buzzfeed--2020-02-02--Who Is The Yang Gang’s Second Choice? His Diehard Supporters Aren’t Sure They Have One

BOONE , Iowa — Andrew Yang has pitched himself as the only Democratic candidate who can unite people from across the political spectrum to join his campaign or to vote for a Democrat for the first time .
But the ideological diversity of Yang ’ s supporters ’ could have unpredictable consequences on the night of the Iowa caucus .
Voters confess to Yang that they voted for Trump in the last election or that they ’ re a former Republican and had only registered as a Democrat to vote for him .
In interviews with over a dozen Yang @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before Monday ’ s caucuses , it was clear that Yang supporters ’ wide range of political ideologies has made it hard for them to coalesce behind a particular candidate who they ’ d support during a realignment vote if Yang doesn ’ t reach the viability threshold — 15 % on the first round — or if they ’ d even continue voting for a Democrat in the caucus and in the general election at all .
Dena , 39 , and Chris Hilpipre , 42 — a married couple from Mitchellville @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first choice .
Chris got his introduction to Yang through Joe Rogan 's podcast , and `` I liked what he was talking about so much .
It just made sense to me . ''
`` He ’ s not a politician , he ’ s a normal person like us , '' Dena , a purchasing buyer , said .
Chris , a programmer for the Iowa Department of Transportation , said Yang 's `` argument for what AI is doing to society really spoke to me and made a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meet the threshold at their caucus site , however , they 're not decided on what to do .
`` There ’ s a big potential for us not to move anywhere , '' Chris said .
`` It ’ s just really something I ’ d have to feel on the night I think .
There ’ s other candidates I like . ''
`` There ’ s nobody that really compares '' to Yang , Dena said .
Though Chris likes Bernie Sanders , he does n't think his plans are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ probably would n't move to Sanders during the caucus process and does n't expect him to be viable at their caucus site .
Yang has hinted that his supporters might gravitate towards the Sanders campaign , telling a Bloomberg News roundtable last week “ there ’ s a lot of overlap in support.
” But he admitted on Sunday that he did not know where his supporters would end up .
“ We have a very , very diverse group of supporters .
I can ’ t speak for where they would head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s This Week .
“ I do have a sense that many of them have supported Bernie in the past but many of them supported President Trump and they might just leave.
” Yang added that his campaign doesn ’ t currently have plans to direct his supporters to support a particular candidate during a realignment vote .
That he is drawing so many different kinds of supporters is key to his electability pitch .
“ What ’ s the number one criteria Democrats are looking for in a nominee ?
To beat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a town hall in Boone .
“ People who are betting cash on this have me as the heaviest favorite to beat Donald Trump .
The next best candidate is even money.
” “ I ’ m going to throw a couple of facts out for you , ” Yang added .
“ One survey said 18 % of college Republicans would choose me over the president .
Another poll said that 10 % of Trump voters in the state of New Hampshire would choose me over the president.
” During a packed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a student told Yang that he ’ d never donated to a Democrat before and asked if he could give him the $ 35 in his pocket—Yang told him to find someone to caucus instead and at his final Iowa rally in Des Moines he asked supporters who ’ d voted for Trump in 2016 to raise their hands .
Over a dozen hands shot up before he asked the audience to give them a round of applause .
In the latest poll from Monmouth University , Yang had support from 3 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 4 % of those Iowans indicated that he ’ d be their second choice .
Two sisters from West Des Moines , Natalie Jensen , 23 , and Gloria Jensen , 26 , both decked out in Yang merch , attended Yang ’ s Saturday night rally in Des Moines together ; they had become Yang fans around last October .
Both were firm that they were going on Monday to caucus for Yang .
But they had differing perspectives on what they would do if Yang did n't cross the threshold to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ My plan is to go gung-ho on Yang and If I have to snag some Tulsis or whoever I possibly can to make Yang viable — and then I haven ’ t decided if I ’ m just gon na leave or not after that , '' Natalie Jensen said .
`` As of right now for me I would go to Sanders , but I ’ m gon na look more tomorrow at both Warren and Sanders policies just to make up my mind , '' Gloria Jensen said .
“ His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country forward and uniting the country , ” Paige Bortman , a 26-year-old independent voter who leans Republican , told BuzzFeed News .
“ I was considering supporting Trump in 2016 but I ended up not voting .
If Yang doesn ’ t reach viability at my caucus then I ’ m probably just going to go home.
” She added that none of the other Democratic candidates have been able to catch her interest .
“ I was a Republican and I switched my registration to caucus just for Andrew , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from central Iowa .
“ I ’ m not planning on caucusing for anyone else on Monday if he doesn ’ t reach viability and if he doesn ’ t get the nominee then I ’ m voting for Trump.
” Dave Waters , from Boone , said he ’ s read every candidates ’ book and seen every one of them in person and that he ’ s committed to caucusing for Yang as his first choice .
“ It ’ s very likely in my precinct , ” Waters said about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He added that he and his wife have been weighing the pros and cons of each candidate and have been wavering between supporting Sen. Elizabeth Warren or Pete Buttigieg during their realignment vote .
“ I ’ m not planning on caucusing for Bernie at all , but if he got the nomination I ’ d gladly vote for him ” Sanders organizers on college campuses like Iowa State University said they ’ ve been having conversations with Yang supporters about Sanders policies and asking them if they ’ d be open to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reach the viability threshold .
After a Yang event in Boone , a college student decked in Bernie gear who ’ d flown in from Kansas to volunteer for Sanders told BuzzFeed News she ’ d been independently talking to Yang supporters about supporting Sanders as a second choice .
If there is a plan for Yang to push his supporters toward a particular candidate it may be a hard sell for the voters and precinct captains who ’ ve settled on caucusing for him .
Two Yang precinct captains stood near each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Des Moines .
Both were from outside Iowa ; Christina Lee Shane had driven all the way from San Antonio , Texas to volunteer , and Emilio Medina , holding a large Yang flag , had left Minnesota to be in Davenport , Iowa for a month volunteering .
They were both serving as precinct captains in Muscatine .
They did n't directly answer when asked what their instructions had been from the campaign in terms of guiding their caucus-goers in case Yang did n't meet the threshold .
`` We ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caucus trainings and we have strategies of course , but ... '' Shane said , trailing off .
`` I ’ m not at liberty to say , but I would just say that the Yang campaign has a brilliant and genius revolutionary strategy that we ’ re going to be working on , '' Medina said .
Another precinct captain , Rafael C ( who declined to provide his last name ) , who had left his home in Miami to come to Iowa and pitch in with the Yang campaign , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the Yang Gang is you can ask five different people what their second choice is and all five of them will give you different answers .
You can get Bernie , you can get Trump , you can get Amy Klobuchar , you can get Biden . ''
`` I don ’ t think he ’ s going to be unviable in most precincts , I think we ’ re in a very good position , but in the case that he ’ s unviable I think it ’ s very unpredictable @ @ @ @ @

BOONE, Iowa — Andrew Yang has pitched himself as the only Democratic candidate who can unite people from across the political spectrum to join his campaign or to vote for a Democrat for the first time. But the ideological diversity of Yang’s supporters could have unpredictable consequences on the night of the Iowa caucus.
Voters confess to Yang that they voted for Trump in the last election or that they’re a former Republican and had only registered as a Democrat to vote for him. In interviews with over a dozen Yang supporters across Iowa in the final days before Monday’s caucuses, it was clear that Yang supporters’ wide range of political ideologies has made it hard for them to coalesce behind a particular candidate who they’d support during a realignment vote if Yang doesn’t reach the viability threshold — 15% on the first round — or if they’d even continue voting for a Democrat in the caucus and in the general election at all.
Dena, 39, and Chris Hilpipre, 42 — a married couple from Mitchellville — are committed to Yang as their first choice. Chris got his introduction to Yang through Joe Rogan's podcast, and "I liked what he was talking about so much. It just made sense to me."
"He’s not a politician, he’s a normal person like us," said Dena, a purchasing buyer. Chris, a programmer for the Iowa Department of Transportation, said Yang's "argument for what AI is doing to society really spoke to me and made a lot of sense."
If Yang doesn't meet the threshold at their caucus site, however, they're not decided on what to do. "There’s a big potential for us not to move anywhere," Chris said. "It’s just really something I’d have to feel on the night I think. There’s other candidates I like."
"There’s nobody that really compares" to Yang, Dena said. Though Chris likes Bernie Sanders, he doesn't think his plans are "viable," and said he probably wouldn't move to Sanders during the caucus process and doesn't expect him to be viable at their caucus site.
Yang has hinted that his supporters might gravitate toward the Sanders campaign, telling a Bloomberg News roundtable last week “there’s a lot of overlap in support.” But he admitted on Sunday that he did not know where his supporters would end up.
“We have a very, very diverse group of supporters. I can’t speak for where they would head,” Yang said on ABC’s This Week. “I do have a sense that many of them have supported Bernie in the past, but many of them supported President Trump and they might just leave.” Yang added that his campaign doesn’t currently have plans to direct his supporters to support a particular candidate during a realignment vote.
That he is drawing so many different kinds of supporters is key to his electability pitch. “What’s the number one criteria Democrats are looking for in a nominee? To beat Trump,” Yang told the audience at a town hall in Boone. “People who are betting cash on this have me as the heaviest favorite to beat Donald Trump. The next best candidate is even money.”
“I’m going to throw a couple of facts out for you,” Yang added. “One survey said 18% of college Republicans would choose me over the president. Another poll said that 10% of Trump voters in the state of New Hampshire would choose me over the president.”
During a packed town hall at a Mexican restaurant, a student told Yang that he’d never donated to a Democrat before and asked if he could give him the $35 in his pocket — Yang told him to find someone to caucus instead. At his final Iowa rally in Des Moines, Yang asked supporters who’d voted for Trump in 2016 to raise their hands. Over a dozen hands shot up before he asked the audience to give them a round of applause.
In the latest poll from Monmouth University, Yang had support from 3% of likely caucus goers in Iowa and 4% of those Iowans indicated that he’d be their second choice.
Two sisters from West Des Moines, Natalie Jensen, 23, and Gloria Jensen, 26, both decked out in Yang merch, attended Yang’s Saturday night rally in Des Moines together; they had become Yang fans around last October. Both were firm that they were going on Monday to caucus for Yang. But they had differing perspectives on what they would do if Yang didn't cross the threshold to stay viable during the caucus. "My plan is to go gung ho on Yang and If I have to snag some Tulsis or whoever I possibly can to make Yang viable — and then I haven’t decided if I’m just gonna leave or not after that," Natalie Jensen said.
"As of right now for me, I would go to Sanders, but I’m gonna look more tomorrow at both Warren and Sanders' policies just to make up my mind," Gloria Jensen said.
“His message is really about humanity and moving the country forward and uniting the country,” Paige Bortman, a 26-year-old independent voter who leans Republican, told BuzzFeed News. “I was considering supporting Trump in 2016, but I ended up not voting. If Yang doesn’t reach viability at my caucus, then I’m probably just going to go home.”
She added that none of the other Democratic candidates have been able to catch her interest.
“I was a Republican. and I switched my registration to caucus just for Andrew,” said Christy Thede, a voter from central Iowa. “I’m not planning on caucusing for anyone else on Monday if he doesn’t reach viability and if he doesn’t get the nominee then I’m voting for Trump.”
Dave Waters, from Boone, said he’s read every candidates’ book and seen every one of them in person and that he’s committed to caucusing for Yang as his first choice.
“It’s very likely in my precinct,” Waters said about Yang not reaching the viability threshold. He added that he and his wife have been weighing the pros and cons of each candidate and have been wavering between supporting Sen. Elizabeth Warren or Pete Buttigieg during their realignment vote. “I’m not planning on caucusing for Bernie at all, but if he got the nomination, I’d gladly vote for him.”
Sanders organizers on college campuses like Iowa State University said they’ve been having conversations with Yang supporters about Sanders' policies and asking them if they’d be open to supporting Sanders if he doesn’t reach the viability threshold. After a Yang event in Boone, a college student decked in Bernie gear who’d flown in from Kansas to volunteer for Sanders told BuzzFeed News she’d been independently talking to Yang supporters about supporting Sanders as a second choice.
If there is a plan for Yang to push his supporters toward a particular candidate, it may be a hard sell for the voters and precinct captains who’ve settled on caucusing for him.
Two Yang precinct captains stood near each other after Yang’s final rally in Des Moines. Both were from outside Iowa; Christina Lee Shane had driven all the way from San Antonio, Texas, to volunteer, and Emilio Medina, holding a large Yang flag, had left Minnesota to be in Davenport, Iowa for a month volunteering. They were both serving as precinct captains in Muscatine. They didn't directly answer when asked what their instructions had been from the campaign in terms of guiding their caucus-goers in case Yang didn't meet the threshold. "We’re all in various different trainings and caucus trainings and we have strategies of course, but..." Shane said, trailing off.
"I’m not at liberty to say, but I would just say that the Yang campaign has a brilliant and genius revolutionary strategy that we’re going to be working on," Medina said.
Another precinct captain, Rafael C. (who declined to provide his last name), who had left his home in Miami to come to Iowa and pitch in with the Yang campaign, said, "One of the funniest things about the Yang Gang is you can ask five different people what their second choice is and all five of them will give you different answers. You can get Bernie, you can get Trump, you can get Amy Klobuchar, you can get Biden."
"I don’t think he’s going to be unviable in most precincts. I think we’re in a very good position, but in the case that he’s unviable, I think it’s very unpredictable," he said.


buzzfeed--2020-02-02--Michael Moore’s Speeches In Iowa Are A Lot To Take In

DES MOINES , Iowa — Ahead of Monday ’ s caucus , Michael Moore ’ s been everywhere in his dark green jacket and Tigers ballcap , headlining events and going hard in defense of Bernie Sanders .
His point about Bernie Sanders is that he ’ s always been on the right side of the issues .
But Moore will hit one point , pivot off to the right , loop back around , deliver the punchline , then correct himself .
Sometimes he shouts into the mic .
His speeches are both objectively too much , and captivating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Said we have a “ gender apartheid ” in the United States while discussing wage disparity and the lack of elected women .
Prefaced the gender apartheid comment by noting , “ Not to take anything away from South Africa , because obviously that was a far , far more brutal situation.
” Informed his crowd in Ames that they were in “ the French Resistance.
” Performed a rendition of Matthew 25 ( the least among you ) on Sunday morning , concluding , “ I know about an hour or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Let ’ s get on down to the hall there , because Michael Moore is going to be preaching the Sunday sermon .
Sorry I don ’ t have any wine or communion here.
” Produced two loose sheets of paper with the 10 cities in which Hillary Clinton rallied for Barack Obama in 2008 ( a Clinton aide subsequently said she did 46 events for Obama ) , and the 42 in which Sanders campaigned for Clinton in 2016 .
Gave different numbers ( 12 and 39 , respectively ) on MSNBC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ What part of heaven did she fall out of ?
” Answered , again referring to Ocasio-Cortez , “ Of course you know her story , it was not heaven.
” The weird part , actually , is what then follows , which has often been Ocasio-Cortez .
Her calm energy so contrasts with Moore that her arrival can feel like walking through one of those misters at a theme park .
In Perry , Iowa , I watched two women and a man with a mustache and a blue Bernie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faces for the duration of Ocasio-Cortez ’ s remarks , which focused half on Sanders ’ ideological consistency and the ways each person present could contribute to the movement .
At that same event , within minutes of each other , Moore joked about communion and Clinton ’ s rallies , and Ocasio-Cortez asked the younger people in the room to make sure they thank their “ elders , ” who “ have been part of this fight for a really long time.
” “ I want to thank you , ” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you.
” Lately , there ’ s been a sudden revisitation of 2004 : John Kerry is back in Iowa ( campaigning for Joe Biden ) , and The Strokes will play a show ( for Sanders ) in New Hampshire .
Moore , who experienced a major cultural moment as a Bush antagonist in the bruised-heart , ironic-laugh aughts of Jon Stewart and Al Franken , is back too .
Back then , Sanders was still the fighter of lonely fights , often treated as a novelty in Washington , someone without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidate noted last weekend , he ’ s known Moore for many , many years .
Arguably , the Bernie wing of the Democratic Party has two wings of its own , the Moore wing and the Ocasio-Cortez wing .
If Sanders is the nominee , and certainly if he is the president , it ’ ll be interesting to see — after the all the lonely years — which wing wins out .

DES MOINES — Ahead of Monday’s caucus, Michael Moore’s been everywhere in his dark green jacket and Tigers ballcap, headlining events and going hard in defense of Bernie Sanders.
His point about Bernie Sanders is that he’s always been on the right side of the issues. But Moore will hit one point, pivot off to the right, loop back around, deliver the punchline, then correct himself. Sometimes he shouts into the mic. His speeches are both objectively too much and captivating.
Since last Saturday, he has:
Said we have a “gender apartheid” in the United States while discussing wage disparity and the lack of elected women.
Prefaced the gender apartheid comment by noting, “Not to take anything away from South Africa, because obviously that was a far, far more brutal situation.”
Informed his crowd in Ames that they were in “the French Resistance.”
Performed a rendition of Matthew 25 (the least among you) on Sunday morning, concluding, “I know about an hour or two ago you said to yourselves, 'Let’s get on down to the hall there, because Michael Moore is going to be preaching the Sunday sermon.' Sorry I don’t have any wine or communion here.”
Produced two loose sheets of paper with the 10 cities in which Hillary Clinton rallied for Barack Obama in 2008 (a Clinton aide subsequently said she did 46 events for Obama), and the 42 in which Sanders campaigned for Clinton in 2016.
Gave different numbers (12 and 39, respectively) on MSNBC.
Asked, referring to Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, “What part of heaven did she fall out of?”
Answered, again referring to Ocasio-Cortez, “Of course you know her story, it was not heaven.”
The weird part, actually, is what then follows, which has often been Ocasio-Cortez. Her calm energy so contrasts with Moore that her arrival can feel like walking through one of those misters at a theme park. In Perry, Iowa, I watched two women and a man with a mustache and a blue Bernie cap listen with literal smiles on their faces for the duration of Ocasio-Cortez’s remarks, which focused half on Sanders’ ideological consistency and the ways each person present could contribute to the movement.
At that same event, within minutes of each other, Moore joked about communion and Clinton’s rallies, and Ocasio-Cortez asked the younger people in the room to make sure they thank their “elders,” who “have been part of this fight for a really long time.”
“I want to thank you,” she said. “I want to thank you.”
Lately, there’s been a sudden revisitation of 2004: John Kerry is back in Iowa (campaigning for Joe Biden), and the Strokes will play a show (for Sanders) in New Hampshire. Moore, who experienced a major cultural moment as a Bush antagonist in the bruised-heart, ironic-laugh aughts of Jon Stewart and Al Franken, is back too. Back then, Sanders was still the fighter of lonely fights, often treated as a novelty in Washington, someone without many allies — though, as the candidate noted last weekend, he’s known Moore for many, many years.
Arguably, the Bernie wing of the Democratic Party has two wings of its own, the Moore wing and the Ocasio-Cortez wing. If Sanders is the nominee, and certainly if he is the president, it’ll be interesting to see — after all the lonely years — which wing wins out.
Matt Berman contributed reporting.


buzzfeed--2020-02-02--A Key Iowa Democrat Hasn’t Endorsed Anyone For President Yet

It was never about one of us .
It was always about all of us .
Thank you @ KamalaHarris for this journey !
# ForThePeople # TTBFO DES MOINES – Deidre DeJear — one of Iowa ’ s last undecided top Democrats — is likely to make an official endorsement before the caucuses on Monday .
But in a sign of how fluid the primary still is , DeJear , Iowa ’ s 2018 Democratic nominee for Secretary of State and former state chair for Kamala Harris ’ presidential campaign , has not yet made up her mind .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ she ’ s deciding between former South Bend , Ind .
Mayor Pete Buttigieg , Sen. Elizabeth Warren , and former Vice President Joe Biden .
DeJear said she ’ s likely to make a decision tomorrow , adding there ’ s still a small chance she only caucuses for a candidate instead of making a public pronouncement .
“ We ’ re broken and we 're sick but I think the solution is in recalibrating our moral compass as a country , and I ’ m looking for somebody who can do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also said that she didn ’ t want to feel forced into a decision but thinks it might ultimately be necessary to do so .
“ My message to people with this endorsement is that the decisions we make to support leaders are not always easy ones , ” she said .
“ But if we ’ re going overcome any challenges that exist in our country , we have to first begin with the internal challenge of making a choice.
” DeJear said that after Harris suspended her campaign in December , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But she savored the freedom to simply encourage participation in the caucuses among her community in Des Moines .
In brief interviews , the state ’ s Democrats said her endorsement mattered as a black woman who was able to broadly speak about concerns in the community .
.
Aides around the candidates said the campaigns had worked hard for her endorsement because of her reputation as motivator , whose leadership could serve as a boost to caucus goers suffering from apathy .
Her intentions on Sunday — DeJear ’ s self-imposed deadline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saturday night dinner party for Biden fans hosted by senior adviser Symone Sanders at a black-owned restaurant in Des Moines .
DeJear suggested that she has spoken with Harris in recent days , but said she couldn ’ t elaborate on their conversations .
“ If this was just a personal decision , I would n't be going through all this , ” DeJear said .

DES MOINES – Deidre DeJear — one of Iowa’s last undecided top Democrats — is likely to make an official endorsement before the caucuses on Monday.
But in a sign of how fluid the primary still is, DeJear, Iowa’s 2018 Democratic nominee for secretary of state and former state chair for Kamala Harris’s presidential campaign, has not yet made up her mind. In an interview, DeJear said that she’s deciding between former South Bend, Indiana, mayor Pete Buttigieg, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, and former vice president Joe Biden.
DeJear said she’s likely to make a decision tomorrow, adding there’s still a small chance she only caucuses for a candidate instead of making a public pronouncement.
“We’re broken and we're sick but I think the solution is in recalibrating our moral compass as a country, and I’m looking for somebody who can do that,” she said.
DeJear also said that she didn’t want to feel forced into a decision but thinks it might ultimately be necessary to do so.
“My message to people with this endorsement is that the decisions we make to support leaders are not always easy ones,” she said. “But if we’re going overcome any challenges that exist in our country, we have to first begin with the internal challenge of making a choice.”
DeJear said that after Harris suspended her campaign in December, her supporters were quickly scooped up. But she savored the freedom to simply encourage participation in the caucuses among her community in Des Moines.
In brief interviews, the state’s Democrats said her endorsement mattered as a black woman who was able to broadly speak about concerns in the community. Aides around the candidates said the campaigns had worked hard for her endorsement because of her reputation as a motivator, whose leadership could serve as a boost to caucusgoers suffering from apathy.
Her intentions on Sunday — DeJear’s self-imposed deadline — were a hot topic at a Saturday night dinner party for Biden fans hosted by senior adviser Symone Sanders at a black-owned restaurant in Des Moines. DeJear suggested that she has spoken with Harris in recent days, but said she couldn’t elaborate on their conversations.
“If this was just a personal decision, I wouldn't be going through all this,” DeJear said.


buzzfeed--2020-02-03--Iowa’s Oldest Chinese Restaurant Is Now The Weirdest Fusion Pizza Place You’ll Go To

King Ying Low was one of America ’ s oldest Chinese restaurants when it closed in 2009 .
Its history is a story of perseverance and survival in the face of contempt and persecution .
Fong ’ s Pizza is one of the weirdest places in Des Moines .
When you walk in , the booths in the narrow room and the mural of a heron on the back wall may seem like you ’ ve just entered a traditional Chinese-American restaurant .
But to the left , there ’ s a fully-stocked mid-century Tiki bar that serves craft beer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cups etched with cartoonish iconography .
Fong 's — a popular restaurant that ’ s been featured on Food Network shows like Man Vs. Food and The Best Thing I ever ate — is a Frankenstein exercise in American fusion .
The menu features Chinese Cheesesticks ( mozzarella cheese encased in an egg roll wrapper and served with marinara sauce ) alongside Crab-Rangoon Pizza ( the expected combination of cream cheese and artificial crab mixed with asiago and mozzarella cheese , topped with a sweet chili sauce and crispy wontons ) .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thin and white as a saltine cracker .
The cultural tensions at work are illustrated by the origins of its name , chosen by a partner in the restaurant group that owns the place who also considers himself a movie buff .
The “ Fong ” in Fong ’ s Pizza is in homage to Benson Fong , a Chinese-American actor famous for his roles in Charlie Chan movies , a popular series of films made in the 1940s .
The films are widely considered controversial due to the fact that the titular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by an actor in yellowface .
Beneath all this , Fong 's sits on a small piece of American history : the remodeled remains of King Ying Low , a vintage Chinese-American restaurant that closed permanently in 2008 with little fanfare .
At least a century old , King Ying Low was not only the oldest still-operating restaurant in Des Moines , it was one of the oldest still-operating Chinese-American restaurants in the entire country .
( Pekin Noodle Parlor in Butte , Montana , which opened in 1911 , currently claims the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when Chinese immigrants faced steep structural barriers in all aspects of life alongside pervasive racism , the history of King Ying Low is actually one history of Chinese-Americans in the Midwest — and America .
It ’ s a story of perseverance and survival in the face of contempt and persecution , but also a demonstration of how a small cultural minority embedded themselves deep within the fabric of their community .
In a 1910 article , a reporter for The Register & Leader reported on the lack of celebrating the new year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigrants .
The local founder of Chinese restaurant King Ying Low , Lee Din , was interviewed , lamenting the lack of festivities .
For Din and his fellow immigrants to Iowa , there was little to celebrate and more than enough reason for them to keep their heads down in their adopted city , which was less than welcoming .
Lee Din had made his way to St. Paul and then Des Moines after initially immigrating from Guangzhao to San Francisco in 1880.When he opened the restaurant sometime between 1904 and 1907 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its origins as a frontier town , a Manifest Destiny-era military settlement built upon the confluent banks of the Des Moines and Raccoon Rivers , than to the insurance town , filled with professionals , that the city would later become .
Lee Din and King Ying Low settled into the second floor of a building on Mulberry Street , above a saloon and below a medical school , and quickly became entrenched as one of the city ’ s few Chinese restaurants and its handful of Chinese residents .
King Ying Low @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days and was largely organized around chop suey , a bland collection of meat , vegetables , and rice in a starchy sauce that has little in common with traditional Cantonese dishes but became immensely popular across America in the early 19th century , so ubiquitous that Chinese restaurants were mostly referred to as chop suey houses .
Mob violence and intense prejudice toward Chinese-American communities plagued coastal cities in the years after the Chinese Exclusion Act was passed in 1882 .
But the community in Des Moines , governed and policed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own problems to the success of his fledgling restaurant .
Immediately upon King Ying Low ’ s opening , the restaurant became an integral part of the heart of downtown Des Moines , then an area of never-closing saloons and pool halls that were home to the region ’ s most diverse , marginalized , and often criminalized populations .
Almost as soon as he arrived , Din had to fight not just to ensure the survival of his own restaurant but for the survival of the small community of Chinese-Americans who called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chinese restaurants in America at the turn of the 19th century was an almost direct result of the Chinese Exclusion Act .
Due to the restrictions imposed by the law and subsequently limited jobs available , these restaurants functioned as sustainable sources of income and ideal vehicles through which to sponsor the immigration of Chinese workers to America .
King Ying Low was no different .
Din was even arrested and fined in 1919 after he was accused of attempting to bribe an immigration officer when he reportedly slipped a $ 100 dollar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after he found a problem with one of the restaurant ’ s employee 's papers .
Din 's first appearance in the public record was in 1905 , when he appeared in court on charges of keeping a “ disorderly house , ” essentially an accusation that he allowed prostitution at King Ying Low , after being arrested along with six women .
Later , in 1911 , he had to appeal a ruling by local law enforcement that barred women from King Ying Low after a similar arrest by arguing that it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The chop suey houses of downtown Des Moines , rather than the nearby saloons and dance halls , drew the particular ire of law enforcement throughout the first decade of King Ying Low ’ s existence .
“ The chop suey restaurant is the worst place left in Des Moines and it has to go , ” proclaimed a Des Moines police chief in 1909 after a young woman from a well-to-do family was arrested in one .
The subsequent crackdown resulted in further raids and more arrests .
Chinese-American restaurant owners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of prostitution and indecency .
A fellow downtown Chinese restaurateur named George Wee , who came to Des Moines in an attempt to expand Chicago ’ s chop suey tradition , was arrested and harangued by law enforcement so frequently that he was eventually forced to close his restaurant and was nearly deported .
A pause in arrests in the spring of 1910 was so noticeable that it was remarked upon in the local paper .
“ The police must be pretty busy these days , ” the comment reads .
“ They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Chop Suey joint in over a week.
” The racist campaign to characterize chop suey restaurants as illicit and criminal didn ’ t go unanswered by Din .
He donated large sums of money to local charities to address problems of poverty .
When his son graduated from medical school back in Guangzhou , Din had his picture printed along with an announcement of his graduation in the paper for everyone in the community to see .
When a union of Iowa laundrymen threatened a community of Chinese business owners in Des @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them as the community ’ s spokesman .
As WWI erupted in Europe , Din became the vocal leader of a small minority of Chinese-Americans in the Des Moines and weighed in on foreign policy .
In multiple instances , he correctly predicted publicly that Japan ’ s power and empire expansion would continue to grow and entreated the United States to ally themselves with China , something the country wouldn ’ t do until WWII .
Though Din and his fellow Chinese-American immigrants were not allowed citizenship and therefore could not be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Red Cross .
As King Ying Low entered its second decade in Des Moines in 1924 , Lee Din announced his intent to return to his native Guangzhou .
His son was now a practicing doctor , and he hadn ’ t seen his wife in 20 years .
By this time , his restaurant was already considered the “ oldest chop suey house in Des Moines.
” In 1932 , only a few years after taking over management of the restaurant , Charles Chong died of pneumonia , which he contracted while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compelled to testify in the immigration trial of a former King Ying Low employee .
His partner , Sun Leong , had barely taken sole ownership of the business when he too was subpoenaed to testify in yet another San Francisco immigration trial .
His son , Louis Leong , stepped in to take full control of the restaurant .
Like Din before him , Leong was called upon to represent his home country in his new community .
As conflict with Japan began to seem more inevitable and the Second Sino-Japanese War @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Low , at 26 , declared publicly that he would fight for China if he hadn ’ t immigrated to America .
Both during the lead up to WWII and after the US entrance into the war , Leong led public charity drives to raise money for the Chinese relief .
During and immediately after the war , the restaurant hosted several events held by the Iowa Socialist Party , including a speech on “ America ’ s Role in Asia ” by a writer who had also spoken out against Japanese internment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leading representative of Seskatchawan ’ s Democratic Socialist party .
By the end of the decade , King Ying Low had established itself on the ground floor of the Elliott Hotel , where it would remain until its closure .
After an alliance with China during WWII finally prompted the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943 and King Ying Low had established its position as a pillar of Des Moines ’ culinary scene under the steady hand of Leong , the restaurant settled into a long period of stability .
Despite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Leong continued the King Ying Low tradition of using the restaurant to facilitate Chinese-American immigration , this time within the context of the Cold War .
King Ying Low itself was a longtime staging ground for the progressive political movements that would make dramatic and lasting changes in Iowa during the '60s and '70s .
Park Rinard , a liberal powerbroker who worked with the painter Grant Wood before orchestrating the campaigns , policy issues , and speeches that would successfully propel Democratic governors and congressman to victory , often used the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his wheeling and dealing in Des Moines .
The 1970s also brought an influx of restaurants to the Midwest , and when Leong retired in 1975 , his successors were a group of Chinese immigrant chefs .
The chefs brought a new range of cuisine to the old chop suey house , led by Ludwig Young , a charismatic chef who chose the moniker for himself .
( He claimed that Beethooven ’ s 5th symphony was the first piece of western music he ’ d ever heard , but that he thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of King Ying Low ’ s new guard called the restaurant ’ s revamped cuisine “ short on American chop suey and long on the sophisticated Mandarin school of Chinese cookery , with Szechuan specialties also , as well as the more familiar Cantonese.
” In stark relief to its early history , King Ying Low found itself being written about and judged on the authenticity of its Chinese food , decor , and service , as opposed to its ability to assimilate and survive in a community largely opposed to its existence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 70s highlight this change , both by the same food critic .
The first slammed the authenticity of King Ying Low and blamed the bad dining experience on the “ occidental ” waitress and the poor service she provided .
A revision that came just a few years later remarked upon the “ authentic ” quality of the food and that many Asian Americans seemed to be eating at the restaurant .
In 1980 , as the ownership of King Ying Low settled in and only 60 years after a reporter remarked upon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Des Moines , the Register profiled Young and his family in honor of the same holiday , an article in which Young discussed Chinese cultural traditions and his own opinions on his home country .
Young and his family ran the restaurant , and planned another ( closer to the suburbs where many families continued to migrate ) .
He began to choose textbooks and help develop a curriculum for the first Chinese-language classes offered in Des Moines Public Schools that , with a special permit , he planned to teach as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cut abruptly short when Young died of cancer in 1987 .
The following year , Young ’ s predecessor , Louis Leong , also died of cancer at 77 .
After decades as a Des Moines institution , King Ying Low entered the 90s in crisis , especially as the city ’ s downtown completed its long transformation into a neighborhood where people worked but did not live .
King Ying Low coasted through several decades of atrophy and cultural neglect that perfectly mirrored the status of its longtime neighborhood .
( A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2005 rated the food as average , the atmosphere shabby , and the history not worth the hype . )
And so , in 2008 , after a century of existence , generations of Chinese-American immigrants , and decades spent as a cornerstone of Chinese-American culture in the city where its pioneering founder had made his home , the final owner , Tony Wong , quietly announced King Ying Low ’ s permanent closure as the result of particularly damaging kitchen fire .
It 's a complicated time for the traditional Chinese-American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way to restaurant closures .
A younger generation of owners have brought more regionalized Chinese cuisines to the United States where a more diverse and globalized pallette has made for a receptive audience .
This , in turn , has sparked fraught debates about what authentic food really is : Generations of Chinese-American restaurateurs have defended their approach to food as an authentic American style .
Placing Fong ’ s Pizza in that wider landscape is a difficult task .
Within a year of King Ying Low ’ s closure , Full Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that owns the majority of restaurants in downtown Des Moines known for opening kitschy , popular bars — bought the space .
Originally , the plan was for a traditional late-night pizza joint .
But the concept for the restaurant changed when the new owners surveyed the ruins .
“ Seeing the pieces from this restaurant and , honestly , the history of it all , what a sad thing to have laid that to bed .
We were inspired by them , ” Gwen Page , co-owner and manager of Fong ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ BuzzFeed News .
The original concept for a Tiki bar that served pizza expanded to accommodate the influence of this history , and Fong ’ s was born .
Other than peeling away layers of wallpaper and adding a bar , the former King Ying Low ’ s layout remained mostly unchanged , with parts of the old decor directly incorporated into the new restaurant .
A framed King Ying Low menu sits above the sticker-covered bar , anonymous among the multitude of bric-a-brac .
Without the purchase , the restaurant might have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something completely different , the decor and history lost .
In the wake of the catastrophic fire that destroyed 85,000 pieces at the Museum of Chinese in America in New York ’ s Chinatown , the preservation of this history feels especially urgent .
The concept of Chinese-American pizza , simultaneously radical and broadly appealing to the take out preferences forged through the decades of culinary evolution and tradition in the 20th century , has also been met with its fair share of skepticism .
Early customers walked out after discovering there was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ An early review in the Register dismissed the restaurant as “ King Ying Kitsch.
” ( Since then , the restaurant has been featured on the Travel Channel series Man vs. Food and recently made a personal fan out of Alton Brown , which resulted in a feature on his Food Network show and personal praise on Twitter .
It has also expanded , with three other locations in the state , the most of any Full Court Press brand . )
Page , a blonde mother of two who plays in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said addressing concerns about cultural appropriation are just part of the modern restaurant world .
But she says it 's a complaint they seldom hear .
`` Every once in a while , we 'll get a comment that somebody is offended , ” she said .
“ I think that goes with a lot of things , you have to be pretty sensitive anymore these days , which I am .
That 's something I 'm very careful about .
I think , early on , when we were still learning and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opportunity to do that .
We 've evolved and streamlined , and the best way to be successful in business is to interact with your guests and get that feedback and if you do hear a sort of comment that someone is caught off-guard or just not feeling that , I honor that and I take that very seriously .
But I have n't really .
The biggest complaints we get here are about waiting.
” For those looking to experience Des Moines ’ Chinese-American culinary history in its original form , direct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can still be found in the city , just in a different neighborhood .
When Louis Leong retired and sold his restaurant in 1975 , his son , Frank Lee , took up ownership of The Rice Bowl restaurant in Beaverdale , a tranquil , family-oriented neighborhood in the northwestern reaches of the city .
The traditional Chinese-American restaurant opened in 1966 , and Lee brought his family recipes from King Ying Low when he took the helm .
The Rice Bowl still stands today , just as it has for decades , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grandson of Louis Leong ( the Lee family declined an interview ) .
Despite a national trend that sees the younger generation leaving multi-generational Chinese-American restaurants for other careers , The Rice Bowl remains a family affair , with the 65-year-old Lee at the helm and his daughter , Jenna , assisting him .
●

The subsequent crackdown resulted in further raids and more arrests. Chinese American restaurant owners found themselves consistently brought up on charges of prostitution and indecency. A fellow downtown Chinese restaurateur named George Wee, who came to Des Moines in an attempt to expand Chicago’s chop suey tradition, was arrested and harangued by law enforcement so frequently that he was eventually forced to close his restaurant and was nearly deported. A pause in arrests in the spring of 1910 was so noticeable that it was remarked upon in the local paper. “The police must be pretty busy these days,” the comment reads. “They haven’t found time to raid the Chop Suey joint in over a week.”
The racist campaign to characterize chop suey restaurants as illicit and criminal didn’t go unanswered by Din. He donated large sums of money to local charities to address problems of poverty. When his son graduated from medical school back in Guangzhou, Din had his picture printed along with an announcement of his graduation in the paper for everyone in the community to see. When a union of Iowa laundry workers threatened a community of Chinese business owners in Des Moines in 1916, he stood against them as the community’s spokesperson.
As World War I erupted in Europe, Din became the vocal leader of a small minority of Chinese Americans in the Des Moines and weighed in on foreign policy. In multiple instances, he correctly predicted publicly that Japan’s power and empire expansion would continue to grow and entreated the United States to ally with China, something the country wouldn’t do until World War II. Though Din and his fellow Chinese American immigrants were not allowed citizenship and therefore could not be drafted, they all donated to the Red Cross.
As King Ying Low entered its second decade in Des Moines in 1924, Lee Din announced his intent to return to his native Guangzhou. His son was now a practicing doctor, and he hadn’t seen his wife in 20 years. By this time, his restaurant was already considered the “oldest chop suey house in Des Moines.”
In 1932, only a few years after taking over management of the restaurant, Charles Chong died of pneumonia, which he contracted while returning from San Francisco, where he was compelled to testify in the immigration trial of a former King Ying Low employee. His partner, Sun Leong, had barely taken sole ownership of the business when he too was subpoenaed to testify in yet another immigration trial in San Francisco.
His son, Louis Leong, stepped in to take full control of the restaurant. Like Din before him, Leong was called upon to represent his home country in his new community. As conflict with Japan began to seem more inevitable and the Second Sino-Japanese War loomed, the owner of King Ying Low, at 26, declared publicly that he would fight for China if he hadn’t immigrated to America.
During the lead-up to WWII and after the US entered the war, Leong led public charity drives to raise money for the Chinese relief. During and immediately after the war, the restaurant hosted several events held by the Iowa Socialist Party, including a speech on “America’s Role in Asia” by a writer who had also spoken out against Japanese internment during the war and dinner with a leading representative of Saskatchewan’s democratic socialist party.
By the end of the decade, King Ying Low had established itself on the ground floor of the Elliott Hotel, where it would remain until its closure. After an alliance with China during WWII finally prompted the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943 and King Ying Low had established its position as a pillar of Des Moines’ culinary scene under the steady hand of Leong, the restaurant settled into a long period of stability.
Despite the easing of immigration restrictions after WWII, Leong continued the King Ying Low tradition of using the restaurant to facilitate Chinese American immigration, this time within the context of the Cold War.
King Ying Low itself was a longtime staging ground for the progressive political movements that would make dramatic and lasting changes in Iowa during the ’60s and ’70s. Park Rinard — a liberal power broker who worked with painter Grant Wood before to orchestrate the campaigns, policy issues, and speeches that would successfully propel Democratic governors and members of Congress to victory — often used the restaurant as a base of operations for his wheeling and dealing in Des Moines.
The 1970s also brought an influx of restaurants to the Midwest. When Leong retired in 1975, his successors were a group of Chinese immigrant chefs. The chefs brought a new range of cuisine to the old chop suey house, led by Ludwig Young, a charismatic chef who chose the moniker for himself. (He claimed that Beethoven’s 5th Symphony was the first piece of Western music he’d ever heard, but he thought Bach was better.) A profile of King Ying Low’s new guard called the restaurant’s revamped cuisine “short on American chop suey and long on the sophisticated Mandarin school of Chinese cookery, with Szechuan specialties also, as well as the more familiar Cantonese.”
In stark relief to its early history, King Ying Low found itself being written about and judged on the authenticity of its Chinese food, decor, and service, as opposed to its ability to assimilate and survive in a community largely opposed to its existence.
Two reviews in the late ’70s highlighted this change, both by the same food critic. The first slammed the authenticity of King Ying Low and blamed the bad dining experience on the “occidental” waitress and the poor service she provided. A revision that came just a few years later remarked upon the “authentic” quality of the food and that many Asian Americans seemed to be eating at the restaurant.
In 1980, as the ownership of King Ying Low settled in and only 60 years after a reporter remarked upon the absence of Chinese New Year celebrations in Des Moines, the Register profiled Young and his family in honor of the same holiday, an article in which Young discussed Chinese cultural traditions and his own opinions on his home country.
Young and his family ran the restaurant, and they planned another (closer to the suburbs where many families continued to migrate). He began to choose textbooks and help develop a curriculum for the first Chinese-language classes offered in Des Moines Public Schools that, with a special permit, he planned to teach as well.
All these plans were cut abruptly short when Young died of cancer in 1987. The following year, Young’s predecessor, Louis Leong, also died of cancer at 77.
After decades as a Des Moines institution, King Ying Low entered the ’90s in crisis, especially as the city’s downtown completed its long transformation into a neighborhood where people worked but did not live. King Ying Low coasted through several decades of atrophy and cultural neglect that perfectly mirrored the status of its longtime neighborhood. (A final review in the Des Moines Register in 2005 rated the food as average, the atmosphere shabby, and the history not worth the hype.)
And so, in 2008, after a century of the restaurant's existence, generations of Chinese American immigrants, and decades spent as a cornerstone of Chinese American culture in the city where its pioneering founder had made his home, the final owner, Tony Wong, quietly announced King Ying Low’s permanent closure as the result of particularly damaging kitchen fire.


buzzfeed--2020-02-01--Amy Klobuchar Is Promising Iowa Voters Electability — But Has Almost No Black Support

Pete Buttigieg ’ s campaign has struggled with black voters for months .
But Klobuchar ’ s problems are just as pronounced .
DES MOINES — Both are moderate Midwesterners who have pitched their presidential campaigns on a promise to speak to the heartland voters who moved away from Democrats in 2016 .
Both come from mostly white states where black leaders have questioned their records on issues of racial justice .
And both are polling at or near zero percent with black voters nationwide .
But unlike Pete Buttigieg , Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar ’ s struggles with black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as she pitches herself as the Democrats ’ most electable candidate in the Midwest , and makes plans to continue her campaign beyond Monday ’ s Iowa caucuses .
In a Washington Post poll of black voters earlier this month , Klobuchar was at 0 % to Buttigieg ’ s 2 % .
And while she has racked up endorsements from scores of current and former elected officials — among the most of any candidate in the race — just 18 are from people of color , most of them from her home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facing criticism there this week over revelations about her decades-old prosecution of a black teenager .
A group of black leaders in Minnesota called for her to suspend her campaign in light of an Associated Press investigation suggesting the 16-year-old boy Klobuchar put in jail for life may have been innocent .
The case highlights a stark reality for Klobuchar a few days before the first votes are cast in the presidential race : She has done very little in the course of her year-long , electability-focused campaign to win over the support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — black Democrats .
Her home state ’ s two most prominent black politicians , Rep. Ilhan Omar and Attorney General Keith Ellison , endorsed Bernie Sanders .
Outside of Minnesota and the early states of Iowa and New Hampshire , she has scarce support from people of color , including just one elected official , California Rep. Linda Sanchez , who endorsed her Saturday .
No black elected officials have announced their support for Klobuchar in other states .
Perhaps more significantly , Klobuchar faces serious hurdles to winning over black voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of her career as a tough-on-crime prosecutor , and has been criticized for failing to prosecute a single killing by the police when she headed prosecutions in Hennepin County , Minnesota ’ s largest county .
The revelation of serious flaws in the case Klobuchar built against Myon Burrell , the teenager Klobuchar charged with the murder of an 11-year-old girl , Tyesha Edwards , in Minneapolis , is likely to cause further issue for Klobuchar .
Klobuchar has repeatedly used Burrell ’ s prosecution to bolster her own political career — including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she cut an ad with Edwards ’ mother , who said , “ When our little girl , Tyesha , was murdered , Amy saw to it that those gang members were put away.
” And she brought the prosecution up in a recent Democratic debate , where she cited the case to deflect criticisms that she had not been committed to racial justice .
“ The cases that came to us , the African-American community that came to us , they said there was no justice for their little kids , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a boy named Byron Phillips .
“ We found the shooter and we put him in jail , ” Klobuchar said .
“ We did the same for the killer of a little girl named Tyesha Edwards who was doing her homework at her kitchen table and was shot through the window.
” An Associated Press investigation this week found evidence of serious inconsistencies and a lack of forensic evidence in the case against Burrell , who is now 33 and has maintained his innocence for 14 years , refusing any plea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Associated Press that she believed any new evidence in the Burrell case should be reviewed immediately , noting that Burrell had been tried and convicted twice of the murder .
The jury foreman in the case said Saturday that he regretted convicting Burrell in light of the investigation , telling the Associated Press , “ I feel , for lack of a better word , that we were misled.
” Ruth Ann Gaines , one of handful of black legislators in Iowa and the first state representative to endorse Klobuchar , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Burrell case from campaign staff on Friday .
“ I think she ’ s gon na stand tall , stand firm , be honest , have integrity — and if things come up that can change the case , then go for it .
This is a young man ’ s life that ’ s in jeopardy here , ” Gaines said on Saturday of the push to look at new evidence .
“ I think she would be willing to maybe retract it .
Maybe mistakes were made .
Maybe things were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me from voting for her.
” Still , Gaines said she expects most black voters to stick with former vice president Joe Biden .
“ I think she ’ s picking up support in the black community — even in the last several days , ” she said .
“ Our hope is among younger voters who are still out there making up their minds.
” Carlie Waibel , the campaign ’ s communications director , pointed to the recent endorsement of another black legislator in Iowa : Rep. Ross Wilburn .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Klobuchar visits more places and meets more people , her support grows — including with people of color , ” Waibel said .
“ As our campaign continues to ramp up , we expect our support to continue to grow . ''
Black voters are a vital demographic in the Democratic primary — candidates simply can ’ t win without them — and are important in the Midwest during the general election , where high voter turnout among black voters in cities like Detroit , Milwaukee , and Minneapolis are necessary for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who was reelected to a third US Senate term in 2018 , has consistently won the support of black voters in Minnesota , a highly engaged voting block in the state .
But the Burrell case has highlighted what some black leaders in the state say is a disconnect with the state ’ s black community .
“ I would say that Amy Klobuchar does not have any real connection to the black community in [ Minneapolis ] or in Minnesota , ” said Nekima Levy Armstrong , a community activist and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Klobuchar to suspend her campaign and address the Burrell case .
“ She has portrayed herself as a tough-on-crime prosecutor while working to appeal to mainstream white middle-class voters .
But the reality is that Klobuchar did measurable amounts of harm to the black community when she was the lead prosecutor in Hennepin County , ” Levy Armstrong said .
Klobuchar has also been criticized for failing to bring charges against a single police officer who killed a citizen in her 8-year run as the top prosecutor in Minnesota ’ s most populous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dozen police-involved killings in that period .
Minneapolis police have long faced allegations of excessive force — leading to unrest that culminated in widespread protests over the 2015 killing of Jamar Clark .
Though Omar and Ellison endorsed Bernie Sanders , Klobuchar has been endorsed by several other black leaders , like St. Paul Mayor Melvin Carter and Moorhead Mayor Johnathan Judd .
Wilburn , the Iowa legislator who endorsed Klobuchar earlier this week after his first-choice candidate , Sen. Kamala Harris , dropped out of the race , said he had seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color in her policies , and had put people of color in influential positions within her campaign , he said .
“ Because of how she ’ s been listening , because of how she ’ s been reaching out to communities of color , I have confidence in her willingness and ability to take on criminal justice reform , ” Wilburn said .
He had doubts , he said , about polls that showed Klobuchar at zero with black voters ; in the past , he said , they had not accurately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ There ’ s movement going on — word is getting out , and it ’ s not being reflected in polls.
” Buttigieg , who is courting similar voters as Klobuchar , has also made almost no inroads with black voters .
Both come from states where black people account for just about 10 % of the population .
But unlike Klobuchar , he has faced a litany of headlines about his “ struggles and stumbles.
” He briefly left the campaign trail last summer to deal with an officer-involved shooting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ months , his campaign has sought in private and in public to deal with those struggles , though many of those efforts have been clumsy or failed altogether .
He released a “ Douglass Plan ” focused on racial justice , a high-profile policy rollout attached to a list of endorsements from the black community in the key primary state of South Carolina — except some of the people on the list later said they had not actually endorsed the plan , or were white .
This week , days before Iowa will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal published stories detailing his campaign ’ s extended efforts to allay concerns among staffers of color .
Inside the campaign , according to the reports , some of those staffers said that senior Buttigieg officials were not receptive to their feedback .
Earlier this month , as nearly every other Democratic presidential candidate prepared to pause their campaigns in Iowa to commemorate Martin Luther King Jr. Day in South Carolina , black leaders in the state criticized Buttigieg and Klobuchar for initially planning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week , both candidates moved to change their schedules at the last minute .
The night before MLK Day , during a town hall in Waukee , Iowa , Klobuchar told the crowd she was headed to South Carolina later that night .
In a yearlong primary and a historically large Democratic field , Klobuchar has remained a competitive factor , polling just points below top-tier candidates like Buttigieg and Elizabeth Warren .
She is popular in northern Iowa , a region of the state that borders Minnesota , and her campaign has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , money , and time in the caucus state .
Earlier this month , Klobuchar earned endorsements from the New York Times editorial board and several early-state newspapers , prompting voters here to give her a second look .
At recent appearances on the trail this week , she has repeatedly suggested that her campaign is built to last through Iowa , and that she intends to compete in New Hampshire , the next state on the primary calendar .
Deborah Berry , a Buttigieg supporter who served for 14 years as one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said she felt Klobuchar ’ s appeal to people of color should be receiving equal scrutiny .
“ I do feel like it ’ s unfair , ” said Berry , who endorsed Buttigieg in December and defended his record on race in a phone interview on Friday .
“ He encourages people to speak out , ” she said , asking why voters didn ’ t have similar questions for Klobuchar .
“ It ’ s really frustrating.
” Leslie Redmond , the president of the Minneapolis NAACP , who had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be suspended , raised another contrast : between Klobuchar and another former candidate who was a prosecutor , Kamala Harris .
“ It is crazy to me that Kamala Harris got all of that national attention on her history as a prosecutor , and Amy Klobuchar as a white woman has been allowed to dance all over her own record , ” said Redmond .
“ It is disrespectful .
This is 2020.
” Black leaders in Minneapolis say they want Klobuchar to suspend her campaign in order to focus on helping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ There ’ s no way that a person who represents good , old-fashioned Midwestern values can sit back silently and allow an innocent person to suffer inside the criminal justice system , knowing that they had a role in putting them there , and even using the case as a talking point in the debate , ” said Levy Armstrong .
“ Her response has been to try to deflect and put the focus on the current prosecutor .
But if she ’ s going to take credit for putting this man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she needs to take responsibility now .
”

DES MOINES — Both are moderate Midwesterners who have pitched their presidential campaigns on a promise to speak to the heartland voters who moved away from Democrats in 2016. Both come from mostly white states where black leaders have questioned their records on issues of racial justice. And both are polling at or near zero percent with black voters nationwide.
But unlike Pete Buttigieg, Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar’s struggles with black voters have received little attention — even as she pitches herself as the Democrats’ most electable candidate in the Midwest, and makes plans to continue her campaign beyond Monday’s Iowa caucuses.
In a Washington Post poll of black voters earlier this month, Klobuchar was at 0% to Buttigieg’s 2%. And while she has racked up endorsements from scores of current and former elected officials — among the most of any candidate in the race — just 18 are from people of color, most of them from her home state of Minnesota.
Now Klobuchar is facing criticism there this week over revelations about her decades-old prosecution of a black teenager. A group of black leaders in Minnesota called for her to suspend her campaign in light of an Associated Press investigation suggesting the 16-year-old boy Klobuchar put in jail for life may have been innocent.
The case highlights a stark reality for Klobuchar a few days before the first votes are cast in the presidential race: She has done very little in the course of her year-long, electability-focused campaign to win over the support of a key demographic in the Midwest — black Democrats.
Her home state’s two most prominent black politicians, Rep. Ilhan Omar and Attorney General Keith Ellison, endorsed Bernie Sanders. Outside of Minnesota and the early states of Iowa and New Hampshire, she has scarce support from people of color, including just one elected official, California Rep. Linda Sanchez, who endorsed her Saturday. No black elected officials have announced their support for Klobuchar in other states.
Perhaps more significantly, Klobuchar faces serious hurdles to winning over black voters moving forward: She spent a chunk of her career as a tough-on-crime prosecutor and has been criticized for failing to prosecute a single killing by the police when she headed prosecutions in Hennepin County, Minnesota’s largest county.
The revelation of serious flaws in the case Klobuchar built against Myon Burrell, the teenager Klobuchar charged with the murder of an 11-year-old girl, Tyesha Edwards, in Minneapolis, is likely to cause a further issue for Klobuchar.
Klobuchar has repeatedly used Burrell’s prosecution to bolster her own political career — including during her first Senate run, when she cut an ad with Edwards’ mother, who said, “When our little girl, Tyesha, was murdered, Amy saw to it that those gang members were put away.” And she brought the prosecution up in a recent Democratic debate, where she cited the case to deflect criticisms that she had not been committed to racial justice.
“The cases that came to us, the African American community that came to us, they said there was no justice for their little kids,” Klobuchar said. She cited the killing of a boy named Byron Phillips.
“We found the shooter and we put him in jail,” Klobuchar said. “We did the same for the killer of a little girl named Tyesha Edwards who was doing her homework at her kitchen table and was shot through the window.”
An Associated Press investigation this week found evidence of serious inconsistencies and a lack of forensic evidence in the case against Burrell, who is now 33 and has maintained his innocence for 14 years, refusing any plea deals.
Klobuchar’s campaign told the Associated Press that she believed any new evidence in the Burrell case should be reviewed immediately, noting that Burrell had been tried and convicted twice of the murder.
The head juror in the case said Saturday that he regretted convicting Burrell in light of the investigation, telling the Associated Press, “I feel, for lack of a better word, that we were misled.”


buzzfeed--2020-02-01--John Kerry, Who Lost To Bush, Makes The Electability Argument For Joe Biden

MAQUOKETA , Iowa — The scene John Kerry entered on Thursday was a nice one , inside a warm diner , right during that calming hour between lunch and dinner .
Older couples sat in booths catching up and laughing quietly , under pink paper hearts for Valentine ’ s .
Spoons clinked against coffee mugs .
Snow fell outside .
Day faded into evening .
“ Mr .
Johnny !
” said the owner , and there was Kerry — in leather jacket and baby blue cashmere scarf — greeting and asking questions of the waitstaff .
He and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s sister and adviser , met up there in Maquoketa , three hours east of Des Moines and three hours west of Chicago , to visit a pleasant room with precinct captains already prepared for Monday ’ s caucus .
He , in fact , had been there before .
Biden Owens introduced Kerry , numero uno on the list of Joe Biden supporters traveling Iowa in service of the candidate , as the quintessential statesman and Irishman , embodying the Irish “ passion and principle , faith and fortitude , courage and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , wow , ” said Kerry , “ I accept the nomination.
” Tanned and blue blazered , he talked a little about world affairs ( he ’ d just been to Germany to present Angela Merkel with the Kissinger award ) and impeachment ( “ Anyone want Alan Dershowitz to be their lawyer ?
My god.
” ) .
But Kerry , far more than most high-profile supporters of any campaign , offered tactical advice , attentive to the details of the actual contest at hand .
Kerry was game to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affectation .
How would these precinct captains convince supporters of a failed candidate that their “ home ” was with Biden ?
His was the three-pronged argument : a. Biden ’ s electability ( addressed to supporters of candidates who “ make appealing arguments that everything ’ s free in life ” ) , b. Biden ’ s experience ( addressed to supporters of candidates without “ a little life under ” their feet ) , c. Biden ’ s experience in international relations ( addressed , implicitly , to all of them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you attend , even a quieter one like this , the emphasis is eternal : “ Joe Biden can win , ” Kerry said .
“ He can win.
” Kerry ticked off states the other candidates couldn ’ t win ( they couldn ’ t even go ) , and general election poll numbers of which they could only dream .
Biden ’ s own decency hasn ’ t been questioned .
“ Joe Biden and Barack Obama : not a whiff of scandal in all eight years , ” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how they threw , how they tried to distort my military record ?
They did distort my military record !
And they threw the swift boat stuff at me ?
That ’ s what ’ s happening to Joe now .
“ They ’ re swiftboating him , ” Kerry said .
“ It ’ s exactly what ’ s going on .
There ’ s no foundation .
”

MAQUOKETA, Iowa — The scene John Kerry entered on Thursday was a nice one, inside a warm diner, right during that calming hour between lunch and dinner. Older couples sat in booths catching up and laughing quietly, under pink paper hearts for Valentine’s. Spoons clinked against coffee mugs. Snow fell outside. Day faded into evening.
“Mr. Johnny!” said the owner, and there was Kerry — in a leather jacket and baby blue cashmere scarf — greeting and asking questions of the waitstaff. He and Valerie Biden Owens, the candidate’s sister and adviser, met up there in Maquoketa, three hours east of Des Moines and three hours west of Chicago, to visit a pleasant room with precinct captains already prepared for Monday’s caucus. He, in fact, had been there before.
Biden Owens introduced Kerry, numero uno on the list of Joe Biden supporters traveling Iowa in service of the candidate, as the quintessential statesman and Irishman, embodying the Irish “passion and principle, faith and fortitude, courage and commitment.”
“Valerie, thank you, wow,” said Kerry, “I accept the nomination.”
Tanned and blue blazered, he talked a little about world affairs (he’d just been to Germany to present Angela Merkel with the Kissinger award) and impeachment (“Anyone want Alan Dershowitz to be their lawyer? My god.”). But Kerry, far more than most high-profile supporters of any campaign, offered tactical advice, attentive to the details of the actual contest at hand. Kerry was game to do a quiet service to the campaign without affectation. How would these precinct captains convince supporters of a failed candidate that their “home” was with Biden?
His was the three-pronged argument: a) Biden’s electability (addressed to supporters of candidates who “make appealing arguments that everything’s free in life”), b) Biden’s experience (addressed to supporters of candidates without “a little life under” their feet), c) Biden’s experience in international relations (addressed, implicitly, to all of them). But like any Biden event you attend, even a quieter one like this, the emphasis is eternal:
“Joe Biden can win,” Kerry said. “He can win.”
Kerry ticked off states the other candidates couldn’t win (they couldn’t even go), and general election poll numbers of which they could only dream. Biden’s own decency hasn’t been questioned.
“Joe Biden and Barack Obama: not a whiff of scandal in all eight years,” he said. “The only reason — remember how they threw, how they tried to distort my military record? They did distort my military record! And they threw the swift boat stuff at me? That’s what’s happening to Joe now.
“They’re swiftboating him,” Kerry said. “It’s exactly what’s going on. There’s no foundation.”


buzzfeed--2020-01-31--Senate Republicans Have Blocked Witnesses From Appearing In Trump’s Impeachment Trial

The outcome of the vote became a foregone conclusion after Republican Sens .
Lisa Murkowski and Lamar Alexander , who had flirted with the possibility of voting for witnesses , announced that they believed no further evidence was needed in the trial .
Democrats were hoping four Republican senators would join them in voting to consider witnesses but they got only two : Susan Collins of Maine and Mitt Romney of Utah .
They were defeated in a 51–49 vote .
WASHINGTON — Senate Republicans have voted down a final attempt to call witnesses in the impeachment trial of President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the trial in the coming days .
The Impeachment Today podcast gets you up to date with the day ’ s most important impeachment news .
Catch up on all the episodes , or subscribe on the iHeartRadio app , Apple Podcasts , Spotify , or wherever you listen to your favorite shows .
The decision means that senators will not hear from former national security adviser John Bolton , the one senior Trump administration figure who had agreed to appear before the Senate trial if subpoenaed .
Bolton has written an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump saying he would hold up military aid to Ukraine until the country announced an investigation into the Biden family .
Trump ’ s Senate trial now moves on to its final stages .
Trump is all but certain to be acquitted of both impeachment articles by the Republican majority and remain in office .
It ’ s unclear when that vote will take place as senators work on a deal to determine how the trial will go forward .
Democrats had argued forcefully for witnesses , saying the trial will lack all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans raised a variety of counterarguments .
They argued the House should have completed its court battle with the Trump administration over whether it can subpoena witnesses in defiance of the White House .
They also said calling witnesses in the Senate would lead to a court battle lasting weeks or months , preventing the Senate from conducting normal business .
On Thursday , Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff offered a compromise , in which the Senate would hear from witnesses for just one week — the same as in former president Bill Clinton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rejected .
News of Bolton ’ s memoir broke Sunday and threw the Senate into disarray .
Democrats used it to mount a pressure campaign for calling witnesses , and for a few days it looked like that might happen .
Republicans were openly musing about what witnesses they might call to pair with Bolton being called by House lawyers .
They also talked about wanting to at least see the Bolton manuscript .
But in the end , Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was able to convince his conference to block witnesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acquit the president in the next few days .
This is a developing story .
Check back for updates and follow BuzzFeed News on Twitter.

The decision means that senators will not hear from former national security adviser John Bolton, the one senior Trump administration figure who had agreed to appear before the Senate trial if subpoenaed. Bolton has written an unpublished memoir in which he reportedly recounts Trump saying he would hold up military aid to Ukraine until the country announced an investigation into the Biden family.
Trump’s Senate trial now moves on to its final stages. Trump is all but certain to be acquitted of both impeachment articles by the Republican majority and remain in office. It’s unclear when that vote will take place as senators work on a deal to determine how the trial will go forward.
Democrats had argued forcefully for witnesses, saying the trial will lack all legitimacy if none are called. But Republicans raised a variety of counterarguments. They argued the House should have completed its court battle with the Trump administration over whether it can subpoena witnesses in defiance of the White House. They also said calling witnesses in the Senate would lead to a court battle lasting weeks or months, preventing the Senate from conducting normal business.
On Thursday, Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff offered a compromise, in which the Senate would hear from witnesses for just one week — the same as in former president Bill Clinton’s trial — but that was rejected.
News of Bolton’s memoir broke Sunday and threw the Senate into disarray. Democrats used it to mount a pressure campaign for calling witnesses, and for a few days it looked like that might happen. Republicans were openly musing about what witnesses they might call to pair with Bolton being called by House lawyers. They also talked about wanting to at least see the Bolton manuscript.
But in the end, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was able to convince his conference to block witnesses, laying the groundwork for Republicans to acquit the president in the next few days.
This is a developing story. Check back for updates and follow BuzzFeed News on Twitter.


buzzfeed--2020-01-31--Republicans Now Say Trump Did What He Was Accused Of — They Just Don’t Care

Democrats in both the House and Senate now want to subpoena additional witnesses after reports that former national security adviser John Bolton , acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney , and White House Counsel Pat Cipollone have firsthand knowledge of the request .
But Senate Republicans , now in their second week of a trial to convict the president , think Trump should stay put no matter what .
House Democrats voted to impeach Trump on claims he abused his power by withholding military aid to Ukraine in exchange for announcing an investigation into political rival Joe Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had stonewalled the House ’ s investigation , which led to the second article of impeachment , obstruction of Congress .
WASHINGTON — After days of arguments and questioning in President Donald Trump ’ s impeachment trial , many Republican senators have come to the same conclusion : The president did it , and they don ’ t care .
The Impeachment Today podcast gets you up to date with the day ’ s most important impeachment news .
Catch up on all the episodes , or subscribe on the iHeartRadio app , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you listen to your favorite shows .
Sen. Lamar Alexander of Tennessee posted a 15-tweet thread Thursday night calling the president ’ s handling of aid to Ukraine “ inappropriate , ” acknowledging that Democrats had proven Trump did exactly what he was accused of — but , he said , it ’ s not impeachable .
“ There is no need for more evidence to prove that the president asked Ukraine to investigate Joe Biden and his son , Hunter ; he said this on television on October 3 , 2019 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , telephone call with the president of Ukraine , ” the senator tweeted .
“ There is no need for more evidence to conclude that the president withheld United States aid , at least in part , to pressure Ukraine to investigate the Bidens ; the House managers have proved this with what they call a ‘ mountain of overwhelming evidence.
’ ” But , Alexander argued , even if the president did it , the decision of what to do about it should be left to voters in the 2020 election .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate the power to remove the president from office and ban him from this year ’ s ballot simply for actions that are inappropriate , ” he wrote .
Alexander wasn ’ t alone in that opinion .
“ Just because actions meet a standard of impeachment does not mean it is in the best interest of the country to remove a President from office , ” Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida said in a statement Friday .
Sen .
Rob Portman of Ohio echoed that line , saying in a statement of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some of the president ’ s actions in this case — asking a foreign country to investigate a potential political opponent and the delay of aid to Ukraine — were wrong and inappropriate.
” But , Portman went on to say , “ I do not believe the president ’ s actions rise to the level of removing a duly-elected president from office and taking him off the ballot in the middle of an election.
” Even Trump ’ s own legal team has laid out an argument for senators to acquit the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Ukraine for political gain .
Over hours of opening statements and responses to written questions , White House lawyers argued that most if not all presidential actions have “ mixed motives ” that factor in both politics and the public good .
“ Every public official I know believes that his election is in the public interest .
And mostly you ’ re right , ” White House lawyer Alan Dershowitz told senators .
“ Your election is in the public interest .
And if a president does something which he believes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public interest , that can not be the kind of quid pro quo that results in impeachment.
” That argument resonated with some of the president ’ s strongest defenders .
Sens .
Mike Braun and Tim Scott , two Republicans who have spoken to reporters in the Capitol often throughout the trial , have taken up the `` mixed motives '' line .
They argue that the president ’ s dealings were legitimate because Trump honestly believed he was rooting out corruption , even if his actions had the effect of damaging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s defense went even further Wednesday , arguing that it is perfectly fine for a president to accept election help from a foreign country .
“ If there is credible information , credible information of wrongdoing by someone who is running for a public office , it 's not campaign interference for credible information about wrongdoing to be brought to light if it is credible information , ” White House Deputy Counsel Patrick Philbin argued during the Senate trial .
“ So I think the idea that any information that happens to come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mistake.
” Senators will vote Friday on whether to allow witnesses in the trial , a vote that is likely to fail .
Republicans are then expected to vote to acquit Trump on all charges as soon as Friday evening .

Sen. Lamar Alexander of Tennessee posted a 15-tweet thread Thursday night calling the president’s handling of aid to Ukraine “inappropriate,” acknowledging that Democrats had proven Trump did exactly what he was accused of — but, he said, it’s not impeachable.
“There is no need for more evidence to prove that the president asked Ukraine to investigate Joe Biden and his son, Hunter; he said this on television on October 3, 2019, and during his July 25, 2019, telephone call with the president of Ukraine,” the senator tweeted. “There is no need for more evidence to conclude that the president withheld United States aid, at least in part, to pressure Ukraine to investigate the Bidens; the House managers have proved this with what they call a ‘mountain of overwhelming evidence.’”
But, Alexander argued, even if the president did it, the decision of what to do about it should be left to voters in the 2020 election. “The Constitution does not give the Senate the power to remove the president from office and ban him from this year’s ballot simply for actions that are inappropriate,” he wrote.
Alexander wasn’t alone in that opinion. “Just because actions meet a standard of impeachment does not mean it is in the best interest of the country to remove a President from office,” Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida said in a statement Friday.
Sen. Rob Portman of Ohio echoed that line, saying in a statement of his own, “I believe that some of the president’s actions in this case — asking a foreign country to investigate a potential political opponent and the delay of aid to Ukraine — were wrong and inappropriate.”
But, Portman went on to say, “I do not believe the president’s actions rise to the level of removing a duly-elected president from office and taking him off the ballot in the middle of an election.”
Even Trump’s own legal team has laid out an argument for senators to acquit the president regardless of him withholding military aid from Ukraine for political gain. Over hours of opening statements and responses to written questions, White House lawyers argued that most if not all presidential actions have “mixed motives” that factor in both politics and the public good.
“Every public official I know believes that his election is in the public interest. And mostly you’re right,” White House lawyer Alan Dershowitz told senators. “Your election is in the public interest. And if a president does something which he believes will help him get elected in the public interest, that cannot be the kind of quid pro quo that results in impeachment.”
That argument resonated with some of the president’s strongest defenders. Sens. Mike Braun and Tim Scott, two Republicans who have spoken to reporters in the Capitol often throughout the trial, have taken up the "mixed motives" line. They argue that the president’s dealings were legitimate because Trump honestly believed he was rooting out corruption, even if his actions had the effect of damaging a possible presidential rival.
Trump’s defense went even further Wednesday, arguing that it is perfectly fine for a president to accept election help from a foreign country.
“If there is credible information, credible information of wrongdoing by someone who is running for a public office, it's not campaign interference for credible information about wrongdoing to be brought to light if it is credible information,” White House Deputy Counsel Patrick Philbin argued during the Senate trial. “So I think the idea that any information that happens to come from overseas is necessarily campaign interference is a mistake.”
Senators will vote Friday on whether to allow witnesses in the trial, a vote that is likely to fail. Republicans are then expected to vote to acquit Trump on all charges as soon as Friday evening.