buzzfeed--2020-10-22--Protest Is Part Of The Black American Tradition. Young Activists Are Reshaping The Movement In Their

Protest Is Part Of The Black American Tradition. Young Activists Are Reshaping The Movement In Their Image.

“ Who exactly was this a reckoning for ?
Not for me.
” Four very different young Black activists doing the work on why we ’ re here and what comes next .
When I first spoke with Bennie Williams , a 19-year-old sophomore at Morehouse College from Stockton , California , in July , he ’ d just finished organizing two protests , one in Stockton and another at the state capitol in Sacramento on the 4th of July .
He was lively and spoke definitively about where he thought the movement was headed locally and nationally .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : You are advocating , witnessing , or looking at this , or you ’ re choosing to ignore it .
Those are the two options .
There ’ s no in-between right now , ” Williams told me about the movement that was building in the weeks after videos of George Floyd ’ s killing went public and as more people learned about the police killing of Breonna Taylor .
“ There ’ s action right now .
There ’ s conversations .
People are talking to each other and teaching each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Floyd and the demands for justice have flourished into a broader global movement focused on the work of tearing down and restructuring the pervasive aspects of racism that affect the wealth , well-being , and , ultimately , the lives of Black and brown people in the United States .
Younger and older activists and community organizers I spoke with over the summer told me that they felt like this was a once-in-a-lifetime moment .
This year , a global pandemic has kept people at home and forced many into unemployment .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the crisis .
People 's attention was undivided , and their increased attention on footage of racist incidents created the perfect storm for a mass movement for the country to come to terms with what injustice looks like for many Americans .
“ It feels like we ’ re finally at this moment where this country is going to have to acknowledge and finally admit to all of the wrongdoing and the injustice that it has allowed to take place in Black communities and against Black communities , ” Williams told me .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to look in the mirror at every ugly part of the face of this country — this country is going to have to recognize the genocide of Native Americans ; it ’ s going to have to reconcile with putting children in cages , and with mass incarceration , and profiting off of Black bodies in its prison systems , that it ’ s stayed silent on the death of trans lives .
It ’ s going to have to reconcile with all of that.
” After a brief pause , Williams added @ @ @ @ @ @ @ puts us on a path to liberation.
” Williams ’ ardent thoughts about where the movement was headed were reflective of where scores of Black and brown activists stood in the moment — for many , it felt like there was something markedly different in the air in June and July .
The large multicultural protests that took over cities across the country , the teach-ins , the push for reform from activist networks , and the “ DID YOU KNOW ?
” Instagram story cards written in an aesthetically pleasing modern typeface @ @ @ @ @ @ @ building across the country .
In the streets , young activists at the helm of the movements in their cities were demanding that their own communities looked at the ways racism affects things like policing , education funding , and housing .
There was a sort of skeptic ’ s optimism , similar to that charged feeling in the air when the clouds start rolling in and the first cracks of thunder sound off just before a storm .
It felt like , for the first time during the modern uprising , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been marching , posting , crying , yelling , and prodding the country toward equity had finally been heard and embraced by large parts of the rest of the country .
It felt like hope that things would change .
And then the focus of the country shifted — viral videos of protesters clashing with militarized police forces and the nearly endless number of posters for listening sessions and rallies gave way to raging wildfires in California , the presidential debates , and the undermining of American institutions like the Postal Service ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disenfranchisement efforts that have obstructed Black voters for decades ) .
The waning and waxing of interest in and acceptance of political and civil rights movements is nothing new for Black Americans .
If you ’ ve checked Twitter in recent years , at a time when the country fixed its attention toward the movement work of Black folks , you ’ ve seen at least one viral tweet referencing Martin Luther King Jr. ’ s favorability ratings in 1966 versus those today .
Gallup polls conducted in 1966 and 2011 found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ King and his work unfavorably while just 4 % viewed him unfavorably in 2011 .
A constant and poignant reminder that movement work and the progress it pushes the country toward is slow-moving at worst and incremental at best .
Polls in the midst of the movements that spread across the country during summer 2020 suggested that there was a fast-moving coalition and consensus building for many Americans .
In July , the New York Times reported that between 15 million and 26 million people had participated in protests following the deaths of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to four surveys .
Since July , I ’ ve spoken with four Black activists , including Gen Z ’ ers and young millennials from different parts of the country with different approaches and ideologies — about the work , their lives , the momentum of the summer , their view of the movement , and , particularly , this summer ’ s place in history .
There ’ s a frighteningly familiar pattern , for many Black people across the country , when it comes to incidents of publicized police brutality : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ body being harmed by the police or harassed by another person for existing in their space goes viral • None The reluctant ( and often forced ) view of the video on social media as it circulates across timelines • None The “ You good ?
” and “ Don ’ t check Twitter ” texts in group chats • None The public backlash to the protests • None The name of another Black person who has been killed or unwillingly pushed into the nation ’ s spotlight fading into the background as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another moment to be outraged by For Black Gen Z ’ ers , that pattern — including the social media dimension — started early in their adolescence with the killings of Trayvon Martin , a 17-year-old boy from Florida who was shot by a George Zimmerman , a neighborhood watch volunteer , while he was walking home from a gas station in 2012 , and Michael Brown , an 18-year-old from Ferguson , Missouri , who was fatally shot by police in 2014 .
How different factions of people across the country reacted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Brown ’ s deaths were the catalysts that would shape Black Gen Z ’ ers ’ view of the country , their faith in the political system , and their role in a grander Black tradition in the fight for equality .
Everyone I spoke with for this story had experienced the trials and seen the footage of those incidents at formative ages — from early middle schoolers to high schoolers about to start out on their own adult lives at universities across the country .
Clifton Kinnie was just into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Lutheran High School North in the St. Louis area .
Brown was killed blocks away from his school ’ s campus — just two summers after Kinnie ’ s late mother had sat him down to have “ the talk ” about interactions with police and other people .
The lecture had been prompted by the Florida jury reaching a not guilty verdict during Zimmerman ’ s trial .
For many of the young activists , those cases solidified thoughts that the country wasn ’ t out to protect citizens who looked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ existing institutions and a swift thrust into the kinds of activism they ’ d learned about from previous generations .
“ I realized that it was around the corner from my school and my grandmother ’ s house , ” he said .
He recalled protesting with other Black activists in Ferguson in the days after Brown ’ s death into the early hours of the morning .
“ There were nights when I would protest up to 4 a.m. , slide to my grandma ’ s crib to take a shower , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go right back to protesting , ” he recalled .
He said that when he would return to school after protesting the night before , he ’ d hear his teachers calling the people marching in the streets “ thugs ” and “ looters.
” “ How could they do such a thing ?
” he remembered one teacher saying .
Kinnie walked out of the classroom .
I don ’ t know how they could say any of those things when there was literally a revolution happening around the corner , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the day , nearly 50 people from his school also walked out ; they showed up at his grandmother ’ s house to vent and organize .
Kinnie has a look of weary sincerity in his deep-set eyes .
Often interviewed after Ferguson , Kinnie has been photographed staring directly into the camera , his fist pushed toward the sky like scores of photos of Black activists from the decades that preceded his own work .
Kinnie graduated from Howard University , where he supported students who created movements at predominantly white universities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism they were facing on campus .
He ’ s quick to say that he loves to be a teacher in the St. Louis area and that he 's both nervous and proud that his own students are telling him about the protests they ’ re attending and organizing in their community .
He ’ s also quick to tell you that he ’ s a student of the Black radical tradition and that he centers his activism in knowledge he ’ s gained from studying past civil rights movements and revolts from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just this image of Black fists held high .
It ’ s a part of it but not the totality of it , ” Kinnie told me .
“ Black radicalism is about our means of resisting racial capitalism and the oppression from racial capitalism .
Our movements have always been about that .
Black people used to escape and found marronage communities during slavery ; that was their means of resisting .
And today we see folks out in the streets , walking out of schools .
You see the unrest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lack of concern from our political leaders.
” Kinnie sees those early days of protest in Ferguson as foundational to various youth-led organizing efforts that have taken over the country in the past four years .
He pointed to the interconnectedness of movements like March for Our Lives , which he has worked with , and Black Lives Matter as different fronts working toward the same goal .
Both movements , he said , pushed the country toward a moment when mass protests after Floyd ’ s death popped up across the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Kinnie said .
“ We realized that we were building true youth power , but we didn ’ t realize that we were building the blueprint for newer movements to be inspired by.
” In the years since he led protests in Ferguson and contributed to efforts at his alma mater in Washington , DC , Kinnie has also caught the attention of politicians like former president Barack Obama and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , who have sat with him to talk about Black Lives Matter and the anti–gun violence movement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ after he ’ d attended protests in St. Louis , Kinnie said he saw the movement ’ s success at that moment as a response to the government ’ s inaction to citizens ’ conditions .
He warned that if things didn ’ t get better , they would see more mass action .
When we spoke again in the fall after months of sustained protest , Kinnie was weary but issued the same warning .
“ It ’ s been over a hundred days since the first protests began .
Portland is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going up , ” Kinnie told me .
“ The last time I remember the movement being this sustained was back in Ferguson , when we were in the streets for more than 300 days.
” Over the course of the summer , Kinnie told me , he ’ d been watching the growing momentum of the movement that found its footing on the streets of Missouri in 2014 .
Since then , he feels , other groups whose struggles have largely been shrugged off by politicians , have also embraced the means @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broader movements have continued to pour out into the streets to demand action and to be seen in recent years .
“ I don ’ t want people to confuse seeing thousands of young people out in the streets with enthusiasm for either of the political parties , ” he said .
“ No one is truly speaking to the concerns of young people in general and specifically to the concerns of young people in poor and Black and brown communities.
” Kinnie said that while he ’ s grateful for the work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and about the broader embrace of the movement this year , he hopes the reason people went out on the streets in the first place doesn ’ t become diluted .
“ This is personal for me after practically growing up with this movement and watching it grow and shape cultures , birth other movements , and rearrange politics after Ferguson , ” he told me .
“ It ’ s personal because I see folks trying to steer us in a direction that isn ’ t actually going to ultimately benefit the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sure that our principles and values are aligned with the people and why we went out to the streets in the first place.
” By late July , Omer Reshid had already attended 13 protests that had been organized in his community to address different issues .
He was planning to attend another community-planning meeting to talk with elected officials about how city funds could be used if they moved forward with a plan to cut funding for the city ’ s police department .
He ’ d also begun working with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforce police accountability and ban officers from using chokeholds .
The recent high school graduate from Baltimore County , Maryland , believes Gen Z ’ s climate change activism is built on the youth-led movement models that emerged after the Ferguson protests .
Reshid , who also serves as the student representative for the local school board , participated in protests and has lobbied for climate change bills in Baltimore County .
His work then , organizing around the climate crisis and planning protests to hold officials accountable , was fundamental in helping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found it imperative to protest after Floyd ’ s death .
“ When the George Floyd incident happened , a lot of my friends from that movement were like , ‘ Hey , now is the time that we need to stand up , ’ ” he said .
“ It was this sense of ‘ Oh wow , this just happened again.
’ ” Through organizing and his work on the school board as the student representative , Reshid and his friends , he said , eventually pushed school board members to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with commitments .
Reshid , who proposed the resolution , said he wanted the resolution to include commitments to hire more Black teachers and principals to reflect the city ’ s population , adapt history curriculums to teach a fuller picture of American history , and increase funding for African American studies .
After a drawn-out process that Reshid believed was an attempt to water down the resolution , the school board committed to “ proactively invest in diversity , equity , and inclusion at all levels ” and said it believes it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] understand and intentionally work to undermine racism and other forms of injustice in our curricula , our policies , our classroom culture.
” “ We just feel so powerful in this moment as 15-,16- , 17- , and 18-year-olds who are just doing what we can in this moment to hold people accountable until we can become the adults who are in charge , ” Reshid added .
“ I don ’ t see this movement dying down anytime soon , even though the Instagram feeds and Twitter are getting back to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here marching and we ’ re still protesting.
” Reshid , who emigrated from Ethiopia three years ago , has gotten involved in many civic organizations since starting high school in the United States .
In addition to his seat on the school board , Reshid has done work with his student government , climate organizations , and has represented the young people of his county on equitable policing and youth climate advisory boards .
“ Advocacy and student leadership for me started after having a pretty big shift from coming from Ethiopia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was always confused by the fact that I was one of the only people of color in my classes — I was used to being surrounded by Black people — and after some time , I began to realize that I wasn ’ t the only person of color who was feeling left out and that things were unfair.
” When I spoke with him in the immediate aftermath of the deaths of Floyd and Taylor , he was pushing the city council officials to address and adopt bills that would reform policing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the school board adopted his resolution after a hard-fought session .
Baltimore County has since passed a bill that issued police reforms and banned chokeholds .
He ’ s also started his first year at George Washington University .
He ’ d always thought he ’ d been on a premed track ; he said his parents still believed that was where he was headed when we spoke again in the fall , but he had been considering a shift to political science and focusing on community organizing after participating in this summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reshid — whose civic engagement in his community seemed central to his views in July — explained that while he still believed working in step with politicians to change the circumstances for Black people was the way forward , he didn ’ t have faith in the system overall to do that work willingly and without demands .
“ I do see it as being crucial , ” he told me .
“ As much as we yell , as much as we march , as much as we protest , if our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are supposed to be doing what ’ s best for us don ’ t listen to us , there isn ’ t much that ’ s going to be done .
I still believe in the power of policy change and the people who are representing us.
” Like many , he thinks there isn ’ t one singular moment of exponential change .
Reshid is focused on individuals : He said it ’ s up to representatives to actually listen , and he stressed the importance of voting people out of office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public ’ s demands .
And he hopes that many of the people who protested this summer will return .
“ It ’ s up to us to make them listen , ” he added .
Despite the bills that have passed and the work he ’ s done with local politicians through youth organizations , Reshid said he has noticed the momentum that he felt this summer has begun to slow down but he ’ s hopeful about the incremental work of the collective movement .
“ I wouldn ’ t say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the system .
I know that the system itself isn ’ t really designed to support underrepresented people and African American people .
It wasn ’ t designed that way — I believe that , ” Reshid said .
“ For me , it ’ s who ’ s in office and how much they ’ re willing to change rather than the system itself.
” Livingston , a doctoral student and former history teacher from Georgetown , South Carolina , who ’ d been organizing with a largely women-led coalition of Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caravan protest was long coming ; tension between activists and city officials has laid buried under a facade of Southern charm and gentility presented to tourists , despite the murders of the “ Emanuel 9 ” and the clashes between business owners and protesters .
For years , activists felt that the city was trying to quell any concerns about racism and tensions reached a high point as business owners condemned protesters after some of the storefronts on King Street were destroyed over the summer .
“ The protest came about because Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the basis of it , ” Livingston told me about the protest calling on people to boycott downtown Charleston .
“ A group of us were fed up with how Charleston was responding to the racial violence across the nation , ” she said .
“ They were trying to minimize uprisings by doing little small things or by saying that this commission was going to happen.
” “ They were trying to calm folks without actually dedicating themselves to systemic change.
” That June protest led to a Zoom call between demonstrators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which they discussed the group ’ s demands and the issues it had raised against the city .
Activists said they still felt patronized by the invitation of Charlamagne tha God , cohost of the Breakfast Club radio show and a South Carolina native by city officials .
One of those demands was the removal statue of John C. Calhoun , the South Carolina native and former US vice president ( and adamant defender of slavery ) that towered in Marion Square , a large park in downtown Charleston .
“ The Calhoun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black women and LGBTQ folks rallying and being consistent with our demands and staying on the politicians ’ heads — so that was one small win .
One symbolic win .
There are still folks who are organizing there for more change , ” Livingston said .
This isn ’ t part of a newfound motivation for activism in the moment — I ’ ve covered many of the organizing efforts that Livingston has participated in and planned since we were both students at Winthrop University , a small college outside of Charlotte @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first times I interviewed Livingston was during a protest on the university ’ s campus , where a group of students occupied Tillman Hall — named after Benjamin Tillman , a white supremacist and former US senator — to demand that the university communicate with the state legislature that it wanted to change the name of the building after holding a die-in .
In a 2017 interview for USA Today , Livingston told me how off-putting it was for Black and brown students to visit the building named after a man who “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' That occupation was held in conjunction with a die-in on campus after Charlotte police officers killed Keith Lamont Scott , a 43-year-old Black man .
Those moments were followed by work with environmental justice groups and activist networks in Charlotte and Charleston that focused on issues like prison abolition , removing police officers from schools , gentrification , and tearing down Confederate monuments .
Livingston told me she was pushed into civic work from a young age and after noticing the shift in the national conversation after the deaths of Martin and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that she was motivated to start protesting and organizing in her community .
“ It wasn ’ t that it was the sole thing that politicized us or radicalized us , but it was something that pushed our minds and actions to shift at a young age , ” she said .
Despite that work , she said she doesn ’ t feel like she ’ s lost any part of her adolescence to activism and community organizing .
“ I ’ m not an ahistorical person ; looking at the history of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I can ’ t disconnect that from Black adolescence .
Ever since we ’ ve been here during that period and during our lives , there ’ s been resistance .
We ’ ve had to resist and fight for something .
We ’ ve had to reach and grab and crawl toward some sort of freedom while also trying to maintain some sort of innocence and adolescence and being able to juggle all of it at once , ” Livingston said .
“ The only way that I would feel that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the white experience .
That ’ s not something I do.
” In the early days of her activism , after the deaths of Brown , Walter Scott , and Keith Lamont Scott , Livingston had focused on making policy changes : advocating for bills around policing reform like the use of body cameras and a ban on chokeholds .
But as those measures were enacted and police shootings and brutality continued , she started to look closer at solutions like prison abolition and defunding police departments .
“ There was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anger and rage on the murderers to an acknowledgment of that rage but adding an aspect of ‘ what is next , and how can we prevent a next ?
’ ” Livingston said of police reform over the past several years .
“ A lot of us had this reformist thinking in that moment , and we were shifting toward more decisions that would be made politically .
We were pushing ideas like body cams and citizen review boards or police accountability and bias training , and now we ’ ve arrived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to see the progression from Trayvon Martin to Walter Scott and Mike Brown and Eric Garner and Rekia Boyd to now , where a lot of our thinking is — now where we ’ re looking at abolition , ” she added .
Livingston told me that watching the justice system continually fail Black people alongside her work with grassroots organizations to hold the politicians who ’ d made empty promises accountable had pushed her into a political space where she valued collective action over transactional politics .
“ This moment has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has increased my faith in the people and those doing the work on the ground and not the people who are in political roles , ” she said .
“ I feel like collective effort is necessary and worthwhile , and it ’ s how we need to move and not center our hope around one person or politician or one political party .
It ’ s created an aversion to traditional politics.
” At the start of the summer , Livingston said she was optimistic about the movement 's future .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are small wins in the grander scheme , but she felt that framing the current moment in the country as a “ racial reckoning ” was skewed .
“ I really don ’ t mean to laugh , because this is a serious issue , ” she said while letting a few chuckles fly .
“ But who exactly was this a reckoning for ?
” “ Not for me .
The way that this has been covered by some parts of the media and talked about by others online has been very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me and other activists because it ’ s like the work that you were doing before didn ’ t matter , and it only matters because look who 's talking about it , ” she added .
While she said that she ’ s noticed that some of the attention and momentum has dissipated , she ’ s grounded herself by looking back at the movements that Black civil rights leaders have led before her and by studying their work in conjunction with her own organizing efforts .
“ I ’ m able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what they were doing , because we ’ re in a different time , but I ’ m able to learn how strategize , how to reevaluate , and be deliberate , ” Livingston said about looking back at figures from the civil rights movement .
“ I ’ m also about to take some form of delight and refuge in knowing that movements take time .
It alters my expectations and brings me back to reality .
I mean , we all want things to happen quickly , but studying movements and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time and that the slow work and the daily work are what allows movements to push forward.
” It ’ s a line that ’ s stayed with me since I spoke to him during the last days of the summer ; it ’ s indicative of the simultaneous crises that have fallen on the shoulders of people who have been fighting for justice in middle of a global pandemic that ’ s disproportionately damaged their communities as wildfires have raged in their backyard because of an environmental and climate crisis that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often in their communities .
The simultaneous battles and responsibilities that people face push and pull their attention away from doing the frontline work of protesting in the streets , but the momentum of the grander movement rolls along .
“ Folks have obligations that they have to tend to because of capitalism .
The momentum is still here , but it ’ s shifting , and it ’ s going to look a little different because people are doing the work from where they are , ” Livingston told me .
Over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened over the past few months — as footage of demonstrations showed police and military forces clashing with protesters , observers , and reporters ; a grand jury made a decision in Taylor ’ s case ; and the country ’ s focus shifted , I turned back to the books , magazines , and newspapers from the 1950s and ’ 60s , like many of the activists I interviewed for this story have done .
The pages of Jet magazine , Newsweek , and others from those decades offer a view of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even the most basic rights to be guaranteed for a generation of Black Americans and of the simultaneous traumas , joys , and mundaneness they enjoyed .
The decades-long history of the pages of those magazines document the battle toward justice and of tragedies and crises that happened simultaneously : the disappearance of Emmett Till , teenagers integrating the pews of their Catholic church in Louisiana only to be met with opposition , the Montgomery boycotts , quips about Lena Horne throwing an ashtray and dishes at a man ’ s head who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dinner with her husband , the attacks on the Freedom Riders , the ’ 50s-era Red Scare , old NAACP announcements about plans to rid the country of segregation by 1963 , the Mississippi Operation , and later of the opposition to the Vietnam War .
Throughout the decades , opposition to police brutality was a mainstay , as were stories about police-involved shootings — through it all , the incremental work of the movement trudged on .
When I followed up with Williams and the other activists I spoke with for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keen to mention the small victories that had been won in the months since they ’ d taken to the streets for another summer .
They were also keen on pointing back to similar moments in history that had grounded them in their fights this summer and the leaders whose work and reflections had guided them — from revolts of enslaved people in the early days of this country to the work of activists like Septima Clark , who had been decentered in the 30,000-foot view of the civil rights movement , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creation of the Black Lives Matter movement , which the organizers were now contributing to in its current moment .
It didn ’ t matter if the Instagram posts had faded and that the news cameras , which had shown the world the brutality they faced on the streets , had refocused on new horrors .
It didn ’ t matter that some of the allies whom the movement had picked up in the summer months had faded away as the temperatures grew colder and the work wasn ’ t as visible .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ what mattered were the small battles won : the removal of statues , the conversations about abolition and removing police from schools , about what a new form of justice that shifted away from policing altogether could look like .
If Williams , Kinnie , Reshid , and Livingston could begin to turn the tide in their own communities , they felt like the incremental work of the movement at large was well on its way on the arc toward justice .
“ We ’ re not going to be able to fix @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for my generation , but to be able to end it here is the goal , ” Reshid told me at the end of the summer .
“ No matter what , I know that not everything is going to be perfect for me in the next 20 years , but for the next generations and the generations after us , like my kids , I don ’ t want them to have to protest in the streets at 17 , 18 , 19 , or 20 years old .
“ This fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he added , “ but it sure as hell is going to end with us.
” ●

It’s a line that’s stayed with me since I spoke to him during the last days of the summer; it’s indicative of the simultaneous crises that have fallen on the shoulders of people who have been fighting for justice in middle of a global pandemic that’s disproportionately damaged their communities as wildfires have raged in their backyard because of an environmental and climate crisis that’s also proven to show up more often in their communities.
The simultaneous battles and responsibilities that people face push and pull their attention away from doing the frontline work of protesting in the streets, but the momentum of the grander movement rolls along.
“Folks have obligations that they have to tend to because of capitalism. The momentum is still here, but it’s shifting, and it’s going to look a little different because people are doing the work from where they are,” Livingston told me.
Over the course of the protests that have happened over the past few months — as footage of demonstrations showed police and military forces clashing with protesters, observers, and reporters; a grand jury made a decision in Taylor’s case; and the country’s focus shifted, I turned back to the books, magazines, and newspapers from the 1950s and ’60s, like many of the activists I interviewed for this story have done.
The pages of Jet magazine, Newsweek, and others from those decades offer a view of the incremental work it took to gain even the most basic rights to be guaranteed for a generation of Black Americans and of the simultaneous traumas, joys, and mundaneness they enjoyed.
The decades-long history of the pages of those magazines document the battle toward justice and of tragedies and crises that happened simultaneously: the disappearance of Emmett Till, teenagers integrating the pews of their Catholic church in Louisiana only to be met with opposition, the Montgomery boycotts, quips about Lena Horne throwing an ashtray and dishes at a man’s head who made racists remarks while she was at a dinner with her husband, the attacks on the Freedom Riders, the ’50s-era Red Scare, old NAACP announcements about plans to rid the country of segregation by 1963, the Mississippi Operation, and later of the opposition to the Vietnam War. Throughout the decades, opposition to police brutality was a mainstay, as were stories about police-involved shootings — through it all, the incremental work of the movement trudged on.
When I followed up with Williams and the other activists I spoke with for this story this fall, they were keen to mention the small victories that had been won in the months since they’d taken to the streets for another summer. They were also keen on pointing back to similar moments in history that had grounded them in their fights this summer and the leaders whose work and reflections had guided them — from revolts of enslaved people in the early days of this country to the work of activists like Septima Clark, who had been decentered in the 30,000-foot view of the civil rights movement, to the protests in Ferguson and the woman-led creation of the Black Lives Matter movement, which the organizers were now contributing to in its current moment.
It didn’t matter if the Instagram posts had faded and that the news cameras, which had shown the world the brutality they faced on the streets, had refocused on new horrors. It didn’t matter that some of the allies whom the movement had picked up in the summer months had faded away as the temperatures grew colder and the work wasn’t as visible.
For the activists on the ground, what mattered were the small battles won: the removal of statues, the conversations about abolition and removing police from schools, about what a new form of justice that shifted away from policing altogether could look like.
If Williams, Kinnie, Reshid, and Livingston could begin to turn the tide in their own communities, they felt like the incremental work of the movement at large was well on its way on the arc toward justice.
“We’re not going to be able to fix everything now and make things specifically better for my generation, but to be able to end it here is the goal,” Reshid told me at the end of the summer. “No matter what, I know that not everything is going to be perfect for me in the next 20 years, but for the next generations and the generations after us, like my kids, I don’t want them to have to protest in the streets at 17, 18, 19, or 20 years old.
“This fight didn’t start with us,” he added, “but it sure as hell is going to end with us.” ●


buzzfeed--2020-10-22--The Supreme Court Will Let Alabama Ban Drive-Up Voting For People With Disabilities During The Pande

The Supreme Court Will Let Alabama Ban Drive-Up Voting For People With Disabilities During The Pandemic

A couple uses the curbside option to vote at an early voting station in Lancaster , California on May 10 , 2020 .
WASHINGTON — The US Supreme Court voted 5–3 late Wednesday to allow Alabama to ban local election officials from offering curbside voting on Election Day to people with disabilities that put them at higher risk from the coronavirus .
In an order released Wednesday night , the court ’ s conservative-leaning justices voted to block a lower court injunction that would have permitted counties to offer curbside voting on Nov. 3 because of the risks presented by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting typically involves poll workers delivering a ballot to a person in their car and then collecting it to bring back inside when the voter is done filling it out .
The Alabama attorney general ’ s office asked the Supreme Court to intervene after the US Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit declined to put the injunction allowing Alabama counties to offer curbside voting for the November election on hold .
The majority didn ’ t offer an explanation for its decision , although it ’ s not the first time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state to enforce its curbside voting ban — in July , the justices voted 5–4 to block an injunction that would have allowed counties to adopt the practice for a primary election runoff .
Natasha Merle , a lawyer with the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund who worked on the Alabama case , told BuzzFeed News that the Supreme Court ’ s order was “ disheartening and concerning ” since Alabama ’ s mask order during the pandemic doesn ’ t apply to polling sites .
Justice Sonia Sotomayor , joined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , wrote a dissenting opinion that accused the court ’ s conservative arm of standing in the way of counties that were “ ready and willing to help vulnerable voters.
” Those three justices , along with the late justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg , had voted against Alabama in July as well .
Sotomayor quoted Howard Porter Jr. , a Black man in his seventies who has asthma and Parkinson ’ s disease , who testified during a trial in the case in September that , “ [ S ] o many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote .
And while I don ’ t mind dying to vote , I think we ’ re past that — we ’ re past that time.
” “ Election officials in at least Montgomery and Jefferson Counties agree .
They are ready and willing to help vulnerable voters like Mr. Porter cast their ballots without unnecessarily risking infection from a deadly virus .
This Court should not stand in their way .
I respectfully dissent , ” Sotomayor wrote .
According to a friend-of-court brief filed by groups that advocate on behalf @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , there are at least 29 states that offer some form of curbside voting , usually for voters with disabilities that prevent them from going inside a polling site .
The brief noted that the Justice Department had endorsed curbside voting in the past as one way for local governments to fix voting-related violations of the Americans with Disabilities Act .
In Texas , Republicans are challenging plans by county election officials to offer curbside voting for the 2020 election ; there ’ s also a lawsuit pending in Arizona brought by an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is challenging a ban on the practice in Cochise County .
In a 197-page opinion following a trial , US District Judge Abdul Kallon blocked Alabama ’ s curbside voting ban , as well as the state ’ s requirement that residents send a copy of a photo ID when they apply for an absentee ballot and that absentee voters have a notary or two witnesses sign their ballot .
On Oct. 13 , an 11th Circuit panel granted Alabama ’ s request to stop Kallon ’ s order on the photo ID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state appeals but declined to do so for the curbside voting issue .
Merle of the NAACP LDF said that Porter , the Alabama voter quoted by Sotomayor , had tried to vote absentee during the primary election and put his ballot in the mail before the deadline , but it was rejected because it arrived too late .
She said he would likely try to vote absentee for the November election because he was worried about contracting COVID-19 if he went in person , given the mask exception at polls .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that kind of danger , ” Merle said .
The Alabama attorney general ’ s office argued in its brief before the Supreme Court that curbside voting “ comes with a host of logistical , safety , and ballot secrecy concerns.
” The state legislature hadn ’ t voted to adopt the practice , so the Alabama Secretary of State determined it wasn ’ t legal .
In response to the Supreme Court ’ s order , Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall said in a statement that “ the specter of voters ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drive-thru ” hung over the prospect of curbside voting .
“ Just as important , when States decide to authorize curbside voting , they typically do so through legislation and with months or years of careful planning .
They don ’ t throw it together in a matter of weeks in the middle of a pandemic .
That is a recipe for chaos that could end up making it harder , not easier , for people to vote , ” Marshall said .
“ Fortunately , with the Supreme Court ’ s action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
”

WASHINGTON — The US Supreme Court voted 5–3 late Wednesday to allow Alabama to ban local election officials from offering curbside voting on Election Day to people with disabilities that put them at higher risk from the coronavirus.
In an order released Wednesday night, the court’s conservative-leaning justices voted to block a lower court injunction that would have permitted counties to offer curbside voting on Nov. 3 because of the risks presented by indoor voting during the pandemic. Curbside voting typically involves poll workers delivering a ballot to a person in their car and then collecting it to bring back inside when the voter is done filling it out. The Alabama attorney general’s office asked the Supreme Court to intervene after the US Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit declined to put the injunction allowing Alabama counties to offer curbside voting for the November election on hold.
The majority didn’t offer an explanation for its decision, although it’s not the first time the court sided with Alabama and allowed the state to enforce its curbside voting ban — in July, the justices voted 5–4 to block an injunction that would have allowed counties to adopt the practice for a primary election runoff.
Natasha Merle, a lawyer with the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund who worked on the Alabama case, told BuzzFeed News that the Supreme Court’s order was “disheartening and concerning” since Alabama’s mask order during the pandemic doesn’t apply to polling sites.
Justice Sonia Sotomayor, joined by Justices Stephen Breyer and Elena Kagan, wrote a dissenting opinion that accused the court’s conservative arm of standing in the way of counties that were “ready and willing to help vulnerable voters.” Those three justices, along with the late justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, had voted against Alabama in July as well.
Sotomayor quoted Howard Porter Jr., a Black man in his seventies who has asthma and Parkinson’s disease, who testified during a trial in the case in September that, “[S]o many of my [ancestors] even died to vote. And while I don’t mind dying to vote, I think we’re past that — we’re past that time.”
“Election officials in at least Montgomery and Jefferson Counties agree. They are ready and willing to help vulnerable voters like Mr. Porter cast their ballots without unnecessarily risking infection from a deadly virus. This Court should not stand in their way. I respectfully dissent,” Sotomayor wrote.
According to a friend-of-court brief filed by groups that advocate on behalf of people with disabilities and elderly Americans, there are at least 29 states that offer some form of curbside voting, usually for voters with disabilities that prevent them from going inside a polling site. The brief noted that the Justice Department had endorsed curbside voting in the past as one way for local governments to fix voting-related violations of the Americans with Disabilities Act.
In Texas, Republicans are challenging plans by county election officials to offer curbside voting for the 2020 election; there’s also a lawsuit pending in Arizona brought by an advocacy group for people with disabilities that is challenging a ban on the practice in Cochise County.
In a 197-page opinion following a trial, US District Judge Abdul Kallon blocked Alabama’s curbside voting ban, as well as the state’s requirement that residents send a copy of a photo ID when they apply for an absentee ballot and that absentee voters have a notary or two witnesses sign their ballot. On Oct. 13, an 11th Circuit panel granted Alabama’s request to stop Kallon’s order on the photo ID and witness requirements from taking effect while the state appeals but declined to do so for the curbside voting issue.
Merle of the NAACP LDF said that Porter, the Alabama voter quoted by Sotomayor, had tried to vote absentee during the primary election and put his ballot in the mail before the deadline, but it was rejected because it arrived too late. She said he would likely try to vote absentee for the November election because he was worried about contracting COVID-19 if he went in person, given the mask exception at polls.
“He cannot put himself in that kind of danger,” Merle said.
The Alabama attorney general’s office argued in its brief before the Supreme Court that curbside voting “comes with a host of logistical, safety, and ballot secrecy concerns.” The state legislature hadn’t voted to adopt the practice, so the Alabama Secretary of State determined it wasn’t legal.
In response to the Supreme Court’s order, Alabama Attorney General Steve Marshall said in a statement that “the specter of voters’ cars backed up further than a Chick-fil-A drive-thru” hung over the prospect of curbside voting.
“Just as important, when States decide to authorize curbside voting, they typically do so through legislation and with months or years of careful planning. They don’t throw it together in a matter of weeks in the middle of a pandemic. That is a recipe for chaos that could end up making it harder, not easier, for people to vote,” Marshall said. “Fortunately, with the Supreme Court’s action tonight, those risks have been averted.”


buzzfeed--2020-10-22--Don't Assume That Lots Of Early Voting Means Joe Biden Is A Lock

Democrats have shown strong enthusiasm in early voting , coming out in the millions , but Republicans can still catch up .
All across Georgia since Oct. 12 , voters have been standing in long lines .
Many have brought folding chairs and snacks , knowing they may have to wait for three , six , or even eleven hours before it ’ s their turn to vote in the presidential election .
As of Wednesday , more than 1.9 million Georgians — an early voting record for the state — had already cast a ballot , with more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in person .
Records were also smashed in Florida , where more than 350,000 people participated in the first day of early voting , and in Texas where some 60 % of the entire 2016 vote has already been cast .
Huge early turnout like this can be seen as a sign of strong voter enthusiasm , and coupled with a deeply unpopular incumbent candidate , it ’ s easy to picture these motivated voters as simply angry Democrats and the huge numbers as an indication that Joe Biden is on an early @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states with early voting , the reality is more complicated .
Historically , Democrats have tended to vote early in greater numbers than Republicans , and that dynamic is exacerbated this year due to a number of factors .
Fear of contracting the coronavirus is causing increased interest in early and mail-in voting among all voters , but President Donald Trump has pushed his supporters toward casting their ballots in person on Nov. 3 , citing unfounded claims about voter fraud and integrity .
The combination of historic trends and 2020 complications has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in early voting .
But that doesn ’ t necessarily mean Democrats will end up with the most votes .
“ I ’ ve learned the hard way not to make projections about the overall election based on the early in-person voting period , ” said University of Georgia political science professor Trey Hood .
“ The fact that it looks like more Democrats are voting early is probably true , but there ’ s probably going to be less Democrats voting on Election Day.
” Republicans in Texas are already closing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead .
As of Wednesday evening , voters with a Republican voting history had narrowly cast more ballots in person than the Democrats — 31.2 % of early votes to their 27.5 % , according to analysis by Republican consultant Derek Ryan , who runs Texas political research firm Ryan Data .
On Monday , Ryan said he expects that gap to continue to widen in favor of Republicans , because fewer of them have voted so far and many plan to do so in the coming days , as well as on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ultimately said the large numbers of votes cast by people with no established voting history for either party make the outcome impossible to predict .
“ The big increase that you see is among Democratic voters , which is not surprising based on what we see in polling , which is that a lot of Democratic voters said they plan to vote early and in person this time , ” said James Henson , director of the Texas Politics Project at UT Austin .
“ But Republicans have also already surpassed their 2016 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There ’ s a lot of early voting going on , ” said Henson .
Data on where in Texas people are turning out to vote shows nearly equal enthusiasm in historically Democrat counties as in Republican ones , according to election analyst Dave Wasserman .
Some analysts have predicted the 2020 election will see historic levels of voter turnout , with 91 % of voters saying they are “ extremely motivated to vote ” in a recent CNBC poll .
According to a Gallup poll this month , Republicans and Democrats report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the election this year .
Polling has also consistently shown Republicans are much more likely to vote on Election Day itself — 64 % of Republicans who hadn ’ t yet voted said in a New York Times/Siena College poll this week that they planned to do so in person on Election Day , compared to just 33 % of Democrats who hadn ’ t yet voted .
Barry Burden , director of the Elections Research Center at the University of Wisconsin-Madison , also has found plenty of enthusiasm among both parties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shown more eagerness to vote early in Wisconsin this year in statewide surveys .
And the bluest county in the state — Dane County — is leading the way , ” Burden said .
“ But heavily Republican counties such as Waukesha County are also showing robust early voting .
The tendency to vote early so far appears mostly to reflect communities with high rates of overall turnout generally , rather than a simple divide between Biden and Trump voters.
” On the first day of early voting Tuesday in Sheboygan , Wisconsin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to City Hall under a steely gray sky .
In a county that Trump won by more than 15 points in 2016 , many said they were conservative .
Kathleen , a factory worker in Sheboygan , said she ’ d felt pushed to vote early by the Black Lives Matter protests that swept across the country this summer .
“ That upset me a lot , because everyone ’ s life matters , ” Kathleen said .
She didn ’ t usually vote early , but she said that this year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protesters might block her polling place on Election Day .
“ You just don ’ t know what they could do , ” she said .
“ I feel like there ’ s a line that ’ s been drawn , ” said Pam , a Republican voter in Sheboygan who works as a dental hygienist .
“ Today , you ’ re either left or right .
There ’ s no in-between.
” Of course , different states have different voting rules , so it ’ s not always easy to compare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Texas , for example , is limited to those who have a reason to request a ballot , like being older than 65 or out of state on Election Day .
But anyone who is registered to vote in Texas can do so early in person , though Republicans have sought to restrict early voting , asking courts to reduce the number of polling places and overturn an expansion of the early voting period from three weeks back to two .
But those efforts won ’ t deter voters like Angela Hudson , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that while she hasn ’ t cast her ballot yet , she plans to do so before Election Day .
“ It seems like everyone is voting really early , ” said Hudson , a part-time poll worker .
“ I just don ’ t want to wait to the very last minute.
” Ricky Rodriguez , also a Texas Republican in Tarrant County , already voted early and said he expects many others will do the same .
“ I always early vote , even before COVID , ” he said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ early due to , in Texas , we can vote anywhere within your county of residence .
Also we have three weeks of early voting.
” While turnout has been high among all voter groups so far , in most states Democrats have so far turned out in greater numbers .
Alexa Bankert , a University of Georgia professor who specializes in political psychology , said these voters are partly driven by anger at the current administration .
“ We know from psychology that anger is a really big motivator in voting , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So I think what you ’ re seeing right now is Democrats are really frightened and angry with the current administration , and that ’ s a really strong psychological motivator to put in the effort and stand in line for hours just to vote against the Republican party.
” “ Most Republicans are quite satisfied with Trump , ” Bankert added .
“ So they ’ re going to turn out to support their party , … [ but ] it ’ s simply a weaker motivator for turning out.
” Another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voter turnout among Republicans is Trump ’ s vociferous and largely unsubstantiated critiques of mail-in voting .
Though Trump has previously used an absentee ballot himself , the president has repeatedly claimed in public that mail ballots are more susceptible to voter fraud , though there is little evidence that such fraud actually exists .
Despite the lack of proof , some Republicans who might have otherwise decided to use mail-in ballots or even vote early in person are , because of Trump ’ s rhetoric , choosing instead to wait for Election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stein , director of the Center for Civic Leadership at Rice University in Texas , said some early surveys his team ran suggested that Texas Republican voters ' faith in the reliability of voting by mail had indeed been shaken .
“ I think it could be detrimental particularly in a state like Florida , ” Stein told BuzzFeed News .
“ No campaign wants their vote to come out on Election Day if they can get it in early.
” As of Wednesday , Republicans voting early in person had taken a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to the Florida Department of State ’ s elections division , but there ’ s one important caveat : “ The Democrats are crushing the Republicans in vote by mail , ” Steve Vancore , a Florida pollster and political analyst , told BuzzFeed News .
As of Wednesday , 1.4 million Florida Democrats had returned their vote-by-mail ballots , compared to just 900,828 Republicans .
Of course , in addition to there being many unaffiliated voters , a person ’ s voter registration also doesn ’ t necessarily indicate who you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ especially in a year when many prominent Republicans are backing Biden .
But local GOP leaders in Florida say that while more Republicans will be choosing to vote in person because of Trump ’ s statements , concerns about the coronavirus and a long history of voting early in the state means plenty of Republicans will still be mailing in their ballots .
“ I think there ’ s this national rhetoric going on that Republicans are going to vote in person and the Democrats are going to vote by mail , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but I also think that Republicans are voting by mail too , ” said Jake Hoffman , president of the Tampa Bay Young Republicans .
“ The worry about the pandemic is less split down party lines than people think — there ’ s still a lot of older people in the Republican Party who fear coronavirus and getting sick , so they ’ re mailing in their ballots too.
” Republicans in Texas have long encouraged older people to vote by mail , going so far as to send unsolicited mail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ older Republican voters .
A longtime Republican consultant in Texas , who asked not to be identified because of her current political work , acknowledged that , like Democrats , Republicans want the early vote .
But , she said , it ’ s too early to say whether trumped-up concerns about voter fraud impacted voting behavior among Texans .
Vancore , the Florida analyst , said he can ’ t yet make any projections , but he ’ s skeptical of Republicans in the state who ’ ve suggested the party will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nov. 3 .
“ I ’ ve got Republicans telling me , ‘ Republicans are really enthusiastic and they ’ re just waiting for Election Day , ’ ” Vancore said .
“ But that ’ s like playing a sporting event , and saying , ‘ We ’ re gon na kick your ass in the ninth inning .
’ ”

All across Georgia since Oct. 12, voters have been standing in long lines. Many have brought folding chairs and snacks, knowing they may have to wait for three, six, or even eleven hours before it’s their turn to vote in the presidential election.
As of Wednesday, more than 1.9 million Georgians — an early voting record for the state — had already cast a ballot, with more than 1.2 million of those having been cast in person. Records were also smashed in Florida, where more than 350,000 people participated in the first day of early voting, and in Texas where some 60% of the entire 2016 vote has already been cast.
Huge early turnout like this can be seen as a sign of strong voter enthusiasm, and coupled with a deeply unpopular incumbent candidate, it’s easy to picture these motivated voters as simply angry Democrats and the huge numbers as an indication that Joe Biden is on an early path to victory.
But for swing states with early voting, the reality is more complicated.
Historically, Democrats have tended to vote early in greater numbers than Republicans, and that dynamic is exacerbated this year due to a number of factors. Fear of contracting the coronavirus is causing increased interest in early and mail-in voting among all voters, but President Donald Trump has pushed his supporters toward casting their ballots in person on Nov. 3, citing unfounded claims about voter fraud and integrity.
The combination of historic trends and 2020 complications has allowed Democrats to take a strong lead in early voting. But that doesn’t necessarily mean Democrats will end up with the most votes.
“I’ve learned the hard way not to make projections about the overall election based on the early in-person voting period,” said University of Georgia political science professor Trey Hood. “The fact that it looks like more Democrats are voting early is probably true, but there’s probably going to be less Democrats voting on Election Day.”
Republicans in Texas are already closing the gap created by the Democrats’ early lead. As of Wednesday evening, voters with a Republican voting history had narrowly cast more ballots in person than the Democrats — 31.2% of early votes to their 27.5%, according to analysis by Republican consultant Derek Ryan, who runs Texas political research firm Ryan Data.
On Monday, Ryan said he expects that gap to continue to widen in favor of Republicans, because fewer of them have voted so far and many plan to do so in the coming days, as well as on Election Day itself. However, he ultimately said the large numbers of votes cast by people with no established voting history for either party make the outcome impossible to predict.
“The big increase that you see is among Democratic voters, which is not surprising based on what we see in polling, which is that a lot of Democratic voters said they plan to vote early and in person this time,” said James Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project at UT Austin. “But Republicans have also already surpassed their 2016 share of the early votes.”
“There’s a lot of early voting going on,” said Henson.
Data on where in Texas people are turning out to vote shows nearly equal enthusiasm in historically Democrat counties as in Republican ones, according to election analyst Dave Wasserman.


buzzfeed--2020-10-22--Republicans Moved Amy Coney Barrett One Step Closer To The Supreme Court After Democrats Boycotted T

Republicans Moved Amy Coney Barrett One Step Closer To The Supreme Court After Democrats Boycotted The Vote

WASHINGTON — Less than a month after President Donald Trump announced Judge Amy Coney Barrett as his latest US Supreme Court nominee , Republicans the Senate Judiciary Committee voted on Thursday to approve her nomination , setting the stage for a final vote early next week , as Democrats boycotted the proceedings .
Democrats did not attend Thursday ’ s committee vote , calling it “ illegitimate.
” They ’ ve objected to Trump and Republicans racing to fill a vacancy so close to a presidential election , after the party blocked former president Barack Obama ’ s nomination of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year .
Republicans are poised to confirm Barrett just before Election Day — something that Trump has said is the driving force behind the rush to fill the late justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg ’ s seat .
Lawsuits over how states are handling mail-in voting during the coronavirus pandemic are still working through the courts .
Trump , who has pushed unsupported and debunked claims of widespread voter fraud related to absentee ballots , has predicted more legal fights around the election , saying that he is “ counting on ” the Supreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The Senate Judiciary Committee ’ s 12 Republican members all voted in favor of Barrett ’ s nomination , one week after her confirmation hearings concluded ; the absent Democrats were recorded as “ no votes.
” It ’ s been more than 40 years since the Senate moved a Supreme Court nominee so swiftly through the confirmation process .
The Thursday vote appeared to break the committee ’ s own rules , which require at least nine members present , including two members of the minority party , in order to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rules generally state that committees can ’ t vote without a majority of members present , but don ’ t specify when minority members have to be there ; the Judiciary Committee did have a majority of members there for the Barrett vote on Thursday .
According to a spokesperson for Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , there are `` longstanding precedents '' that allow the committee to send nominations to the floor without two members of the minority party present as long as a majority of members are there , and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 15 years .
“ That was their choice .
It will be my choice to vote the nominee out of committee .
We are not going to allow them to take over the committee , ” Graham said on Thursday .
Addressing his fellow Republican colleagues , he said he hoped they feel like a sense of accomplishment .
This is why we all run .
It is moments like this that make everything you go through matter . ''
Democrats and liberal groups have vigorously opposed Barrett ’ s nomination , raising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on abortion , the Affordable Care Act , LGBTQ rights , the Second Amendment , immigration , and a range of other hot button subjects that the court could rule on in the future .
On Thursday , they left placards behind their empty committee seats with photos of people who rely on the Affordable Care Act and its preexisting conditions .
If confirmed , Barrett — a judge on the US Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit since 2017 — would deepen the court ’ s conservative majority to 6–3 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ George W. Bush appointee , has joined with the court ’ s liberal-leaning justices in ruling against Trump and Republicans in high-profile cases in recent years , and Democrats fear Barrett ’ s confirmation will make it even less likely that the liberals can piece together a majority going forward .
A voting case out of Pennsylvania offered a recent example of the type of scenario that Democrats are worried about .
On Monday , the court denied a request by Pennsylvania Republicans to ban state officials from counting absentee ballots that arrive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court had ordered election officials to accept ballots through Nov. 6 and the ruling only remained intact because of a 4–4 tie in the higher court .
Roberts joined the three remaining liberal-leaning justices in voting against Republicans ’ request to undo the ruling .
During her confirmation hearing last week , Democrats pressed Barrett to commit to recusing herself from election-related cases , given Trump ’ s comments about wanting a ninth justice in place by Election Day .
Barrett said it wouldn ’ t be appropriate for her to predict what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that it would depend on the circumstances of a particular case .
“ I commit to you to fully and faithfully applying the law of recusal .
...
I will apply the factors that other justices have before me in determining whether the circumstances require my recusal or not , ” she told the senators .
Democrats have also focused on the fact that the Supreme Court is scheduled to hear arguments on Nov. 10 in the latest challenge to the Affordable Care Act .
Republican attorneys general and the Trump administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tax penalty for the individual mandate in 2017 , it invalidated the entire law .
As a law professor , Barrett wrote critically about previous Supreme Court decisions that upheld the law .
At her confirmation hearing , she declined to say how she would rule .

WASHINGTON — Less than a month after President Donald Trump announced Judge Amy Coney Barrett as his latest US Supreme Court nominee, Republicans the Senate Judiciary Committee voted on Thursday to approve her nomination, setting the stage for a final vote early next week, as Democrats boycotted the proceedings.
Democrats did not attend Thursday’s committee vote, calling it “illegitimate.” They’ve objected to Trump and Republicans racing to fill a vacancy so close to a presidential election, after the party blocked former president Barack Obama’s nomination of Merrick Garland because it was an election year.
Republicans are poised to confirm Barrett just before Election Day — something that Trump has said is the driving force behind the rush to fill the late justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s seat. Lawsuits over how states are handling mail-in voting during the coronavirus pandemic are still working through the courts. Trump, who has pushed unsupported and debunked claims of widespread voter fraud related to absentee ballots, has predicted more legal fights around the election, saying that he is “counting on” the Supreme Court to “look at the ballots.”
The Senate Judiciary Committee’s 12 Republican members all voted in favor of Barrett’s nomination, one week after her confirmation hearings concluded; the absent Democrats were recorded as “no votes.” It’s been more than 40 years since the Senate moved a Supreme Court nominee so swiftly through the confirmation process.
The Thursday vote appeared to break the committee’s own rules, which require at least nine members present, including two members of the minority party, in order to do business. The Senate’s rules generally state that committees can’t vote without a majority of members present, but don’t specify when minority members have to be there; the Judiciary Committee did have a majority of members there for the Barrett vote on Thursday. According to a spokesperson for Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, there are "longstanding precedents" that allow the committee to send nominations to the floor without two members of the minority party present as long as a majority of members are there, and that's happened seven times over the past 15 years.
“That was their choice. It will be my choice to vote the nominee out of committee. We are not going to allow them to take over the committee,” Graham said on Thursday. Addressing his fellow Republican colleagues, he said he hoped they feel like a sense of accomplishment. This is why we all run. It is moments like this that make everything you go through matter."
Democrats and liberal groups have vigorously opposed Barrett’s nomination, raising dire warnings about Barrett’s record on abortion, the Affordable Care Act, LGBTQ rights, the Second Amendment, immigration, and a range of other hot button subjects that the court could rule on in the future. On Thursday, they left placards behind their empty committee seats with photos of people who rely on the Affordable Care Act and its preexisting conditions.
If confirmed, Barrett — a judge on the US Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit since 2017 — would deepen the court’s conservative majority to 6–3. Chief Justice John Roberts Jr., a George W. Bush appointee, has joined with the court’s liberal-leaning justices in ruling against Trump and Republicans in high-profile cases in recent years, and Democrats fear Barrett’s confirmation will make it even less likely that the liberals can piece together a majority going forward.
A voting case out of Pennsylvania offered a recent example of the type of scenario that Democrats are worried about. On Monday, the court denied a request by Pennsylvania Republicans to ban state officials from counting absentee ballots that arrive after Election Day. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court had ordered election officials to accept ballots through Nov. 6 and the ruling only remained intact because of a 4–4 tie in the higher court. Roberts joined the three remaining liberal-leaning justices in voting against Republicans’ request to undo the ruling.
During her confirmation hearing last week, Democrats pressed Barrett to commit to recusing herself from election-related cases, given Trump’s comments about wanting a ninth justice in place by Election Day. Barrett said it wouldn’t be appropriate for her to predict what she’d do in advance, and that it would depend on the circumstances of a particular case.
“I commit to you to fully and faithfully applying the law of recusal. ... I will apply the factors that other justices have before me in determining whether the circumstances require my recusal or not,” she told the senators.
Democrats have also focused on the fact that the Supreme Court is scheduled to hear arguments on Nov. 10 in the latest challenge to the Affordable Care Act. Republican attorneys general and the Trump administration are arguing that when Congress repealed the tax penalty for the individual mandate in 2017, it invalidated the entire law. As a law professor, Barrett wrote critically about previous Supreme Court decisions that upheld the law. At her confirmation hearing, she declined to say how she would rule.


buzzfeed--2020-10-22--This Is The Last Ever Trump Debate. He Wouldn’t Exist Without Them.

“ Look at those hands , ” Trump said , holding up his hands , which were at that moment under assault from Sen. Marco Rubio for reasons too stupid to recount .
“ Are they small hands ?
And he referred to my hands if they ’ re small , something else must be small .
I guarantee you there ’ s no problem .
I guarantee you.
” One of the defining moments of the Donald Trump Political Experience came on a debate stage in March 2016 , when the frontrunner bragged about his penis .
Across more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump has redefined presidential debates , turning the relatively boring deliberations into confusing entertainment .
He very possibly wouldn ’ t be president without them : They ’ re the format that first put a celebrity on the same level as a handful of senators and governors and gave him the leeway to tell America that he was in control of our attentions now and would take things from there .
On Thursday night , this element of the Trump era will very likely be coming to an end : The second and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the last official Trump Debate we ’ ll see .
The circumstances for Thursday are quintessential Trump Debate standards .
Trump has complained about the moderator ; Trump has complained about the question topics ; Trump has complained about the format ; Trump , after withdrawing from the second debate after organizers decided to make it virtual , has created a weekslong drama over whether or not he will even show up .
And all the anticipation around the debate hinges on the same thing that has been true for basically every Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Can he possibly be as outrageous this time ?
What will he do next ?
The downside for Trump is that over the years , the question has gotten progressively less giddy , progressively more dismal .
Trump got really bad reviews in public opinion polls for his first debate with Biden , a full mess that is memorable chiefly for how incomprehensible it was because of all of the president ’ s interruptions ( and for the president ’ s wink at a white nationalist group ) .
The debate organizers literally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s debate to mute microphones while the other candidate is talking during some segments .
Debates don ’ t typically have much impact on candidate support , but this one did seem to have at least some effect in the short term in boosting support for Biden .
There is no sign Trump plans on doing anything different Thursday , despite some near pleading from friendly Fox News hosts and others to consider doing anything different .
Which makes sense , because…that ’ s how this has always gone .
You can create @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the White House in 2016 , and why he could keep it in 2020 , but a huge part of it has always been his persona .
In 2016 , enough voters in enough states wanted the yeller they saw on TV , at rallies , and at debates .
They wanted the guy who had all the nicknames and a knack for exposing the weakness of his primary opponents , ultimately the guy who showed up to a presidential debate after the Access Hollywood video with a group of women who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of sexual misconduct .
Trump may ’ ve been obnoxious , but he was obnoxious for them .
And , to the people who came to love him , Trump was fun .
It was fun for just enough Republican primary voters to watch Trump belittle the party elite on debate stages in 2015 , it was fun to not know what he would say next .
His most high-profile debate fight of the 2016 cycle was not with Hillary Clinton or with his Republican opponents , but with Fox News ’ Megyn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she starts asking me all sorts of ridiculous questions , '' Trump said in an interview after the first debate he participated in , which she hosted in August 2015 .
`` You could see there was blood coming out of her eyes , blood coming out of her wherever .
In my opinion , she was off base . ''
This was a really wild thing to say !
Many people were — reasonably !
— very offended !
It was also , to enough people , a blissful release from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama .
Here on TV was someone eager to mix shit up , theoretically for their benefit .
That magic just seems to have faded .
After nearly two dozen of these , there ’ s not that much shock anymore , and there ’ s not that much fun in being shocked .
After five years of omnipresence , the president may be overexposed .
There are caveats here , there ’ s a world where the Trump Debate returns : He could lose in two weeks and decide to run again @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be about Biden ’ s age now ) .
He could find a way to debate strangers regularly on the much-predicted-but-still-fantastical Trump TV .
But in all likelihood , this is it .
The debate stage helped give Trump the legitimacy and platform to take over the Republican Party and ultimately get to the White House .
Now the debate is a set piece for predictable outrage , the incarnation of an unfocused campaign ambling wildly toward an end .
Trump is left insisting how horrifying the alternative would be .
Biden , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Erie , Pennsylvania , is too dry , too unexciting .
He would bring “ boredom.
” “ If you had Sleepy Joe , nobody 's going to be interested in politics anymore.
” ●

Across more than 20 debates in five years, Trump has redefined presidential debates, turning the relatively boring deliberations into confusing entertainment. He very possibly wouldn’t be president without them: They’re the format that first put a celebrity on the same level as a handful of senators and governors and gave him the leeway to tell America that he was in control of our attentions now and would take things from there.
On Thursday night, this element of the Trump era will very likely be coming to an end: The second and final debate with Joe Biden is probably the last official Trump Debate we’ll see.
The circumstances for Thursday are quintessential Trump Debate standards. Trump has complained about the moderator; Trump has complained about the question topics; Trump has complained about the format; Trump, after withdrawing from the second debate after organizers decided to make it virtual, has created a weekslong drama over whether or not he will even show up. And all the anticipation around the debate hinges on the same thing that has been true for basically every Trump Debate since the first in 2015: Can he possibly be as outrageous this time? What will he do next?
The downside for Trump is that over the years, the question has gotten progressively less giddy, progressively more dismal. Trump got really bad reviews in public opinion polls for his first debate with Biden, a full mess that is memorable chiefly for how incomprehensible it was because of all of the president’s interruptions (and for the president’s wink at a white nationalist group). The debate organizers literally changed the rules for Thursday night’s debate to mute microphones while the other candidate is talking during some segments. Debates don’t typically have much impact on candidate support, but this one did seem to have at least some effect in the short term in boosting support for Biden.
There is no sign Trump plans on doing anything different Thursday, despite some near pleading from friendly Fox News hosts and others to consider doing anything different.
Which makes sense, because…that’s how this has always gone. You can create many compelling theories for why Trump got to the White House in 2016, and why he could keep it in 2020, but a huge part of it has always been his persona. In 2016, enough voters in enough states wanted the yeller they saw on TV, at rallies, and at debates. They wanted the guy who had all the nicknames and a knack for exposing the weakness of his primary opponents, ultimately the guy who showed up to a presidential debate after the Access Hollywood video with a group of women who had accused his opponent’s husband of sexual misconduct. Trump may’ve been obnoxious, but he was obnoxious for them.
And, to the people who came to love him, Trump was fun. It was fun for just enough Republican primary voters to watch Trump belittle the party elite on debate stages in 2015, it was fun to not know what he would say next. His most high-profile debate fight of the 2016 cycle was not with Hillary Clinton or with his Republican opponents, but with Fox News’ Megyn Kelly.
"She gets out and she starts asking me all sorts of ridiculous questions," Trump said in an interview after the first debate he participated in, which she hosted in August 2015. "You could see there was blood coming out of her eyes, blood coming out of her wherever. In my opinion, she was off base."
This was a really wild thing to say! Many people were — reasonably! — very offended! It was also, to enough people, a blissful release from the buttoned-up, extremely written presidency of Barack Obama. Here on TV was someone eager to mix shit up, theoretically for their benefit.
That magic just seems to have faded. After nearly two dozen of these, there’s not that much shock anymore, and there’s not that much fun in being shocked. After five years of omnipresence, the president may be overexposed.
There are caveats here, there’s a world where the Trump Debate returns: He could lose in two weeks and decide to run again in 2024 (when he’ll be about Biden’s age now). He could find a way to debate strangers regularly on the much-predicted-but-still-fantastical Trump TV.
But in all likelihood, this is it. The debate stage helped give Trump the legitimacy and platform to take over the Republican Party and ultimately get to the White House. Now the debate is a set piece for predictable outrage, the incarnation of an unfocused campaign ambling wildly toward an end.
Trump is left insisting how horrifying the alternative would be. Biden, he told a rally crowd this week in Erie, Pennsylvania, is too dry, too unexciting. He would bring “boredom.”
“If you had Sleepy Joe, nobody's going to be interested in politics anymore.” ●


buzzfeed--2020-10-22--Top US Intelligence Officials Said Iran And Russia Used Voter Registration Records To Spread Disinfo

Top US Intelligence Officials Said Iran And Russia Used Voter Registration Records To Spread Disinformation

Foreign actors in Iran and Russia have been using public US voter registration records to spread disinformation and undermine confidence in the 2020 election , top intelligence officials said Wednesday .
`` We have already seen Iran sending spoofed emails designed to intimidate voters , incite social unrest , and damage President Trump , '' John Ratcliffe , director of national intelligence , said during a news conference .
`` You may have seen some reporting on this ... or you may have been one of the recipients . ''
This week , threatening emails that claimed to be from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group supportive of the president , showed up in the inboxes of voters in multiple states , telling them to `` vote for Trump on Election Day or we will come after you , '' according to a copy of one of the emails provided to BuzzFeed News .
In reality , the emails came from foreign actors who exploited a vulnerable internet domain associated with the Proud Boys that was recently dropped by its hosting service , the Washington Post reported .
Ratcliffe said officials believed Iran was also distributing a video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from overseas , adding that the footage and its claims were not true .
`` These actions are desperate attempts by desperate adversaries , '' he said .
`` Even if the adversaries pursue further attempts to intimidate or attempt to undermine voter confidence , know that our election systems are resilient and you can be confident your votes are secure .
”

Foreign actors in Iran and Russia have been using public US voter registration records to spread disinformation and undermine confidence in the 2020 election, top intelligence officials said Wednesday.
"We have already seen Iran sending spoofed emails designed to intimidate voters, incite social unrest, and damage President Trump," John Ratcliffe, director of national intelligence, said during a news conference. "You may have seen some reporting on this ... or you may have been one of the recipients."
This week, threatening emails that claimed to be from the Proud Boys, a far-right extremist group supportive of the president, showed up in the inboxes of voters in multiple states, telling them to "vote for Trump on Election Day or we will come after you," according to a copy of one of the emails provided to BuzzFeed News.
In reality, the emails came from foreign actors who exploited a vulnerable internet domain associated with the Proud Boys that was recently dropped by its hosting service, the Washington Post reported.
Ratcliffe said officials believed Iran was also distributing a video that suggested people could cast fraudulent ballots from overseas, adding that the footage and its claims were not true.
"These actions are desperate attempts by desperate adversaries," he said. "Even if the adversaries pursue further attempts to intimidate or attempt to undermine voter confidence, know that our election systems are resilient and you can be confident your votes are secure.”