buzzfeed--2020-02-08--Joe Biden Was Combative On Friday's Debate Stage After His Fail In Iowa

Joe Biden was more combative and forceful in Friday night ’ s Democratic debate than he has been for much of the last year , as he tries to keep his campaign alive after a tough week in Iowa and days away from New Hampshire , where other candidates have distinct advantages in Tuesday ’ s primary .
“ Bernie 's labeled himself , not me , a democratic socialist .
I think that 's the label that the president 's going to lay on everyone running with Bernie , if he 's a nominee , ” he said on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stephanopoulos asked him if the two leaders out of Iowa , Sen. Bernie Sanders and former South Bend mayor Pete Buttigieg , are `` too big a risk for Democrats . ''
“ Mayor Buttigieg is a great guy and a real patriot .
He 's a mayor of a small city who has done some good things , but has not demonstrated he has the ability to — and we 'll soon find out — to get a broad scope of support across the board , including African-Americans and Latinos , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and direct : Joe Biden , despite what you may have heard , is fighting .
“ Earlier this week , we took a gut punch , ” Biden said in a fundraising email to supporters almost as soon as the debate ended , a line he first used at a campaign event in New Hampshire on Wednesday morning .
“ But I ’ ve never been more ready to fight , and anyone on that stage tonight who counted me out was dead wrong.
” “ He ’ s fighting , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a conference call before the debate .
`` I think you saw that from him this week.
” Biden ’ s schedule in New Hampshire this week , however , was noticeably sparser than Buttigieg ’ s — while the two other frontrunners , Sanders and Sen. Elizabeth Warren , were called back to Washington in the middle of the week to tie up the impeachment process .
Biden was out of New Hampshire on Thursday for meetings with advisers .
On Friday night Biden amped up his attacks on competitors — something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trail in New Hampshire earlier this week , but laid out at more length during the debate — and continually emphasized his experience in the Senate and role in the Obama administration .
After being questioned on his vote in favor of the 2003 Iraq war , Biden talked at length about his foreign policy record , centering his own role in a range of diplomacy initiatives including strengthening NATO , ” along with the president of the United States , Barack Obama , as his partner.
” “ I was part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iran .
I was there .
I was involved in that .
I was also part of the deal putting together the Paris climate accord .
I brought in the Chinese .
I was part of that , ” he said .
“ I 've been part of every major initiative we 've had relative to diplomacy .
I have not argued for the placement of major numbers of US combat troops.
“ The former vice president centered himself as a key part of the last several decades of American history , after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used in recent days , about leaving “ the politics of the past in the past.
” “ The politics of the past , I think , were not all that bad , ” Biden said .
“ I wrote the Violence Against Women Act .
I managed the $ 900 billion Recovery Act , which in fact put millions and millions of dollars into his city before he came and help save his city .
I was able to pass a chemical weapons ban , arms control .
And I was the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ call for same-sex marriage .
So I don ’ t know what about the past of Barack Obama and Joe Biden was so bad .
What happened ?
What is it that he wants to do away with ?
” Biden continued .
Biden ’ s refusal to disavow some legacies of the Obama administration and his own record have drawn criticism from immigration and civil rights activists , and other candidates — the mass deportations under Obama , which Biden has refused to explicitly apologize for when pushed , though he recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he was opposed to the policy , and his opposition to busing as a means of encouraging desegregation of public schools , which he has tried to downplay .
Biden was knocked off his stride after Monday ’ s Iowa caucus , where about the only certainty in the midst of the messy counting of votes was that he finished far behind the top two candidates , Buttigieg and Sanders , and significantly behind in votes for the third , Warren .
A few days later , after acknowledging his disappointing performance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ top .
He cast Sanders , because he identifies as a democratic socialist , as a liability if he ’ s the Democratic nominee .
And he accused Buttigieg of speaking dismissively of Obama when he blasts Biden as part of the failed old Washington ways .
As hard as Biden advisers worked to lower expectations in the days before , and as much as they ’ ve said Biden ’ s campaign is built for a long race past South Carolina and Super Tuesday at the start of March , the weak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s already working on expectations for next week .
On Wednesday , two days after Iowa , Biden told a crowd in Somersworth , New Hampshire , “ I ’ m counting on New Hampshire.
” On Friday night , Biden seemed to walk that back again .
” It 's a long race .
I took a hit in Iowa and I 'll probably take a hit here .
Traditionally , Bernie won by 20 points last time .
And usually it 's the neighboring senators that do well , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to restore the soul of this country , bring back the middle class , and make sure we bring people together .
And so it 's a simple proposition .
It does n't matter whether it 's this one or the next , ” he said .
“ I 've always viewed the first four encounters , two primaries and two caucuses , as the starting point .
”

Joe Biden was more combative and forceful in Friday night’s Democratic debate than he has been for much of the last year, as he tries to keep his campaign alive after a tough week in Iowa and days away from New Hampshire, where other candidates have distinct advantages in Tuesday’s primary.
“Bernie's labeled himself, not me, a democratic socialist. I think that's the label that the president's going to lay on everyone running with Bernie if he's a nominee,” he said on the debate stage after moderator George Stephanopoulos asked him if the two leaders out of Iowa, Sen. Bernie Sanders and former South Bend mayor Pete Buttigieg, are "too big a risk for Democrats."
“Mayor Buttigieg is a great guy and a real patriot. He's a mayor of a small city who has done some good things, but has not demonstrated he has the ability to — and we'll soon find out — to get a broad scope of support across the board, including African Americans and Latinos,” Biden continued.
The message was loud and direct: Joe Biden, despite what you may have heard, is fighting.
“Earlier this week, we took a gut punch,” Biden said in a fundraising email to supporters almost as soon as the debate ended, a line he first used at a campaign event in New Hampshire on Wednesday morning. “But I’ve never been more ready to fight, and anyone on that stage tonight who counted me out was dead wrong.”
“He’s fighting," a senior Biden adviser told reporters on a conference call before the debate. "I think you saw that from him this week.”
Biden’s schedule in New Hampshire this week, however, was noticeably sparser than Buttigieg’s — while the two other frontrunners, Sanders and Sen. Elizabeth Warren, were called back to Washington in the middle of the week to tie up the impeachment process. Biden was out of New Hampshire on Thursday for meetings with advisers.
On Friday night Biden amped up his attacks on competitors — something he started to do on the campaign trail in New Hampshire earlier this week, but laid out at more length during the debate — and continually emphasized his experience in the Senate and role in the Obama administration.
After being questioned on his vote in favor of the 2003 Iraq war, Biden talked at length about his foreign policy record, centering his own role in a range of diplomacy initiatives including strengthening NATO, "along with the president of the United States, Barack Obama, as his partner."
“I was part of the reason [for] putting that deal together with Iran. I was there. I was involved in that. I was also part of the deal putting together the Paris climate accord. I brought in the Chinese. I was part of that,” he said.
“I've been part of every major initiative we've had relative to diplomacy. I have not argued for the placement of major numbers of US combat troops.“
The former vice president centered himself as a key part of the last several decades of American history, after Buttigieg repeated a criticism he’s used in recent days, about leaving “the politics of the past in the past.”
“The politics of the past, I think, were not all that bad,” Biden said.
“I wrote the Violence Against Women Act. I managed the $900 billion Recovery Act, which in fact put millions and millions of dollars into his city before he came and help save his city. I was able to pass a chemical weapons ban, arms control. And I was the first major leader holding public office to call for same-sex marriage. So I don’t know what about the past of Barack Obama and Joe Biden was so bad. What happened? What is it that he wants to do away with?” Biden continued.
Biden’s refusal to disavow some legacies of the Obama administration and his own record have drawn criticism from immigration and civil rights activists, and other candidates — the mass deportations under Obama, which Biden has refused to explicitly apologize for when pushed, though he recently hinted at a Las Vegas campaign stop that he was opposed to the policy, and his opposition to busing as a means of encouraging desegregation of public schools, which he has tried to downplay.
Biden was knocked off his stride after Monday’s Iowa caucus, where about the only certainty in the midst of the messy counting of votes was that he finished far behind the top two candidates, Buttigieg and Sanders, and significantly behind in votes for the third, Warren. A few days later, after acknowledging his disappointing performance, he criticized both candidates at the top. He cast Sanders, because he identifies as a democratic socialist, as a liability if he’s the Democratic nominee. And he accused Buttigieg of speaking dismissively of Obama when he blasts Biden as part of the failed old Washington ways.
As hard as Biden advisers worked to lower expectations in the days before, and as much as they’ve said Biden’s campaign is built for a long race past South Carolina and Super Tuesday at the start of March, the weak Iowa showing rattled his allies. And he’s already working on expectations for next week.
On Wednesday, two days after Iowa, Biden told a crowd in Somersworth, New Hampshire, “I’m counting on New Hampshire.”
On Friday night, Biden seemed to walk that back again. ”It's a long race. I took a hit in Iowa and I'll probably take a hit here. Traditionally, Bernie won by 20 points last time. And usually it's the neighboring senators that do well,” he said.
“We have to restore the soul of this country, bring back the middle class, and make sure we bring people together. And so it's a simple proposition. It doesn't matter whether it's this one or the next,” he said. “I've always viewed the first four encounters, two primaries and two caucuses, as the starting point.”


buzzfeed--2020-02-08--Here’s What’s Happening In Republicans’ Biden–Ukraine Investigation

WASHINGTON — Republicans in the Senate are months into a broad investigation into matters related to Democrats and Ukraine and have made steady progress amassing documents and coordinating interviews with possible witnesses , according to sources familiar with the inquiry .
The investigation , which has been ongoing as President Donald Trump ’ s impeachment worked its way through Congress , focuses on former vice president Joe Biden ’ s relationship with Ukraine and widely refuted claims that the country interfered in the 2016 presidential election .
Since December , the lead Republicans on three Senate committees have been receiving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testify in the vast probe , which could stretch into the summer and the primaries , where Biden is vying for the Democratic nomination .
The committees are expecting thousands more pages of records from government agencies about interactions between the Obama administration and Ukrainian officials before the last presidential election .
Those three Republican committee chairs — Sens .
Chuck Grassley , Ron Johnson , and Lindsey Graham — sent out requests in the fall to a wide range of government entities , as well as political consultants and former State Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conspiracy theories about Ukrainian election meddling .
( Graham has been less involved than Grassley and Johnson . )
The requests , which didn ’ t make large waves at the time , came as Democrats pursued impeachment against the president for withholding millions in foreign aid to Ukraine in exchange for investigations into the Bidens — notably , Biden ’ s son Hunter , who served on the board of Burisma , a Ukrainian gas company .
The requests focused on a series of reported events that many Republicans have argued justified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that merit scrutiny both in Ukraine and the US .
Now , Democrats are accusing the Republican senators of using their congressional resources to reelect Trump based on largely debunked theories .
“ Republicans are turning the Senate into an arm of the president ’ s political campaign , pursuing an investigation designed to further President Trump ’ s favorite conspiracy theory that Ukraine interfered in the 2016 election and smear Vice President Biden , ” said Ashley Schapitl , a spokesperson for Sen. Ron Wyden , the top Democrat on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argued , however , that he ’ s pursued several investigations in recent years , including one on Russian election interference that included interviewing Donald Trump Jr. , the president ’ s son .
“ Over his 40-year tenure in the Senate , Grassley has developed a long history of nonpartisan oversight , regardless of what party controls Congress or the White House .
To imply that his investigations are politically-motivated or one-sided is demonstrably wrong , ” a spokesperson told BuzzFeed News .
Schapitl also said the Treasury Department has turned over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and questioned how quickly the department did so .
“ [ T ] he Trump administration refused to comply with all Democratic requests for documents and witnesses associated with impeachment , ” Schapitl said .
“ Applying a blatant double standard , Trump administration agencies like the Treasury Department are rapidly complying with Senate Republican requests—no subpoenas necessary—and producing ‘ evidence ’ of questionable origin .
The administration told House Democrats to go pound sand when their oversight authority was mandatory while voluntarily cooperating with the Senate Republicans ’ sideshow at lightning speed.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ office about Treasury turning over information to the committees were first reported by Yahoo News .
In November , Grassley and Johnson , who lead the Finance and Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs committees , wrote to a powerful law enforcement agency within the Treasury Department seeking information on any suspicious financial activity by Hunter Biden , Burisma , and others .
Schapitl declined to say what the agency , known as the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network or FinCEN , turned over to the lawmakers .
Treasury did not return a request for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senators , known as suspicious activity reports , or SARs , are filed regularly to FinCEN by banks when they spot transactions that bear the hallmarks of financial crimes .
Though the reports themselves are not evidence of a crime , they can be used to support investigations and intelligence gathering .
It ’ s unclear if the materials provided to the committees are SARs and if so , to whom they pertain .
“ It 's strange that any senator would complain about receiving responses to oversight requests in a timely manner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ As a general matter , most oversight requests do not involve material protected by Executive Privilege , so it can be more rapidly provided to Congress .
If the administration were to claim privilege over requested material , as the Obama administration did in during the ‘ Operation Fast and Furious ’ investigation , members of Congress can use other tools at their disposal – including the courts – to compel cooperation .
In the case of impeachment , the House chose not to do so.
” On Friday , Grassley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they had shared information about the investigation with Democrats on the committee `` as a courtesy '' and accusing them of trying to undermine Republicans ' `` legitimate oversight by selectively leaking information to the press . ''
“ Insofar as we requested as part of our investigation any sensitive law enforcement information regarding suspicious financial transactions , that request and any response received would be highly sensitive , '' the senators said in a joint statement .
`` Any selective leaks to publicize or confirm these actions is highly inappropriate , undermines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this important law enforcement tool .
Should such sensitive information exist , it would only prove the need to further investigate any and all suspicious activity related to it .
Accordingly , despite these inappropriate and selective leaks , we will continue undeterred . ''
Wyden 's office responded Friday night , saying that the Republican chairmen `` are required to share investigative material with the minority under Senate rules .
It is not a 'courtesy . '
Further , Senator Wyden and his staff have not disclosed any investigative material , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s ridiculous to characterize an official office statement on the double standard of Trump administration cooperation with Congress as a 'leak . '
'' Grassley , Johnson , and Graham have continued to question whether Joe Biden misused his position as vice president to protect his son — a theory that has not been backed up by any evidence .
In late 2015 and early 2016 , Biden was charged with leading the Obama administration 's Ukraine policy and was one of several prominent Western voices to call on the country to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who had previously investigated Burisma .
Republicans have alleged that Biden did so to help Hunter .
However , the West ’ s widespread displeasure with Shokin was rooted in his inability to root out corruption and investigate companies like Burisma , and Biden — unlike Trump — was operating within established US foreign policy .
Republican senators , including Johnson , even signed a letter urging Shokin ’ s dismissal at the time .
Despite that , Republicans want to know more about emails that purport to show a Democratic lobbying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden ’ s name to score a meeting with a senior State Department official to discuss the administration ’ s labeling of Burisma as corrupt .
They ’ ve asked Blue Star , which was working on behalf of Burisma , for documents , but it ’ s unclear if the firm has turned over any records .
The firm did not respond to requests for comment , and Grassley ’ s spokesperson declined to discuss specifics about what the committees have received .
Additionally , the three senators asked five Obama-era State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their probe into “ potential conflicts of interest and political influence by Ukrainian elements.
” The senators also asked the officials for documents pertaining to Hunter Biden , Burisma , Blue Star , and more , according to a source familiar with the requests .
That source , speaking on background to discuss the investigation , said committee lawyers have held several calls with attorneys for the officials since late December .
The Grassley spokesperson confirmed that the committees have had “ productive conversations ” with many of the people — including former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who received request letters in the fall .
“ We ’ ve heard from the non-government witnesses , ” the spokesperson said .
“ We ’ ve heard from I believe all of them in one way or another .
They ’ re all cooperating .
We ’ ve received documents from some.
” The spokesperson said the committees are in the “ fact-finding stage ” of the probe .
As part of that , Grassley and Johnson wrote to the State Department in early November requesting a host of documents .
Graham @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sent a separate request to the State Department later that month seeking records on the Bidens .
The State Department is working on turning over the files and the production could be around 1,000 pages long , the Grassley spokesperson said .
The committees are also expecting approximately 10,000 pages of records from the National Archives , the spokesperson said , about meetings reported by a conservative writer between the Obama administration , Ukrainian officials , and a Democratic National Committee contractor named Alexandra Chalupa .
However , it ’ s unclear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the National Archives , as the law governing records from previous administrations allows them to review the documents before they are released .
“ NARA is in the process of responding to this special access request for Presidential records in accordance with the requirements of the Presidential Records Act , which provides the representatives of the current and former Presidents an opportunity to review any responsive records before they can be released to the Senate committee requesters , ” a National Archives spokesperson told BuzzFeed News on Jan. 24 .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ request , and no records have yet been produced .
NARA has been in regular contact with committee staff.
” The request to the National Archives references another part of the Republican investigation — reported efforts by Ukrainian officials to undermine Trump ’ s campaign .
Key to those allegations is Andrii Telizhenko , a former Ukrainian diplomat whose claims about what the country ’ s DC embassy did during the 2016 election have helped form the basis for many of the Republican senators ’ requests .
In 2017 , Telizhenko told Politico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ embassy instructed him to help Chalupa research links between Trump , then-campaign chair Paul Manafort , and the Russians .
Manafort eventually resigned from the campaign as reports about his links to Russia surfaced and is now serving a seven-year prison sentence for a series of financial crimes from before he joined Trump ’ s team .
The Ukrainian embassy has disputed Telizhenko ’ s claims , but he insists that the embassy colluded with Democrats to hurt Trump ’ s campaign and has become a prominent voice on the right as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the attorney working for Trump who led a shadow campaign in Ukraine to dig up dirt on the Bidens .
In early December , Grassley , Johnson , and Graham asked Telizhenko for an interview and documents as part of their investigation .
“ I said I would fully cooperate with the investigation they ’ re working on and provided any evidence I had , ” Telizhenko , now a political consultant , told BuzzFeed News last week .
He said he sent the committees copies of documents from when he worked at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide everything , as some are sensitive government records .
“ I basically provided them what they asked for , ” he said .
Telizhenko says he also worked for Blue Star for a period and wants to provide documents from that time , but will need a subpoena to do so because of the nature of his contract with the firm .
Telizhenko said he responded to the committees ’ request quickly and sent the documents “ a bit later.
” He ’ s also had at least one call with several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There were like eight people on the line , ” he said .
He last spoke to the committees “ around a week ago , ” he said , and believed the committees would begin interviewing witnesses after the impeachment trial was over as part of a “ deep investigation.
” He says he wants his interview with the committees to be in an open hearing .
“ I ’ m ready to go , ” he said .
“ From my side , I want to go as public as possible for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t want any party , Republican or Democrat , to use my statement in a political manner to basically politicize anything I say.
” However , the Grassley spokesperson said congressional investigators “ call the shots , not the witnesses.
” Johnson and Grassley have also asked Chalupa for documents and testimony .
In a statement to BuzzFeed News , she said , “ The conspiracy theories that the Russian Federation and Paul Manafort planted days after the 2016 election , and which the Trump Administration , Senator Grassley , Senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against an American citizen who warned her country that Vladimir Putin was attacking America ’ s democracy are completely false .
They can choose who to believe an American mom with truth on her side or the Kremlin , which continues to wage disinformation warfare against Americans and attacks our elections .
Truth matters.
” The senators have requested records on Chalupa from the FBI and the Department of Justice as well , but neither has indicated they are working to turn anything over , the Grassley spokesperson said .
The Justice Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comment from BuzzFeed News and the FBI said only that it “ confirms receipt of the letter and declines further comment.
” Grassley previously asked the Justice Department why Chalupa wasn ’ t registered as a foreign agent after the January 2017 Politico article was published — a request he renewed in September .
However , according to a source knowledgeable about the issue , the department sent Chalupa a letter in November 2017 saying she did not need to register under the Foreign Agents Registration Act .
As for claims about Ukrainian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senators in a private briefing that Russia has sought to frame Ukraine for its own election meddling in 2016 .
The Senate Intelligence Committee , which has been working on a bipartisan investigation into Russian election interference for more than three years , reportedly investigated the claims about the Ukrainians as part of the probe and failed to find any leads worth pursuing .
Even the three Republican senators leading the Ukraine investigation have acknowledged that some of the theories about the country , including one propagated by Manafort and Trump about Ukraine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the last presidential election , are baseless .
“ The senators ’ inquiries are unrelated to an uncorroborated theory that Ukraine was also behind the hack of DNC servers , ” the senators said in their press release about the requests to Chalupa and Telizhenko .
Still , the senators are forging ahead with their probe into the embassy ’ s alleged research on Manafort and possible conflicts of interest involving the Bidens .
On Wednesday , they issued another request , this time to the Secret Service for travel records on Hunter @ @

In November, Grassley and Johnson, who lead the Finance and Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs committees, wrote to a powerful law enforcement agency within the Treasury Department seeking information on any suspicious financial activity by Hunter Biden, Burisma, and others.
Schapitl declined to say what the agency, known as the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network or FinCEN, turned over to the lawmakers. Treasury did not return a request for comment.
The documents sought by the senators, known as suspicious activity reports, or SARs, are filed regularly to FinCEN by banks when they spot transactions that bear the hallmarks of financial crimes. Though the reports themselves are not evidence of a crime, they can be used to support investigations and intelligence gathering. It’s unclear if the materials provided to the committees are SARs and if so, to whom they pertain.
“It's strange that any senator would complain about receiving responses to oversight requests in a timely manner,” the Grassley spokesperson said Thursday. “As a general matter, most oversight requests do not involve material protected by Executive Privilege, so it can be more rapidly provided to Congress. If the administration were to claim privilege over requested material, as the Obama administration did in during the ‘Operation Fast and Furious’ investigation, members of Congress can use other tools at their disposal – including the courts – to compel cooperation. In the case of impeachment, the House chose not to do so.”
On Friday, Grassley and Johnson went further, saying that they had shared information about the investigation with Democrats on the committee "as a courtesy" and accusing them of trying to undermine Republicans' "legitimate oversight by selectively leaking information to the press."
“Insofar as we requested as part of our investigation any sensitive law enforcement information regarding suspicious financial transactions, that request and any response received would be highly sensitive," the senators said in a joint statement. "Any selective leaks to publicize or confirm these actions is highly inappropriate, undermines our investigation, and risks the effectiveness of this important law enforcement tool. Should such sensitive information exist, it would only prove the need to further investigate any and all suspicious activity related to it. Accordingly, despite these inappropriate and selective leaks, we will continue undeterred."
Wyden's office responded Friday night, saying that the Republican chairmen "are required to share investigative material with the minority under Senate rules. It is not a 'courtesy.' Further, Senator Wyden and his staff have not disclosed any investigative material, as every outlet has noted. It’s ridiculous to characterize an official office statement on the double standard of Trump administration cooperation with Congress as a 'leak.'"
Grassley, Johnson, and Graham have continued to question whether Joe Biden misused his position as vice president to protect his son — a theory that has not been backed up by any evidence. In late 2015 and early 2016, Biden was charged with leading the Obama administration's Ukraine policy and was one of several prominent Western voices to call on the country to fire its top prosecutor, Viktor Shokin, who had previously investigated Burisma. Republicans have alleged that Biden did so to help Hunter. However, the West’s widespread displeasure with Shokin was rooted in his inability to root out corruption and investigate companies like Burisma, and Biden — unlike Trump — was operating within established US foreign policy. Republican senators, including Johnson, even signed a letter urging Shokin’s dismissal at the time.
Despite that, Republicans want to know more about emails that purport to show a Democratic lobbying firm called Blue Star Strategies using Hunter Biden’s name to score a meeting with a senior State Department official to discuss the administration’s labeling of Burisma as corrupt.
They’ve asked Blue Star, which was working on behalf of Burisma, for documents, but it’s unclear if the firm has turned over any records. The firm did not respond to requests for comment, and Grassley’s spokesperson declined to discuss specifics about what the committees have received.
Additionally, the three senators asked five Obama-era State Department officials for interviews as part of their probe into “potential conflicts of interest and political influence by Ukrainian elements.” The senators also asked the officials for documents pertaining to Hunter Biden, Burisma, Blue Star, and more, according to a source familiar with the requests. That source, speaking on background to discuss the investigation, said committee lawyers have held several calls with attorneys for the officials since late December.
The Grassley spokesperson confirmed that the committees have had “productive conversations” with many of the people — including former Obama officials and Blue Star employees — who received request letters in the fall. “We’ve heard from the non-government witnesses,” the spokesperson said. “We’ve heard from I believe all of them in one way or another. They’re all cooperating. We’ve received documents from some.”
The spokesperson said the committees are in the “fact-finding stage” of the probe. As part of that, Grassley and Johnson wrote to the State Department in early November requesting a host of documents. Graham, the chair of the Judiciary Committee, sent a separate request to the State Department later that month seeking records on the Bidens. The State Department is working on turning over the files and the production could be around 1,000 pages long, the Grassley spokesperson said.
The committees are also expecting approximately 10,000 pages of records from the National Archives, the spokesperson said, about meetings reported by a conservative writer between the Obama administration, Ukrainian officials, and a Democratic National Committee contractor named Alexandra Chalupa. However, it’s unclear when the committees might receive the documents from the National Archives, as the law governing records from previous administrations allows them to review the documents before they are released.
“NARA is in the process of responding to this special access request for Presidential records in accordance with the requirements of the Presidential Records Act, which provides the representatives of the current and former Presidents an opportunity to review any responsive records before they can be released to the Senate committee requesters,” a National Archives spokesperson told BuzzFeed News on Jan. 24. “The review process is currently ongoing for this request, and no records have yet been produced. NARA has been in regular contact with committee staff.”
The request to the National Archives references another part of the Republican investigation — reported efforts by Ukrainian officials to undermine Trump’s campaign. Key to those allegations is Andrii Telizhenko, a former Ukrainian diplomat whose claims about what the country’s DC embassy did during the 2016 election have helped form the basis for many of the Republican senators’ requests. In 2017, Telizhenko told Politico that a senior official at the Ukrainian embassy instructed him to help Chalupa research links between Trump, then-campaign chair Paul Manafort, and the Russians. Manafort eventually resigned from the campaign as reports about his links to Russia surfaced and is now serving a seven-year prison sentence for a series of financial crimes from before he joined Trump’s team.
The Ukrainian embassy has disputed Telizhenko’s claims, but he insists that the embassy colluded with Democrats to hurt Trump’s campaign and has become a prominent voice on the right as a result, meeting with Rudy Giuliani, the attorney working for Trump who led a shadow campaign in Ukraine to dig up dirt on the Bidens.


buzzfeed--2020-02-08--Romney’s Vote To Remove Trump From Office Sparked Rumors About The “White Horse Prophecy"

Minutes after Utah Republican Sen. Mitt Romney announced Wednesday that he would vote to convict President Donald Trump in the impeachment trial , Twitter users began wondering if this was Romney ’ s “ white horse '' moment .
It was n't — and it ’ s far from clear whether the supposed prophecy even entered into Romney ’ s consideration .
The White Horse Prophecy comes from an often-contested statement believed to have been made by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints founder Joseph Smith .
According to the claim , in 1840 , Smith said that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when the US Constitution hung by a thread , LDS elders would step in `` on the white horse '' to save the country .
“ In spite of fact that I don ’ t put stock in the historical accuracy of the so-called ‘ White Horse prophecy , ’ I could almost be convinced to be a believer after [ Romney ] announced he ’ ll be the lone [ Republican senator ] to do the right thing to vote to convict Trump , upholding the Constitution , ” historian Barbara Jones @ @ @ @ @ @ @ works as the executive director of the Mormon History Association , an institute independent from the LDS church , told BuzzFeed News that she thinks Romney is too smart to believe the White Horse Prophecy .
“ I think he 's just doing it based on principles , ” she said .
“ He said he took an oath before God as a senator , and Mormons also take an oath before God to be honest.
” “ Mitt Romney voting like the White Horse Prophecy is real .
Good for him though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authenticity of Smith ’ s prophecy is heavily disputed , and it was not widely known within Mormonism until conspiracy theorist Glenn Beck began to promote it a decade ago .
In 2010 , the LDS church issued a statement saying the folklore is unsubstantiated “ The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is politically neutral and does not endorse or promote any candidate , party or platform , ” the church said at the time .
“ Accordingly , we hope that the campaign practices of political candidates would not suggest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ connected to the church .
”

Minutes after Utah Republican Sen. Mitt Romney announced Wednesday that he would vote to convict President Donald Trump in the impeachment trial, Twitter users began wondering if this was Romney’s “white horse" moment.
It wasn't — and it’s far from clear whether the supposed prophecy even entered into Romney’s consideration.
The White Horse Prophecy comes from an often-contested statement believed to have been made by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints founder Joseph Smith. According to the claim, in 1840, Smith said that, one day in the future, when the US Constitution hung by a thread, LDS elders would step in "on the white horse" to save the country.
“In spite of fact that I don’t put stock in the historical accuracy of the so-called ‘White Horse prophecy,’ I could almost be convinced to be a believer after [Romney] announced he’ll be the lone [Republican senator] to do the right thing to vote to convict Trump, upholding the Constitution,” historian Barbara Jones Brown tweeted Wednesday.
Brown, who works as the executive director of the Mormon History Association, an institute independent from the LDS church, told BuzzFeed News that she thinks Romney is too smart to believe the White Horse Prophecy.
“I think he's just doing it based on principles,” she said. “He said he took an oath before God as a senator, and Mormons also take an oath before God to be honest.”
“Mitt Romney voting like the White Horse Prophecy is real. Good for him though,” another user tweeted.
The authenticity of Smith’s prophecy is heavily disputed, and it was not widely known within Mormonism until conspiracy theorist Glenn Beck began to promote it a decade ago. In 2010, the LDS church issued a statement saying the folklore is unsubstantiated
“The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is politically neutral and does not endorse or promote any candidate, party or platform,” the church said at the time. “Accordingly, we hope that the campaign practices of political candidates would not suggest that their candidacy is supported by or connected to the church.”


buzzfeed--2020-02-08--Bernie Sanders’ Iowa Surge Is Settling Into A Surreal Anticlimax

MILFORD , New Hampshire — What do you say after a year of work — work by the candidate and his staffers , by the volunteers those staffers recruit , and by all the people who show up to caucus in common cause on the big day — when it all comes down to one surreal anticlimax ?
At 12:30 p.m. the day after a coding error derailed the Iowa caucuses , still facing an uncertain top finish , the Bernie Sanders campaign convened an all-staff call .
“ We can not lose sight of what matters most here : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign manager , Faiz Shakir , told his team after a sleepless night .
As results started coming in on Tuesday , there was no great celebration , just a quiet mix of exhaustion and resolve , for the sort-of-victorious Sanders campaign .
The senator and his aides believe they are winning the most important measure of the complicated Iowa caucus process : the raw votes .
With results from 75 % of state precincts as of Wednesday afternoon , former South Bend , Indiana , mayor Pete Buttigieg has a slight lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the standard that in the past has determined the caucus winner , while Sanders currently leads in the both rounds of caucus voting , including after the so-called realignment process , when voters backing candidates who don ’ t reach threshold of 15 % support at a caucus may choose to realign with another candidate .
Sanders and Buttigieg are at the moment tied in pledged delegates , the measure that ultimately decides the nominee at the Democratic National Convention .
On Wednesday night , Sanders ’ s state director , Misty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff and supporters , saying campaign officials still believed they had “ a viable path forward to achieve a clean sweep and retake the lead in state delegate equivalents and national pledged delegates.
” The memo pointed mainly to results yet to come from Iowa ’ s satellite caucuses , which she said she believes Sanders won “ overwhelmingly.
” Satellite caucuses were held earlier in the day for Iowans out of state , but were also designed in part to allow workers and students , two chief components of the Sanders electorate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the day .
As results continue to trickle in , the Sanders team seems to have grown resigned to the reality that what might have been a momentous occasion for its campaign and “ political revolution ” — leading the vote in the first contest of the nominating process — is now muddled by a delayed result , an opaque caucus process gone awry , and a poorly built smartphone app .
It has been a chaotic and confusing end to the yearlong race to win Iowa , as campaigns gathered their supporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Des Moines , only to wait , and wait , and keep waiting , for election results that never came .
Sanders supporters , crowding into a large hall inside the airport Holiday Inn , watched live CNN coverage on large projectors .
“ QUESTIONS MOUNT OVER DELAY OF IOWA CAUCUS RESULTS , ” read a chyron that hardly changed all night .
Eventually , they cut the sound .
By midnight , there was Sanders , delivering his usual stump speech .
The next morning , tired aides were milling around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still without results .
Pete D ’ Alessandro , the senator ’ s longtime man in Iowa , was talking about the young staffers and volunteers who were , he said , bewildered by what had happened .
“ They do n't get their story here , ” D ’ Alessandro said .
Around noon on Tuesday , Sanders crossed an ice-cold tarmac in Des Moines to join his staff and members of the press on his campaign plane , leaving the state for perhaps the last time after a yearlong effort here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of dollars .
At the rear of his Boeing 737 , Sanders addressed a crush of reporters and television cameras about what he described as negligence by the Iowa Democratic Party to deliver clear and timely results .
Imagine how many voters are deflated by the process , he said .
“ If I ’ m a first-time voter and I came out and voted — and the results are not coming in for 16 hours ?
You know , that ’ s a little disconcerting.
” By his side , the candidate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , outlined the campaign ’ s latest internal data , reading off their partial estimates from a sheet of paper .
To his right , Sanders stood motionless in the aisle , a stolid expression on his face .
Buttigieg had already — kind of .
“ No , ” Sanders snapped back , “ what we ’ re declaring is what Jeff just talked about , based on the information we receive from our precinct captains.
” By the time he arrived in New Hampshire , the next state on the primary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a half-hearted applause line .
“ For some reason in Iowa , they ’ re having a little bit of trouble counting votes .
But I am confident that here in New Hampshire , I know you ’ ll be able to count your votes on election night , ” he told a crowd of 1,300 on Tuesday night at an athletic complex in Milford .
“ And when you count those votes , I look forward to winning here in New Hampshire.
” The Iowa results so far do reflect a remarkable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personal vindication for Sanders and his brand of class-based politics .
Four years after falling short in his first presidential campaign , and four months after a heart attack threatened to end his second , the 78-year-old senator appears to have won more Iowa voters than his 11 rivals .
Sanders sees his movement as squarely based in the politics of class — a mode of organizing he believes the political establishment neither understands nor is willing to embrace .
“ This is unique , ” Sanders told supporters on the day before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no other campaign doing this.
” If his 2016 bid began as a self-described “ educational campaign ” — a one-man crusade to spread his message about economic inequality , corporate greed , and a rigged political system — then four years later , Sanders has pursued victory with a more personalized message to the American working class : Over the last year , he has used his campaign and massive digital platform to emphasize individual stories of , in particular , people struggling with medical , credit , and student debt , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face daily .
The mix of philosophy and strategy is unusual , but central to Sanders ’ view of movement politics .
And he has promised voters with great confidence that his strategy will bring new voters , most of them poor or working class , into the political process .
“ It is a gamble to see whether we can bring those people into the political process , ” he said in an interview last year .
“ One way you do it is to say , ‘ You see that guy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re workin ’ for $ 12 an hour , you can ’ t afford health insurance — so is he .
Listen to what he has to say .
It ’ s not Bernie Sanders talking , you know ?
It ’ s that guy .
Join us . '
” Iowa was the first test of that gamble : Initial reports have suggested voter turnout is just above or on pace for the levels set in 2016 , when about 170,000 participated in the contest between Sanders and Hillary Clinton .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ almost 240,000 Iowa voters that set a record in 2008 during Barack Obama ’ s first presidential campaign .
Monday ’ s figure came as a clear disappointment to Sanders .
The day before the caucus , he asked his supporters to help drive a victory with “ the largest voter turnout in the history of the Iowa caucus.
” It ’ s ending up to be , it seems , another mixed result .
“ Somewhat higher ” than 2016 , Sanders told reporters before heading to New Hampshire .
Just “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said , “ as I would have liked to have seen .
”

MILFORD, New Hampshire — What do you say after a year of work — work by the candidate and his staffers, by the volunteers those staffers recruit, and by all the people who show up to caucus in common cause on the big day — when it all comes down to one surreal anticlimax?
At 12:30 p.m. the day after a coding error derailed the Iowa caucuses, still facing an uncertain top finish, the Bernie Sanders campaign convened an all-staff call.
“We cannot lose sight of what matters most here: winning this damn nomination,” his campaign manager, Faiz Shakir, told his team after a sleepless night.
As results started coming in on Tuesday, there was no great celebration, just a quiet mix of exhaustion and resolve, for the sort-of-victorious Sanders campaign.
The senator and his aides believe they are winning the most important measure of the complicated Iowa caucus process: the raw votes. With results from 75% of state precincts as of Wednesday afternoon, former South Bend, Indiana, mayor Pete Buttigieg has a slight lead in the percentage of state delegate equivalents, the standard that in the past has determined the caucus winner, while Sanders currently leads in the both rounds of caucus voting, including after the so-called realignment process, when voters backing candidates who don’t reach threshold of 15% support at a caucus may choose to realign with another candidate. Sanders and Buttigieg are at the moment tied in pledged delegates, the measure that ultimately decides the nominee at the Democratic National Convention.
On Wednesday night, Sanders’s state director, Misty Rebik, emailed a memo to Iowa staff and supporters, saying campaign officials still believed they had “a viable path forward to achieve a clean sweep and retake the lead in state delegate equivalents and national pledged delegates.” The memo pointed mainly to results yet to come from Iowa’s satellite caucuses, which she said she believes Sanders won “overwhelmingly.” Satellite caucuses were held earlier in the day for Iowans out of state, but were also designed in part to allow workers and students, two chief components of the Sanders electorate, a chance to caucus earlier in the day.
As results continue to trickle in, the Sanders team seems to have grown resigned to the reality that what might have been a momentous occasion for its campaign and “political revolution” — leading the vote in the first contest of the nominating process — is now muddled by a delayed result, an opaque caucus process gone awry, and a poorly built smartphone app.
It has been a chaotic and confusing end to the yearlong race to win Iowa, as campaigns gathered their supporters for caucus night parties in hotel ballrooms in Des Moines, only to wait, and wait, and keep waiting, for election results that never came. Sanders supporters, crowding into a large hall inside the airport Holiday Inn, watched live CNN coverage on large projectors. “QUESTIONS MOUNT OVER DELAY OF IOWA CAUCUS RESULTS,” read a chyron that hardly changed all night. Eventually, they cut the sound. By midnight, there was Sanders, delivering his usual stump speech.
The next morning, tired aides were milling around the lobby of the Holiday Inn, still without results. Pete D’Alessandro, the senator’s longtime man in Iowa, was talking about the young staffers and volunteers who were, he said, bewildered by what had happened.
“They don't get their story here,” D’Alessandro said.
Around noon on Tuesday, Sanders crossed an ice-cold tarmac in Des Moines to join his staff and members of the press on his campaign plane, leaving the state for perhaps the last time after a yearlong effort here that spanned 120 campaign events and millions of dollars.
At the rear of his Boeing 737, Sanders addressed a crush of reporters and television cameras about what he described as negligence by the Iowa Democratic Party to deliver clear and timely results. Imagine how many voters are deflated by the process, he said. “If I’m a first-time voter and I came out and voted — and the results are not coming in for 16 hours? You know, that’s a little disconcerting.”
By his side, the candidate’s closest adviser, Jeff Weaver, outlined the campaign’s latest internal data, reading off their partial estimates from a sheet of paper. To his right, Sanders stood motionless in the aisle, a stolid expression on his face.
Senator, a reporter asked, are you declaring victory?
Buttigieg had already — kind of.
“No,” Sanders snapped back, “what we’re declaring is what Jeff just talked about, based on the information we receive from our precinct captains.”
By the time he arrived in New Hampshire, the next state on the primary calendar, the Iowa debacle had become a half-hearted applause line. “For some reason in Iowa, they’re having a little bit of trouble counting votes. But I am confident that here in New Hampshire, I know you’ll be able to count your votes on election night,” he told a crowd of 1,300 on Tuesday night at an athletic complex in Milford.
“And when you count those votes, I look forward to winning here in New Hampshire.”
The Iowa results so far do reflect a remarkable start to the nominating process and a personal vindication for Sanders and his brand of class-based politics. Four years after falling short in his first presidential campaign, and four months after a heart attack threatened to end his second, the 78-year-old senator appears to have won more Iowa voters than his 11 rivals.
Sanders sees his movement as squarely based in the politics of class — a mode of organizing he believes the political establishment neither understands nor is willing to embrace.
“This is unique,” Sanders told supporters on the day before the caucus. “Ain’t no other campaign doing this.”
If his 2016 bid began as a self-described “educational campaign” — a one-man crusade to spread his message about economic inequality, corporate greed, and a rigged political system — then four years later, Sanders has pursued victory with a more personalized message to the American working class: Over the last year, he has used his campaign and massive digital platform to emphasize individual stories of, in particular, people struggling with medical, credit, and student debt, and the crippling anxiety that working people face daily.
The mix of philosophy and strategy is unusual, but central to Sanders’ view of movement politics.
And he has promised voters with great confidence that his strategy will bring new voters, most of them poor or working class, into the political process.
“It is a gamble to see whether we can bring those people into the political process,” he said in an interview last year. “One way you do it is to say, ‘You see that guy? He’s YOU. You’re workin’ for $12 an hour, you can’t afford health insurance — so is he. Listen to what he has to say. It’s not Bernie Sanders talking, you know? It’s that guy. Join us.'”
Iowa was the first test of that gamble: Initial reports have suggested voter turnout is just above or on pace for the levels set in 2016, when about 170,000 participated in the contest between Sanders and Hillary Clinton. That level would be well below the almost 240,000 Iowa voters that set a record in 2008 during Barack Obama’s first presidential campaign.
Monday’s figure came as a clear disappointment to Sanders. The day before the caucus, he asked his supporters to help drive a victory with “the largest voter turnout in the history of the Iowa caucus.”
It’s ending up to be, it seems, another mixed result.
“Somewhat higher” than 2016, Sanders told reporters before heading to New Hampshire. Just “not as high, frankly,” he said, “as I would have liked to have seen.”


buzzfeed--2020-02-10--Joe Biden Is Preparing For The Worst In New Hampshire

MANCHESTER , New Hampshire — Is it too late for Joe Biden ?
On Saturday afternoon in the first primary state , that question was as loaded as can be .
Days earlier he had finished a distant fourth in Iowa .
At the debate the night before he had effectively conceded New Hampshire .
And at the moment Biden was — literally , he might say in the earnest , finger-jabbing way of his — late for the second of only six public appearances on his weekend schedule .
Worst of all , media outnumbered the organizers and volunteers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here .
One reporter , confident that whoever was in charge had ordered more pizza than was needed to feed the dozen or so door-knockers posted up for the 3 o ’ clock canvass launch , helped himself to a slice of plain cheese .
Ambient conversation drowned out the roleplaying exercise meant to teach new volunteers how to talk to the Biden supporters and undecided voters they would meet on their shift .
“ I love Joe Biden , ” said an in-character organizer playing a likely Biden voter who may need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ location is .
“ I wish I could have written him in in 2016.
” And that , really , is where Joe Biden finds himself two days away from the New Hampshire primary .
He ’ s long been a beloved figure in the Democratic Party — a legacy enhanced by two terms as vice president under Barack Obama , whom Biden has been using with increasing frequency as some sort of human shield against any suggestion that he represents an old and ineffective style of politics .
But in 2020 he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fire of Bernie Sanders and the youthful , hopeful promise of Pete Buttigieg .
His electability argument — which he clings to despite the fact that he was blown out in Iowa , the kind of Midwest state he ’ s supposed to appeal to — is now hanging by a thread .
Circumstances have forced Biden to reconcile out loud with the reality : This very well could be the end .
“ You know , I ’ ve lost a lot in my lifetime , like many of you have , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earlier campaign event Saturday in Manchester , where his remarks veered from grandfatherly to angry to dark .
“ Car accident took away my wife and daughter .
Lost my son , Beau , like many of you have done .
But I ’ ll be damned if I ’ m going to stand by and lose my country , too.
” If Biden learned anything from his poor showing in Iowa , it ’ s that he ’ s likely to finish poorly in New Hampshire , too .
“ I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said , almost fatalistically , in the opening minutes of Friday ’ s debate at Saint Anselm College .
At a Sunday afternoon town hall in Hampton , the first of two campaign stops to close out the weekend , a 21-year-old Andrew Yang supporter in town with her college group from Georgia stood up and asked Biden why voters in the rest of the country should believe that he can win , after his performance in Iowa .
Biden was at first combative , as he has been when other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trail , asking if she had ever participated in a caucus and then jokingly calling her a “ lying dog-faced pony soldier , ” a jab he ’ s previously attributed to John Wayne .
`` It was a little bit confusing in Iowa , number one , '' Biden continued .
`` But let 's assume everything was exactly right in Iowa .
The idea that you come in with half the delegates the leaders come in with in Iowa does n't necessarily say how you ’ re going to win Michigan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ win Pennsylvania . ''
But the polls here are bleak for Biden .
The best-case scenario might be third place .
The worst-case scenario would be a late push by Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar that relegates Biden to an embarrassing fifth .
“ I ’ ve never paid attention to all the frontrunner talk from the time I entered the race , ” Biden said at the Manchester event .
“ Nothing in my life , like most of you , has come easily.
” That was , to be generous , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about his frontrunner status when polls showed him leading nationally and in the early states .
And later Saturday , while speaking with reporters during his visit to the nearby field office , he fell back on what he implied was still his frontrunner status .
“ If you notice , I ’ m still winning nationally , ” he said .
“ You guys keep forgetting that part , OK ?
” ( Most recent national polls show Biden edging out Sanders , though there haven ’ t been many since Iowa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senior staff has been reshuffled , with strategist Anita Dunn assuming an expanded role , apparently over campaign manager Greg Schutz .
Aides downplayed the move in a way that inadvertently put the blame for anything bad that may happen next on the candidate .
“ The person in charge of the campaign is Joe Biden , ” a senior adviser told reporters on a Friday conference call .
The expectations-setting has been all over the place since Iowa .
Advisers seem stuck between positioning him as the underdog — the better to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he can manage even a third-place finish here — and as the only contender built to last .
A common , split-the-difference refrain from Biden allies post-Iowa goes something like this : The race will come back to Biden when it shifts to more diverse electorates in Nevada , South Carolina , and then to the Super Tuesday states on March 3 .
`` I think that New Hampshire and Iowa play a critical role in the beginning of the campaign , '' Rep. Cedric Richmond , the Louisiana Democrat who co-chairs Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ telephone interview Sunday with BuzzFeed News .
`` However it ’ s two of the first four and unfortunately they ’ re the whitest of the first four .
The vice president 's base is a very diverse base with substantial support in the African American community .
African Americans having a say in who the nominee is is very important . ''
It ’ s an optimistic prognosis for a former vice president whose fundraising has so lagged other top-tier candidates that many assume he will not have the resources to survive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in that department , aides are bragging about carefully parsed money milestones .
( “ Did Joe Biden win this debate ?
” a Biden spokesperson tweeted Friday night .
“ Our incredible grassroots supporters who have made this our best debate day for fundraising agree : hell yes . )
Biden and his advisers also have tried in recent days to make him into more of a fighter .
On the debate stage Friday he forcefully emphasized his record in the Senate and as vice president .
He warned viewers that Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up and down the ballot as socialists this November if Sanders , a democratic socialist , wins the party ’ s presidential nomination .
He wondered aloud if Buttigieg could ever win over voters of color .
And on Saturday Biden escalated those attacks .
Before his first speech in Manchester , his team posted a video making light of Buttigieg ’ s experience as mayor of South Bend , Indiana , a city of roughly 100,000 people — not much smaller than the city where Biden was asking for votes .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A rare overflow crowd chased reporters from the balcony of the tiny Rex Theatre and sent some supporters across the street to a Mexican restaurant , where Biden briefly visited them .
And yet there was only mild enthusiasm .
About half the crowd cheered when a local organizer tried to pump them up for Biden ’ s arrival .
“ I don ’ t think I hear the people at the top , ” she said .
“ I said , ‘ Who ’ s excited to see Joe Biden ?
’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that time , but hardly a full chorus .
Other introductory speakers made clear Biden has no intention of relinquishing the electability argument .
“ He ’ s our best chance to beat you-know-who in the White House , ” said Michelle Kwan , the Olympic medal-winning figure skater who serves as Biden ’ s director of surrogates .
“ Joe Biden can beat Donald Trump , ” added John Lynch , the former New Hampshire governor .
( Lynch , the kind of warm up act typically charged with rallying supporters to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that “ together , we will help Joe Biden do very well in the New Hampshire primary.
” ) Biden finally took the microphone about an hour later than scheduled , after aides fiddled extensively with a teleprompter that didn ’ t seem to be doing what they wanted it to .
He hunched over to greet a few of the children in the crowd , sheepishly apologizing that he was about to bore them with politics before promising ice cream afterward .
Then he switched into fighter mode .
“ Who else @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problems ?
” “ I ’ m not new to this issue.
” “ I ’ m the only one who ... ” On and on it went : I , I , I , I , I .
Me , me , me , me , me .
The words “ democratic socialist ” rolled off Biden ’ s tongue more acidically than they had the night before .
“ So when Sen. Sanders attacks me for having baggage , I have to tell you , 60-plus candidates I campaigned for in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 24 states in the 2018 election , they did n't think I had any baggage , ” Biden said .
“ So ask yourself : Will it be easier or harder for Democrats to win with a socialist — a democratic socialist at the top of the ticket , self-stated — or is it going to be harder ?
” For the 38-year-old Buttigieg , Biden had indignance .
“ Mayor Pete , who is a good guy , likes to call me part of the old failed Washington .
Really ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ Mayor Pete likes to say the only time Democrats win the presidency is when we nominate someone new .
But here 's what he never mentions : The only Democrats to win the presidency is where we have overwhelming support from the African American community and don ’ t take it for granted .
That was true for Jimmy Carter , Bill Clinton , and Barack Obama.
” It ’ s the effort Buttigieg and his advisers have made to present Buttigieg as an Obamalike figure — young , historic ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) candidate who surprises the political world — that seems to most annoy Biden .
Some of those advisers , after all , worked for Obama ( and for Biden ) and in Biden ’ s mind should know better .
During the Saturday session with reporters at the field office , CNN ’ s Jeff Zeleny asked if Biden ’ s attacks on Buttigieg amounted to “ an act of desperation , ” akin to Hillary Clinton questioning Obama ’ s lack of experience in 2008 .
“ Oh come on , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This guy ’ s not Barack Obama.
” There were many Come on , mans — not coincidentally a favorite Obama rejoinder — over the 20 minutes Biden took questions .
His traveling press secretary pleaded “ last question ” and “ guys , that ’ s all the time we have ” several times before prying Biden away .
So pronounced was the vibe that a BBC reporter backed into one of the four or five “ last ” questions with an observation : “ You ’ re clearly a little angry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ I ’ m not angry !
” So how are his spirits ?
“ My spirits are up !
Look at all of the endorsements I ’ ve gotten since Iowa — since Iowa !
This is not the campaign Biden wants to run .
Until recently , Biden has looked past the primary .
He prefaces almost every Sanders or Buttigieg critique by saying they ’ re not bad guys .
“ I have never been very comfortable attacking somebody else , ” Biden told reporters .
He ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he wants the campaign to end , with his legacy a shambles at the hands of a socialist or small town mayor .
( Of comfort to Biden aides : Some in Buttigieg ’ s cheering section Saturday night at a Democratic dinner in Manchester gave Biden a standing ovation when he talked about the importance of beating Trump . )
But it ’ s also telling that at this moment Biden is equating the prospect of losing a political race — that I ’ ll be damned if I lose my country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tragedies he ’ s suffered .
His understanding of loss may be a bigger part of his political identity than his service to Obama is .
On Sunday , he detailed more of the stories of loss and suffering people have brought to him in recent weeks — one woman who was mourning her father .
A man who lost his job and didn ’ t know what to tell his family .
Another who 's been revived from three serious heart attacks , and is now dying of prostate cancer .
If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right as a candidate , it ’ s grief .
And this weekend , it wasn ’ t hard to see him going through the stages somewhat out of order as they relate to his campaign : the acceptance , the anger , the denial .
When Biden finally arrived at his Manchester field office Saturday — 25 minutes late , which meant the few canvassers who showed up began their shift late — he offered a maudlin vow .
“ The reports of our death , ” he promised , “ are @ @ @

MANCHESTER, New Hampshire — Is it too late for Joe Biden? On Saturday afternoon in the first primary state, that question was as loaded as can be. Days earlier, he had finished a distant fourth in Iowa. At the debate the night before, he had effectively conceded New Hampshire. And at the moment, Biden was — literally, he might say in his earnest, finger-jabbing way — late for the second of only six public appearances on his weekend schedule.
Worst of all, media outnumbered the organizers and volunteers waiting for Biden at his field office here. One reporter — confident that whoever was in charge had ordered more pizza than was needed to feed the dozen or so door-knockers posted up for the 3 p.m. canvass launch — helped himself to a slice of plain cheese. Ambient conversation drowned out the role-playing exercise meant to teach new volunteers how to talk to the Biden supporters and undecided voters they would meet on their shift.
“I love Joe Biden,” said an in-character organizer playing a likely Biden voter who may need to be reminded of where her polling location is. “I wish I could have written him in in 2016.”
And that, really, is where Biden finds himself two days away from the New Hampshire primary. He’s long been a beloved figure in the Democratic Party — a legacy enhanced by two terms as vice president under Barack Obama, whom Biden has been using with increasing frequency as some sort of human shield against any suggestion that he represents an old and ineffective style of politics.
But in 2020 he is stuck squarely behind the progressive ideological fire of Bernie Sanders and the youthful, hopeful promise of Pete Buttigieg. His electability argument — which he clings to despite the fact that he was blown out in Iowa, the kind of Midwest state he’s supposed to appeal to — is now hanging by a thread.
Circumstances have forced Biden to reconcile out loud with the reality: This very well could be the end.
“You know, I’ve lost a lot in my lifetime, like many of you have,” Biden told the audience at an earlier campaign event on Saturday in Manchester, where his remarks veered from grandfatherly to angry to dark. “Car accident took away my wife and daughter. Lost my son Beau, like many of you have done. But I’ll be damned if I’m going to stand by and lose my country too.”
If Biden learned anything from his poor showing in Iowa, it’s that he’s likely to also finish poorly in New Hampshire. “I’ll probably take a hit here,” he said, almost fatalistically, in the opening minutes of Friday’s debate at Saint Anselm College.
At a Sunday afternoon town hall in Hampton, the first of two campaign stops to close out the weekend, a 21-year-old Andrew Yang supporter in town with her college group from Georgia stood up and asked Biden why voters in the rest of the country should believe that he can win after his performance in Iowa.
Biden was at first combative, as he has been when other voters have challenged him on the campaign trail, asking if she had ever participated in a caucus. He then jokingly calling her a “lying dog-faced pony soldier,” a jab he’s previously attributed to John Wayne.
"It was a little bit confusing in Iowa, number one," Biden continued. "But let's assume everything was exactly right in Iowa. The idea that you come in with half the delegates the leaders come in with in Iowa doesn't necessarily say how you’re going to win Michigan, how you’re going to win Pennsylvania."
But the polls here are bleak for Biden. The best-case scenario might be third place. The worst-case scenario would be a late push by Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar that relegates Biden to an embarrassing fifth.
“I’ve never paid attention to all the frontrunner talk from the time I entered the race,” Biden said at the Manchester event. “Nothing in my life, like most of you, has come easily.”
That was, to be generous, a fib. Biden very much enjoyed talking about his frontrunner status when polls showed him leading nationally and in the early states. And later on Saturday, while speaking with reporters during his visit to the nearby field office, he fell back on what he implied was still his frontrunner status. “If you notice, I’m still winning nationally,” he said. “You guys keep forgetting that part, OK?” (Most of the recent national polls show Biden edging out Sanders, though there haven’t been many since Iowa.)
Meanwhile, Biden’s senior staff has been reshuffled, with strategist Anita Dunn assuming an expanded role, apparently over campaign manager Greg Schultz. Aides downplayed the move in a way that inadvertently put the blame for anything bad that may happen next on the candidate. “The person in charge of the campaign is Joe Biden,” a senior adviser told reporters on a Friday conference call.
The expectations-setting has been all over the place since Iowa. Advisers seem stuck between positioning him as the underdog — the better to spin “comeback kid” headlines if he can manage even a third-place finish here — and as the only contender built to last. A common split-the-difference refrain from Biden allies post-Iowa goes something like this: The race will come back to Biden when it shifts to more diverse electorates in Nevada, South Carolina, and then the Super Tuesday states on March 3.
"I think that New Hampshire and Iowa play a critical role in the beginning of the campaign," Rep. Cedric Richmond, the Louisiana Democrat who cochairs Biden’s campaign, said in a telephone interview Sunday with BuzzFeed News. "However, it’s two of the first four, and unfortunately they’re the whitest of the first four. The vice president's base is a very diverse base with substantial support in the African American community. African Americans having a say in who the nominee is very important."
It’s an optimistic prognosis for a former vice president whose fundraising has so lagged behind other top-tier candidates that many assume he will not have the resources to survive one more beating. To project strength in that department, aides are bragging about carefully parsed money milestones. (“Did Joe Biden win this debate?” a Biden spokesperson tweeted Friday night. “Our incredible grassroots supporters who have made this our best debate day for fundraising agree: hell yes.”)
Biden and his advisers also have tried in recent days to make him into more of a fighter. On the debate stage Friday, he forcefully emphasized his record in the Senate and as vice president. He warned viewers that Donald Trump and the Republicans would brand Democrats up and down the ballot as socialists this November if Sanders, a democratic socialist, wins the party’s presidential nomination. He wondered aloud if Buttigieg could ever win over voters of color.
And on Saturday, Biden escalated those attacks. Before his first speech in Manchester, his team posted a video making light of Buttigieg’s experience as mayor of South Bend, Indiana, a city of roughly 100,000 people — not much smaller than the city where Biden was asking for votes.
The Manchester event was a mixed bag. A rare overflow crowd chased reporters from the balcony of the tiny Rex Theatre and sent some supporters across the street to a Mexican restaurant, where Biden briefly visited them. And yet there was only mild enthusiasm. About half the crowd cheered when a local organizer tried to pump them up for Biden’s arrival.
“I don’t think I hear the people at the top,” she said. “I said, ‘Who’s excited to see Joe Biden?’” A few more cheers rang out that time, but hardly a full chorus.
Other introductory speakers made clear Biden has no intention of relinquishing the electability argument.
“He’s our best chance to beat you-know-who in the White House,” said Michelle Kwan, the Olympic medal–winning figure skater who serves as Biden’s director of surrogates.
“Joe Biden can beat Donald Trump,” added John Lynch, the former New Hampshire governor. (Lynch, the kind of warm-up act typically charged with rallying supporters to deliver a big win, offered only that “together, we will help Joe Biden do very well in the New Hampshire primary.”)
Biden finally took the microphone about an hour later than scheduled, after aides fiddled extensively with a teleprompter that didn’t seem to be doing what they wanted it to. He hunched over to greet a few of the children in the crowd, sheepishly apologizing that he was about to bore them with politics before promising ice cream afterward. Then he switched into fighter mode. “Who else has brought leaders together to address any problems?” “I’m not new to this issue.” “I’m the only one who...”
On and on it went: I, I, I, I, I. Me, me, me, me, me. The words “democratic socialist” rolled off Biden’s tongue more acidically than they had the night before. “So when Sen. Sanders attacks me for having baggage, I have to tell you, 60-plus candidates I campaigned for in the toughest districts in the country in 24 states in the 2018 election, they didn't think I had any baggage,” Biden said. “So ask yourself: Will it be easier or harder for Democrats to win with a socialist — a democratic socialist at the top of the ticket, self-stated — or is it going to be harder?”
For the 38-year-old Buttigieg, Biden had indignance. “Mayor Pete, who is a good guy, likes to call me part of the old failed Washington. Really?” Then the 77-year-old Biden plunged ahead: “Mayor Pete likes to say the only time Democrats win the presidency is when we nominate someone new. But here's what he never mentions: The only Democrats to win the presidency is where we have overwhelming support from the African American community and don’t take it for granted. That was true for Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton, and Barack Obama.”
It’s the effort Buttigieg and his advisers have made to present Buttigieg as an Obamalike figure — a young, historic candidate (in this case a married gay man) who surprises the political world — that seems to most annoy Biden. Some of those advisers, after all, worked for Obama (and for Biden), and in Biden’s mind they should know better.
During the Saturday session with reporters at the field office, CNN’s Jeff Zeleny asked if Biden’s attacks on Buttigieg amounted to “an act of desperation,” akin to Hillary Clinton questioning Obama’s lack of experience in 2008. “Oh come on, man,” Biden responded. “This guy’s not Barack Obama.”
There were many "come on, man"s — not coincidentally a favorite Obama rejoinder — over the 20 minutes Biden took questions. His traveling press secretary pleaded “last question” and “guys, that’s all the time we have” several times before prying Biden away. So pronounced was the vibe that a BBC reporter backed into one of the four or five “last” questions with an observation: “You’re clearly a little angry this afternoon.”
Biden cut him off: “I’m not angry!”
So how are his spirits? “My spirits are up!” he said. “Look at all of the endorsements I’ve gotten since Iowa — since Iowa!”
This is not the campaign Biden wants to run. Until recently, Biden has looked past the primary. He prefaces almost every Sanders or Buttigieg critique by saying they’re not bad guys. “I have never been very comfortable attacking somebody else,” Biden told reporters.
He’s fighting back because this is not how he wants the campaign to end, with his legacy in shambles at the hands of a socialist or small-town mayor. (Of comfort to Biden aides: Some in Buttigieg’s cheering section Saturday night at a Democratic dinner in Manchester gave Biden a standing ovation when he talked about the importance of beating Trump.)
But it’s also telling that at this moment Biden is equating the prospect of losing a political race — that "I’ll be damned if I lose my country too" line — with the personal tragedies he’s suffered. His understanding of loss may be a bigger part of his political identity than his service to Obama is. On Sunday, he detailed more of the stories of loss and suffering that people have brought to him in recent weeks — one woman who was mourning her father. A man who lost his job and didn’t know what to tell his family. Another who's been revived from three serious heart attacks and is now dying of prostate cancer.
If there’s one thing Biden does right as a candidate, it’s grief. And this weekend, it wasn’t hard to see him going through the stages somewhat out of order as they relate to his campaign: the acceptance, the anger, the denial.
When Biden finally arrived at his Manchester field office Saturday — 25 minutes late, which meant the few canvassers who showed up began their shift late — he offered a maudlin vow.
“The reports of our death,” he promised, “are premature.”


buzzfeed--2020-02-10--Amy Klobuchar's New Hampshire Surge Might Really Be Happening

NASHUA , New Hampshire — It might actually be happening this time .
And Amy Klobuchar knows it .
“ We are surging !
” she cried to a crowd of more than 1,100 on Sunday — her biggest crowd of the primary season , packed into a middle school gym and waving small American flags .
Pundits have been predicting the moderate Minnesota senator ’ s rise in the Democratic primary since October , as she racked up supposed debate wins and endorsements and built a campaign on her own “ electability ” in the states Democrats desperately need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , there was little sign among voters of that surge .
Polls remained stagnant , and small , quiet crowds often tailed her in Iowa .
But this time , after the latest Democratic debate and just before New Hampshire votes in the nation ’ s first primary , there ’ s serious evidence that the Klobuchar is becoming a threat to the other moderates in the race : record-sized crowds , impressive fundraising hauls , and polls that suddenly show her in third place , ahead of Elizabeth Warren and Joe Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at a succession of diners and packed rallies across New Hampshire , is palpable .
“ And by the way , I ’ ve got a plan for the Midwest — and we can include New Hampshire as well , ” Klobuchar told Sunday ’ s middle school gym crowd .
“ We ’ re going to build a beautiful blue wall around these states , and we ’ re going to make Donald Trump pay for it.
” Not much has changed with Klobuchar herself .
Her politics are still moderate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still corny , her speeches filled with riffs about infrastructure .
Her mentions of Minnesota , Minnesota politics , and snowstorms are still something close to compulsive .
One thing that is different : the complicated aftermath of the Iowa caucuses .
Biden finished in fourth place , just barely ahead of Klobuchar , leaving his supporters skittish and his path to the Democratic nomination in doubt .
Pete Buttigieg — who finished in the top two with Bernie Sanders — is , for now , the leading moderate candidate ; his biggest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something Klobuchar has repeatedly and skillfully criticized in debates .
Polls in New Hampshire now have Klobuchar neck-and-neck with Warren and Biden .
In 48 hours after Friday night ’ s debate — where she made waves by attacking everything from Medicare for All ( “ It is not real , Bernie ” ) to Pete Buttigieg ( “ We have a newcomer in the White House , and look where it got us ” ) — Klobuchar raised $ 3 million , three times what she raised in the two days after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She broke her crowd-size record in New Hampshire Friday , drawing 700 people in Manchester , and then broke it again hours later in Nashua .
“ She ’ s awesome , ” said Patty McKeon , a homemaker in Bedford , New Hampshire , who came to see Klobuchar in Nashua .
“ She knows what she wants to do , and she has a way she ’ s going to do it .
She ’ s not just talking.
” Anne Dowling , a retiree who lives in Canterbury , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ event Sunday after seeing Warren .
She liked the Massachusetts senator , she said .
But she thought Warren ’ s politics were ultimately unrealistic .
Klobuchar “ has the details right.
” “ The best point Warren made today was , ‘ It ’ s not a time to be wishy-washy , ’ ” Dowling said .
“ But it ’ s also not a time to give the other side fodder .
Partly , it ’ s a gut thing .
I like Amy.
” If Klobuchar finishes third or even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tuesday , it would likely have serious consequences for other Democrats .
Not just Biden and Warren , who she could beat , but Buttigieg , too .
If she eats away at his voters — many of them moderates looking for electability and party unity , some looking for a Biden escape route — she could cost him a badly needed victory in New Hampshire , before the race moves to the less Buttigieg-favorable states of Nevada and South Carolina .
The one Democrat who isn ’ t likely to lament her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who is not competing for the same voters and is watching his closest competition scramble among themselves .
Klobuchar still has virtually no path to the Democratic nomination , though that could potentially change after New Hampshire .
She has concentrated most of her campaign ’ s operations in the country ’ s two early states , and she was outraised in the last fundraising quarter by even Andrew Yang .
Most critically , Klobuchar , a former tough-on-crime prosecutor , has 0 % support from black voters , according to polls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ base .
The word “ momentum , ” when used to describe Klobuchar , has become something of a constant in the Democratic primary in recent months .
There was Klobuchar trying to “ turn her debate spotlight into momentum ” in October and declaring her “ momentum says we are doing pretty damn well in Iowa ” in November .
She was “ quietly gaining momentum ” on Dec. 4 , “ riding debate momentum ” in late December , and “ gaining momentum ” in early January .
She did pull @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa .
But Iowa , which borders her home state of Minnesota , was supposed to be Klobuchar ’ s launch pad ; she was the only major candidate to visit all of its 99 counties .

NASHUA, New Hampshire — It might actually be happening this time. And Amy Klobuchar knows it.
“We are surging!” she cried to a crowd of more than 1,100 on Sunday — her biggest crowd of the primary season, packed into a middle school gym and waving small American flags.
Pundits have been predicting the moderate Minnesota senator’s rise in the Democratic primary since October, as she racked up supposed debate wins and endorsements and built a campaign on her own “electability” in the states Democrats desperately need in 2020. For months, though, there was little sign among voters of that surge. Polls remained stagnant, and small, quiet crowds often tailed her in Iowa.
But this time, after the latest Democratic debate and just before New Hampshire votes in the nation’s first primary, there’s serious evidence that the Klobuchar is becoming a threat to the other moderates in the race: record-sized crowds, impressive fundraising hauls, and polls that suddenly show her in third place, ahead of Elizabeth Warren and Joe Biden.
Her delight at this fact, at a succession of diners and packed rallies across New Hampshire, is palpable.
“And by the way, I’ve got a plan for the Midwest — and we can include New Hampshire as well,” Klobuchar told Sunday’s middle school gym crowd. “We’re going to build a beautiful blue wall around these states, and we’re going to make Donald Trump pay for it.”
Not much has changed with Klobuchar herself. Her politics are still moderate, Midwestern, and pragmatic, her jokes still corny, her speeches filled with riffs about infrastructure. Her mentions of Minnesota, Minnesota politics, and snowstorms are still something close to compulsive.
One thing that is different: the complicated aftermath of the Iowa caucuses. Biden finished in fourth place, just barely ahead of Klobuchar, leaving his supporters skittish and his path to the Democratic nomination in doubt. Pete Buttigieg — who finished in the top two with Bernie Sanders — is, for now, the leading moderate candidate; his biggest weakness, his political inexperience, is something Klobuchar has repeatedly and skillfully criticized in debates.
Polls in New Hampshire now have Klobuchar neck-and-neck with Warren and Biden. In 48 hours after Friday night’s debate — where she made waves by attacking everything from Medicare for All (“It is not real, Bernie”) to Pete Buttigieg (“We have a newcomer in the White House, and look where it got us”) — Klobuchar raised $3 million, three times what she raised in the two days after she launched her campaign a year ago.
She broke her crowd-size record in New Hampshire Friday, drawing 700 people in Manchester, and then broke it again hours later in Nashua.
“She’s awesome,” said Patty McKeon, a homemaker in Bedford, New Hampshire, who came to see Klobuchar in Nashua. “She knows what she wants to do, and she has a way she’s going to do it. She’s not just talking.”
Anne Dowling, a retiree who lives in Canterbury, had just been to Klobuchar’s event Sunday after seeing Warren. She liked the Massachusetts senator, she said. But she thought Warren’s politics were ultimately unrealistic. Klobuchar “has the details right.”
“The best point Warren made today was, ‘It’s not a time to be wishy-washy,’” Dowling said. “But it’s also not a time to give the other side fodder. Partly, it’s a gut thing. I like Amy.”
If Klobuchar finishes third or even fourth place in the New Hampshire primary Tuesday, it would likely have serious consequences for other Democrats. Not just Biden and Warren, who she could beat, but Buttigieg, too. If she eats away at his voters — many of them moderates looking for electability and party unity, some looking for a Biden escape route — she could cost him a badly needed victory in New Hampshire, before the race moves to the less Buttigieg-favorable states of Nevada and South Carolina.
The one Democrat who isn’t likely to lament her rise in the state: Bernie Sanders, who is not competing for the same voters and is watching his closest competition scramble among themselves.
Klobuchar still has virtually no path to the Democratic nomination, though that could potentially change after New Hampshire. She has concentrated most of her campaign’s operations in the country’s two early states, and she was outraised in the last fundraising quarter by even Andrew Yang.
Most critically, Klobuchar, a former tough-on-crime prosecutor, has 0% support from black voters, according to polls — a key part of the Democratic base.
The word “momentum,” when used to describe Klobuchar, has become something of a constant in the Democratic primary in recent months. There was Klobuchar trying to “turn her debate spotlight into momentum” in October and declaring her “momentum says we are doing pretty damn well in Iowa” in November. She was “quietly gaining momentum” on Dec. 4, “riding debate momentum” in late December, and “gaining momentum” in early January.
She did pull within striking distance of Joe Biden in Iowa. But Iowa, which borders her home state of Minnesota, was supposed to be Klobuchar’s launch pad; she was the only major candidate to visit all of its 99 counties.