buzzfeed--2020-01-10--Donald Trump Is Starting To Fixate On Bernie Sanders

President Donald Trump ’ s reelection campaign is beginning to aggressively attack a rising threat to his power : Bernie Sanders .
The Trump campaign put out two statements centered on Sanders this week , and the Vermont senator was at the top of the list of people the president attacked at his first rally of the year in Toledo , Ohio , on Thursday night .
“ Bernie Sanders — crazy Bernie !
— has condemned the US military strike on Soleimani , the world ’ s top terrorist , ” Trump said in his first mention of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has led the Democratic field in unequivocally condemning the strike that killed Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani last week , solidifying his position as the anti-war candidate .
“ Bernie is going up .
He ’ s surging .
Crazy Bernie is surging , ” Trump said in Toledo .
Until now , the Trump campaign has focused much of its messaging on former vice president Joe Biden , and Trump ’ s concern over the threat he could pose is at the center of the impeachment inquiry against the president .
Email blasts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director , Andrew Clark , typically target Biden , as well as the Democrats leading the impeachment inquiry , Nancy Pelosi and Adam Schiff .
Since early last summer , the Trump campaign ’ s emails have mentioned Sanders only a handful of times — almost always as “ Crazy Bernie ” and grouped with other candidates running .
That ’ s shifted since the start of the year , with Sanders both raising more money than any other Democrat and rising near the top of some polls , an unlikely turn after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ end the 78-year-old ’ s campaign .
On Wednesday , the day after Iran retaliated for the strike on Soleimani , the campaign sent around a statement saying “ Bernie Sanders can ’ t be trusted to defend American lives.
” The following day , it released a statement attacking the candidate more broadly , calling him a “ wealthy fossil fuel-guzzling millionaire.
” “ Bernie Sanders is dangerous , ” Trump ’ s campaign spokesperson Tim Murtaugh told BuzzFeed News .
“ He believes that taking out the most vicious terror chief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ precedent ’ and he uses the same talking points as the Iranians and Russians by calling it an ‘ assassination.
’ He can not be trusted to keep Americans safe.
” Since entering the race this spring , Sanders has positioned himself in competition with Trump as much as with his Democratic rivals .
In his pitch in Iowa and Midwestern states like Ohio and Michigan , Sanders has contended that he is the candidate who can peel away disaffected voters from the president in a general election , hosting events like a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa counties that flipped from Barack Obama in the 2012 election to Trump in 2016 .
The Sanders campaign said the shift by Trump signaled new concern .
“ It appears the Trump campaign has discovered what we ’ ve known all along , which is that Bernie Sanders is going to defeat Donald Trump , ” Mike Casca , the Sanders campaign ’ s communications director , told BuzzFeed News .
“ Bernie , who has spent his entire life standing with the working class , is going to spend every moment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Trump was lying when he said he would stand with them and that he would end the endless wars .
He ’ s the most corrupt president in American history , and Bernie Sanders is going to sweep him out of the White House.
” Trump has targeted the white working-class voters Sanders has made central to his own campaign , and on Thursday he positioned the Republican Party as “ the party of the American worker.
” “ For decades , career politicians promised to defend the workers of Ohio and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the same globalist policies that devastated your communities and shipped away your jobs , ” he told the crowd .
“ The Democrat politicians we are fighting today are the same ones who took a sledgehammer to Ohio jobs in factories and destroyed your factories and destroyed your jobs .
They are losing and we are winning.
” Trump mentioned other candidates at the rally , including Elizabeth Warren , Pete Buttigieg , and Biden .
He issued a lengthy tirade on the former vice president 's son , Hunter Biden .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I sort of hope it ’ s Joe , ” he said .
“ Because he will hear ‘ Where is Hunter ?
’ every single debate , nine times a debate .
”

President Donald Trump’s reelection campaign is beginning to aggressively attack a rising threat to his power: Bernie Sanders.
The Trump campaign put out two statements centered on Sanders this week, and the Vermont senator was at the top of the list of people the president attacked at his first rally of the year in Toledo, Ohio, on Thursday night.
“Bernie Sanders — crazy Bernie! — has condemned the US military strike on Soleimani, the world’s top terrorist,” Trump said in his first mention of a Democratic candidate at the rally. Sanders has led the Democratic field in unequivocally condemning the strike that killed Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani last week, solidifying his position as the anti-war candidate.
“Bernie is going up. He’s surging. Crazy Bernie is surging,” Trump said in Toledo.
Until now, the Trump campaign has focused much of its messaging on former vice president Joe Biden, and Trump’s concern over the threat he could pose is at the center of the impeachment inquiry against the president. Email blasts sent by Trump’s rapid response director, Andrew Clark, typically target Biden, as well as the Democrats leading the impeachment inquiry, Nancy Pelosi and Adam Schiff. Since early last summer, the Trump campaign’s emails have mentioned Sanders only a handful of times — almost always as “Crazy Bernie” and grouped with other candidates running.
That’s shifted since the start of the year, with Sanders both raising more money than any other Democrat and rising near the top of some polls, an unlikely turn after a heart attack in October threatened to end the 78-year-old’s campaign.
On Wednesday, the day after Iran retaliated for the strike on Soleimani, the campaign sent around a statement saying “Bernie Sanders can’t be trusted to defend American lives.” The following day, it released a statement attacking the candidate more broadly, calling him a “wealthy fossil fuel-guzzling millionaire.”
“Bernie Sanders is dangerous,” Trump’s campaign spokesperson Tim Murtaugh told BuzzFeed News. “He believes that taking out the most vicious terror chief on the planet sets a bad ‘precedent’ and he uses the same talking points as the Iranians and Russians by calling it an ‘assassination.’ He cannot be trusted to keep Americans safe.”
Since entering the race this spring, Sanders has positioned himself in competition with Trump as much as with his Democratic rivals. In his pitch in Iowa and Midwestern states like Ohio and Michigan, Sanders has contended that he is the candidate who can peel away disaffected voters from the president in a general election, hosting events like a “Bernie Beats Trump” tour through Iowa counties that flipped from Barack Obama in the 2012 election to Trump in 2016.
The Sanders campaign said the shift by Trump signaled new concern. “It appears the Trump campaign has discovered what we’ve known all along, which is that Bernie Sanders is going to defeat Donald Trump,” Mike Casca, the Sanders campaign’s communications director, told BuzzFeed News. “Bernie, who has spent his entire life standing with the working class, is going to spend every moment of the general election reminding working Americans that Trump was lying when he said he would stand with them and that he would end the endless wars. He’s the most corrupt president in American history, and Bernie Sanders is going to sweep him out of the White House.”
Trump has targeted the white working-class voters Sanders has made central to his own campaign, and on Thursday he positioned the Republican Party as “the party of the American worker.”
“For decades, career politicians promised to defend the workers of Ohio and then they went to Washington and voted for the same globalist policies that devastated your communities and shipped away your jobs,” he told the crowd. “The Democrat politicians we are fighting today are the same ones who took a sledgehammer to Ohio jobs in factories and destroyed your factories and destroyed your jobs. They are losing and we are winning.”
Trump mentioned other candidates at the rally, including Elizabeth Warren, Pete Buttigieg, and Biden. He issued a lengthy tirade on the former vice president's son, Hunter Biden. “I’ll tell you — I sort of hope it’s Joe,” he said. “Because he will hear ‘Where is Hunter?’ every single debate, nine times a debate.”


buzzfeed--2020-01-10--Marianne Williamson's Campaign Is Over, But The Memes Will Transcend

Marianne Williamson , the famous author and spiritual guide who briefly stole the focus of the early Democratic primary debates , has ended her campaign for president .
`` The primaries might be tightly contested among the top contenders , and I do n't want to get in the way of a progressive candidate winning any of them , '' Williamson said in an email to supporters Friday .
`` As of today , therefore , I 'm suspending my campaign . ''
The decision came soon after she reportedly laid off her entire campaign staff .
At the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not be the end of her campaign .
`` A politics of conscience is still yet possible , '' Williamson said in her statement Friday .
`` And yes….love will prevail . ''
The candidate never caught on broadly in her campaign for a more spiritual politics `` that speaks to the heart , '' and she basically faded from the primary after failing to qualify for the fall or winter debates .
But at the first debates last summer , she became a subject of fascination and a big inspiration for memes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the urgency of speaking to New Zealand as president .

Marianne Williamson, the famous author and spiritual guide who briefly stole the focus of the early Democratic primary debates, has ended her campaign for president.
"The primaries might be tightly contested among the top contenders, and I don't want to get in the way of a progressive candidate winning any of them," Williamson said in an email to supporters Friday. "As of today, therefore, I'm suspending my campaign."
The decision came soon after she reportedly laid off her entire campaign staff. At the time, she said that the move would not be the end of her campaign.
"A politics of conscience is still yet possible," Williamson said in her statement Friday. "And yes….love will prevail."
The candidate never caught on broadly in her campaign for a more spiritual politics "that speaks to the heart," and she basically faded from the primary after failing to qualify for the fall or winter debates. But at the first debates last summer, she became a subject of fascination and a big inspiration for memes with her atypical ideas, such as the urgency of speaking to New Zealand as president.


buzzfeed--2020-01-11--Donald Trump Is Starting To Fixate On Bernie Sanders


buzzfeed--2020-01-11--Why It’s Harder To Lead America To War Now

The president is warning , with no public evidence , of imminent threats .
An unfamiliar figure from the Middle East is suddenly public enemy number one .
Officials race to the Sunday shows to issue dire warnings , while White House allies accuse Democrats of supporting the enemy .
As so much in this political era , Trump ’ s abrupt week-long campaign against Iran is a kind of sped-up , community theater version of a deadly serious past , in this case the Iraq war .
Trump , it turns out , wasn ’ t actually making the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to make a case at all — and like so much in this political era , nobody who wasn ’ t already persuaded was being persuaded anyway .
Even as his party echoed his talking points , the kind of Democrats who have backed military strikes in the past — Joe Biden , first of all — suppressed their old instincts and refused to endorse the killing of Qassem Soleimani .
Trump was n't trying to lead the country to war , and he would n't try to forge consensus if he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eruption of war drums has also revealed something that was began under Obama and has sharpened into focus in the era of Trump : It ’ s hard , maybe impossible , to make the case for military action , or really any kind of foreign policy move , these days .
A stew of factors around America ’ s wars of choice , including the legacy of Iraq ; deepening partisanship ; and the enduring positive qualities of social media have conspired to undermine the kind of case for war that President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ months and years after the September 11 attacks in 2001 .
What ’ s left , now , is the risk of a war by accident , started by a stray threat from Trump on Twitter , or a misfired missile .
“ Whenever I talk about the dystopic nature of the media environment , the one silver lining in the very dark cloud… is that it would have been harder for Bush to march us to war with today 's media environment , ” Obama ’ s former communications director Dan Pfeiffer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to take the thought experiment to the point of nausea , and so I won ’ t go too far .
But imagine 2002 , if you can remember it , with a robust partisan media imposing anti-war discipline on Democrats ; arms control experts challenging thin claims about aluminum tubes ; and a weakened mainstream media that couldn ’ t serve as much of a megaphone , even if it wanted to .
Today , the lesson of Iraq hangs over everything , and Twitter has brought both anti-war and non-American voices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the pre-war intelligence before Iraq — I think that would have been exposed more clearly now , ” said Jill Abramson , who was New York Times Washington Bureau Chief during the Iraq war .
“ The problem back then was that the only news media org that was really reporting on how weak the intelligence was [ Knight Ridder , now McClatchy ] , but they had no outlet in Washington or New York , ” she said .
“ Now that reporting would have been picked up on Twitter and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I wish it had been back then.
” But back then , the closest thing to that kind of quick anti-war counter-narrative came from the nascent liberal blogs that operated on the margins of the official conversation .
“ DailyKos exists because there were no strong unapologetic liberal voices opposing the war — there was a market need for that , ” recalled the site ’ s founder , Markos Moulitsas , who cited the way in which social media closes the gap between the US and its adversaries .
“ The pictures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everybody to get an unfiltered look at what the supposed enemy is doing and thinking — it dramatically shifts the ability to control any kind of message and engage in propaganda like we saw during the Gulf War.
” “ It ’ s nice living in a world where that ’ s no longer the case , ” he said .
It ’ s a lesson that became clear to Pfeiffer and his colleagues in the Obama White House as they found that the usual tools of persuasion had simply lost their power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ biggest lever is a presidential address to the nation , and we did a number of those on foreign policy , and that reaches the biggest possible audience you can in a traditional fashion , ” recalled Ben Rhodes , Obama ’ s deputy national security adviser .
“ But frankly , it rarely had much impact , particularly in the second term.
” The broken machinery of building a consensus for war became clearest when Obama chose not to use it : In 2013 , when the Syrian government used chemical weapons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama had — almost in passing — referred to as a red line .
He had , like Trump , campaigned on a promise to end wars , not launch new ones , and he wanted to avoid enforcing that red line .
“ We were getting clobbered in Washington for not going into Syria , and that was prevalent on cable television and among the experts , that didn ’ t matter at all to public opinion , ” Rhodes said .
” Public opinion wanted nothing to do with a war @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like some utopian essay about Twitter from 2009 .
The new obstacles are to building consensus — not to launching missiles , or going to war , without it .
And none of it means that Trump can ’ t drag a divided nation into war , or that even this messy drumbeat won ’ t stir the visceral nationalism that has always made war a powerful tool of domestic politics for a president who “ doesn ’ t care about international consensus and doesn ’ t care about domestic consensus , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social media at Bard College .
“ Trump is creating a cult like movement and I do n't think that 's going to spread beyond certain boundaries in the population — that does n't mean he ca n't do an awful lot , ” she said .
Over on Facebook , the favored platform for tribal appeals , Trump was the dominant publisher on Iran .
“ The days of the fireside chat are long gone .
Instead , the president is sending fire straight to our News Feeds , ” Ryan Broderick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mainstream media retains some of its old reflexes in military conflict : The routine of official statements that set the agenda and behind-the-scenes tick-tocks , the pro-war commentators undented by their support for the 2003 Iraq war .
But Trump ’ s failure — failure even to try — to build credibility with the traditional national security reporters , or even with his own national security bureaucracy , has meant a skeptical tone from the start .
Trump ’ s failure to persuade anyone of the urgency of attacking Iran — of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also a reminder of why the autocrats , from Beijing to Ankara , have moved to censor or even shut down the open internet .
The neurotic chaos of Twitter has been a source of political division ; but it ’ s still an effective place for the point by point demolition of a bullshit argument .
Had that existed in 2003 , said Pfeiffer , the former Obama communications director , “ more dissenting voices would have had more powerful platforms to communicate with the public and policy makers .
“ This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vastly reduced influence of the traditional media powers — especially television and the rise of new outlets as it does with Twitter , ” he said .
The rise of America ’ s alternative media — the blogs that became the social media conversation — is inseparable from the loss of faith that followed the invasion of Iraq .
And the failures in Iraq have shaped more than just a new media landscape .
“ The fact that we had the nation with us and we lost the nation – that also makes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ari Fleischer , Bush ’ s press secretary .
“ That ’ s raised the bar on all presidents .
”

The president is warning, with no public evidence, of imminent threats. An unfamiliar figure from the Middle East is suddenly public enemy number one. Officials race to the Sunday shows to issue dire warnings, while White House allies accuse Democrats of supporting the enemy.
Like so much in this political era, Trump’s abrupt weeklong campaign against Iran is a kind of sped-up, community theater version of a deadly serious past — in this case, the Iraq War. Trump, it turns out, wasn’t actually making the case for war. He was barely trying to make a case at all — and like so much in this political era, nobody who wasn’t already persuaded was being persuaded anyway. Even as his party echoed his talking points, the kind of Democrats who have backed military strikes in the past — Joe Biden, first of all — suppressed their old instincts and refused to endorse the killing of Qassem Soleimani.
Trump wasn't trying to lead the country to war, and he wouldn't try to forge consensus if he did. But the frantic and arrhythmic eruption of war drums has also revealed something that began under Obama and has sharpened into focus in the era of Trump: It’s hard, maybe impossible, to make the case for military action, or really any kind of foreign policy move, these days. A stew of factors around America’s wars of choice, including the legacy of Iraq; deepening partisanship; and the enduring positive qualities of social media have conspired to undermine the kind of case for war that President George W. Bush deliberately built in the months and years after the Sept. 11 attacks in 2001. What’s left, now, is the risk of a war by accident, started by a stray threat from Trump on Twitter, or a misfired missile.
“Whenever I talk about the dystopic nature of the media environment, the one silver lining in the very dark cloud…is that it would have been harder for Bush to march us to war with today's media environment,” Obama’s former communications director Dan Pfeiffer told me.
It’s easy to take the thought experiment to the point of nausea, and so I won’t go too far. But imagine 2002, if you can remember it, with a robust partisan media imposing anti-war discipline on Democrats; arms control experts challenging thin claims about aluminum tubes; and a weakened mainstream media that couldn’t serve as much of a megaphone, even if it wanted to. Today, the lesson of Iraq hangs over everything, and Twitter has brought both anti-war and non-American voices to the fore.
“The flimsiness of the prewar intelligence before Iraq — I think that would have been exposed more clearly now,” said Jill Abramson, who was New York Times Washington Bureau Chief during the Iraq War.
“The problem back then was that the only news media org that was really reporting on how weak the intelligence was [Knight Ridder, now McClatchy], but they had no outlet in Washington or New York,” she said. “Now that reporting would have been picked up on Twitter and spread all over the place, which I wish it had been back then.”
But back then, the closest thing to that kind of quick anti-war counternarrative came from the nascent liberal blogs that operated on the margins of the official conversation.
“DailyKos exists because there were no strong unapologetic liberal voices opposing the war — there was a market need for that,” recalled the site’s founder, Markos Moulitsas, who cited the way in which social media closes the gap between the US and its adversaries.
“The pictures of Iranians grieving provides the ability of everybody to get an unfiltered look at what the supposed enemy is doing and thinking — it dramatically shifts the ability to control any kind of message and engage in propaganda like we saw during the Gulf War.”
“It’s nice living in a world where that’s no longer the case,” he said.
It’s a lesson that became clear to Pfeiffer and his colleagues in the Obama White House as they found that the usual tools of persuasion had simply lost their power to move public opinion.
“The biggest lever is a presidential address to the nation, and we did a number of those on foreign policy, and that reaches the biggest possible audience you can in a traditional fashion,” recalled Ben Rhodes, Obama’s deputy national security adviser. “But frankly, it rarely had much impact, particularly in the second term.”
The broken machinery of building a consensus for war became clearest when Obama chose not to use it: In 2013, when the Syrian government used chemical weapons against its own people, something that Obama had — almost in passing — referred to as a red line. He had, like Trump, campaigned on a promise to end wars, not launch new ones, and he wanted to avoid enforcing that red line.
“We were getting clobbered in Washington for not going into Syria, and that was prevalent on cable television and among the experts, that didn’t matter at all to public opinion,” Rhodes said. ”Public opinion wanted nothing to do with a war in Syria.”
I know this sounds like some utopian essay about Twitter from 2009. The new obstacles are to building consensus — not to launching missiles, or going to war, without it. And none of it means that Trump can’t drag a divided nation into war, or that even this messy drumbeat won’t stir the visceral nationalism that has always made war a powerful tool of domestic politics for a president who “doesn’t care about international consensus and doesn’t care about domestic consensus,” said Emma Briant, a scholar of social media at Bard College.
“Trump is creating a cultlike movement and I don't think that's going to spread beyond certain boundaries in the population — that doesn't mean he can't do an awful lot,” she said. Over on Facebook, the favored platform for tribal appeals, Trump was the dominant publisher on Iran.
“The days of the fireside chat are long gone. Instead, the president is sending fire straight to our News Feeds,” Ryan Broderick notes.
Of course, a weakened mainstream media retains some of its old reflexes in military conflict: the routine of official statements that set the agenda and behind-the-scenes ticktocks, the pro-war commentators undented by their support for the 2003 Iraq War. But Trump’s failure — failure even to try — to build credibility with the traditional national security reporters, or even with his own national security bureaucracy, has meant a skeptical tone from the start.
Trump’s failure to persuade anyone of the urgency of attacking Iran — of the urgency of much of anything — is also a reminder of why the autocrats, from Beijing to Ankara, have moved to censor or even shut down the open internet. The neurotic chaos of Twitter has been a source of political division, but it’s still an effective place for the point-by-point demolition of a bullshit argument.
Had that existed in 2003, said Pfeiffer, the former Obama communications director, “more dissenting voices would have had more powerful platforms to communicate with the public and policymakers."
“This has as much to do with the vastly reduced influence of the traditional media powers — especially television and the rise of new outlets — as it does with Twitter,” he said.
The rise of America’s alternative media — the blogs that became the social media conversation — is inseparable from the loss of faith that followed the invasion of Iraq. And the failures in Iraq have shaped more than just a new media landscape.
“The fact that we had the nation with us and we lost the nation – that also makes it harder for Trump,” said Ari Fleischer, Bush’s press secretary. “That’s raised the bar on all presidents.”


buzzfeed--2020-01-11--Julián Castro Is Elizabeth Warren’s New Hype Man, After Months Of Hearing His Would-Be Supporters We

Julián Castro Is Elizabeth Warren’s New Hype Man, After Months Of Hearing His Would-Be Supporters Were Voting For Her Instead

A week after ending his presidential campaign , Julián Castro stood in front of a crowd at Elizabeth Warren ’ s Las Vegas campaign headquarters in front of signs that said “ We ❤ Julián , ” delivering an energetic endorsement of the senator .
“ I can ’ t tell you how many conversations I had along the way where I ’ d be talking to a voter , and I thought I had them going , I thought I ’ d get their support .
They ’ re nodding … and then we ’ d get to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d say , ‘ Well , can I get your support ?
’ , and they ’ d say ‘ Well , you know , I love you but I ’ m going to vote for Senator Warren ’ , ” he joked Friday night .
So now , instead of carrying on his own fading campaign , Castro is happily taking his role as a prominent voice for Elizabeth Warren ’ s .
“ It ’ s easy to be here for Senator Warren because our vision for America matches up very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in an interview before Friday ’ s event .
Castro , like he said during his official endorsement rally with Warren in New York on Tuesday , said he thinks Warren “ can unify the Democratic party ” because she ’ s less divisive in some polls than former Vice President Joe Biden or Sen. Bernie Sanders .
“ What we see consistently in the data is that 25 % of the Democratic primary voters would be unhappy if Senator Sanders is the nominee , and 25 % of Democratic voters would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nominee , ” Castro said .
“ Less people have a problem , more people embrace , Senator Warren being the Democratic nominee.
” But Castro avoided criticizing Biden and South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg , both of whom both Warren and Castro have clashed with on the debate stage , staying staunchly on-message .
“ Senator Warren can fix our broken immigration system , ” he said multiple times during the interview , and again during the event .
Asked about Biden telling an immigration activist who confronted him in South Carolina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Trump , ” Castro said , “ I applaud Senator Warren for embracing the idea that we can fix our broken immigration system and to do that she ’ s done that in a respectful straightforward way.
” “ I wish all of the candidates were there as well , but unfortunately that ’ s not the case , ” he added .
Castro had been more willing to spar with other candidates when he was a candidate himself , especially on immigration issues .
During the first Democratic debate , Castro @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to decriminalize crossing the US border , and for assertively challenging candidates on the stage who did not share his position .
Before dropping out of the race , Castro was vocal about the DNC ’ s criteria for the debates , which he said put candidates of color at a disadvantage .
On Friday he said he thinks the DNC needs to “ take a look at the lessons learned from this 2020 campaign cycle going forward.
” “ There certainly is value to having more diversity on the stage , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time , in the last debate , Senator Warren made a powerful case for getting big money out of politics , even pointing out issues with ways that some of the other candidates have raised money in this campaign.
” A few younger undecided voters at the event said they thought Castro throwing his support behind Warren is important — but they ’ re also impressed with Sanders and his highest-profile Latina surrogate , Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez .
“ I think they ’ re both equally as good , ” said Stephanie Ponce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ State , who added that she ’ s also considering Andrew Yang .
Ponce and her friend Anthony Cano , 21 , said they came to the Warren campaign event specifically because they wanted to see a Latino leader speak .
“ There ’ s not a lot of diversity in the people running for president , so that ’ s something that really meant a lot to me , ” said Cano .
“ Sometimes we do n't have any representation and I think representation means a lot .
So that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here .
”

A week after ending his presidential campaign, Julián Castro stood in front of a crowd at Elizabeth Warren’s Las Vegas campaign headquarters in front of signs that said “We ❤ Julián,” delivering an energetic endorsement of the senator.
“I can’t tell you how many conversations I had along the way where I’d be talking to a voter, and I thought I had them going, I thought I’d get their support. They’re nodding … and then we’d get to the end of the conversation and I’d say, ‘Well, can I get your support?’, and they’d say ‘Well, you know, I love you but I’m going to vote for Sen. Warren’,” he joked Friday night.
So now, instead of carrying on his own fading campaign, Castro is happily taking his role as a prominent voice for Elizabeth Warren’s.
“It’s easy to be here for Sen. Warren because our vision for America matches up very well,” he told BuzzFeed News in an interview before Friday’s event.
Castro, like he said during his official endorsement rally with Warren in New York on Tuesday, said he thinks Warren “can unify the Democratic party” because she’s less divisive in some polls than former vice president Joe Biden or Sen. Bernie Sanders.
“What we see consistently in the data is that 25% of the Democratic primary voters would be unhappy if Sen. Sanders is the nominee, and 25% of Democratic voters would be unhappy if Vice President Biden is the nominee,” Castro said. “Less people have a problem, more people embrace, Sen. Warren being the Democratic nominee.”
But Castro avoided criticizing Biden and Pete Buttigieg, the former South Bend, Indiana, mayor, both of whom both Warren and Castro have clashed with on the debate stage, staying staunchly on-message.
“Sen. Warren can fix our broken immigration system,” he said multiple times during the interview and again during the event.
Asked about Biden telling an immigration activist who confronted him in South Carolina recently that the activist “should vote for Trump,” Castro said, “I applaud Sen. Warren for embracing the idea that we can fix our broken immigration system and to do that she’s done that in a respectful straightforward way.”
“I wish all of the candidates were there as well, but unfortunately that’s not the case,” he added.
Castro had been more willing to spar with other candidates when he was a candidate himself, especially on immigration issues. During the first Democratic debate, Castro stood out by pushing for his plan to decriminalize crossing the US border and for assertively challenging candidates on the stage who did not share his position.
Before dropping out of the race, Castro was vocal about the DNC’s criteria for the debates, which he said put candidates of color at a disadvantage.
On Friday he said he thinks the DNC needs to “take a look at the lessons learned from this 2020 campaign cycle going forward.”
“There certainly is value to having more diversity on the stage,” he said. “At the same time, in the last debate, Sen. Warren made a powerful case for getting big money out of politics, even pointing out issues with ways that some of the other candidates have raised money in this campaign.”
A few younger undecided voters at the event said they thought Castro throwing his support behind Warren is important — but they’re also impressed with Sanders and his highest-profile Latina surrogate, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
“I think they’re both equally as good,” said Stephanie Ponce, 22, a student at Nevada State, who added that she’s also considering Andrew Yang.
Ponce and her friend Anthony Cano, 21, said they came to the Warren campaign event specifically because they wanted to see a Latino leader speak.
“There’s not a lot of diversity in the people running for president, so that’s something that really meant a lot to me,” said Cano. “Sometimes we don't have any representation, and I think representation means a lot. So that’s what really brought me to come here.”


buzzfeed--2020-01-12--Why It’s Harder To Lead America To War Now

The president is warning , with no public evidence , of imminent threats .
An unfamiliar figure from the Middle East is suddenly public enemy number one .
Officials race to the Sunday shows to issue dire warnings , while White House allies accuse Democrats of supporting the enemy .
As so much in this political era , Trump ’ s abrupt weeklong campaign against Iran is a kind of sped-up , community theater version of a deadly serious past , in this case the Iraq War .
Trump , it turns out , wasn ’ t actually making the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to make a case at all — and like so much in this political era , nobody who wasn ’ t already persuaded was being persuaded anyway .
Even as his party echoed his talking points , the kind of Democrats who have backed military strikes in the past — Joe Biden , first of all — suppressed their old instincts and refused to endorse the killing of Qassem Soleimani .
Trump was n't trying to lead the country to war , and he would n't try to forge consensus if he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eruption of war drums has also revealed something that began under Obama and has sharpened into focus in the era of Trump : It ’ s hard , maybe impossible , to make the case for military action , or really any kind of foreign policy move , these days .
A stew of factors around America ’ s wars of choice , including the legacy of Iraq ; deepening partisanship ; and the enduring positive qualities of social media have conspired to undermine the kind of case for war that President George @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and years after the September 11 attacks in 2001 .
What ’ s left , now , is the risk of a war by accident , started by a stray threat from Trump on Twitter , or a misfired missile .
“ Whenever I talk about the dystopic nature of the media environment , the one silver lining in the very dark cloud… is that it would have been harder for Bush to march us to war with today 's media environment , ” Obama ’ s former communications director Dan Pfeiffer told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take the thought experiment to the point of nausea , and so I won ’ t go too far .
But imagine 2002 , if you can remember it , with a robust partisan media imposing anti-war discipline on Democrats ; arms control experts challenging thin claims about aluminum tubes ; and a weakened mainstream media that couldn ’ t serve as much of a megaphone , even if it wanted to .
Today , the lesson of Iraq hangs over everything , and Twitter has brought both anti-war and non-American voices to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pre-war intelligence before Iraq — I think that would have been exposed more clearly now , ” said Jill Abramson , who was New York Times Washington Bureau Chief during the Iraq War .
“ The problem back then was that the only news media org that was really reporting on how weak the intelligence was [ Knight Ridder , now McClatchy ] , but they had no outlet in Washington or New York , ” she said .
“ Now that reporting would have been picked up on Twitter and spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wish it had been back then.
” But back then , the closest thing to that kind of quick anti-war counter-narrative came from the nascent liberal blogs that operated on the margins of the official conversation .
“ DailyKos exists because there were no strong unapologetic liberal voices opposing the war — there was a market need for that , ” recalled the site ’ s founder , Markos Moulitsas , who cited the way in which social media closes the gap between the US and its adversaries .
“ The pictures of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get an unfiltered look at what the supposed enemy is doing and thinking — it dramatically shifts the ability to control any kind of message and engage in propaganda like we saw during the Gulf War.
” “ It ’ s nice living in a world where that ’ s no longer the case , ” he said .
It ’ s a lesson that became clear to Pfeiffer and his colleagues in the Obama White House as they found that the usual tools of persuasion had simply lost their power to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lever is a presidential address to the nation , and we did a number of those on foreign policy , and that reaches the biggest possible audience you can in a traditional fashion , ” recalled Ben Rhodes , Obama ’ s deputy national security adviser .
“ But frankly , it rarely had much impact , particularly in the second term.
” The broken machinery of building a consensus for war became clearest when Obama chose not to use it : in 2013 , when the Syrian government used chemical weapons against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had — almost in passing — referred to as a red line .
He had , like Trump , campaigned on a promise to end wars , not launch new ones , and he wanted to avoid enforcing that red line .
“ We were getting clobbered in Washington for not going into Syria , and that was prevalent on cable television and among the experts , that didn ’ t matter at all to public opinion , ” Rhodes said .
” Public opinion wanted nothing to do with a war in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some utopian essay about Twitter from 2009 .
The new obstacles are to building consensus — not to launching missiles , or going to war , without it .
And none of it means that Trump can ’ t drag a divided nation into war , or that even this messy drumbeat won ’ t stir the visceral nationalism that has always made war a powerful tool of domestic politics for a president who “ doesn ’ t care about international consensus and doesn ’ t care about domestic consensus , ” said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media at Bard College .
“ Trump is creating a cultlike movement and I do n't think that 's going to spread beyond certain boundaries in the population — that does n't mean he ca n't do an awful lot , ” she said .
Over on Facebook , the favored platform for tribal appeals , Trump was the dominant publisher on Iran .
“ The days of the fireside chat are long gone .
Instead , the president is sending fire straight to our News Feeds , ” Ryan Broderick notes .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ retains some of its old reflexes in military conflict : the routine of official statements that set the agenda and behind-the-scenes tick-tocks , the pro-war commentators undented by their support for the 2003 Iraq War .
But Trump ’ s failure — failure even to try — to build credibility with the traditional national security reporters , or even with his own national security bureaucracy , has meant a skeptical tone from the start .
Trump ’ s failure to persuade anyone of the urgency of attacking Iran — of the urgency of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reminder of why the autocrats , from Beijing to Ankara , have moved to censor or even shut down the open internet .
The neurotic chaos of Twitter has been a source of political division , but it ’ s still an effective place for the point-by-point demolition of a bullshit argument .
Had that existed in 2003 , said Pfeiffer , the former Obama communications director , “ more dissenting voices would have had more powerful platforms to communicate with the public and policymakers . ''
“ This has as much to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the traditional media powers — especially television and the rise of new outlets — as it does with Twitter , ” he said .
The rise of America ’ s alternative media — the blogs that became the social media conversation — is inseparable from the loss of faith that followed the invasion of Iraq .
And the failures in Iraq have shaped more than just a new media landscape .
“ The fact that we had the nation with us and we lost the nation – that also makes it harder for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bush ’ s press secretary .
“ That ’ s raised the bar on all presidents .
”


buzzfeed--2020-01-14--Elizabeth Warren Said She Would Start Cancelling Student Loan Debt On Her First Day As President

Sen. Elizabeth Warren will start to cancel student loan debt from the first day she takes office if she 's elected president , she said Tuesday , arguing that existing law would give her administration the power to wipe out student debt — without the need to pass a broad loan forgiveness bill in Congress .
Warren , who was the first major presidential candidate to call for mass student loan forgiveness , said she would direct her Secretary of Education to `` begin to compromise and modify federal student loans , '' using a so-called `` safety valve '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has said she would cancel up to $ 50,000 in student debt for middle-class Americans .
She cited experts at Harvard Law School 's Project on Predatory Student Lending , a group that has long advocated for student loan forgiveness , who argue that debt cancellation would be `` lawful and permissible . ''
Her plan echoed a fight she waged during the Obama administration , when Warren helped identify a loophole of sorts — already encoded in the law — that enabled speedy debt forgiveness for thousands of students scammed by for-profit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ June that she saw a similar path forward for broader-scale forgiveness .
`` We could have a much more expansive student loan cancellation program under the current law , '' she said .
Any attempt at mass student debt forgiveness without the passage of a new law would likely be met with legal challenges from those who see it as an overreach of federal government authority .
And it would represent a huge logistical challenge for the Department of Education , a federal agency that has so far struggled to implement much smaller-scale @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama administration .
But any student loan forgiveness bill would also face steep opposition in Congress , where many Democrats do not yet back such a measure , and all Republicans are sharply opposed .
The Trump administration , under Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos , has brought student loan forgiveness measures for defrauded for-profit college students to a standstill , a move that is being challenged in court .
Sen. Bernie Sanders has proposed an even more sweeping student loan forgiveness bill — one that would wipe out every single dollar of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ income or debt burden .
Warren 's campaign provided few new details of how it would carry out or prioritize mass debt forgiveness .
`` I 'll direct the Secretary of Education to use their authority to begin to compromise and modify federal student loans consistent with my plan to cancel up to $ 50,000 in debt for 95 % of student loan borrowers ( about 42 million people ) , '' Warren 's statement said .

Sen. Elizabeth Warren will start to cancel student loan debt from the first day she takes office if she's elected president, she said Tuesday, arguing that existing law would give her administration the power to wipe out student debt — without the need to pass a broad loan forgiveness bill in Congress.
Warren, who was the first major presidential candidate to call for mass student loan forgiveness, said she would direct her Secretary of Education to "begin to compromise and modify federal student loans," using a so-called safety valve in the Higher Education Act. Warren has said she would cancel up to $50,000 in student debt for middle-class Americans.
She cited experts at Harvard Law School's Project on Predatory Student Lending, a group that has long advocated for student loan forgiveness, who argue that debt cancellation would be "lawful and permissible."
Her plan echoed a fight she waged during the Obama administration, when Warren helped identify a loophole of sorts — already encoded in the law — that enabled speedy debt forgiveness for thousands of students scammed by for-profit colleges.
Warren told BuzzFeed News in June that she saw a similar path forward for broader-scale forgiveness. "We could have a much more expansive student loan cancellation program under the current law," she said.
Any attempt at mass student debt forgiveness without the passage of a new law would likely be met with legal challenges from those who see it as an overreach of federal government authority. And it would represent a huge logistical challenge for the Department of Education, a federal agency that has so far struggled to implement much smaller-scale student loan forgiveness, even under the Obama administration.
But any student loan forgiveness bill would also face steep opposition in Congress, where many Democrats do not yet back such a measure, and all Republicans are sharply opposed. The Trump administration, under Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos, has brought student loan forgiveness measures for defrauded for-profit college students to a standstill, a move that is being challenged in court.
Sen. Bernie Sanders has proposed an even more sweeping student loan forgiveness bill — one that would wipe out every single dollar of student debt for Americans, regardless of income or debt burden.
Warren's campaign provided few new details of how it would carry out or prioritize mass debt forgiveness.
"I'll direct the Secretary of Education to use their authority to begin to compromise and modify federal student loans consistent with my plan to cancel up to $50,000 in debt for 95% of student loan borrowers (about 42 million people)," Warren's statement said.


buzzfeed--2020-01-14--Nevada’s Largest Teachers Union Is Endorsing Bernie Sanders

Sen. Bernie Sanders won the endorsement of an influential teachers ’ union in Nevada on Tuesday morning , a key sign of support in the early voting state where unions have significant political power .
“ We appreciated that Senator Sanders came to us , very much reached out to us and wanted to speak to us , ” said Clark County Educational Association president Vikki Courtney told BuzzFeed News on Monday night .
Sanders was the clear leader in a recent straw poll of union members , she said , which was a major factor in the decision .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ educators in Las Vegas , and is the largest teachers ’ union in Nevada .
The Clark County School District is the fifth largest school district in the country .
Courtney said union members were impressed with what Sanders “ was raising , his concerns and how he wanted to support and help educators , and not only the educators but the students themselves , to make sure education was open to all students across the board .
It ’ s important to educators that everyone has access and that they get a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders thanked the union for its support and said he looked forward “ to their partnership in transforming our country and defeating the most dangerous president in modern history . ''
`` We ’ re proud to have teachers as our top donors by occupation because they hold the key to a more prosperous future for younger generations , '' he said .
`` Together , we will finally give teachers a much-deserved raise , reinvest in public education and create an education system that benefits students no matter their background or socioeconomic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primary , Sanders earned endorsements from union locals across the country , but lost out to Hillary Clinton on national endorsements including the SEIU , the American Federation of Teachers ( AFT ) , and the National Educators Association ( NEA ) .
The discrepancies between union bosses ’ endorsements and their members ’ support for Sanders caused turmoil within some unions , including the AFL-CIO .
The CCEA is the largest independent teachers ’ union in the nation , after splitting off from the state teachers ’ union and the NEA over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distributed .
The endorsement also stands in contrast to the AFT , which has yet to endorse a presidential candidate .
“ I just don ’ t see any of us doing anything before Iowa , ” AFT president Randi Weingarten told the New York Times last week , referring to teachers ’ unions .
Weingarten has also recently been critical of Medicare For All , a key part of Sanders ’ policy platform .
Some labor leaders , including the AFL-CIO ’ s Richard Trumka and the Culinary Workers Union Local 226 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skepticism about the health plan , arguing it would hurt their workers by making them give up their union-negotiated health care .
Courtney said CCEA members were more interested in candidates ’ education plans than their health care proposals .
She pointed to Sanders ’ positions on raising teachers ’ salaries and college debt forgiveness , part of the education plan he released in May last year .
“ He is concerned about access to education for kids , for students themselves but also for the adults who are the educators , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debt is part of that idea , it is hard to achieve when it costs so much to go to school .
And that part is important because we ’ re lacking educators .
We ’ re 1000 teachers short here in Nevada . ''
One union member , Kenny Belknap , a US government AP and Honors teacher at Del Sol Academy in Las Vegas and a member of the union ’ s executive board , said Sanders ' plan to change standardized testing is among the policies he supports .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the record that he has , and then also just the general support that our profession lends to Bernie Sanders , ” Belknap said .

Sen. Bernie Sanders won the endorsement of an influential teachers union in Nevada on Tuesday morning, a key sign of support in the early voting state where unions have significant political power.
“We appreciated that Sen. Sanders came to us, very much reached out to us, and wanted to speak to us,” Clark County Education Association President Vikki Courtney told BuzzFeed News on Monday night. Sanders was the clear leader in a recent straw poll of union members, she said, which was a major factor in the decision.
The union represents 19,000 teachers and other educators in Las Vegas and is the largest teachers union in Nevada. The Clark County School District is the fifth-largest school district in the country.
Courtney said union members were impressed with what Sanders “was raising, his concerns, and how he wanted to support and help educators, and not only the educators but the students themselves, to make sure education was open to all students across the board. It’s important to educators that everyone has access and that they get a good education.”
In a statement, Sanders thanked the union for its support and said he looked forward “to their partnership in transforming our country and defeating the most dangerous president in modern history."
"We’re proud to have teachers as our top donors by occupation because they hold the key to a more prosperous future for younger generations," he said. "Together, we will finally give teachers a much-deserved raise, reinvest in public education, and create an education system that benefits students no matter their background or socioeconomic status.”
In 2016’s presidential primary, Sanders earned endorsements from union locals across the country but lost out to Hillary Clinton on national endorsements including the SEIU, the American Federation of Teachers (AFT), and the National Educators Association (NEA). The discrepancies between union bosses’ endorsements and their members’ support for Sanders caused turmoil within some unions, including the AFL-CIO.
The CCEA is the largest independent teachers union in the nation, after splitting off from the state teachers union and the NEA over disagreements about how revenue from dues was distributed. The endorsement also stands in contrast to the AFT, which has yet to endorse a presidential candidate.
“I just don’t see any of us doing anything before Iowa,” AFT president Randi Weingarten told the New York Times last week, referring to teachers unions. Weingarten has also recently been critical of Medicare For All, a key part of Sanders’ policy platform.
Some labor leaders, including the AFL-CIO’s Richard Trumka and the Culinary Workers Union Local 226 in Las Vegas, have expressed similar skepticism about the health plan, arguing it would hurt their workers by making them give up their union-negotiated health care. Courtney said CCEA members were more interested in candidates’ education plans than their health care proposals.
She pointed to Sanders’ positions on raising teachers’ salaries and college debt forgiveness, which are part of the education plan he released in May last year.
“He is concerned about access to education for kids, for students themselves but also for the adults who are the educators," she said. "The student loan debt is part of that idea, it is hard to achieve when it costs so much to go to school. And that part is important because we’re lacking educators. We’re 1000 teachers short here in Nevada."
One union member, Kenny Belknap, who teaches AP and honors US government at Del Sol Academy in Las Vegas and is a member of the union’s executive board, said Sanders' plan to change standardized testing is among the policies he supports.
“You have to look at the issues, the record that he has, and then also just the general support that our profession lends to Bernie Sanders,” Belknap said.


buzzfeed--2020-01-14--This Is The Democratic Presidential Debate You'll Actually Want To Watch

Tuesday night 's debate in Iowa is the last big , scheduled moment before people actually start voting in the Democratic presidential primaries .
The CNN-Des Moines Register debate will be the smallest stage we 've seen so far , featuring only Joe Biden , Bernie Sanders , Elizabeth Warren , Pete Buttigieg , Amy Klobuchar , and Tom Steyer .
It 'll also be the whitest : Andrew Yang , who was in the last debate , just missed qualifying for this one .
But the smallness of the stage should be a help for voters .
The first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few weeks , on Feb. 3 .
This is the last debate before caucusing begins .
It 's the last chance for some of these candidates to win voters on a debate stage , or change the course of their campaigns .
It , really , is actually a pretty big deal .
Here 's some of what to watch for .
Sanders and Warren are the two leaders in the primary 's left lane , and both are at the top of the latest Des Moines Register Iowa poll .
They 've @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each other , pursuing something of a friendship pact while directing more negative focus elsewhere ( Biden for Sanders , Buttigieg for Warren ) .
That truce looks to be ending pretty dramatically .
Over the weekend , Politico reported that Sanders ' campaign had a script for volunteers that suggested telling voters that Warren was `` bringing no new bases into the Democratic Party . ''
Sanders distanced himself from the script , telling reporters `` no one is going to be attacking Elizabeth , '' but not before Warren said she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is sending his volunteers out to trash me . ''
The bigger moment came Monday , when CNN reported that Sanders told Warren in a private meeting in 2018 that he did not believe a woman could win the presidency .
Sanders denied making that comment .
Hours later , Warren said in a statement that he had .
`` Among the topics that came up was what would happen if Democrats nominated a female candidate , '' Warren said Monday night .
`` I thought a woman could win ; he disagreed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this private meeting any further because Bernie and I have far more in common than our differences on punditry . ''
Before every single debate we 've had so far , someone has pundited that this would be the debate where the gloves would come off and Warren and Sanders would trade their barbs .
To this point , it has not happened even a little .
This debate genuinely feels different .
And it 's impossible to think CNN 's moderators will not ask both candidates about an explosive story first published @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led Iowa polls ( Buttigieg in November , Biden at the outset of the campaign and again in some new polling ) and they 're both squarely in the mix in the top four .
But Buttigieg 's candidacy , like that of many others , has always appeared to hinge on Biden slipping .
Both candidates are pushing a more centrist politics — in the new Des Moines Register poll , majorities of their supporters say it 's important to have a candidate who can bring Republicans into their campaigns — and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Biden has not slipped in Iowa , and at this point it 's getting tricky to imagine what exactly would cause a slip , or what one would look like .
But after being the focus of attacks in the last debate , Buttigieg has a chance now to be less on the defensive Tuesday .
One thing to look out for : how much Buttigieg , who served in Afghanistan , and others go in on Biden 's vote for the Iraq War in 2002 .
Elizabeth Warren has been making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the year : she is the primary 's true unity candidate , the one who can bring supporters of all candidates together in a final race against Trump .
Pete Buttigieg , former mayor of a city in a red state , has been making this argument for months .
Joe Biden , self-determined successor of the Obama coalition who has a huge advantage with black voters , has been making this argument for months .
Amy Klobuchar , moderate who has run up big electoral margins in a purple state , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Even Bernie Sanders has been making a version of this argument , pointing to his supporters ' energy and enthusiasm to win converts .
There 's a reason candidates are locking in on this pitch as voting is set to begin : Democratic voters have consistently said all year that the thing they care about most is `` electability , '' and what better way to show you 're electable than by proving you 're the one that can bring the party together after a long primary with 45 presidential candidates .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to suggest that they 're the true unity candidate .
But the argument is about feel as much as anything : who can voters imagine leading the other candidates on stage , and their supporters , joyfully behind them come summer ?
Democrats get freaked out by the idea of long-running internal conflict — some might still remember the pro-Clinton PUMA faction against Obama in 2008 , most definitely remember the bad feelings between Sanders and Clinton supporters in 2016 .
Tuesday night gives candidates a chance to convince voters they 're best @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the stage gets even smaller .
Who does Amy Klobuchar like most ?
Klobuchar has exceeded most expectations for her campaign , outlasting flashier candidates like Kamala Harris , Cory Booker , and Beto O'Rourke and qualifying for the last debate before the Iowa caucuses ahead of Andrew Yang .
But as of right now , her odds of truly breaking through remain low : the Iowa poll showed her with 6 % support among the state 's Democrats — which is impressive , but well outside the top four .
That level @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state 's threshold for viability on caucus night .
This gets a touch confusing — the simplest way of thinking about this is that in Iowa 's system , if a candidate is not able to hit a certain level of support in the first vote at a particular caucus , that candidate is eliminated in that caucus and their supporters are able to vote for one of the remaining candidates .
In a super tight race like this one appears to be , Klobuchar 's 6 % ( and the current 5 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not debating Tuesday ) could make a winner .
So ... does Klobuchar give any indication of where her supporters could land in caucuses where she 's not viable ?
The Minnesota senator has spent her campaign arguing that she 's the best bet to beat Trump , a pragmatic moderate who has won voters in Republican areas and is an antagonist of some progressive priorities like Medicare for all .
She also used much of her speaking time in the last debate to attack the qualifications of one of the other candidates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pete Buttigieg .

Tonight's debate in Iowa was the last big, scheduled moment before people actually start voting in the Democratic presidential primaries.
The debate hosted by CNN and the Des Moines Register is the smallest stage we've seen so far, featuring only Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Pete Buttigieg, Amy Klobuchar, and Tom Steyer. It's also the whitest: Andrew Yang, who was in the last debate, just missed qualifying for this one.
But the smallness of the stage should be a help for voters. The first voting starts in Iowa in just a few weeks, on Feb. 3. This is the last debate before caucusing begins. It's the last chance for some of these candidates to win voters on a debate stage or change the course of their campaigns. It, really, is actually a pretty big deal.
Here's some of what to watch for.
Sanders vs. Warren
Sanders and Warren are the two leaders in the primary's left lane, and both are at the top of the latest Des Moines Register Iowa poll. They've also historically been extra hesitant to criticize each other, pursuing something of a friendship pact while directing more negative focus elsewhere (Biden for Sanders, Buttigieg for Warren).
That truce looks to be ending pretty dramatically.
Over the weekend, Politico reported that Sanders' campaign had a script for volunteers that suggested telling voters that Warren was "bringing no new bases into the Democratic Party." Sanders distanced himself from the script, telling reporters "no one is going to be attacking Elizabeth," but not before Warren said she was "disappointed to hear that Bernie is sending his volunteers out to trash me."
The bigger moment came Monday, when CNN reported that Sanders told Warren in a private meeting in 2018 that he did not believe a woman could win the presidency. Sanders denied making that comment.
Hours later, Warren said in a statement that he had. "Among the topics that came up was what would happen if Democrats nominated a female candidate," Warren said Monday night. "I thought a woman could win; he disagreed. I have no interest in discussing this private meeting any further because Bernie and I have far more in common than our differences on punditry."
Before every single debate we've had so far, someone has pundited that this would be the debate where the gloves would come off and Warren and Sanders would trade their barbs. To this point, it has not happened even a little.
This debate genuinely feels different. And it's impossible to think CNN's moderators will not ask both candidates about an explosive story first published by CNN's reporters.
Can Buttigieg upstage Biden?
Both have led Iowa polls (Buttigieg in November, Biden at the outset of the campaign and again in some new polling), and they're both squarely in the mix in the top four.
But Buttigieg's candidacy, like that of many others, has always appeared to hinge on Biden slipping. Both candidates are pushing a more centrist politics — in the new Des Moines Register poll, majorities of their supporters say it's important to have a candidate who can bring Republicans into their campaigns — and they appeal to similar sets of voters.
Biden has not slipped in Iowa, and at this point it's getting tricky to imagine what exactly would cause a slip, or what one would look like. But after being the focus of attacks in the last debate, Buttigieg has a chance now to be less on the defensive Tuesday. One thing to look out for: how much Buttigieg, who served in Afghanistan, and others go in on Biden's vote for the Iraq War in 2002.
Who's the "unity" candidate?
Elizabeth Warren has been making a very explicit pitch since the start of the year: She is the primary's true unity candidate, the one who can bring supporters of all candidates together in a final race against Trump.
Pete Buttigieg, a former mayor of a city in a red state, has been making this argument for months. Joe Biden, a self-determined successor of the Obama coalition who has a huge advantage with black voters, has been making this argument for months. Amy Klobuchar, a moderate who has run up big electoral margins in a purple state, has been making this argument for months. Even Bernie Sanders has been making a version of this argument, pointing to his supporters' energy and enthusiasm to win converts.
There's a reason candidates are locking in on this pitch as voting is set to begin: Democratic voters have consistently said all year that the thing they care about most is "electability," and what better way to show you're electable than by proving you're the one that can bring the party together after a long primary with 45 presidential candidates.
Each candidate can pick and choose data to suggest that they're the true unity candidate. But the argument is about feeling as much as anything: Who can voters imagine leading the other candidates onstage, and their supporters, joyfully behind them come summer? Democrats get freaked out by the idea of long-running internal conflict — some might still remember the pro-Clinton PUMA faction against Obama in 2008, most definitely remember the bad feelings between Sanders and Clinton supporters in 2016. Tuesday night gives candidates a chance to convince voters they're best positioned to head that off, before the stage gets even smaller.
Whom does Amy Klobuchar like most?
Klobuchar has exceeded most expectations for her campaign, outlasting flashier candidates like Kamala Harris, Cory Booker, and Beto O'Rourke and qualifying for the last debate before the Iowa caucuses ahead of Andrew Yang. But as of right now, her odds of truly breaking through remain low: the Iowa poll showed her with 6% support among the state's Democrats — which is impressive, but well outside the top four.
That level of support would leave her below the state's threshold for viability on caucus night. This gets a touch confusing — the simplest way of thinking about this is that in Iowa's system, if a candidate is not able to hit a certain level of support in the first vote at a particular caucus, that candidate is eliminated in that caucus and their supporters are able to vote for one of the remaining candidates.
In a super-tight race like this one appears to be, Klobuchar's 6% (and the current 5% from Andrew Yang, who's not debating Tuesday) could make a winner.
So...does Klobuchar give any indication of where her supporters could land in caucuses where she's not viable? The Minnesota senator has spent her campaign arguing that she's the best bet to beat Trump, a pragmatic moderate who has won voters in Republican areas and is an antagonist of some progressive priorities like Medicare for All. She also used much of her speaking time in the last debate to attack the qualifications of one of the other candidates who has tried making similar arguments: Pete Buttigieg.


buzzfeed--2020-01-14--Apple Said It Is Helping In The Pensacola Shooting Investigation, But It Won't Unlock The Shooter's

Apple Said It Is Helping In The Pensacola Shooting Investigation, But It Won't Unlock The Shooter's iPhones

Apple denied a request from US Attorney General Bill Barr Monday evening to unlock two iPhones belonging to the Saudi Air Force cadet who killed three sailors and wounded eight others in a shooting at a naval air station in Pensacola , Florida , last month .
`` We reject the characterization that Apple has not provided substantive assistance in the Pensacola investigation .
Our responses to their many requests since the attack have been timely , thorough and are ongoing , '' the company said in a statement .
`` We responded to each request promptly , often within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Jacksonville , Pensacola and New York .
The queries resulted in many gigabytes of information that we turned over to investigators .
In every instance , we responded with all of the information that we had . ''
But Apple said nothing about actually unlocking the gunman 's two iPhones .
Instead , it reiterated its stance on privacy .
`` We have always maintained there is no such thing as a backdoor just for the good guys , '' the company explained .
`` Backdoors can also be exploited by those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ data security of our customers .
... We feel strongly encryption is vital to protecting our country and our users ' data .
Earlier on Monday , Barr declared that the shooting was an act of terrorism and asked the company to unlock two phones — an iPhone 7 and an iPhone 5 — belonging to the gunman , who died in a shootout with security officers .
“ We have asked Apple for their help in unlocking the shooter ’ s iPhones .
So far Apple has not given us any substantive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ press conference .
`` This situation perfectly illustrates why it is critical that investigators be able to get access to digital evidence once they have obtained a court order based on probable cause .
We call on Apple and other technology companies to help us find a solution so that we can better protect the lives of Americans and prevent future attacks . ''
During the attack , the shooter placed one of his phones on the ground and shot a single round into it .
The other phone was undamaged .
Although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the damaged phone , they have not been able to unlock it or the second phone , which Barr said the FBI needed to do to `` run down all leads and figure out with whom the shooter was communicating . ''
This is not the first time that Apple has squared off against federal law enforcement in defense of its users ' privacy , arguing that agreeing to such a request would require Apple to build a backdoor around its fingerprint-based encryption and set a dangerous precedent .
In 2015 , Apple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FBI by unlocking the iPhone belonging to another mass shooter — one of two terrorists who killed 14 people in San Bernardino .
In that case , the standoff was resolved after a private company working for the FBI found a way to unlock the phone .
“ We ’ re not trying to weaken encryption , to be clear , ” David Bowdich , the deputy director of the FBI , said at the news conference .
In his remarks , Barr suggested that the Trump administration had begun discussing legislation to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in cases such as these .
Barr 's request also drew criticism from civil libertarians : `` The government ’ s demand would weaken the security of millions of iPhones , and is dangerous and unconstitutional , '' ACLU surveillance and cybersecurity counsel Jennifer Granick said in a statement .
`` There is simply no way for Apple , or any other company , to provide the FBI access to encrypted communications without also providing it to authoritarian foreign governments and weakening our defenses against criminals and hackers . ''
We were devastated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on members of the US armed services at the Naval Air Station in Pensacola , Florida on December 6th .
We have the greatest respect for law enforcement and routinely work with police across the country on their investigations .
When law enforcement requests our assistance , our teams work around the clock to provide them with the information we have .
We reject the characterization that Apple has not provided substantive assistance in the Pensacola investigation .
Our responses to their many requests since the attack have been timely , thorough and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FBI ’ s first request on December 6th , we produced a wide variety of information associated with the investigation .
From December 7th through the 14th , we received six additional legal requests and in response provided information including iCloud backups , account information and transactional data for multiple accounts .
We responded to each request promptly , often within hours , sharing information with FBI offices in Jacksonville , Pensacola and New York .
The queries resulted in many gigabytes of information that we turned over to investigators .
In every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the information that we had .
The FBI only notified us on January 6th that they needed additional assistance — a month after the attack occurred .
Only then did we learn about the existence of a second iPhone associated with the investigation and the FBI 's inability to access either iPhone .
It was not until January 8th that we received a subpoena for information related to the second iPhone , which we responded to within hours .
Early outreach is critical to accessing information and finding additional options .
We are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and our engineering teams recently had a call to provide additional technical assistance .
Apple has great respect for the Bureau ’ s work , and we will work tirelessly to help them investigate this tragic attack on our nation .
We have always maintained there is no such thing as a backdoor just for the good guys .
Backdoors can also be exploited by those who threaten our national security and the data security of our customers .
Today , law enforcement has access to more data than ever before in history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choose between weakening encryption and solving investigations .
We feel strongly encryption is vital to protecting our country and our users ' data .

Apple denied a request from US Attorney General Bill Barr Monday evening to unlock two iPhones belonging to the Saudi Air Force cadet who killed three sailors and wounded eight others in a shooting at a naval air station in Pensacola, Florida, last month.
"We reject the characterization that Apple has not provided substantive assistance in the Pensacola investigation. Our responses to their many requests since the attack have been timely, thorough and are ongoing," the company said in a statement. "We responded to each request promptly, often within hours, sharing information with FBI offices in Jacksonville, Pensacola and New York. The queries resulted in many gigabytes of information that we turned over to investigators. In every instance, we responded with all of the information that we had."
But Apple said nothing about actually unlocking the gunman's two iPhones. Instead, it reiterated its stance on privacy.
"We have always maintained there is no such thing as a backdoor just for the good guys," the company explained. "Backdoors can also be exploited by those who threaten our national security and the data security of our customers. ... We feel strongly encryption is vital to protecting our country and our users' data.
Earlier on Monday, Barr declared that the shooting was an act of terrorism and asked the company to unlock two phones — an iPhone 7 and an iPhone 5 — belonging to the gunman, who died in a shootout with security officers.
“We have asked Apple for their help in unlocking the shooter’s iPhones. So far Apple has not given us any substantive assistance," Barr said in a press conference. "This situation perfectly illustrates why it is critical that investigators be able to get access to digital evidence once they have obtained a court order based on probable cause. We call on Apple and other technology companies to help us find a solution so that we can better protect the lives of Americans and prevent future attacks."
During the attack, the shooter placed one of his phones on the ground and shot a single round into it. The other phone was undamaged. Although FBI agents have been able to reconstruct the damaged phone, they have not been able to unlock it or the second phone, which Barr said the FBI needed to do to "run down all leads and figure out with whom the shooter was communicating."
This is not the first time that Apple has squared off against federal law enforcement in defense of its users' privacy, arguing that agreeing to such a request would require Apple to build a backdoor around its fingerprint-based encryption and set a dangerous precedent.
In 2015, Apple defied a court order to assist the FBI by unlocking the iPhone belonging to another mass shooter — one of two terrorists who killed 14 people in San Bernardino. In that case, the standoff was resolved after a private company working for the FBI found a way to unlock the phone.
“We’re not trying to weaken encryption, to be clear,” David Bowdich, the deputy director of the FBI, said at the news conference.
In his remarks, Barr suggested that the Trump administration had begun discussing legislation to provide law enforcement access to encrypted phones in cases such as these.
Barr's request also drew criticism from civil libertarians: "The government’s demand would weaken the security of millions of iPhones, and is dangerous and unconstitutional," ACLU surveillance and cybersecurity counsel Jennifer Granick said in a statement. "There is simply no way for Apple, or any other company, to provide the FBI access to encrypted communications without also providing it to authoritarian foreign governments and weakening our defenses against criminals and hackers."
Update, Jan. 14:
The day following Apple's response, President Donald Trump sharply criticized the company on Twitter: "We are helping Apple all of the time on TRADE and so many other issues, and yet they refuse to unlock phones used by killers, drug dealers and other violent criminal elements," he wrote on Tuesday evening.


buzzfeed--2020-01-14--Black Lives Matter Activists Won’t Leave Pete Buttigieg Alone

DES MOINES — Bruce Sanders Lehnertz went to Pete Buttigieg ’ s town hall forum Sunday night aware that the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana — his first choice in next month ’ s first Democratic presidential caucuses — has struggled to win support from black voters .
It didn ’ t make sense to him .
But Sanders Lehnertz , who is white and from a state that is more than 90 % white , acknowledged he himself didn ’ t “ have that much exposure to nonwhite people.
” “ I kind of want to sit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hispanics and Asians and say , ‘ OK , what are you about ?
’ ” he told BuzzFeed News as he waited for the event to begin .
“ Just kind of get a better perspective of those other races.
” Minutes later , Sanders Lehnertz heard a small group of people of color loud and clear .
He heard several Black Lives Matter protesters who had traveled from South Bend to interrupt Buttigieg ’ s speech , laying out a list of concerns about how his policies as mayor had failed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buttigieg tell the protesters he would “ like to talk about it respectfully.
” And he heard the mostly white Buttigieg crowd chant the campaign ’ s phonetic rallying cry — “ BOOT EDGE EDGE !
BOOT EDGE EDGE !
” — in an attempt to drown out the protesters .
BLM activists opposed to Buttigieg ’ s candidacy have stepped up their efforts to be heard in the final weeks before the first votes of the 2020 primary are counted in two mostly white states , Iowa and New Hampshire .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buttigieg ’ s work on policing , housing , and social justice mostly represent the view of a vocal minority .
But they hang heavily over his presidential campaign : A national poll last week put him at just 2 % support among black voters , a key demographic for Democrats .
South Bend–based BLM activists , who have been holding semiregular press conferences and calls with reporters , started by trailing Buttigieg last week to fundraisers in Los Angeles .
Another group was waiting for him in Iowa when he arrived Sunday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him to two events the next day , though they remained outside during town hall forums in Winterset and at Iowa State University in Ames after they were told they could not circulate their flyers , which carried the headline : “ Mayor Pete Has a Black Problem.
” The activists also said they plan to be on Drake University ’ s campus during Tuesday ’ s Democratic debate .
Sunday night ’ s disruption started with what appeared to be a diversion .
About halfway through Buttigieg ’ s stump speech , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Historical Museum of Iowa signaled a need for medical assistance .
“ Can we get medical support ?
” Buttigieg called out .
Within seconds , Buttigieg , a confused look on his face , was engaged in a debate with someone at the front of the room .
( A BLM activist declined to comment when asked if his group was responsible for the call for help . )
Most of the conversation was audible only on one end — Buttigieg , holding the microphone , offered several perfunctory “ Mm-hmm ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for veterans who are homeless , Buttigieg mentioned initiatives undertaken in South Bend to correct the problem .
( Homelessness in South Bend dropped by nearly a third during Buttigieg 's administration , his campaign says . )
“ And if you don ’ t mind my asking , ” Buttigieg asked his interlocutor , “ were you there to help us in that effort ?
” The conversation went on a bit longer as uniformed police officers approached the stage .
Buttigieg kept a calm demeanor but was noticeably frustrated with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are a little wrong , so I ’ d love the chance to talk with you about it , but I ’ d like for us to talk about it respectfully , ” he said .
“ Can we agree , ” he pleaded , “ that we can talk about this respectfully ?
” A woman near the front shouted out in response : “ We ’ ve been trying to talk to you since South Bend , Pete !
” That ’ s when Buttigieg ’ s supporters in the crowd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their chants .
“ I ’ m sorry , ” he said , “ but this is not the best way to have this conversation.
” The protesters — there were at least four — began to chant back as police led them out of the museum .
As the nearly four-minute disruption winded down , Buttigieg returned his attention to the audience , seeming satisfied : “ Can we hear it one more time for the idea of respectful , honest , open , and transparent dialogue ?
” His supporters were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Urbandale Democrat who supported Bernie Sanders in 2016 and has signed on as a caucus precinct captain for Buttigieg this time , said he thought Buttigieg handled the incident well .
“ When you ’ re dealing with Donald Trump , they ’ re going to try to throw you off all the time .
I think he ’ s going to handle that better than all of the candidates , ” Smith said .
“ I said this to someone before the event started tonight , ” Smith added .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happen tonight , not because I wanted a disruption , but because I wanted people to see that he was trying to interact and respond to people who differ with him .
People with concerns have a lot of campaigns to deal with .
The fact that they ’ re choosing to come here means a little something , I think.
” This tendency to look on the bright side recalled sentiments from supporters last year : During Buttigieg 's first swing through Iowa after announcing his candidacy , a heckler dressed as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ man who would be the country ’ s first gay president .
“ Look , the next president is going to have to confront things a lot more challenging than being interrupted or having to talk over a little noise at an event , ” Buttigieg told reporters after one of those events .
“ It may be irritating , but it ’ s also part of the landscape.
” Criticism of Buttigieg ’ s work in communities of color is at odds with his reputation among black leaders in South Bend .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ late last year by endorsing Joe Biden — but other black officials and activists in the city have endorsed Buttigieg or at least defended him against the attack that he doesn ’ t listen to black voices .
And some critics have praised him for how he has listened and responded to their concerns .
The activists have been persistent , though .
Some of those from South Bend — including those who disrupted a community meeting with Buttigieg allies last month — are openly supporting Sanders for president .
Campaign officials are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ travel .
Jorden Giger , a BLM activist from South Bend who also is involved with the pro-Sanders group Our Revolution , told BuzzFeed News via email Monday that BLM members “ raised money ourselves ” and collaborated with a BLM chapter in Los Angeles to pay for their efforts .
“ We have not provided any financial assistance or funding to BLM or BLM South Bend , including travel , ” Our Revolution ’ s Paco Fabian told BuzzFeed News .
“ Our members are volunteers , and many of our volunteers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaigns and organizations — environmental , labor , anti-gun violence , etc.
” BLM activists in Iowa this week said they were treated respectfully by Buttigieg supporters and the police officers who responded at the Des Moines town hall .
Chris Broadnax , the activist who first confronted Buttigieg in Des Moines , said he was disappointed in the former mayor 's response , which he found demeaning .
But he had meaningful conversations with voters after the event , he said : “ I really believe we changed a few minds and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have voted for Pete.
” Asked for his thoughts on how the Buttigieg supporters in Des Moines responded to their disturbance , Emmanuel Cannaday , another activist , smiled brightly .
“ We ’ re in Iowa , ” he said .
“ Everybody ’ s nice .
”

DES MOINES — Bruce Sanders Lehnertz went to Pete Buttigieg’s town hall forum Sunday night aware that the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana — his first choice in next month’s first Democratic presidential caucuses — has struggled to win support from black voters.
It didn’t make sense to him. But Sanders Lehnertz, who is white and from a state that is more than 90% white, acknowledged he himself didn’t “have that much exposure to nonwhite people.”
“I kind of want to sit down with a group of blacks and Hispanics and Asians and say, ‘OK, what are you about?’” he told BuzzFeed News as he waited for the event to begin. “Just kind of get a better perspective of those other races.”
Minutes later, Sanders Lehnertz heard a small group of people of color loud and clear. He heard several Black Lives Matter protesters who had traveled from South Bend to interrupt Buttigieg’s speech, laying out a list of concerns about how his policies as mayor had failed communities of color there. He heard Buttigieg tell the protesters he would “like to talk about it respectfully.”
And he heard the mostly white Buttigieg crowd chant the campaign’s phonetic rallying cry — “BOOT EDGE EDGE! BOOT EDGE EDGE!” — in an attempt to drown out the protesters.
BLM activists opposed to Buttigieg’s candidacy have stepped up their efforts to be heard in the final weeks before the first votes of the 2020 primary are counted in two mostly white states, Iowa and New Hampshire.
In South Bend, activists’ frustrations over Buttigieg’s work on policing, housing, and social justice mostly represent the view of a vocal minority. But they hang heavily over his presidential campaign: A national poll last week put him at just 2% support among black voters, a key demographic for Democrats.
South Bend–based BLM activists, who have been holding semiregular press conferences and calls with reporters, started by trailing Buttigieg last week to fundraisers in Los Angeles. Another group was waiting for him in Iowa when he arrived Sunday for the town hall. They followed him to two events the next day, though they remained outside during town hall forums in Winterset and at Iowa State University in Ames after they were told they could not circulate their flyers, which carried the headline: “Mayor Pete Has a Black Problem.”
The activists also said they plan to be on Drake University’s campus during Tuesday’s Democratic debate.
Sunday night’s disruption started with what appeared to be a diversion. About halfway through Buttigieg’s stump speech, someone near the stage at the State Historical Museum of Iowa signaled a need for medical assistance.
“Can we get medical support?” Buttigieg called out.
Within seconds, Buttigieg, a confused look on his face, was engaged in a debate with someone at the front of the room. (A BLM activist declined to comment when asked if his group was responsible for the call for help.)
Most of the conversation was audible only on one end — Buttigieg, holding the microphone, offered several perfunctory “Mm-hmm”s. Responding to concerns about care for veterans who are homeless, Buttigieg mentioned initiatives undertaken in South Bend to correct the problem. (Homelessness in South Bend dropped by nearly a third during Buttigieg's administration, his campaign says.)
“And if you don’t mind my asking,” Buttigieg asked his interlocutor, “were you there to help us in that effort?”
The conversation went on a bit longer as uniformed police officers approached the stage. Buttigieg kept a calm demeanor but was noticeably frustrated with the exchange. “I think your facts are a little wrong, so I’d love the chance to talk with you about it, but I’d like for us to talk about it respectfully,” he said.
“Can we agree,” he pleaded, “that we can talk about this respectfully?”
A woman near the front shouted out in response: “We’ve been trying to talk to you since South Bend, Pete!”
That’s when Buttigieg’s supporters in the crowd — about 750 of them — began their chants.
“I’m sorry,” he said, “but this is not the best way to have this conversation.”
The protesters — there were at least four — began to chant back as police led them out of the museum.
As the nearly four-minute disruption winded down, Buttigieg returned his attention to the audience, seeming satisfied: “Can we hear it one more time for the idea of respectful, honest, open, and transparent dialogue?”
His supporters were mostly unfazed.
Rick Smith, an Urbandale Democrat who supported Bernie Sanders in 2016 and has signed on as a caucus precinct captain for Buttigieg this time, said he thought Buttigieg handled the incident well.
“When you’re dealing with Donald Trump, they’re going to try to throw you off all the time. I think he’s going to handle that better than all of the candidates,” Smith said.
“I said this to someone before the event started tonight,” Smith added. “I kind of hoped something like that would happen tonight, not because I wanted a disruption, but because I wanted people to see that he was trying to interact and respond to people who differ with him. People with concerns have a lot of campaigns to deal with. The fact that they’re choosing to come here means a little something, I think.”
This tendency to look on the bright side recalled sentiments from supporters last year: During Buttigieg's first swing through Iowa after announcing his candidacy, a heckler dressed as the devil hurled anti-gay slurs at the man who would be the country’s first gay president.
“Look, the next president is going to have to confront things a lot more challenging than being interrupted or having to talk over a little noise at an event,” Buttigieg told reporters after one of those events. “It may be irritating, but it’s also part of the landscape.”
Criticism of Buttigieg’s work in communities of color is at odds with his reputation among black leaders in South Bend. A black former city councillor made waves late last year by endorsing Joe Biden — but other black officials and activists in the city have endorsed Buttigieg or at least defended him against the attack that he doesn’t listen to black voices. And some critics have praised him for how he has listened and responded to their concerns.
The activists have been persistent, though. Some of those from South Bend — including those who disrupted a community meeting with Buttigieg allies last month — are openly supporting Sanders for president. Campaign officials are suspicious about who’s funding their travel. Jorden Giger, a BLM activist from South Bend who also is involved with the pro-Sanders group Our Revolution, told BuzzFeed News via email Monday that BLM members “raised money ourselves” and collaborated with a BLM chapter in Los Angeles to pay for their efforts.
“We have not provided any financial assistance or funding to BLM or BLM South Bend, including travel,” Our Revolution’s Paco Fabian told BuzzFeed News. “Our members are volunteers, and many of our volunteers are involved in a variety of issue campaigns and organizations — environmental, labor, anti-gun violence, etc.”
BLM activists in Iowa this week said they were treated respectfully by Buttigieg supporters and the police officers who responded at the Des Moines town hall.
Chris Broadnax, the activist who first confronted Buttigieg in Des Moines, said he was disappointed in the former mayor's response, which he found demeaning. But he had meaningful conversations with voters after the event, he said: “I really believe we changed a few minds and maybe even switched some people who might have voted for Pete.”
Asked for his thoughts on how the Buttigieg supporters in Des Moines responded to their disturbance, Emmanuel Cannaday, another activist, smiled brightly.
“We’re in Iowa,” he said. “Everybody’s nice.”