buzzfeed--2020-02-27--The Coronavirus Outbreak And The 2020 Presidential Primaries Could Be On A Collision Course

When asked about what discussions or preparations were underway to address potential interruptions to primary voting or caucuses , the Democratic National Committee said that decisions about state elections were made by state parties , and decisions about primary voting were made by state officials .
When asked about whether it had any contingency plans for this year ’ s Democratic National Convention in Milwaukee in July , which is run by the DNC and typically features thousands of delegates and party members , it declined to comment .
( The Republican National Committee did not respond to similar questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Charlotte . )
So far , only three states — Iowa , New Hampshire , and Nevada — have weighed in on who should be the Democratic presidential nominee .
But a flood of Americans will soon follow , first with voting in South Carolina on Saturday , then a massive blitz of voting and caucusing next week on Super Tuesday involving 14 states and Americans living abroad .
All primary voting ends by June 7 .
The news raises questions about whether the coronavirus outbreak could interrupt the lead-up to the biggest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 election .
And as the coronavirus outbreak has spread to 38 countries , triggering concerns about a global pandemic , CDC officials warned on Tuesday that they expect the virus to spread to the US — and told US businesses and schools to prepare .
US citizens living in China and South Korea have been told they won ’ t be able to cast their vote in person for the Democratic primary next month and will instead need to vote online , according to Democrats Abroad , the group in charge of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the two voting centers in China , one in Shanghai and another in Beijing , was announced on February 18 in response to local ordinances restricting travel and public events , as well as a State Department recommendation to US citizens in the country to stay indoors , according to Maya Hixson , a Democratic National Committee spokesperson .
Democrats Abroad announced on February 26 in-person voting was cancelled in South Korea , too .
`` Our number one concern is to ensure all eligible voters are able to make their voices heard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Hixson told BuzzFeed News .
“ Democrats Abroad has robust systems in place so that members can still exercise their right to vote , and we are working with them as the situation develops . ''
As of Tuesday , the coronavirus outbreak had spread to more than 80,000 cases and 2,700 deaths worldwide , with the vast majority occurring in China .
South Korea , the biggest pocket of cases outside of China , has reported 977 cases , but in contrast to the Chinese response in Hubei province , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ epicenter of the outbreak on lockdown .
In Italy , which at 270 cases has the biggest outbreak outside of Asia , public events like the Venice Carnival have been canceled .
In the US , there have been a total of 14 reported cases of COVID-19 , the illness caused by the new coronavirus , as well as 43 cases of US citizens with the illness brought back to the US from China ’ s Hubei province and the Diamond Princess cruise ship .
Although the disease is currently contained in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that “ community spread ” is likely inevitable .
In-person primary voting is still planned for early March in Italy , but things could change at the last minute , according to Democrats Abroad .
“ People can absolutely vote from home !
With this recent outbreak , we are encouraging people to do this more than ever , ” Angela Sittaro , a Democrats Abroad Italy organizer , told BuzzFeed News in a Facebook message .
Public gatherings , such as voting , caucusing , and rallies , provide opportunities to spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ packed closely together , possibly touching the same surfaces .
It ’ s unknown exactly how many hours the coronavirus can survive on surfaces or how exactly it 's spread , although there ’ s some indication people can spread the virus even if they aren ’ t displaying severe symptoms .
There are ways of handling the risk , according to Irwin Redlener , director of Columbia University ’ s National Center for Disaster Preparedness .
You can separate people more , such as extending voting over several days to thin out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surfaces , or using disposal covers .
“ I don ’ t see us having to cancel the normal political process , but we may have to make changes , ” Redlener told BuzzFeed News .
President Donald Trump tweeted on Monday that “ The Coronavirus is very much under control in the USA , ” and later that day the White House sent Congress a $ 2.5 billion request for emergency funds to help respond to the threat .
Some Democratic presidential candidates , including Sen. Elizabeth Warren and former vice president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump administration ’ s handling of the outbreak .
BuzzFeed News asked all the leading Democratic campaigns about their candidates ’ plans in the event of a nationwide coronavirus spread .
The Warren and Biden campaigns declined to comment ; the Pete Buttigieg , Amy Klobuchar , and Bernie Sanders campaigns did not respond .
Galia Slayen , a campaign spokesperson for former New York mayor Michael Bloomberg , said , `` Mike is developing a plan for how to best tackle this emerging pandemic and consulted with former CDC officials in developing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the strategy .

The closing of the two voting centers in China, one in Shanghai and another in Beijing, was announced on February 18 in response to local ordinances restricting travel and public events, as well as a State Department recommendation to US citizens in the country to stay indoors, according to Maya Hixson, a Democratic National Committee spokesperson. Democrats Abroad announced on February 26 in-person voting was cancelled in South Korea, too.
"Our number one concern is to ensure all eligible voters are able to make their voices heard without jeopardizing anyone's health and safety,” Hixson told BuzzFeed News. “Democrats Abroad has robust systems in place so that members can still exercise their right to vote, and we are working with them as the situation develops."
As of Tuesday, the coronavirus outbreak had spread to more than 80,000 cases and 2,700 deaths worldwide, with the vast majority occurring in China. South Korea, the biggest pocket of cases outside of China, has reported 977 cases, but in contrast to the Chinese response in Hubei province, it has chosen not to put the epicenter of the outbreak on lockdown. In Italy, which at 270 cases has the biggest outbreak outside of Asia, public events like the Venice Carnival have been canceled.
In the US, there have been a total of 14 reported cases of COVID-19, the illness caused by the new coronavirus, as well as 43 cases of US citizens with the illness brought back to the US from China’s Hubei province and the Diamond Princess cruise ship. Although the disease is currently contained in the US, the CDC warned on Tuesday that “community spread” is likely inevitable.
In-person primary voting is still planned for early March in Italy, but things could change at the last minute, according to Democrats Abroad.
“People can absolutely vote from home! With this recent outbreak, we are encouraging people to do this more than ever,” Angela Sittaro, a Democrats Abroad Italy organizer, told BuzzFeed News in a Facebook message.
Public gatherings, such as voting, caucusing, and rallies, provide opportunities to spread diseases because large numbers of people are packed closely together, possibly touching the same surfaces. It’s unknown exactly how many hours the coronavirus can survive on surfaces or how exactly it's spread, although there’s some indication people can spread the virus even if they aren’t displaying severe symptoms.
There are ways of handling the risk, according to Irwin Redlener, director of Columbia University’s National Center for Disaster Preparedness. You can separate people more, such as extending voting over several days to thin out the crowds, regularly wiping down voting surfaces, or using disposal covers. “I don’t see us having to cancel the normal political process, but we may have to make changes,” Redlener told BuzzFeed News.
President Donald Trump tweeted on Monday that “The Coronavirus is very much under control in the USA,” and later that day the White House sent Congress a $2.5 billion request for emergency funds to help respond to the threat. Some Democratic presidential candidates, including Sen. Elizabeth Warren and former vice president Joe Biden, have since criticized the Trump administration’s handling of the outbreak.
BuzzFeed News asked all the leading Democratic campaigns about their candidates’ plans in the event of a nationwide coronavirus spread. The Warren and Biden campaigns declined to comment; the Pete Buttigieg, Amy Klobuchar, and Bernie Sanders campaigns did not respond.
Galia Slayen, a campaign spokesperson for former New York mayor Michael Bloomberg, said, "Mike is developing a plan for how to best tackle this emerging pandemic and consulted with former CDC officials in developing that strategy.” Slayden did not elaborate on the strategy.


buzzfeed--2020-02-25--The NAACP Paid $100,000 To A Woman Who Accused Him Of Sexual Harassment. Now He's Likely Headed To C

The NAACP Paid $100,000 To A Woman Who Accused Him Of Sexual Harassment. Now He's Likely Headed To Congress.

WASHINGTON — It ’ s been nearly three years since the # MeToo movement began , ushering in the downfall of dozens of powerful men .
But slowly , in recent months , men who faced serious allegations of misconduct have begun to reenter the mainstream .
How to handle their reinventions remains an open question , and it ’ s one House Democrats will have to answer given the near certainty that Kweisi Mfume — a former member of Congress and NAACP president who was accused of sexual harassment and admitted to dating a subordinate more than a decade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ late April .
Earlier this month , Mfume won the special election primary to replace the late Rep. Elijah Cummings , who represented his Baltimore district until his death last October , defeating Cummings ’ own wife , Maya Rockeymoore Cummings , and nearly two dozen other Democratic candidates .
The seat is safely Democratic , and Mfume is likely to win the April 28 general election to take back the seat he held for nine years before Cummings .
But the campaign also brought an allegation of sexual harassment made against Mfume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spotlight .
Mfume left Congress to serve as the president of the NAACP , and while in the position , he dated one staffer and another alleged she had been sexually harassed by him and was passed over for a promotion after she rejected him , according to reports from the Baltimore Sun .
She then threatened to sue the organization and the NAACP paid her $ 100,000 in 2004 to avoid the lawsuit .
Mfume , who has denied the harassment allegation , then left the organization that year .
Mfume ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one .
He has admitted that , while he was president of the NAACP , he dated a subordinate , and he has called it a “ boneheaded ” thing to do .
During a recent interview with BuzzFeed News , Mfume said the relationship lasted for six months and that the pair then mutually agreed to end it .
The Washington Post reported in 2005 that a woman had said Mfume had sexually harassed her and that he had “ touched her on the hip , ” something Marcia E. Goodman , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assess the claims at the time , said amounted to a “ he said , she said.
” No other details of the woman ’ s complaint have been made public .
But , Goodman wrote in a memo obtained by the Post , “ the impression [ was ] created that a woman must provide sexual favors to Mr. Mfume or his associates in order to receive favorable treatment in the workplace.
” The woman asked for $ 140,000 , according to the Post , and settled for $ 100,000 .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case with any outlet since the settlement .
“ There were other people at NAACP , I think , that took [ the relationship I had ] to mean , ‘ Ah , if you 're going to get ahead with him maybe you need to have an intimate relationship with him , ’ ” Mfume told BuzzFeed News .
“ And because I was not trying to have intimate relationships with anybody else and did not , then came this allegation of nepotism .
And that , in order to get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought ] ‘ Guys , you have to have some sort of sexual relationship.
’ That was so far from the truth.
” In 2005 , when he ran for Senate , Mfume argued that the allegation was merely an attempt to hurt his campaign , and said earlier this week that his thoughts on the allegation now “ are what they were in 2005 and 2006 when I ran for the Senate , here in Maryland , they are as they were on the day that I announced on November the fourth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same now.
” The Baltimore Sun recently confirmed its previous reporting that Mfume was pushed out of the organization by the board following the sexual harassment allegation after reviewing documents on Mfume ’ s NAACP tenure with personal and professional papers belonging to Julian Bond , the former chair of the NAACP board .
Mfume dismissed the Sun story , for which he declined an interview , alleging that Bond ’ s assessment of Mfume was negative because he was after Mfume ’ s job at the time .
“ It has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two pieces that Julian really wanted to position that I got elected to by the NAACP , ” Mfume said Wednesday .
“ That 's been the conclusion of at least one historian that has paid a lot of attention to the NAACP .
I do n't know if that 's true .
I really do n't even care if it 's true… I mean , I have a complete different interpretation of things.
” In recent years , Congress has cracked down on sexual harassment and in December 2018 passed new laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and make members liable for their own misconduct .
The Democratic caucus in particular took a hard line in cases like those of former Sen. Al Franken and former Reps. John Conyers and Ruben Kihuen .
But House Democrats do n't appear to be grappling with questions about Mfume ’ s complicated history and the allegation of sexual harassment from his tenure at the NAACP in any way .
Though the Ethics Committee declined to comment for this story , one senior Democratic aide told BuzzFeed News that , because the allegations occurred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaigning for Congress , they are outside the Ethics Committee ’ s jurisdiction .
And Rep. Jackie Speier of California , who led the reforms passed in late 2018 , said conduct like Mfume ’ s couldn ’ t be addressed through the recently enacted laws .
“ It deals with conduct here in Congress of members and staff , ” she told BuzzFeed News recently .
“ I mean , you look at people like Harvey Weinstein and Jeffrey Epstein — you know there isn ’ t tolerance anymore for that kind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accountable , so that ’ s about all I can say about it.
” A follow-up to Speier ’ s office about how , if at all , the House Democrats are prepared to handle allegations prior to a candidate campaigning for Congress went unanswered , and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ’ s office did not comment on the record .
Two other senior House Democratic aides told BuzzFeed News there has been no discussion thus far about how to handle allegations made against members that fall outside the Ethics Committee ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a longtime friend of Mfume ’ s , told BuzzFeed News she knew “ vaguely ” about the allegation against Mfume while he was at the NAACP , which resurfaced again when she was preparing to endorse Mfume during his Senate bid .
“ I remember going through a deep dive , both with him , and in my work with the affiliate of the National Organization of Women at that time , ” Edwards said , “ and then coming to the conclusion that , you know , it made sense @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know , that he had addressed the allegation — that in fact he recognized , even before it was made public , that he had a change in the relationship with a staff person .
And they were both , you know , single and adults at the time.
” Edwards added , “ I mean , I certainly do n't think those are the kind of choices that he would make now and he never made those kind of choices again.
” Mfume said this week that since winning the primary he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and with leadership , and Democrats who served with him previously recently told Maryland Matters that they are looking forward to Mfume ’ s return .
“ He and I worked very well together , ” Rep. Bobby Rush told the outlet .
“ I ’ m really excited .
As a matter of fact , I ’ m giddy.
” Maya Raghu , the director of workplace equality at the National Women ’ s Law Center , told BuzzFeed News that Democrats could try to tackle allegations like Mfume ’ s by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elections where candidates have to be a member of a party to run or , you know , certainly if they want the endorsement of the party , there could be some sort of code of conduct or rules that the parties have for people who want to be candidates , ” Raghu said .
“ I mean , they have other rules for running , so this could be one as well.
” For Democrats , that could mean establishing a code of conduct through the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in races like Mfume ’ s that are so safely Democratic .
Currently , a DCCC source said , the organization requires all staff to take sexual harassment training , and all “ red to blue ” campaigns — candidates in swing districts — are required to undergo sexual harassment training and implement a sexual harassment policy .
The DCCC declined to comment on the record for this story .

WASHINGTON — It’s been nearly three years since the #MeToo movement began, ushering in the downfall of dozens of powerful men. But slowly, in recent months, men who faced serious allegations of misconduct have begun to reenter the mainstream.
How to handle their reinventions remains an open question, and it’s one House Democrats will have to answer given the near certainty that Kweisi Mfume — a former member of Congress and NAACP president who was accused of sexual harassment and admitted to dating a subordinate more than a decade ago — will join their ranks in late April.
Earlier this month, Mfume won the special election primary to replace the late Rep. Elijah Cummings, who represented his Baltimore district until his death last October, defeating Cummings’ own wife, Maya Rockeymoore Cummings, and nearly two dozen other Democratic candidates.
The seat is safely Democratic, and Mfume is likely to win the April 28 general election to take back the seat he held for nine years before Cummings. But the campaign also brought an allegation of sexual harassment made against Mfume nearly two decades ago back into the spotlight.
Mfume left Congress to serve as the president of the NAACP, and while in the position, he dated one staffer and another alleged she had been sexually harassed by him and was passed over for a promotion after she rejected him, according to reports from the Baltimore Sun. She then threatened to sue the organization and the NAACP paid her $100,000 in 2004 to avoid the lawsuit. Mfume, who has denied the harassment allegation, then left the organization that year.
Mfume’s case is a complicated, nuanced one. He has admitted that, while he was president of the NAACP, he dated a subordinate, and he has called it a “boneheaded” thing to do. During a recent interview with BuzzFeed News, Mfume said the relationship lasted for six months and that the pair then mutually agreed to end it.
The Washington Post reported in 2005 that a woman had said Mfume had sexually harassed her and that he had “touched her on the hip,” something Marcia E. Goodman, a lawyer hired by the NAACP to assess the claims at the time, said amounted to a “he said, she said.”
No other details of the woman’s complaint have been made public. But, Goodman wrote in a memo obtained by the Post, “the impression [was] created that a woman must provide sexual favors to Mr. Mfume or his associates in order to receive favorable treatment in the workplace.”
The woman asked for $140,000, according to the Post, and settled for $100,000. She and her lawyer have declined to discuss the case with any outlet since the settlement.
“There were other people at NAACP, I think, that took [the relationship I had] to mean, ‘Ah, if you're going to get ahead with him maybe you need to have an intimate relationship with him,’” Mfume told BuzzFeed News. “And because I was not trying to have intimate relationships with anybody else and did not, then came this allegation of nepotism. And that, in order to get along in this environment, [people thought] ‘Guys, you have to have some sort of sexual relationship.’ That was so far from the truth.”
In 2005, when he ran for Senate, Mfume argued that the allegation was merely an attempt to hurt his campaign, and said earlier this week that his thoughts on the allegation now “are what they were in 2005 and 2006 when I ran for the Senate, here in Maryland, they are as they were on the day that I announced on November the fourth last year, and they are the same now.”
The Baltimore Sun recently confirmed its previous reporting that Mfume was pushed out of the organization by the board following the sexual harassment allegation after reviewing documents on Mfume’s NAACP tenure with personal and professional papers belonging to Julian Bond, the former chair of the NAACP board. Mfume dismissed the Sun story, for which he declined an interview, alleging that Bond’s assessment of Mfume was negative because he was after Mfume’s job at the time.
“It has been reported in at least one, maybe two pieces that Julian really wanted to position that I got elected to by the NAACP,” Mfume said Wednesday. “That's been the conclusion of at least one historian that has paid a lot of attention to the NAACP. I don't know if that's true. I really don't even care if it's true… I mean, I have a complete different interpretation of things.”
In recent years, Congress has cracked down on sexual harassment and in December 2018 passed new laws to change congressional policies on sexual harassment and make members liable for their own misconduct. The Democratic caucus in particular took a hard line in cases like those of former Sen. Al Franken and former Reps. John Conyers and Ruben Kihuen.
But House Democrats don't appear to be grappling with questions about Mfume’s complicated history and the allegation of sexual harassment from his tenure at the NAACP in any way.
Though the Ethics Committee declined to comment for this story, one senior Democratic aide told BuzzFeed News that, because the allegations occurred while Mfume was neither in Congress nor campaigning for Congress, they are outside the Ethics Committee’s jurisdiction.
And Rep. Jackie Speier of California, who led the reforms passed in late 2018, said conduct like Mfume’s couldn’t be addressed through the recently enacted laws.
“It deals with conduct here in Congress of members and staff,” she told BuzzFeed News recently. “I mean, you look at people like Harvey Weinstein and Jeffrey Epstein — you know there isn’t tolerance anymore for that kind of conduct and you can be held accountable, so that’s about all I can say about it.”
A follow-up to Speier’s office about how, if at all, the House Democrats are prepared to handle allegations prior to a candidate campaigning for Congress went unanswered, and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s office did not comment on the record. Two other senior House Democratic aides told BuzzFeed News there has been no discussion thus far about how to handle allegations made against members that fall outside the Ethics Committee’s jurisdiction.
Former Maryland Rep. Donna Edwards, a longtime friend of Mfume’s, told BuzzFeed News she knew “vaguely” about the allegation against Mfume while he was at the NAACP, which resurfaced again when she was preparing to endorse Mfume during his Senate bid.
“I remember going through a deep dive, both with him, and in my work with the affiliate of the National Organization of Women at that time,” Edwards said, “and then coming to the conclusion that, you know, it made sense to endorse him, that, you know, that he had addressed the allegation — that in fact he recognized, even before it was made public, that he had a change in the relationship with a staff person. And they were both, you know, single and adults at the time.”
Edwards added, “I mean, I certainly don't think those are the kind of choices that he would make now and he never made those kind of choices again.”
Mfume said this week that since winning the primary he’s had conversations with House members and with leadership, and Democrats who served with him previously recently told Maryland Matters that they are looking forward to Mfume’s return.
“He and I worked very well together,” Rep. Bobby Rush told the outlet. “I’m really excited. As a matter of fact, I’m giddy.”
Maya Raghu, the director of workplace equality at the National Women’s Law Center, told BuzzFeed News that Democrats could try to tackle allegations like Mfume’s by establishing new election structures.
“Especially elections where candidates have to be a member of a party to run or, you know, certainly if they want the endorsement of the party, there could be some sort of code of conduct or rules that the parties have for people who want to be candidates,” Raghu said. “I mean, they have other rules for running, so this could be one as well.”
For Democrats, that could mean establishing a code of conduct through the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, but the organization usually does not involve itself in races like Mfume’s that are so safely Democratic. Currently, a DCCC source said, the organization requires all staff to take sexual harassment training, and all “red to blue” campaigns — candidates in swing districts — are required to undergo sexual harassment training and implement a sexual harassment policy. The DCCC declined to comment on the record for this story.


buzzfeed--2020-02-25--Black And Brown New Yorkers Who Lived Under Mayor Bloomberg Are Urging Voters To Reject Him

A group of 90 New Yorkers of color who lived in the city during Michael Bloomberg ’ s time as mayor have signed onto a letter asking communities of color across the country to reject Bloomberg ’ s bid for president as Super Tuesday approaches .
The letter includes signatures from New York elected officials and political organizers including New York City Public Advocate Jumaane Williams , New York state Sen. Julia Salazar , New York City Council Member Antonio Reynoso , Working Families Party Director of Strategy Nelini Stamp , and family members of people killed by New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s time in office .
The letter details the surveillance of Muslim communities in New York City after 9/11 ; an increase in marijuana arrests for people of color ; housing policies and rezoning efforts which they point to as one of the reasons for the affordability crisis and gentrification of neighborhoods ; and stop-and-frisk , a policing tactic which disproportionately targeted New Yorkers of color .
“ In recent days , Michael Bloomberg has attempted to rewrite his legacy , but we haven ’ t forgotten , ” the signers wrote .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and terror that the Bloomberg administration ’ s daily racial profiling and police violence caused in Black , Latinx and other communities of color can not be overstated.
” In response to the letter , Bloomberg ’ s campaign shared statistics from various articles and polls about his time in office .
The campaign pointed to New York Times reporting which said Bloomberg had improved race relations across the city and favorability ratings among black and Latino New Yorkers when he left office .
`` In deep contrast to his immediate predecessor in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was open to and listened to all New Yorkers .
But as much as we encourage everyone 's right to speak their minds , not all of the facts in this letter line up with Mike 's real record , ” campaign adviser Stu Loeser said in a statement to BuzzFeed News , pointing to changes in SNAP benefits and the city ’ s earned income tax credit under Bloomberg .
“ Our critics are welcome to offer alternative opinions , but the broader range of facts presents a different picture .
”

A group of 90 New Yorkers of color who lived in the city during Michael Bloomberg’s time as mayor have signed onto a letter asking communities of color across the country to reject Bloomberg’s bid for president as Super Tuesday approaches.
The letter includes signatures from New York elected officials and political organizers including New York City Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, New York state Sen. Julia Salazar, New York City Council Member Antonio Reynoso, Working Families Party Director of Strategy Nelini Stamp, and family members of people killed by New York City Police Department officers during Bloomberg’s time in office.
The letter details the surveillance of Muslim communities in New York City after 9/11; an increase in marijuana arrests for people of color; housing policies and rezoning efforts which they point to as one of the reasons for the affordability crisis and gentrification of neighborhoods; and stop-and-frisk, a policing tactic which disproportionately targeted New Yorkers of color.
“In recent days, Michael Bloomberg has attempted to rewrite his legacy, but we haven’t forgotten,” the signers wrote. “The extent of harm, humiliation and terror that the Bloomberg administration’s daily racial profiling and police violence caused in Black, Latinx and other communities of color cannot be overstated.”
In response to the letter, Bloomberg’s campaign shared statistics from various articles and polls about his time in office. The campaign pointed to New York Times reporting which said Bloomberg had improved race relations across the city and favorability ratings among black and Latino New Yorkers when he left office.
"In deep contrast to his immediate predecessor in office, Mike Bloomberg's City Hall was open to and listened to all New Yorkers. But as much as we encourage everyone's right to speak their minds, not all of the facts in this letter line up with Mike's real record,” campaign adviser Stu Loeser said in a statement to BuzzFeed News, pointing to changes in SNAP benefits and the city’s earned income tax credit under Bloomberg. “Our critics are welcome to offer alternative opinions, but the broader range of facts presents a different picture.”


buzzfeed--2020-02-26--The Guy Behind “Homeless Hotspots” Now Works For The Bloomberg Campaign

In 2012 , the biggest story to come out of South by Southwest Innovation , the tech conference held in Austin , was “ Homeless Hotspots.
” It was a project by an ad agency that gave 4G hotspots to 13 men without housing in the city to offer Wi-Fi to festivalgoers .
The project was immediately slammed by press and attendees as dystopian and a “ blunt display of unselfconscious gall.
” Now , the man who came up with it is working for the presidential campaign of Michael Bloomberg , the former NYC mayor who has his own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is currently a “ creative lead ” overseeing digital advertising for the well-funded machine of Bloomberg 2020 , but in 2012 he worked at the ad agency Bartle Bogle Hegarty , where he came up with the idea and organized the execution of the maligned SXSW project , which was not sponsored by a brand .
On Nolan ’ s website , he boasts about the publicity the project received for the agency : “ With over 78,000,000 Google Search Results , and has reached 13,736,154 people through 500 Million earned media impressions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This issue has by far has become the most spoken about topic to come out of # SXSW since Foursquare.
” An infographic about the project made by BBH estimated that it generated $ 620,341 in publicity value .
The Bloomberg 2020 campaign did not comment by publication time .
Thirteen men were each given a portable 4G hotspot , along with a T-shirt that said `` I 'm _____ , a 4G hotspot '' and a code festival-goers could text to donate for use of the Wi-Fi through PayPal .
Wired called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ darkly satirical science-fiction dystopia ” and Read Write called it “ a human science experiment ” .
The reaction on Twitter was generally horrified .
Critics pointed to the T-shirt wording that said the person was a 4G hotspot instead of “ I have a 4G hotspot ” as particularly dehumanizing .
After the initial outcry , the press coverage softened , with members of the BBH team explaining what they were trying to do .
Several of the men who carried the hotspots told reporters that they didn ’ t feel exploited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a little unclear on how the payment via PayPal would work , but was generally happy ) .
“ I find it a success to this date .
I still feel very proud of what we were able to do , ” Nolan told BuzzFeed News on Friday about the project .
Although the project didn ’ t make money for BBH , he said that he was happy with the publicity it generated .
“ What client does n't want to see that you spent under $ 10K and received an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ Obviously it shows some that there were some smart-thinking folks who could penetrate the zeitgeist , which is what every brand wants from their agency.
” Mark Horvath , founder of Invisible People , a homelessness advocacy group , had mixed reactions at the time .
In the comments of BBH ’ s blog , he criticized the project for not centering the voices of the people involved , the way “ street papers ” — Nolan ’ s inspiration for the project — do .
However , he later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noting that it was the only thing at SXSW that addressed homelessness .
Horvath recently told BuzzFeed News that in retrospect , the project was a net positive .
“ BBH providing a way for homeless people to make a few dollars and for the public to have a positive interaction with homeless people was brilliant , ” he said .
“ But it was a marketing campaign , not a homeless services strategy .
There is zero connection between homeless hotspots to anything going on today.
” Nolan , who lives in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he wasn ’ t particularly aware of Bloomberg ’ s record on homelessness during his time as mayor .
He joined the campaign team in November 2019 while he was freelancing and a friend mentioned Bloomberg was hiring ad people ( he initially thought his friend meant Bloomberg the media company ) .
“ I am the least political person , ” he said .
The advertising for Bloomberg 2020 has raised eyebrows over the last few weeks for pushing the boundaries of what has traditionally been accepted for political advertising , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pro-Bloomberg memes ( Bloomberg 2020 has also paid for banner ads on BuzzFeed.com ) .
The massive campaign , funded mainly by the former mayor ’ s own pockets , has spent more on advertising than any other candidate , prompting some to speculate that he is “ hacking your attention.
” While street homelessness went down during Bloomberg ’ s time as mayor , the nightly shelter population rose by 69 % , with over 22,000 children sleeping in shelters when he left office .
Bloomberg made a controversial policy in 2005 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing subsidies for people who are homeless , which some argued keeps families trapped in the shelter cycle ( Bloomberg ’ s successor , Bill de Blasio , reversed it ) .
In 2009 , it was revealed that the city was buying one-way plane tickets to fly people out of town , rather than keeping them in shelters .
Carl Siciliano , executive director for the Ali Forney Center , a shelter and advocacy group for homeless LGBTQ youth , told BuzzFeed News that Bloomberg attempted to cut funding by 50 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his time as mayor ( the City Council stopped the cuts ) .
“ It ’ s just brutal what these kids would go through , just brutal , ” Siciliano said .
“ A lot of lives were badly harmed by his callous treatment of homeless youth during his time as mayor.
” Nolan told BuzzFeed News that if he were to do an updated version of the project for 2020 , he would want to use some sort of mobile payments since he doesn ’ t carry cash .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said .
“ I don ’ t know how to pay a guy who is asking for a dollar other than to take a credit card and go buy him a sandwich .
”

Thirteen men were each given a portable 4G hotspot, along with a T-shirt that said "I'm _____, a 4G hotspot" and a code festival-goers could text to donate for use of the Wi-Fi through PayPal. Wired called the project “something out of a darkly satirical science-fiction dystopia” and Read Write called it “a human science experiment”. The reaction on Twitter was generally horrified. Critics pointed to the T-shirt wording that said the person was a 4G hotspot instead of “I have a 4G hotspot” as particularly dehumanizing.
After the initial outcry, the press coverage softened, with members of the BBH team explaining what they were trying to do. Several of the men who carried the hotspots told reporters that they didn’t feel exploited (one man told BuzzFeed that he was a little unclear on how the payment via PayPal would work, but was generally happy).
“I find it a success to this date. I still feel very proud of what we were able to do,” Nolan told BuzzFeed News on Friday about the project. Although the project didn’t make money for BBH, he said that he was happy with the publicity it generated. “What client doesn't want to see that you spent under $10K and received an inordinate amount of PR?” he said. “Obviously it shows some that there were some smart-thinking folks who could penetrate the zeitgeist, which is what every brand wants from their agency.”
Mark Horvath, founder of Invisible People, a homelessness advocacy group, had mixed reactions at the time. In the comments of BBH’s blog, he criticized the project for not centering the voices of the people involved, the way “street papers” — Nolan’s inspiration for the project — do. However, he later praised the project in a video, noting that it was the only thing at SXSW that addressed homelessness.
Horvath recently told BuzzFeed News that in retrospect, the project was a net positive. “BBH providing a way for homeless people to make a few dollars and for the public to have a positive interaction with homeless people was brilliant,” he said. “But it was a marketing campaign, not a homeless services strategy. There is zero connection between homeless hotspots to anything going on today.”
Nolan, who lives in New York City, told BuzzFeed News that he wasn’t particularly aware of Bloomberg’s record on homelessness during his time as mayor. He joined the campaign team in November 2019 while he was freelancing and a friend mentioned Bloomberg was hiring ad people (he initially thought his friend meant Bloomberg the media company). “I am the least political person,” he said.
The advertising for Bloomberg 2020 has raised eyebrows over the last few weeks for pushing the boundaries of what has traditionally been accepted for political advertising, like paying large Instagram accounts to post pro-Bloomberg memes (Bloomberg 2020 has also paid for banner ads on BuzzFeed.com). The massive campaign, funded mainly by the former mayor’s own pockets, has spent more on advertising than any other candidate, prompting some to speculate that he is “hacking your attention.”


buzzfeed--2020-02-25--The Supreme Court Will Consider Whether Adoption Agencies That Get Tax Money Can Turn Away Same-Sex

The Supreme Court Will Consider Whether Adoption Agencies That Get Tax Money Can Turn Away Same-Sex Couples

The Supreme Court on Monday said it would consider whether religious adoption agencies can turn away same-sex parents , potentially carving out a means for groups that rely on taxpayer funds to discriminate against LGBTQ people .
The case of Fulton v. Philadelphia presents a major opportunity for religious conservatives to win a ruling with national consequences that would let private organizations sidestep civil rights policies while competing for funds on equal footing with secular organizations .
The dispute began with Philadelphia ’ s Department of Human Services , which , like similar agencies in cities nationally , seizes children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are abused or neglected , and places them with foster parents .
The Philadelphia department works with — and funds — several private groups that assist , including Catholic Social Services , run by the Archdiocese of Philadelphia .
In March 2018 , nearly four years after the Supreme Court found same-sex couples have a constitutional right to marry , city officials saw an article in the Philadelphia Inquirer that said Catholic Social Services ( CSS ) had a policy of categorically refusing service to same-sex couples seeking to become foster parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the CSS contract for placing children in homes — but continued to fund other parts CSS , such as group homes — the religious group sued the city .
CSS claimed its First Amendment rights to free exercise were being violated and the nondiscrimination rule was unfairly being applied to them as a form of religious hostility .
“ As a Catholic agency , ” the group ’ s July petition to the Supreme Court said , “ CSS can not provide written endorsements for same-sex couples which contradict its religious teachings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ council , Department of Human Services , and other city officials have targeted CSS and attempted to coerce it into changing its religious practices.
” A federal district court , and then a federal appeals court , had ruled against the adoption agency , finding that the city ’ s contract that banned discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation was legal and applied neutrally — for instance , the rules were identical for religious groups and secular contractors alike .
The city added in a Supreme Court brief in October it has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ several years .
“ The City has never allowed contractors to turn away potential foster parents based on a protected characteristic , ” the filing said .
“ Although this longstanding policy applies to all City contractors — and although the City has long contracted with Catholic Social Services , and continues to do so for a range of other child-welfare services — CSS contends that the City ’ s decision to enforce this policy against it reflects religious hostility.
” When the Third Circuit Court of Appeals agreed with the city , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a persuasive showing that the City targeted it for its religious beliefs , or is motivated by ill will against its religion , rather than sincere opposition to discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.
” The case is among several battles between the religious right and LGBTQ advocates since same-sex marriage was legalized by states and courts .
Religious conservatives insist they reserve a constitutional right to withhold endorsement of those marriages by recusing themselves from helping adoptions , declining medical services , and refusing wedding-related goods and services — even when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ First Amendment ’ s rights to free speech , religious exercise , and religious expression mean a person can not be compelled to perform tasks or make products , religious conservatives contend .
They were emboldened by the 2017 case of Trinity Lutheran Church of Columbia v. Comer , where a Missouri church successfully argued at the Supreme Court for a government grant to refurbish its playground .
Religious conservatives also won a narrow victory at the Supreme Court in 2018 for a Colorado baker who turned away a gay couple .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Department of Health and Human Services ’ Office of Civil Rights also said it would allow faith-based foster care and adoption agencies receive federal funds , even if they refuse same-sex parents .
The city ’ s case is assisted by the Support Center for Child Advocates and Philadelphia Family Pride , which is represented by the ACLU .
In addition to Catholic Social Services , plaintiffs include Sharonell Fulton and Toni Simms-Busch , two women who support the adoption agency .
Their case is being argued by lawyers at the Becket @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Supreme Court case that found employers could refuse to pay for contraception under Obamacare .

The Supreme Court on Monday said it would consider whether religious adoption agencies can turn away same-sex parents, potentially carving out a means for groups that rely on taxpayer funds to discriminate against LGBTQ people.
The case of Fulton v. Philadelphia presents a major opportunity for religious conservatives to win a ruling with national consequences that would let private organizations sidestep civil rights policies while competing for funds on equal footing with secular organizations.
The dispute began with Philadelphia’s Department of Human Services, which, like similar agencies in cities nationally, seizes children without safe homes, such as kids who are abused or neglected, and places them with foster parents. The Philadelphia department works with — and funds — several private groups that assist, including Catholic Social Services, run by the Archdiocese of Philadelphia.
In March 2018, nearly four years after the Supreme Court found same-sex couples have a constitutional right to marry, city officials saw an article in the Philadelphia Inquirer that said Catholic Social Services (CSS) had a policy of categorically refusing service to same-sex couples seeking to become foster parents.
After the city cut off parts of the CSS contract for placing children in homes — but continued to fund other parts CSS, such as group homes — the religious group sued the city. CSS claimed its First Amendment rights to free exercise were being violated and the nondiscrimination rule was unfairly being applied to them as a form of religious hostility.
“As a Catholic agency,” the group’s July petition to the Supreme Court said, “CSS cannot provide written endorsements for same-sex couples which contradict its religious teachings on marriage. The mayor, city council, Department of Human Services, and other city officials have targeted CSS and attempted to coerce it into changing its religious practices.”
A federal district court, and then a federal appeals court, had ruled against the adoption agency, finding that the city’s contract that banned discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation was legal and applied neutrally — for instance, the rules were identical for religious groups and secular contractors alike.
The city added in a Supreme Court brief in October it has banned discrimination based on sexual orientation for several years. “The City has never allowed contractors to turn away potential foster parents based on a protected characteristic,” the filing said. “Although this longstanding policy applies to all City contractors — and although the City has long contracted with Catholic Social Services, and continues to do so for a range of other child-welfare services — CSS contends that the City’s decision to enforce this policy against it reflects religious hostility.”
When the Third Circuit Court of Appeals agreed with the city, it found CSS “failed to make a persuasive showing that the City targeted it for its religious beliefs, or is motivated by ill will against its religion, rather than sincere opposition to discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.”
The case is among several battles between the religious right and LGBTQ advocates since same-sex marriage was legalized by states and courts. Religious conservatives insist they reserve a constitutional right to withhold endorsement of those marriages by recusing themselves from helping adoptions, declining medical services, and refusing wedding-related goods and services — even when state laws ban anti-LGBTQ discrimination.
The First Amendment’s rights to free speech, religious exercise, and religious expression mean a person cannot be compelled to perform tasks or make products, religious conservatives contend. They were emboldened by the 2017 case of Trinity Lutheran Church of Columbia v. Comer, where a Missouri church successfully argued at the Supreme Court for a government grant to refurbish its playground. Religious conservatives also won a narrow victory at the Supreme Court in 2018 for a Colorado baker who turned away a gay couple.
At the federal level, in 2019, the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of Civil Rights also said it would allow faith-based foster care and adoption agencies receive federal funds, even if they refuse same-sex parents.
The city’s case is assisted by the Support Center for Child Advocates and Philadelphia Family Pride, which is represented by the ACLU.
In addition to Catholic Social Services, plaintiffs include Sharonell Fulton and Toni Simms-Busch, two women who support the adoption agency. Their case is being argued by lawyers at the Becket Fund, which represented Hobby Lobby in a Supreme Court case that found employers could refuse to pay for contraception under Obamacare.


buzzfeed--2020-02-27--Bernie Sanders Won Nevada. In 10 Days, He Could Make It Very Hard For Anyone To Catch Up.

EL PASO — On one side of the room , at the back of Bally 's casino , Michael Bloomberg ’ s top strategist speculated with reporters about not if , but perhaps when , they would spend millions on negative ads against the Democratic frontrunner .
“ Campaigns are fluid and we 'll see… ” Across the ballroom in Las Vegas , where officials from each campaign gathered earlier this week after the latest debate , a Bernie Sanders official responded with an impassive shrug .
“ So let them , ” the candidate ’ s closest and longest-serving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turned for the exit without stopping .
It was a typical flash of bravado from the 78-year-old senator ’ s campaign .
But for the rest of the Democratic presidential field — as other candidates have begun talking openly about who among them is best positioned to stop the Vermont independent — Weaver 's challenge captured a building sense of seemingly inexorable forward-movement by Sanders ahead of the most critical juncture in the race .
Three days later , on Saturday afternoon , Sanders won the caucuses in Nevada , the third state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reflect the kind of diverse electorate that will vote across 16 states and territories on March 3 and determine one-third of the party delegates required to clinch the nomination .
As the vote came in on Saturday afternoon , Democrats watched to see which candidate would win the race for second place .
But Sanders ’ s apparently decisive Nevada victory has set up an immediate and existential moment in the nominating process : In just 10 days , Sanders could emerge from Super Tuesday with a delegate lead that other candidates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is one of the surest , most unyielding rules in presidential politics : Once one candidate has a sizable delegate lead , it becomes difficult — at first increasingly improbable , then mathematically impossible — for another to catch up .
It was true in 1980 , with Jimmy Carter .
It was true in 2008 , with Barack Obama .
And it was true four years ago , during Sanders ’ s first presidential campaign , with Hillary Clinton .
In March of 2016 , she emerged from Super Tuesday ahead by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ build a permanent advantage .
If he wanted to surpass her campaign , Sanders wouldn ’ t just need to start winning more states — he would have to start winning everywhere , by significant margins .
He could keep running — and he did , until the Democratic convention — but he never had much chance to win .
Now , as the remaining candidates fight for a commanding position in the race before the 14-state contest in 10 days , Bernie Sanders is on the other side of the delegate math @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead , there is no catching up , ” said Robby Mook , Hillary Clinton ’ s campaign manager in 2016 .
“ It ’ s too late after Super Tuesday .
Even if the field drops down to two people , that person still has to be beating him by 10 to 20 points in the remaining contests.
” “ This is the fog everybody is in right now .
If you aren ’ t Sanders , ” Mook said , “ you have to deal with this problem before Super Tuesday.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama ’ s campaign manager in 2008 , said on MSNBC Saturday night that if the primary stays crowded after Super Tuesday , Sanders could have a hold on the nomination .
“ If it is more than a two-candidate race , certainly — if it ’ s a four or five-candidate race , Bernie Sanders can walk to the nomination getting 35 , 36 , 37 % of the vote , ” he told NBC ’ s Brian Williams .
He later made that more explicit .
“ But basically , if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s March 3 and we ’ re talking about Klobuchar , Buttigieg , Warren , Biden , Bloomberg , and Sanders , and everybody ’ s in , Bernie ’ s going to win almost all the delegates he needs to build an impenetrable delegate lead .
That ’ s just math .
It ’ s not my opinion — it ’ s just simple math . ''
On Saturday morning , hours before the start of the caucuses in Nevada , Sanders was already on his plane , bound for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tuesday states .
He arrived in El Paso , the first of four cities he will visit here this weekend , to greet an outdoor overflow crowd and a full house at the Abraham Chavez Theatre , which seats 2,500 people .
Early voting is already underway in California and Texas , states that will decide 643 of the 1,991 total delegates needed to win the Democratic nomination at the convention .
In Nevada , a similarly diverse state where Sanders has excelled with Latinx voters , he is projected to have won @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats in CNN ’ s entrance poll , as well as a quarter of black Democrats .
“ When I look out at an audience like this and I see the diversity and the beauty in this audience — and let me tell you , you do look beautiful from here , ” said Sanders , a rare grin on his face as he began his speech in El Paso .
“ I feel absolute confidence that we can create a government that is based on compassion that is based on love , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we have now of greed , corruption , and lies.
” His position in the race has only recently invited attacks and attention from his rivals .
For months , Democrats largely ignored , dismissed , or even praised Sanders as a consistent and well-meaning politician who represented a wing of the party too marginal to decide a nomination .
Now , Pete Buttigieg is telling voters that his nomination would amount to “ a fatal error.
” Elizabeth Warren is calling on his campaign to release more medical records .
And Joe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positions on gun control .
Earlier this week , officials working for Bloomberg outlined the delegate outlook on Super Tuesday based on their own internal polling , warning Democrats that if the field of eight candidates did not narrow before early March , Sanders would be “ impossible to stop.
” A starkly worded memo , published by Axios on Wednesday , estimated that Sanders could amass a delegate lead of more than 400 in the March 3 states and argued that , with “ no path ” to the nomination , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bloomberg or guarantee a Sanders victory .
Some Democrats balked at the memo as bald arrogance — a billionaire former Republican pronouncing such candidates as Biden and Warren dead and “ crumbled ” — but Sanders does stand to make it increasingly difficult for any one candidate to break out from the field and reduce his lead .
“ People either functionally or actually need to get out of the race before Super Tuesday , ” said Addisu Demissie , a veteran operative who managed Cory Booker ’ s presidential campaign and worked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Otherwise , Sanders is going to open up a lead and , quite possibly , one that is too big to close.
” In the Democratic nominating process , candidates who hit a 15 % threshold in a given state or district receive delegates proportionally — a number that could become even more significant in a field where multiple candidates split smaller portions of the vote below 15 % .
“ We typically think of the threshold issue as pushing people out [ who don ’ t hit 15 % ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making it in , ” said Mook .
Howard Wolfson , Bloomberg ’ s chief strategist , forecast the next 10 days as a “ battle royale among the moderates to see who is best able to position themselves against Sanders . ''
“ It seems to me incumbent upon those of us who understand the challenge that Bernie Sanders would present at the top of the ticket to figure it out , ” he told reporters in Las Vegas .
Sanders has never pursued a typical path to the Democratic nomination .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticizes the Democratic establishment he seeks to lead .
He rarely discusses politics through the lens of the party unless he is decrying it .
He has both sued the Democratic National Committee , accusing its chairperson in 2016 of knowingly “ rigging ” the nomination in favor of Clinton , and served in the four years since as one of its top surrogates , most prominently on a multistate “ unity ” tour in 2017 .
In his first presidential campaign , Sanders openly attacked superdelegates — the party leaders and elected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Democratic nominating process — before launching a last-ditch campaign to win their support when he fell behind Clinton with voters .
Early on in his second campaign , Sanders advisers were already describing their path to the nomination as fractured : In a large field , they said , Sanders could win the most delegates with just “ a third ” of the vote — setting up the possibility of a contested national convention this summer .
“ We can win the Texas primary , ” the candidate said to cheers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ results were still coming in .
“ We can win the Democratic nomination .
We can defeat Donald Trump .
And we can transform this country .
Let 's do it !
” He was on to his usual stump speech , standing before a giant Texas flag .

EL PASO — On one side of the room, at the back of Bally's casino, Michael Bloomberg’s top strategist speculated with reporters about not if, but perhaps when, they would spend millions on negative ads against the Democratic frontrunner.
“Campaigns are fluid and we'll see…”
Across the ballroom in Las Vegas, where officials from each campaign gathered earlier this week after the latest debate, a Bernie Sanders official responded with an impassive shrug. “So let them,” the candidate’s closest and longest-serving adviser Jeff Weaver said, as he turned for the exit without stopping.
It was a typical flash of bravado from the 78-year-old senator’s campaign. But for the rest of the Democratic presidential field — as other candidates have begun talking openly about who among them is best positioned to stop the Vermont independent — Weaver's challenge captured a building sense of seemingly inexorable forward-movement by Sanders ahead of the most critical juncture in the race.
Three days later, on Saturday afternoon, Sanders won the caucuses in Nevada, the third state on the primary calendar and the first to reflect the kind of diverse electorate that will vote across 16 states and territories on March 3 and determine one-third of the party delegates required to clinch the nomination.
As the vote came in on Saturday afternoon, Democrats watched to see which candidate would win the race for second place. But Sanders’s apparently decisive Nevada victory has set up an immediate and existential moment in the nominating process: In just 10 days, Sanders could emerge from Super Tuesday with a delegate lead that other candidates can chase but never reach.
It is one of the surest, most unyielding rules in presidential politics: Once one candidate has a sizable delegate lead, it becomes difficult — at first increasingly improbable, then mathematically impossible — for another to catch up.
It was true in 1980, with Jimmy Carter. It was true in 2008, with Barack Obama. And it was true four years ago, during Sanders’s first presidential campaign, with Hillary Clinton. In March of 2016, she emerged from Super Tuesday ahead by more than 160 delegates — enough to build a permanent advantage. If he wanted to surpass her campaign, Sanders wouldn’t just need to start winning more states — he would have to start winning everywhere, by significant margins.
He could keep running — and he did, until the Democratic convention — but he never had much chance to win.
Now, as the remaining candidates fight for a commanding position in the race before the 14-state contest in 10 days, Bernie Sanders is on the other side of the delegate math.
“If he has a three-figure lead, there is no catching up,” said Robby Mook, Hillary Clinton’s campaign manager in 2016. “It’s too late after Super Tuesday. Even if the field drops down to two people, that person still has to be beating him by 10 to 20 points in the remaining contests.”
“This is the fog everybody is in right now. If you aren’t Sanders,” Mook said, “you have to deal with this problem before Super Tuesday.”
David Plouffe, who was Barack Obama’s campaign manager in 2008, said on MSNBC Saturday night that if the primary stays crowded after Super Tuesday, Sanders could have a hold on the nomination.
“If it is more than a two-candidate race, certainly — if it’s a four or five-candidate race, Bernie Sanders can walk to the nomination getting 35, 36, 37% of the vote,” he told NBC’s Brian Williams.
He later made that more explicit. “But basically, if we’re — Brian, if it’s March 3 and we’re talking about Klobuchar, Buttigieg, Warren, Biden, Bloomberg, and Sanders, and everybody’s in, Bernie’s going to win almost all the delegates he needs to build an impenetrable delegate lead. That’s just math. It’s not my opinion — it’s just simple math."
On Saturday morning, hours before the start of the caucuses in Nevada, Sanders was already on his plane, bound for Texas, one of the largest Super Tuesday states. He arrived in El Paso, the first of four cities he will visit here this weekend, to greet an outdoor overflow crowd and a full house at the Abraham Chavez Theatre, which seats 2,500 people.
Early voting is already underway in California and Texas, states that will decide 643 of the 1,991 total delegates needed to win the Democratic nomination at the convention. In Nevada, a similarly diverse state where Sanders has excelled with Latinx voters, he is projected to have won the support of 51% of Hispanic Democrats in CNN’s entrance poll, as well as a quarter of black Democrats.
“When I look out at an audience like this and I see the diversity and the beauty in this audience — and let me tell you, you do look beautiful from here,” said Sanders, a rare grin on his face as he began his speech in El Paso. “I feel absolute confidence that we can create a government that is based on compassion that is based on love, is based on truth, not what we have now of greed, corruption, and lies.”
His position in the race has only recently invited attacks and attention from his rivals. For months, Democrats largely ignored, dismissed, or even praised Sanders as a consistent and well-meaning politician who represented a wing of the party too marginal to decide a nomination. Now, Pete Buttigieg is telling voters that his nomination would amount to “a fatal error.” Elizabeth Warren is calling on his campaign to release more medical records. And Joe Biden is drawing attention to his reversed positions on gun control.
Earlier this week, officials working for Bloomberg outlined the delegate outlook on Super Tuesday based on their own internal polling, warning Democrats that if the field of eight candidates did not narrow before early March, Sanders would be “impossible to stop.”
A starkly worded memo, published by Axios on Wednesday, estimated that Sanders could amass a delegate lead of more than 400 in the March 3 states and argued that, with “no path” to the nomination, the other leading candidates should step aside for Bloomberg or guarantee a Sanders victory. Some Democrats balked at the memo as bald arrogance — a billionaire former Republican pronouncing such candidates as Biden and Warren dead and “crumbled” — but Sanders does stand to make it increasingly difficult for any one candidate to break out from the field and reduce his lead.
“People either functionally or actually need to get out of the race before Super Tuesday,” said Addisu Demissie, a veteran operative who managed Cory Booker’s presidential campaign and worked as a senior Clinton aide in 2016. “Otherwise, Sanders is going to open up a lead and, quite possibly, one that is too big to close.”
In the Democratic nominating process, candidates who hit a 15% threshold in a given state or district receive delegates proportionally — a number that could become even more significant in a field where multiple candidates split smaller portions of the vote below 15%. “We typically think of the threshold issue as pushing people out [who don’t hit 15%], but it also buttresses the people making it in,” said Mook.
Howard Wolfson, Bloomberg’s chief strategist, forecast the next 10 days as a “battle royale among the moderates to see who is best able to position themselves against Sanders."
“It seems to me incumbent upon those of us who understand the challenge that Bernie Sanders would present at the top of the ticket to figure it out,” he told reporters in Las Vegas.
Sanders has never pursued a typical path to the Democratic nomination.
He is a longtime registered independent who criticizes the Democratic establishment he seeks to lead. He rarely discusses politics through the lens of the party unless he is decrying it. He has both sued the Democratic National Committee, accusing its chairperson in 2016 of knowingly “rigging” the nomination in favor of Clinton, and served in the four years since as one of its top surrogates, most prominently on a multistate “unity” tour in 2017.
In his first presidential campaign, Sanders openly attacked superdelegates — the party leaders and elected officials who have historically had a say in the Democratic nominating process — before launching a last-ditch campaign to win their support when he fell behind Clinton with voters.
Early on in his second campaign, Sanders advisers were already describing their path to the nomination as fractured: In a large field, they said, Sanders could win the most delegates with just “a third” of the vote — setting up the possibility of a contested national convention this summer.
“We can win the Texas primary,” the candidate said to cheers in El Paso on Saturday as caucus results were still coming in. “We can win the Democratic nomination. We can defeat Donald Trump. And we can transform this country. Let's do it!”
Sanders didn’t mention Nevada.
He was on to his usual stump speech, standing before a giant Texas flag.


buzzfeed--2020-02-27--Live Results: Nevada Democratic Caucuses

The Nevada caucuses are wrapping up ; the third contest of the Democratic presidential primary and the most diverse state yet to weigh in on the race .
A couple of things to know about the results : First , yes , this is another caucus , the quirky election system that brought a disaster to Iowa earlier this month .
There are a few key differences , though , between Nevada and Iowa .
For one , Nevada allowed early voting , and about 75,000 Democrats took advantage — rivaling the total participation for the Democratic caucuses in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic Party will not be using an app like the one that made the caucus reporting process in Iowa such a nightmare .
Most of the caucus basics are the same as in Iowa .
Nevada Democrats gathered at a set time ( 12 p.m. PT ) at a collection of precinct sites to register their candidate preferences by physically grouping at each site and writing their selections on preference cards — this step is called the first alignment , and early vote tallies will be considered once this grouping is complete .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ support on that first preference to be viable ( the threshold is typically 15 % of caucusgoers at a location ) , then that candidate ’ s supporters are able to realign either with a candidate who was viable in the first round or join together to make another candidate viable — this is the final alignment .
The state party will then publicly report the totals for the first alignment , the final alignment , and the allocation of county convention delegates .
There could still be issues , however .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an army of state party staff and volunteers to get the caucus data together and reported .
The party has said it intends to have the full results reported on Saturday , but there ’ s still the possibility more time will be needed to iron everything out .

UPDATE: Bernie Sanders has won the Nevada caucuses.
The Nevada caucuses are wrapping up; the third contest of the Democratic presidential primary and the most diverse state yet to weigh in on the race.
A couple of things to know about the results: First, yes, this is another caucus, the quirky election system that brought a disaster to Iowa earlier this month. There are a few key differences, though, between Nevada and Iowa. For one, Nevada allowed early voting, and about 75,000 Democrats took advantage — rivaling the total participation for the Democratic caucuses in the state in 2016. And the Nevada Democratic Party will not be using an app like the one that made the caucus reporting process in Iowa such a nightmare.
Most of the caucus basics are the same as in Iowa. Nevada Democrats gathered at a set time (12 p.m. PT) at a collection of precinct sites to register their candidate preferences by physically grouping at each site and writing their selections on preference cards — this step is called the first alignment, and early vote tallies will be considered once this grouping is complete. If a candidate does not have enough support on that first preference to be viable (the threshold is typically 15% of caucusgoers at a location), then that candidate’s supporters are able to realign either with a candidate who was viable in the first round or join together to make another candidate viable — this is the final alignment.
The state party will then publicly report the totals for the first alignment, the final alignment, and the allocation of county convention delegates.
There could still be issues, however. The caucus system is complicated and reliant on an army of state party staff and volunteers to get the caucus data together and reported. The party has said it intends to have the full results reported on Saturday, but there’s still the possibility more time will be needed to iron everything out.


buzzfeed--2020-02-27--Pete Buttigieg Is Winning. But Does He Have A Phase 5?

The former mayor has had a stunning start to the Democratic primary .
But he now has serious issues to deal with , starting with money .
NASHUA , New Hampshire — The weight of his presidential campaign hung on one week in February .
He needed to win in Iowa — the kind of stunning , historic victory that would validate his name across the country .
Then he needed to go to New Hampshire and prove himself there , too .
Pete Buttigieg did both of those things .
But an extraordinary two weeks have left the 38-year-old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the presidency .
After raising tens of millions of dollars last year , his campaign is facing unusual financial after spending much of that money in and on Iowa , leaving some of his organizing staff uncertain if they still have jobs .
And in the contests ahead , he will compete against two well-funded opponents , a steady Bernie Sanders and a strengthening Michael Bloomberg , as he faces an imminent test of his greatest vulnerability : support from voters of color .
Thanks to a chaotic caucus night and a near @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apparent Iowa victory did not deliver the massive fundraising boost a winner would expect out of the first , much-hyped caucus .
And it did not immediately elevate him exponentially with the voters of color who will decide the next two states on the calendar , Nevada and South Carolina .
On the campaign trail , the candidate ’ s answer to people concerned about his struggles with black voters often hinged on Iowa , and the idea that a victory there would open doors for him with black voters — just as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Barack Obama in 2008 .
In the wake of Iowa , at least one poll showed it was a different moderate candidate who managed to steal away a bigger chunk of black Democrats from Biden : Bloomberg , a billionaire late entry who is now expected to be a serious threat by the time Super Tuesday rolls around .
And in New Hampshire , where he came within reach of beating Sanders on Tuesday , an unexpected surge and third-place finish by yet another moderate , Amy Klobuchar , hurt Buttigieg ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s center .
Buttigieg has early victories under his belt and slightly more delegates than any other candidate , but for a campaign that rallies its supporters around a methodical path forward — Iowa marked , in its own semi-serious Twitter parlance , the initiation of “ phase 4 ” — it ’ s an unusually tenuous position .
On the night a coding error derailed the Iowa caucuses , Buttigieg declared victory anyway .
In a sense , it was the obvious choice for the campaign : Even in the confusion of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had some confidence he would lead the field in state delegate equivalents — the metric that traditionally determines the winner in Iowa ’ s complex caucus process — but after funneling the large share of their time , money , and staff into the state , they felt they needed to leave Iowa as winners .
Still , the dayslong delay offset their apparent victory with questions about an opaque caucus process and a poorly built smartphone app , stunting what could have been a massive fundraising opportunity .
Sanders eventually declared victory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote total , further complicating any clean success story .
Rep. Anthony Brown of Maryland , a cochair of Buttigieg ’ s campaign , suggested the Iowa aftermath affected the campaign ’ s anticipated bounces in fundraising , polling , and enthusiasm .
“ It ’ s hard to measure .
What do those three bounces look like with a Tuesday morning headline ?
We got about four days of bump , ” Brown said in an interview , acknowledging that each day ’ s bounce was likely smaller than the day before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raised $ 4 million in the three days after the caucus showing , though there ’ s no clear picture of how much cash remains on hand after a heavy investment in the first two states .
It was a strong number , but less than Klobuchar 's campaign said it raised in the wake of her debate performance later in the week .
( She also announced that she raised $ 2.5 million in a matter of hours after coming in third in New Hampshire .
Buttigieg as of Thursday morning had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some on the massive Buttigieg team in Iowa — which hit its peak at about 170 staffers , many of whom moved to Iowa for months to help build a field and political organization from scratch — are now waiting to see whether they will have jobs on the campaign in other states .
Dozens of field organizers were told their jobs were ending for “ budgetary reasons , ” according to two Iowa Democrats close to the Buttigieg operation .
“ When he says plainly we have to do well in both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no way we can win , then we probably should n't be surprised at where they are financially , ” one of the Democrats said .
Asked about the Iowa staff , Buttigieg spokesperson Ben Halle said the campaign was following redeployment and transition guidelines set by its staff ’ s union contract .
“ When positions in Iowa ended after the caucuses , we 've been offering new positions as they become available as directed by the collective bargaining agreement , ” he said .
“ We 're glad to have already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positions on our team . ''
On Wednesday , the Buttigieg campaign announced plans to double its staff in Nevada , another caucus state where an organized field operation is key to a candidate ’ s competitive edge .
Susie Tompkins Buell , one of the party ’ s biggest donors and a central figure helping raise money for Buttigieg , said that the Iowa success has “ recharged ” the community of well-connected wealthy Democrats who can raise large sums as so-called bundlers .
“ People are coming back for more , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her husband Mark Buell has hosted a number of high-dollar fundraisers for Buttigieg in San Francisco .
“ He still has room to grow .
His investors , they look at it as investing , not bundling — and honestly , I don ’ t know how to put this in words that don ’ t sound ‘ woo woo ’ — they have this sort of feeling of really believing in something .
People feel that .
I feel that myself.
” But another major Buttigieg bundler said he had expected a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was able to raise — and hadn ’ t yet seen one .
Money will be an even greater challenge for Buttigieg now that the race is narrowing in part around Sanders , whose small-dollar donors are a reliable source of tens of millions of dollars through recurring donations , and Bloomberg , who is spending hundreds of millions from his own fortune .
The Iowa spending plan was sound , Michael Halle , a senior strategist on Buttigieg ’ s campaign , said this week in an interview .
`` Just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The thing no one would have wanted , and you and your colleagues would have destroyed us over , is if we had $ 15 million sitting in the bank and we didn ’ t do well in Iowa and New Hampshire and the argument for the candidacy starts to go away .
... We ’ ve had great fundraising since the caucus and frankly even in the weeks prior to the caucus .
We are confident we are going to have the resources to go compete .
But no one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have resources if they can ’ t continue to prove that they can win . ''
The campaign as of Wednesday had more than 100 paid staff in Nevada — including an influx of former Iowa organizers — and 55 in South Carolina , which votes on Feb. 29 .
Beyond Nevada and South Carolina , the campaign is also deploying resources to the Super Tuesday states that vote March 3 .
Buttigieg will visit five of those states — including California , a prime destination for both delegates and raising cash — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign has staff in every Super Tuesday state and grassroots volunteer teams in every congressional district in those states , an organization built to help boost delegate totals .
The campaign has announced a six-figure advertising push targeting seven Super Tuesday and other later-voting states .
`` Pete ’ s going to have to go in , and we ’ re going to have to do this with the media as well and really close the deal , ” Michael Halle , the senior strategist , said .
“ And that means not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sure that we ’ re getting into communities , especially communities of color , and letting Pete be Pete and get in front of people and make his argument .
What we have seen consistently is that when that happens , our support grows . ''
Campaign advisers aren ’ t planning a major overhaul to Buttigieg ’ s approach or overall message , which in the first two states involved the candidate ’ s pointed overtures to “ future former Republicans.
” Buttigieg presents himself — as a married millennial man from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidate of generational change and ideological compromise .
But Buttigieg , who frequently acknowledges his shortcomings with voters of color , also debuted some sharper lines in his Tuesday night speech in New Hampshire clearly meant to telegraph the shift to more diverse states .
The multilingual candidate addressed a portion of his remarks to Dreamers in Spanish .
He decried voter suppression and spoke of welcoming “ new allies to our movement ” — a movement that reaches “ into church basements and barbershops , into universities and union halls.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from state Rep. JA Moore , Buttigieg ’ s first endorsement from a black lawmaker in South Carolina .
Brown , the campaign cochair and a member of the Congressional Black Caucus , said there will be efforts to reach faith-based organizations and historically black colleges and universities .
Brown also expects the campaign to emphasize Buttigieg ’ s Douglass Plan , a series of proposals to address systemic racism .
“ Consistency is important , ” Brown said .
“ People in South Carolina can hear what he 's saying whether he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or Nashua , New Hampshire .
We ’ ll tailor the message to make sure we ’ re speaking to specific concerns , but it will be consistent.
” The theory that voters of color will respond to Buttigieg once he ’ s proven himself a winner and once he spends more time in their communities remains largely untested .
One rival campaign , citing internal data from the only six Iowa precincts where its models showed a majority of caucusgoers were expected to be black , found that Biden and Sanders far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buttigieg campaign has preferred to emphasize a mashup of numbers that show him winning at least 15 % of state delegate equivalents in precincts where more than 20 % of the people are of color .
( Iowa overall is more than 90 % white . )
An Iowa entrance poll from ABC News found Sanders with a big lead among nonwhite caucusgoers , with Buttigieg and Biden bunched together in a distant second tier .
`` There are going to be big swaths of people that are up for grabs , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve seen time and time again that when we can get in front of those people , and people get a sense of Pete ’ s brand and who he is and what he ’ s about , they like him . ''
National surveys since Iowa show Buttigieg improving with voters of color : from 0 % black support pre-Iowa to 4 % post-Iowa in a Quinnipiac poll ; from 1 % nonwhite support to 8 % in a Monmouth poll — the largest jump for any candidate , Bloomberg included , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not conducive to a winning coalition .
“ I do n't think it ’ s been a lack of effort on Pete ’ s part , ” Rep. Cedric Richmond of Louisiana , a Biden campaign cochair , told BuzzFeed News .
“ I think African Americans are aware of what ’ s at stake .
They ’ re reluctant to nominate the mayor of a small city to go up against Trump.
” Richmond has encouraged Biden to make such contrasts .
Over the weekend , the campaign dropped a video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ small when stacked up against Biden ’ s record .
The attack annoyed Buttigieg and his supporters , who accused Biden of belittling smaller cities .
“ I was hurt by it , ” said Nan Whaley , the mayor of Dayton , Ohio , who canvassed for Buttigieg in New Hampshire .
“ You 're really talking about a large portion of the public that has no idea who Pete Buttigieg is today , ” Whaley added .
“ What I know is that when audiences of color get to know him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ While Pete ’ s record has been out there — as it should be , how he ’ s done in South Bend — there ’ s been very little coverage of the other candidates on diversity issues .
I can ’ t wait for that.
” Buttigieg ’ s campaign is itself now looking for more coverage .
The campaign , which began its ascent by getting the then-unknown Buttigieg as much free media as possible to boost his name recognition , is again foisting the candidate onto morning news shows , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without needing to pay for it .
Often punctual even when on a packed schedule of rallies and town halls , Buttigieg was later than usual the day before the New Hampshire primary and had an afternoon free of campaign stops following a morning meet-and-greet in Plymouth .
NBC News ’ Chuck Todd was among those waiting to interview Buttigieg after that event .
And actor Kevin Costner , on hand to add some celebrity to Buttigieg ’ s final night of campaigning , dashed out of a Milford forum early to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff had arranged for him .
It ’ s this type of free media that could sustain Buttigieg if he has to cut back on paid advertising , if the resources spent on Iowa and New Hampshire are not quickly or sufficiently replenished .
“ Fresh off our huge night last night , Pete sat down this morning with @ Morning_Joe , @ NewDay , @ JudyWoodruff , ” Chris Meagher , Buttigieg ’ s national press secretary , tweeted Wednesday morning , hours after the New Hampshire results .
Meagher then tweeted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buttigieg did , covering Las Vegas , Charleston , South Carolina , several Super Tuesday states , and Pennsylvania — which doesn ’ t vote until April 28 .
Rather than rush to Nevada or South Carolina on Wednesday morning after his second-place New Hampshire finish , Buttigieg rushed to TV .

NASHUA, New Hampshire — The weight of his presidential campaign hung on one week in February. He needed to win in Iowa — the kind of stunning, historic victory that would validate his name across the country. Then he needed to go to New Hampshire and prove himself there, too.
Pete Buttigieg did both of those things. But an extraordinary two weeks have left the 38-year-old former mayor without a clear path to the presidency.
After raising tens of millions of dollars last year, his campaign is facing unusual financial pressures after spending much of that money in and on Iowa, leaving some of his organizing staff uncertain if they still have jobs. And in the contests ahead, he will compete against two well-funded opponents, a steady Bernie Sanders and a strengthening Michael Bloomberg, as he faces an imminent test of his greatest vulnerability: support from voters of color.
Thanks to a chaotic caucus night and a near tie with Sanders, Buttigieg’s apparent Iowa victory did not deliver the massive fundraising boost a winner would expect out of the first, much-hyped caucus. And it did not immediately elevate him exponentially with the voters of color who will decide the next two states on the calendar, Nevada and South Carolina. On the campaign trail, the candidate’s answer to people concerned about his struggles with black voters often hinged on Iowa, and the idea that a victory there would open doors for him with black voters — just as it did, his aides said, for Barack Obama in 2008.
In the wake of Iowa, at least one poll showed it was a different moderate candidate who managed to steal away a bigger chunk of black Democrats from Biden: Bloomberg, a billionaire late entry who is now expected to be a serious threat by the time Super Tuesday rolls around. And in New Hampshire, where he came within reach of beating Sanders on Tuesday, an unexpected surge and third-place finish by yet another moderate, Amy Klobuchar, hurt Buttigieg’s chances to claim the party’s center.
Buttigieg has early victories under his belt and slightly more delegates than any other candidate, but for a campaign that rallies its supporters around a methodical path forward — Iowa marked, in its own semi-serious Twitter parlance, the initiation of “phase 4” — it’s an unusually tenuous position.
On the night a coding error derailed the Iowa caucuses, Buttigieg declared victory anyway. In a sense, it was the obvious choice for the campaign: Even in the confusion of that night, Buttigieg’s advisers had some confidence he would lead the field in state delegate equivalents — the metric that traditionally determines the winner in Iowa’s complex caucus process — but after funneling the large share of their time, money, and staff into the state, they felt they needed to leave Iowa as winners.
Still, the dayslong delay offset their apparent victory with questions about an opaque caucus process and a poorly built smartphone app, stunting what could have been a massive fundraising opportunity. Sanders eventually declared victory as well, based on the raw vote total, further complicating any clean success story.
Rep. Anthony Brown of Maryland, a cochair of Buttigieg’s campaign, suggested the Iowa aftermath affected the campaign’s anticipated bounces in fundraising, polling, and enthusiasm.
“It’s hard to measure. What do those three bounces look like with a Tuesday morning headline? We got about four days of bump,” Brown said in an interview, acknowledging that each day’s bounce was likely smaller than the day before.
Buttigieg’s campaign announced it raised $4 million in the three days after the caucus showing, though there’s no clear picture of how much cash remains on hand after a heavy investment in the first two states. It was a strong number, but less than Klobuchar's campaign said it raised in the wake of her debate performance later in the week. (She also announced that she raised $2.5 million in a matter of hours after coming in third in New Hampshire. Buttigieg as of Thursday morning had shared no fundraising specifics post-primary.)
Some on the massive Buttigieg team in Iowa — which hit its peak at about 170 staffers, many of whom moved to Iowa for months to help build a field and political organization from scratch — are now waiting to see whether they will have jobs on the campaign in other states.
Dozens of field organizers were told their jobs were ending for “budgetary reasons,” according to two Iowa Democrats close to the Buttigieg operation. “When he says plainly we have to do well in both of these states, or there is no way we can win, then we probably shouldn't be surprised at where they are financially,” one of the Democrats said.
Asked about the Iowa staff, Buttigieg spokesperson Ben Halle said the campaign was following redeployment and transition guidelines set by its staff’s union contract. “When positions in Iowa ended after the caucuses, we've been offering new positions as they become available as directed by the collective bargaining agreement,” he said. “We're glad to have already offered the vast majority of them new positions on our team."
On Wednesday, the Buttigieg campaign announced plans to double its staff in Nevada, another caucus state where an organized field operation is key to a candidate’s competitive edge.


buzzfeed--2020-02-29--Clearview AI Created Accounts For The Offices Of Four Republican Congressmen Including Trump’s Nomin

Clearview AI Created Accounts For The Offices Of Four Republican Congressmen Including Trump’s Nominee For Director Of National Intelligence

Clearview AI , the secretive facial recognition company whose software has been used by more than 2,200 organizations around the world , created accounts for the offices of four congresspeople , including one who President Donald Trump is nominating for Director of National Intelligence .
Clearview data reviewed by BuzzFeed News includes an unused account for Rep. John Ratcliffe ( R-TX ) , whose eventual nomination to DNI was announced by Trump on Friday via tweet .
Trump has yet to formally nominate Ratcliffe to the Senate .
In Clearview documents viewed by BuzzFeed News the entry for “ Congressman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had performed zero log-ins and zero searches , meaning that Clearview had created an account that was never used .
A spokesperson for Rep. Ratcliffe told BuzzFeed News that Clearview staff met with Ratcliffe ’ s staff .
“ Clearview AI created a demo account prior to a legislative meeting , which Ratcliffe ’ s staff did not activate , ” the spokesperson said .
Ratcliffe currently sits on the House Judiciary Committee and the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence .
On Thursday , BuzzFeed News reported that more than 2,200 private @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Enforcement ( ICE ) , the FBI , and Macy ’ s had used Clearview ’ s facial recognition software .
Rep. Ratcliffe ’ s account was not included in that count , which only noted organizations that had at least one account with at least one search .
Clearview did not immediately respond for comment .

Clearview AI, the secretive facial recognition company whose software has been used by more than 2,200 organizations around the world, created accounts for the offices of four members of Congress, including one whom President Donald Trump is nominating for director of national intelligence.
Clearview data reviewed by BuzzFeed News includes an unused account for Texas Rep. John Ratcliffe, a Republican whose eventual nomination to DNI was announced by Trump on Friday via tweet. Trump has yet to formally send the nomination to the Senate.
In Clearview documents viewed by BuzzFeed News, the entry for “Congressman John Ratcliffe Staff” indicates that that user had performed zero log-ins and zero searches, meaning that Clearview had created an account that was never used. A spokesperson for Ratcliffe told BuzzFeed News that Clearview staff had met with Ratcliffe’s staff.
“Clearview AI created a demo account prior to a legislative meeting, which Ratcliffe’s staff did not activate,” the spokesperson said. Ratcliffe currently sits on the House Judiciary Committee and the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.
On Thursday, BuzzFeed News reported that more than 2,200 private and public entities including Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the FBI, and Macy’s had used Clearview’s facial recognition software. Ratcliffe’s account was not included in that count, which only noted organizations that had at least one account with at least one search.
Clearview did not immediately respond to a request for comment.