though he took a child development class in high school .
@ @ @ @ @ provide basic knowledge to my students now , I am providing them with the tools @ @ @ @ @ and confident if they do get pregnant one day .
I am also teaching them @ @ @ @ @ for someone who is having a baby , '' she added .

Brooke, who is currently pregnant with her third child, said childbirth is important for all of her students to learn because it's a natural part of life. "My husband had no idea how a baby was born when I was pregnant with my first child. He did not believe me when I told him what all goes into having a baby, even though he took a child development class in high school. So, if I can provide basic knowledge to my students now, I am providing them with the tools and knowledge to feel comfortable and confident if they do get pregnant one day. I am also teaching them to be great support systems for someone who is having a baby," she added.


buzzfeed--2020-10-25--This Nurse's Method On How To Properly Shave Your Pubic Hair Is Going Viral

BuzzFeed spoke to Heather , who said part of her job is providing annual exams to women — such as @ @ @ @ @ , family planning , etc .
`` It ’ s not uncommon for women to @ @ @ @ @ bump of some sort on their lady bits .
This leads to questions like , @ @ @ @ @ this herpes ? '
or 'How can I avoid getting razor burn ? '
It @ @ @ @ @ culture to shave our pubic hair , but no one really talks about how to @ @ @ @ @ troubleshoot doing it , '' she explained .

BuzzFeed spoke to Heather, who said part of her job is providing annual exams to women — such as pap smears, pelvic exams, family planning, etc. "It’s not uncommon for women to come in with a new bump of some sort on their lady bits. This leads to questions like, 'What is this — is this herpes?' or 'How can I avoid getting razor burn?' It’s common in our culture to shave our pubic hair, but no one really talks about how to do it or how to troubleshoot doing it," she explained.


buzzfeed--2020-10-24--Voters In Alabama’s Largest County Could Have Their Ballots Thrown Out After A Court Ruled Instructi

Voters In Alabama’s Largest County Could Have Their Ballots Thrown Out After A Court Ruled Instructions They Were Sent Are No Longer Valid

WASHINGTON — An unknown number of absentee voters in Alabama ’ s most populous county are at risk of having their ballots thrown out because elections officials mailed special instructions that became invalid after a recent court ruling .
Elections officials in Jefferson County , Alabama , sent out a waiver with absentee ballots allowing voters with some medical conditions to bypass a state law requiring them to have witnesses sign their ballots due to the coronavirus pandemic .
But since a court ruled that those waivers will not be allowed , it ’ s unclear if county officials have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to notify the voters who received them .
The situation in Jefferson County is a casualty of the frantic pace of litigation around this year ’ s presidential election .
State and local election officials have had to make difficult decisions about how to provide accurate information to voters about election rules that could change at any moment as long as court cases are pending .
Alabama requires absentee voters to have two witnesses or a notary present when they sign their ballot ; the witnesses have to sign the ballot , too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ judge blocked the witness requirement for voters with underlying medical conditions that put them at higher risk of COVID-19 , the disease caused by the novel coronavirus .
At some point after that September ruling , election officials in Jefferson County — which has close to 500,000 registered voters , according to Alabama ’ s secretary of state — sent out absentee ballots with a special form that voters could sign to certify that they had a medical condition and waive the witness requirement , in an attempt to comply with the judge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 13 , the US Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit reversed that order and reinstated the witness requirement .
Deuel Ross , a lawyer with the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund who has been involved in the Alabama litigation and is monitoring the situation in Jefferson County , told BuzzFeed News that as of Oct. 23 , they aren ’ t aware of an effort by the county to notify voters who received the now-inoperative waiver .
The Alabama attorney general ’ s office filed notice that it was appealing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ judge ruled , but the witness waiver form sent by Jefferson County doesn ’ t mention that litigation was still pending , according to a copy obtained by BuzzFeed News .
Ross ’ organization and other voting rights groups sent a letter to Jefferson County officials on Oct. 21 asking them to alert voters who received the waiver that they can not use it and to come up with a way for voters whose ballots have arrived with the waiver after the 11th Circuit ruled to “ cure ” their ballots .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response yet from the county .
“ We understand that your office has been managing an historic volume of absentee ballot applications and in-person absentee voters in recent weeks , ” the groups wrote in the letter .
“ However , it is crucial that voters are given the opportunity to correct any issue with their ballot that resulted through no fault of their own.
” Ross said they don ’ t know how many Jefferson County residents received the waiver form , but given the two-week window between the two court decisions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ross said he wasn ’ t aware of any other Alabama county where this was an issue .
“ Jefferson County was trying to do the right thing and inform voters , ” Ross said .
“ Unfortunately the higher court stepped in and prevented voters from continuing to have that option after the two-week period there , so I think Jefferson County can and should do everything they can ... and give voters a chance to cure their ballots.
” County election officials and attorneys did not return requests by BuzzFeed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ published a press release on its website on Oct. 13 about the 11th Circuit order reviving the witness requirement but didn ’ t post updates on its Facebook or Twitter accounts .
The federal district judge ’ s Sept. 30 order had also blocked Alabama ’ s photo ID requirement for absentee ballot applications for voters over age 65 or who have a disability that puts them at higher risk of COVID-19 ; the 11th Circuit reversed that order as well .
Jefferson County sent out a separate waiver form for absentee ballot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the September 30 order , and the voting rights groups have asked the county to also find a way to make sure voters who apply for ballots using that waiver are notified and given a way to now satisfy the ID requirement .
Alabama voters have until Oct. 29 to apply for absentee ballots , which must be received by Election Day in order to be counted .

WASHINGTON — An unknown number of absentee voters in Alabama’s most populous county are at risk of having their ballots thrown out because elections officials mailed special instructions that became invalid after a recent court ruling.
Elections officials in Jefferson County, Alabama, sent out a waiver with absentee ballots allowing voters with some medical conditions to bypass a state law requiring them to have witnesses sign their ballots due to the coronavirus pandemic. But since a court ruled that those waivers will not be allowed, it’s unclear if county officials have done — or will do — anything to notify the voters who received them.
The situation in Jefferson County is a casualty of the frantic pace of litigation around this year’s presidential election. State and local election officials have had to make difficult decisions about how to provide accurate information to voters about election rules that could change at any moment as long as court cases are pending.
Alabama requires absentee voters to have two witnesses or a notary present when they sign their ballot; the witnesses have to sign the ballot, too. On Sept. 30, a federal judge blocked the witness requirement for voters with underlying medical conditions that put them at higher risk of COVID-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus.
At some point after that September ruling, election officials in Jefferson County — which has close to 500,000 registered voters, according to Alabama’s secretary of state — sent out absentee ballots with a special form that voters could sign to certify that they had a medical condition and waive the witness requirement, in an attempt to comply with the judge’s order.
But on Oct. 13, the US Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit reversed that order and reinstated the witness requirement. Deuel Ross, a lawyer with the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund who has been involved in the Alabama litigation and is monitoring the situation in Jefferson County, told BuzzFeed News that as of Oct. 23, they aren’t aware of an effort by the county to notify voters who received the now-inoperative waiver.
The Alabama attorney general’s office filed notice that it was appealing the Sept. 30 order the same day the judge ruled, but the witness waiver form sent by Jefferson County doesn’t mention that litigation was still pending, according to a copy obtained by BuzzFeed News.
Ross’s organization and other voting rights groups sent a letter to Jefferson County officials on Oct. 21 asking them to alert voters who received the waiver that they cannot use it and to come up with a way for voters whose ballots have arrived with the waiver after the 11th Circuit ruled to “cure” their ballots. He said they haven’t received a response yet from the county.
“We understand that your office has been managing an historic volume of absentee ballot applications and in-person absentee voters in recent weeks,” the groups wrote in the letter. “However, it is crucial that voters are given the opportunity to correct any issue with their ballot that resulted through no fault of their own.”
Ross said they don’t know how many Jefferson County residents received the waiver form, but given the two-week window between the two court decisions, it could be thousands of voters. Ross said he wasn’t aware of any other Alabama county where this was an issue.
“Jefferson County was trying to do the right thing and inform voters,” Ross said. “Unfortunately the higher court stepped in and prevented voters from continuing to have that option after the two-week period there, so I think Jefferson County can and should do everything they can ... and give voters a chance to cure their ballots.”
County election officials and attorneys did not return requests by BuzzFeed News for comment. The county government published a press release on its website on Oct. 13 about the 11th Circuit order reviving the witness requirement but didn’t post updates on its Facebook or Twitter accounts.
On Oct. 8, BirminghamWatch reported that a Jefferson County official had suggested that voters should get witnesses for their absentee ballot in case the Sept. 30 order was reversed, but a county attorney said that wasn't necessary. The attorney didn't address what would happen if ballots arrived without witness signatures in the event the appeals court did reinstate the requirement, and was quoted as saying that if ballots went through "the absentee process at this time, that will be valid and counted."
The federal district judge’s Sept. 30 order had also blocked Alabama’s photo ID requirement for absentee ballot applications for voters over age 65 or who have a disability that puts them at higher risk of COVID-19; the 11th Circuit reversed that order as well.
Jefferson County sent out a separate waiver form for absentee ballot applications in an effort to comply with the Sept. 30 order, and the voting rights groups have asked the county to also find a way to make sure voters who apply for ballots using that waiver are notified and given a way to now satisfy the ID requirement. Alabama voters have until Oct. 29 to apply for absentee ballots, which must be received by Election Day in order to be counted.


buzzfeed--2020-10-24--While Texans Brace For Another COVID Spike, Healthcare Is Defining Their Senate Race

At the same time , Texans are less likely than people in any other state to have health insurance — and that was before the sweeping job losses that they endured as a result of the pandemic .
One study found that just between March and May , even before the COVID-19 spike hit Texas in late July , around 1.6 million Texans likely lost health insurance after losing their jobs .
Texans account for close to 10 % of all COVID-19 cases in the US , and about 12.5 % of recorded COVID-19 deaths , according to the New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some 898,000 of the 8.5 million people in the US who have had COVID-19 were Texans , and 17,800 of the 223,948 Americans who have died of the virus came from Texas .
In recent days , cases are beginning to rise sharply again in parts of the state .
Texas hasn ’ t been considered competitive in presidential elections in decades — the last time a Democratic nominee won the state was Jimmy Carter in 1976 .
But the state is changing , diversifying and getting younger , and after Democrat Beto @ @ @ @ @ @ @ loss in 2018 , Democrats think the state ’ s 38 electoral college votes and Cornyn ’ s Senate seat could both be theirs to win , shifting the Senate and the White House to Democrats along the way .
What ’ s happened in Texas in the last ten months could be a big part of why .
“ A lot of people are one illness or injury away from bankruptcy , ” she added .
“ Some people might say the economy .
I say that healthcare is the economy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ BuzzFeed News this week .
“ Number one , healthcare provides jobs in rural areas .
Number two , healthcare is a small business barrier where people do n't want to quit their jobs and lose their health insurance to start a small business.
” This time around , against the backdrop of a pandemic that ’ s devastated his state and a deeply unpopular president , he ’ s facing a centrist Democrat who ’ s focusing squarely on healthcare — air force veteran and former healthcare worker MJ Hegar .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both fundraising and polls in recent weeks .
John Cornyn ’ s place in the Senate was supposed to be safe .
Until recently , it was a sure bet that the Republican would hold onto the seat he ’ s easily held onto in Texas for the past 18 years .
Sen. John Cornyn puts on his mask as Supreme Court nominee Judge Amy Coney Barrett participates in her confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Oct. 12 .
The Supreme Court case challenging the Affordable Care Act , which will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the election , was filed by Texas Republicans .
Cornyn took on a central role advocating for the Senate GOP ’ s ACA repeal bill in 2017 , which narrowly failed to pass .
As a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee , he has also played an important part in Trump ’ s court nominee Amy Coney Barrett ’ s confirmation process this month .
The fight in the Senate over Coney Barrett ’ s confirmation comes to a head next week , providing Hegar with another clear line of attack over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to her campaign for months : healthcare , the Affordable Care Act , and how Texans have suffered with COVID .
Although Hegar said she thinks healthcare and the economy are generally more pressing issues for Texas voters than what ’ s happening with the Supreme Court , healthcare is central to what ’ s at stake with SCOTUS .
As a result , there ’ s a third figure whose influence in the race neither candidate can ignore : Coney Barrett .
“ It ’ s ACA vs. ACB , I guess @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hearing for Coney Barrett last week , suggesting that Democrats were raising the Affordable Care Act in the hearings without a real basis for concern .
Hegar ’ s campaign clipped the remark and tweeted , “ Your little line isn ’ t cute , John , it ’ s potentially deadly for 5 million Texans with pre-existing conditions.
” “ People clearly see that it 's about tearing down the Affordable Care Act , ” Hegar said this week , of the Senate GOP push to confirm Coney Barrett .
Senate Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confirmed further stands in contrast to how they ’ ve resisted passing a new COVID-19 relief bill , Hegar said .
“ I wish that they would show some urgency , the same type of urgency they are around the Supreme Court , around getting us , you know , relief for small businesses and getting the pandemic under control , ” she said .
Hegar , who is trying to turn out Texas Democrats but also draw moderate Republicans and independents away from Cornyn , has been making unexpected gains both in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hegar ’ s fundraising in the first two weeks of October propelled her past Cornyn , with $ 3.7 million to Cornyn ’ s $ 1.3 million , leaving her with $ 6.9 million cash on hand to Cornyn ’ s $ 3.8 million .
But Texas has been here before .
Two years ago , O ’ Rourke came close to ousting Ted Cruz from the Senate seat he ’ s held since 2013 , but ultimately lost out .
Part of what ’ s different this time , Hegar argues , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have hovered around 38 % in recent months , lower than Cruz ’ s 52 % at election time in 2018 .
Cornyn has recently tried to distance himself from the president and his flailing approval ratings : in one University of Texas at Austin poll this month 43 % of Texans said they strongly disapprove of how Trump has handled the pandemic , while 27 % strongly approve .
In a separate interview with BuzzFeed News in July , before she won the runoff primary election , Hegar said the question she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appear more likely to approve of Ted Cruz than John Cornyn .
“ The answer lies in the independent voters , and the independent voters are not moderate , they are not between the two parties.They have removed themselves from the system and they are looking for someone who is going to put them first , ” Hegar said at the time .
She added this week that she thinks the outcome in Texas on Election Day could be key to a smooth transition of power if Trump loses the presidential election to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ limited mail voting — one point Republicans are already using to attack the veracity of the election — and because the results are likely to be in relatively early .
“ I feel like Texas is the key to healing the nation and to moving on quickly and having an election result that is n't easy to challenge in the courts from some sort of conspiracy theory without evidence , because our votes have been so suppressed in Texas .
We 're one of only six states that has n't eased restrictions to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ So if we can work , people working our tails off , to give our 38 electoral votes to Biden which would mean there 's not a mathematical victory for Trump , then that ’ s really the key to kind of moving on .
”

The Supreme Court case challenging the Affordable Care Act, which will be the first case justices hear after the election, was filed by Texas Republicans. Cornyn took on a central role advocating for the Senate GOP’s ACA repeal bill in 2017, which narrowly failed to pass. As a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, he has also played an important part in Trump’s court nominee Amy Coney Barrett’s confirmation process this month.
The fight in the Senate over Coney Barrett’s confirmation comes to a head next week, providing Hegar with another clear line of attack over an issue that’s been central to her campaign for months: healthcare, the Affordable Care Act, and how Texans have suffered from COVID.
Although Hegar said she thinks healthcare and the economy are generally more pressing issues for Texas voters than what’s happening with the Supreme Court, healthcare is central to what’s at stake with SCOTUS.
As a result, there’s a third figure whose influence in the race neither candidate can ignore: Coney Barrett.
“It’s ACA vs. ACB, I guess,” Cornyn joked during one confirmation hearing for Coney Barrett last week, suggesting that Democrats were raising the Affordable Care Act in the hearings without a real basis for concern.
Hegar’s campaign clipped the remark and tweeted, “Your little line isn’t cute, John, it’s potentially deadly for 5 million Texans with pre-existing conditions.”
“People clearly see that it's about tearing down the Affordable Care Act,” Hegar said this week, of the Senate GOP push to confirm Coney Barrett.
Senate Republicans’ push to get Coney Barrett quickly confirmed further stands in contrast to how they’ve resisted passing a new COVID-19 relief bill, Hegar said.
“I wish that they would show some urgency, the same type of urgency they are around the Supreme Court, around getting us, you know, relief for small businesses and getting the pandemic under control,” she said.
Hegar, who is trying to turn out Texas Democrats but also draw moderate Republicans and independents away from Cornyn, has been making unexpected gains both in fundraising and polls in recent weeks. Hegar’s fundraising in the first two weeks of October propelled her past Cornyn, with $3.7 million to Cornyn’s $1.3 million, leaving her with $6.9 million cash on hand to Cornyn’s $3.8 million.
But Texas has been here before. Two years ago, O’Rourke came close to ousting Ted Cruz from the Senate seat he’s held since 2013, but ultimately lost out. Part of what’s different this time, Hegar argues, is that Cornyn’s approval ratings have hovered around 38% in recent months, lower than Cruz’s 52% at election time in 2018.
Cornyn has recently tried to distance himself from the president and his flailing approval ratings: In one University of Texas at Austin poll this month 43% of Texans said they strongly disapprove of how Trump has handled the pandemic, while 27% strongly approve.
In a separate interview with BuzzFeed News in July, before she won the runoff primary election, Hegar said the question she was asking herself was why Texas voters appear more likely to approve of Ted Cruz than John Cornyn.
“The answer lies in the independent voters, and the independent voters are not moderate, they are not between the two parties. They have removed themselves from the system and they are looking for someone who is going to put them first,” Hegar said at the time.
She added this week that she thinks the outcome in Texas on Election Day could be key to a smooth transition of power if Trump loses the presidential election to Joe Biden, because the state has limited mail voting — one point Republicans are already using to attack the veracity of the election — and because the results are likely to be in relatively early.
“I feel like Texas is the key to healing the nation and to moving on quickly and having an election result that isn't easy to challenge in the courts from some sort of conspiracy theory without evidence, because our votes have been so suppressed in Texas. We're one of only six states that hasn't eased restrictions to vote by mail,” she said.
“So if we can work, people working our tails off, to give our 38 electoral votes to Biden which would mean there's not a mathematical victory for Trump, then that’s really the key to kind of moving on.”


buzzfeed--2020-10-24--This Scary Statistic Predicts Growing US Political Violence — Whatever Happens On Election Day

Two researchers claim that a single number they call the “ political stress indicator ” can warn when societies are at risk of erupting into violence .
It ’ s spiking in the US , just like it did before the Civil War .
Many Americans are clinging to the idea that if Joe Biden wins the presidential election , calm can return to a nation riven by protests and rattled by President Donald Trump ’ s authoritarian rhetoric .
Not so fast , caution two academics who claim they have devised a measure of political instability that shows that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keg that is waiting to blow , even if a Biden landslide means that Trump has little choice but to step aside .
“ The tendency is to blame Trump , but I don ’ t really agree with that , ” Peter Turchin , an evolutionary anthropologist at the University of Connecticut who studies the forces that drive political instability , told BuzzFeed News .
“ Trump is really not the deep structural cause.
” The most dangerous element in the mix , argue Turchin and George Mason University sociologist Jack Goldstone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on society .
They believe they have a model that explains how inequality escalates and leads to political instability : Worsened by elites who monopolize economic gains , narrow the path to social mobility , and resist taxation , inequality ends up undermining state institutions while fomenting distrust and resentment .
Building on Goldstone ’ s work showing that revolutions tend to follow periods of population growth and urbanization , Turchin has developed a statistic called the political stress indicator , or PSI .
It incorporates measures of wage stagnation , national debt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government , urbanization , and the age structure of the population .
Turchin raised warning signs of a coming storm a decade ago , predicting that instability would peak in the years around 2020 .
“ In the United States , we have stagnating or declining real wages , a growing gap between rich and poor , overproduction of young graduates with advanced degrees , and exploding public debt , ” he wrote , in a letter to the journal Nature .
“ Historically , such developments have served as leading indicators of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation in turmoil , Turchin ’ s prediction seems remarkably prescient .
We live in a pandemic hellscape that has disproportionately harmed Black and brown Americans and those living in poverty .
We have widespread civil unrest over racial injustice .
And we are hurtling toward an election in which Trump is stoking unfounded fears of voter fraud and refusing to commit to a peaceful transition of power .
In August , Turchin gave himself a pat on the back for his predictive ability with an analysis showing a significant rise in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last 10 years .
But he and Goldstone fear that much worse is to come .
The political stress indicator for the US is rising rapidly , much like it did before the Civil War .
When Goldstone talks about America ’ s darkest days in the 1860s , he provocatively calls it the “ First Civil War.
” He fears that we may be on the way to a second one , with the 2020 election serving as a potential “ fire-starter ” event .
Goldstone has some credentials in predicting conflict @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US military ’ s ill-fated efforts to support UN intervention in Somalia ’ s civil war , which led to the downing of two Black Hawk helicopters and the gruesome spectacle of a dead US soldier being dragged through the streets , Goldstone was tapped by the CIA to help lead the State Failure Task Force .
This group of academic social scientists was asked to identify factors that predict when a nation is likely to spiral into chaos .
The task force ’ s initial report , published in 1995 , identified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether a state would fail within the next two years in about two-thirds of cases : high infant mortality , low openness to international trade , and level of democracy .
On the last measure , partial democracies were more vulnerable to collapse than fully democratic states or autocratic regimes .
Goldstone continued to work on the project , later renamed the Political Instability Task Force , until 2012 , tweaking its statistical model to predict both civil wars and democratic collapses with about 80 % accuracy over the same two-year lead time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ applying a similar approach to assess the risk of political conflict in the US until Turchin got in touch in 2015 .
“ I didn ’ t expect political violence because I believed the US was a strong and flexible democracy , ” Goldstone said .
But he is now convinced that Turchin ’ s PSI heralds a disturbing future for the US that won ’ t be solved by politics as usual after the 2020 election , even if Trump is defeated and goes quietly .
“ If those trends continue after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the occurrence of violence will likely continue , ” Goldstone told BuzzFeed News .
“ I ’ m worried about that no matter who wins , ” he added .
“ The social problems are the gasoline .
Trump is throwing matches.
” The PSI doesn ’ t explicitly address America ’ s deep divisions over racial justice .
“ Race has been an enduring faultline , ever since the founding of the Republic , ” Turchin said .
But he argued that it ’ s the additional dynamics captured by the PSI @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right now .
One key concern , according to Goldstone , is that people across the political spectrum have lost faith in government and political institutions .
“ In short , given the accumulated grievances , anger and distrust fanned for the last two decades , almost any election scenario this fall is likely to lead to popular protests on a scale we have not seen this century , ” he and Turchin wrote in a recent article published by the Berggruen Institute , a think tank based in Los Angeles .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of political instability the researchers dubbed “ the turbulent twenties.
” “ Given the Black Lives Matter protests and cascading clashes between competing armed factions in cities across the United States , from Portland , Oregon , to Kenosha , Wisconsin , we are already well on our way there , ” the article said .
“ But worse likely lies ahead.
” Turchin said people who rule out the possibility of serious political violence in the US based on “ the strength of American institutions ” are being “ unduly optimistic.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in is extremely fragile , ” Turchin said .
Other social scientists consulted by BuzzFeed News were skeptical that the US is on the brink of a civil war .
But they were concerned about the trends highlighted by Goldstone and Turchin , and worried about the potential for violence around the coming election — especially from right-wing militia groups if Trump loses and contests the result .
“ No matter what the outcome is , it is going to be disputed by some components of the other side , ” Craig Jenkins @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who studies political violence , told BuzzFeed News .
“ The difference is that the Trump forces have militia that have some capacity for violence and mayhem.
” One reason that most experts in conflict studies don ’ t predict an outright civil war as a consequence of the US ’ s gap between rich and poor is that inequality hasn ’ t emerged as a major driving factor in studies of such conflicts in the modern era .
“ Civil war has been predominantly a phenomenon in low-income countries , ” James @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University and coauthor of a 2003 paper that identified national poverty as an important condition that can lead to violent insurgency , told BuzzFeed News .
Another influential study , published in 2000 by the economists Paul Collier of the University of Oxford and Anke Hoeffler , now at the University of Konstanz in Germany , suggested that an armed group ’ s ability to seize control over significant economic resources — such as diamonds in several conflict-prone African nations and drug crops in Colombia — was a key driver of modern civil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a diverse and robust economy , the US should have a fairly low chance of falling into civil war according to these theories .
And if push comes to shove and order needs to be restored by force , few experts in political conflict expect even a well-armed militia to be a match for federal law enforcement or the National Guard .
The circumstances in the 19th century that led the US into the bloodiest conflict in its history were also unusual .
The young nation was growing , adding states that either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fundamental economic and moral divide that couldn ’ t easily be resolved .
“ That was an irreconcilable dynamic , ” Jenkins said .
“ I think you need the accumulation of irresolvable conflicts to get a true civil war.
” But recent events , notably the plot by a group of right-wing militants to kidnap and potentially kill the Democratic governor of Michigan , Gretchen Whitmer , over her policies to limit the spread of the coronavirus , have shocked even skeptics of the idea that the US is teetering on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is really concerning , ” Fearon said .
The PSI isn ’ t the only indicator that has set alarm bells ringing about the stability of the US .
The Fund for Peace , a nonprofit based in Washington , DC , has developed a measure called the Fragile States Index ( FSI ) that , like the work of the State Failure Task Force , seeks to identify nations that are at risk of violence and instability from a range of underlying pressures including economic distress , refugee flows , and their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US looks reasonably healthy on the FSI , ranked 149th out of 178 countries for its potential for instability .
But there are worrying signs for the US on a component of the FSI labeled “ cohesion , ” according to Fund for Peace programs manager Natalie Fiertz .
“ Over the past decade-plus , we ’ ve seen very rapid worsening of the score for those dimensions , ” she told BuzzFeed News .
The Fragile States Index shows that the US is becoming a less cohesive society .
This chart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the three cohesion components of the FSI for the members of the G7 group of rich democracies .
These measure security threats including terrorism and organized crime , factionalization of a nation ’ s elites , and schisms between different groups in society .
Not surprisingly , given the intense and growing political polarization in the US , it is the last two measures that explain why the nation ’ s cohesion score has gone from the second best among the G7 to the worst in just 15 years .
( In recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US on this measure , driven by its own political divisions over Brexit . )
But political polarization may be just another consequence of the economic inequality that Goldstone and Turchin argue lies at the heart of the US ’ s current vulnerability to political violence .
Political scientists have put a great deal of energy into identifying why polarization in the US is escalating .
But factors including the influence of partisan cable TV news and congressional redistricting don ’ t seem to provide the answer — the latter , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate has become increasingly divided .
What is clear is that polarization in Congress has historically tracked closely with income inequality .
And recent studies have shown that states with greater income inequality tend to have more polarized state legislatures — supporting the idea that inequality is a fundamental cause of America ’ s deep political divisions .
Even the International Monetary Fund has weighed in , warning nations of the corrosive effects of inequality in a 2017 publication : “ While some inequality is inevitable in a market-based economic system , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead to political polarization , and ultimately lower economic growth.
” Inequality can also damage public health .
In their 2009 book The Spirit Level , the British epidemiologists Kate Pickett of the University of York and Richard Wilkinson of the University of Nottingham looked at differences across rich nations for an index of health and social outcomes including infant mortality , life expectancy , mental illness , incarceration , and literacy .
They could find no correlation with gross national income per person , but found a strong relationship between poor outcomes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in incomes between the top and bottom 20 % of a country ’ s earners .
“ Inequality is a social stressor , ” Wilkinson told BuzzFeed News .
“ One of the big changes in our understanding of social determinants of health is the role of chronic stress.
” The pandemic has made inequality much worse — but it may also be a catalyst for change .
Given all of the evidence linking inequality to a raft of bad outcomes , it should come as no surprise that unrest has surged during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poverty and people of color have not only been disproportionately sickened and killed by the virus , but they have also been hit harder by the recession it has caused — which has further widened the gulf between rich and poor .
“ What we need is a new social contract that will enable us to get past extreme polarization to find consensus , tip the shares of economic growth back toward workers and improve government funding for public health , education and infrastructure , ” Goldstone and Turchin wrote in their Berggruen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in today ’ s combat zone of weaponized social media , in which even modest proposals to ratchet back inequality are framed as “ communism ” ?
One hopeful sign is that the US has pulled back from the brink of chaos before through similar reforms , within the lifetime of its oldest citizens .
In the 1930s , as parts of Europe slid into fascism , the US went in a different direction , electing Franklin D. Roosevelt to drag the nation out of the Great Depression by ushering in the New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think the US could pull off a similar feat again .
“ You can reform your way out of dramatically polarized societies , ” said George Lawson of the Australian National University in Canberra , who has studied societal transformations including the peaceful transition to majority rule in South Africa .
Even given Trump ’ s flouting of democratic norms and the current upsurge in civil unrest , Lawson believes the US , by and large , has withstood a political “ stress test.
” “ I would err on the side that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ robust than fragile , ” Lawson said .
“ One thing to come out of the past few years is an energization of political engagement that is healthy .
”

Turchin said people who rule out the possibility of serious political violence in the US based on “the strength of American institutions” are being “unduly optimistic.”
“The social system that we live in is extremely fragile,” Turchin said.
Other social scientists consulted by BuzzFeed News were skeptical that the US is on the brink of a civil war. But they were concerned about the trends highlighted by Goldstone and Turchin, and worried about the potential for violence around the coming election — especially from right-wing militia groups if Trump loses and contests the result.
“No matter what the outcome is, it is going to be disputed by some components of the other side,” Craig Jenkins, a sociologist at Ohio State University who studies political violence, told BuzzFeed News. “The difference is that the Trump forces have militia that have some capacity for violence and mayhem.”
One reason that most experts in conflict studies don’t predict an outright civil war as a consequence of the US’s gap between rich and poor is that inequality hasn’t emerged as a major driving factor in studies of such conflicts in the modern era.
“Civil war has been predominantly a phenomenon in low-income countries,” James Fearon, a political scientist at Stanford University and coauthor of a 2003 paper that identified national poverty as an important condition that can lead to violent insurgency, told BuzzFeed News.
Another influential study, published in 2000 by the economists Paul Collier of the University of Oxford and Anke Hoeffler, now at the University of Konstanz in Germany, suggested that an armed group’s ability to seize control over significant economic resources — such as diamonds in several conflict-prone African nations and drug crops in Colombia — was a key driver of modern civil wars.
As a rich nation with a diverse and robust economy, the US should have a fairly low chance of falling into civil war according to these theories. And if push comes to shove and order needs to be restored by force, few experts in political conflict expect even a well-armed militia to be a match for federal law enforcement or the National Guard.
The circumstances in the 19th century that led the US into the bloodiest conflict in its history were also unusual. The young nation was growing, adding states that either opposed or supported slavery, creating a fundamental economic and moral divide that couldn’t easily be resolved. “That was an irreconcilable dynamic,” Jenkins said. “I think you need the accumulation of irresolvable conflicts to get a true civil war.”
But recent events, notably the plot by a group of right-wing militants to kidnap and potentially kill the Democratic governor of Michigan, Gretchen Whitmer, over her policies to limit the spread of the coronavirus, have shocked even skeptics of the idea that the US is teetering on the brink of civil conflict. “This is really concerning,” Fearon said.
The PSI isn’t the only indicator that has set alarm bells ringing about the stability of the US. The Fund for Peace, a nonprofit based in Washington, DC, has developed a measure called the Fragile States Index (FSI) that, like the work of the State Failure Task Force, seeks to identify nations that are at risk of violence and instability from a range of underlying pressures including economic distress, refugee flows, and their record on human rights.
Overall, the US looks reasonably healthy on the FSI, ranked 149th out of 178 countries for its potential for instability. But there are worrying signs for the US on a component of the FSI labeled “cohesion,” according to Fund for Peace programs manager Natalie Fiertz. “Over the past decade-plus, we’ve seen very rapid worsening of the score for those dimensions,” she told BuzzFeed News.
The Fragile States Index shows that the US is becoming a less cohesive society.