buzzfeed--2020-10-28--He’s About To Be The First Openly Gay Black Member Of Congress — And He’s Talking About Mental Healt

He’s About To Be The First Openly Gay Black Member Of Congress — And He’s Talking About Mental Health Like Few Politicians Ever Have

Ritchie Torres is grappling with how the coronavirus pandemic is affecting his likely New York district ’ s mental health and opening up about his own .
WASHINGTON — At 32 , Ritchie Torres has already been a star in New York City politics for years .
At 25 , he became the youngest member of the City Council .
Soon , he ’ ll likely become one of the youngest members of the House , and , along with fellow New York Democratic congressional nominee Mondaire Jones , the first openly gay Black member of Congress .
Torres loves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of policy debates , and he ’ ll name every healthcare provider in New York City if you ask him .
He ’ ll outline his vision for housing vouchers that would ensure no family in the city pays more than 30 % of their income on their rent .
And while a member of the New York City Council , he helped secure billions in federal funding for public housing in the city and investigated Kushner family real estate companies , alleging they were illegally operating eight buildings .
He ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , striking smile and a calm confidence that plays perfectly on TV .
Given how blue his district is , he ’ s very likely to win in November and join a historic Congress , along with a slew of other younger , more diverse , and more progressive lawmakers who have chartered a new type of politics that ’ s more open and more relatable to young voters .
For Torres , part of that is talking about his mental health , a rarity in Congress .
Torres was diagnosed with depression @ @ @ @ @ @ @ takes antidepressants .
It ’ s something he said he talks about with constituents , especially now , as the coronavirus pandemic has left many people feeling isolated , burned out , and traumatized .
“ The devastation that COVID-19 has wrought on communities like mine is creating a mental health crisis in America , so it does figure prominently in my conversations with constituents , ” Torres said in a recent interview with BuzzFeed News .
“ Most people find their elected officials to be distant and unapproachable , and there 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggle with mental health.
” Torres said his experience of mental illness began in late high school , but he didn ’ t have the language to talk about it .
He dropped out of college because of his depression , and he was hospitalized due to the condition .
It was the first time , he said , that he understood his depression was not his fault , but rather an illness .
“ I used substances .
I lost my best friend from an opioid overdose .
There were times when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It felt as if the world around me had collapsed , ” he said .
“ I assumed that the problem was me , that I was experiencing a failure of willpower or character , and then I came to later realize that I was struggling with a condition.
” The pandemic has affected Torres , too , he said .
He worries about his mom , who , at 60 and with comorbidities , is at high risk .
He said he worries about the unemployment rate in the Bronx , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ higher rates of substance abuse and mental illness , too .
But he sees being honest about his own struggles with mental health as one of his important responsibilities as a politician .
“ I feel like as a public servant , a public figure , I have an obligation to break the silence and the stigma and the shame that too often surrounds mental illness , ” he said .
It has been , for him , “ a form of coming out.
” “ I think my own acknowledgment of struggling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of coming out , ” he said .
“ The process of coming out , the integrity that it demands from you … has taught me how to be more open and honest about my struggle with depression .
It teaches you an ethic of radical authenticity.
” Without treatment , Torres said he would not be alive today , and he said antidepressant medication enables him to be a productive public servant .
“ And I 'm grateful for that , ” he said .
On the night of his primary in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the winner but when it looked like he would come out on top , Torres teared up on live television and told NY1 , “ It would be the honor of my life to represent ” New York ’ s 15th District .
“ It ’ s my home , ” he said .
“ The opportunity to represent the essential workers of this borough , to represent the powerful mothers of this borough , it ’ s the culmination of a dream.
” A few weeks later , once it became clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a call from Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , who represents the district neighboring his .
“ I had asked AOC , ‘ Do you have any advice for me ?
’ and what she said left an impression , ” Torres said .
“ She said , ‘ Come November , get rest and take care of yourself.
’ And that ’ s right , you know , those of us in elected office have to be mindful of a need to take care of ourselves .
We 're human too.
” Torres , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for All and a Green New Deal , sees the country “ entering the makings of an FDR moment , ” and he wants to be a part of it , a vision of the future he described confidently and at length .
“ If the Democrats control all the levers of power , the executive and the legislative branches , then we are going to have a once-in-a-century opportunity to fundamentally reinvest in America on the scale of the 21st century New Deal , a Marshall Plan , and a massive reinvestment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at once : recover from COVID-19 , fight catastrophic climate change , create the next generation of jobs , modernize infrastructure , build a comprehensive social safety net that establishes health and housing as human rights , and begin to address the root causes of systemic racism , which was laid bare by the 1619 Project , ” he said , laying it out in one very long sentence .
“ So I feel like this is a rare moment of transformational change in the making.
” But , of course , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a world where Democrats don ’ t control all the levers of power , and one where Torres becomes a member of Congress and President Donald Trump is inaugurated for a second term .
Torres doesn ’ t like to think about that possible world .
“ Four more years of Donald Trump is too terrifying to imagine , ” he said .
“ To be honest with you , I have not really come to grips with the worst-case scenario .
… I would feel as if the world around me had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Sean McElwee , a pollster and friend of Torres ’ , told BuzzFeed News that he thinks progressives need “ someone who really is into the details of policy and wants to get down and dirty ” working on major progressive legislation .
“ We ’ re gon na move legislation in 2021 , like , laws are going to be passed .
And if progressives want a seat at the table , you ’ re going to have to have really specific policy domain knowledge and be able to pick strategic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There is a necessity to have sort of ideological folks who call us to higher grounds morally , but you also have to have someone sit across the table actually figuring out what we want … I think Ritchie ’ s certainly a person in that mold.
” Torres calls himself a “ pragmatic progressive , ” and he supports many of the left ’ s progressive priorities .
But he ’ s said that the Democratic Socialists of America — of which Ocasio-Cortez counts herself a member — are out of touch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black church in the South Bronx , you are unlikely to come across an assemblage of Democratic Socialist revolutionaries , ” he told the New York Times in June .
“ It ’ s a fact that the DSA has the most robust membership in wealthier , whiter gentrified neighborhoods.
” And the DSA style of leadership , presenting big , long-term ideas and rejecting piecemeal compromises , doesn ’ t fit with the sense Torres has that he needs to “ bring home the bacon ” — as McElwee , the pollster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which has the lowest median household income of any in the country .
If former vice president Joe Biden wins , Democrats will have a particular opportunity to actually move police reform legislation , an issue Torres has worked on closely over his years on the City Council .
Last month , Torres opened Twitter and started to scroll when suddenly he saw a photo of himself tweeted out from the Sergeants Benevolent Association Twitter account , and a caption that read , “ This is what a first class whore looks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I was in a state of shock , ” Torres said of the now-deleted tweet .
“ If you look at the tweet it is as if Donald Trump himself wrote it.
” The tweet came after Torres held a press conference with Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams , calling for an independent investigation to determine if there had been a slowdown in NYPD responses to gun crimes , despite a spike in shootings .
As Torres noted , a New York Times report found that from January to early July , police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , down from 30 % , and NY1 reported that NYPD response times fell significantly this summer .
“ So there 's been an outbreak of gun violence against a backdrop of the NYPD making far fewer gun arrests , solving far fewer gun cases , and responding more slowly to gun crime to progress , all of which are possible signs of a slowdown , ” Torres told BuzzFeed News .
“ Those were the concerns that I presented publicly .
Instead of responding rationally , with an argument with facts and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to assassinate my character and call me a ‘ first-class whore.
’ ” It was further proof to Torres of the “ coarsening effect ” Trump has had on political culture .
Torres has called for the resignation of Ed Mullins , the head of the police union , because , he said , “ he has no business being in public life.
” But Torres has also drawn the ire of some progressives on policing .
A few years ago , a police reform group accused Torres of “ surrender ” on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ City Council .
The Right to Know Act was designed to get police officers to identify themselves in interactions with community members , but Torres ’ version of the bill ultimately exempted police from identifying themselves in some common interactions , like traffic stops .
“ This NYPD bill being advanced by Torres is neither the Right to Know Act nor a compromise , but political backroom dealing and a surrender of legislative independence to the NYPD and the Mayor , ” Monifa Bandele , a spokesperson for Communities United for Police Reform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He has also reneged on his public pledge to the Right to Know Act coalition to not pass a version of the bill that the coalition does not support.
” At the time , Torres said , “ I refuse to cede my prerogatives as a legislator to a fanatical few.
” Today , he says , “ I did the best I could , given the circumstances.
” “ Compromise is an inescapable fact of governing .
It 's not enough to label yourself progressive .
There needs to be a governing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ball forward , ” he said .
“ For me , the central value of progressivism is actual progress .
… And I came to conclude that some progress is better than none at all .
And we should never let purity be the enemy of progress.
” But the bill still frustrates some progressives .
“ There ’ s certain things I value , ” New York state Sen. Gustavo Rivera , whose district overlaps with Torres ’ , said in an interview with BuzzFeed News .
“ I value honesty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there 's been times when I 've just doubted whether that 's something that can be said about Ritchie.
” Rivera said he believed Torres should have brought in police reform activists and explained why he agreed to a compromise bill .
“ I just have my concerns , ” the state senator said .
“ I do n't think that he can be counted on to be a progressive champion .
He 's not claiming that either .
… He 's not claiming he ’ s going to be a progressive champion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or twice that , but he ’ s not Rashida Tlaib , he ’ s not Jamaal Bowman , he ’ s not AOC .
And he knows this .
So he 's not gon na be a part of the Squad.
” Asked directly about his criticism of DSA and whether that will make it hard for him to work with Ocasio-Cortez and the growing Squad she leads , Torres was quick to point to the ways they could work together .
“ There are differences but there are larger policy questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I support the Green New Deal , and Medicare for All , which are the two highest priorities of the progressive movement , ” he said .
“ And , look , I have deep admiration for the talent of AOC .
She has a singular ability to set the terms of political discourse , and I have great appreciation for the prosecutorial approach that she has taken to congressional oversight.
” But many on the left want more from Torres : Ocasio-Cortez and Sen. Bernie Sanders both endorsed against Torres in his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who ran on a guaranteed housing for all platform .
And since winning the primary , Torres has managed to piss off many on the left with an aggressive pro-Israel stance .
“ The leadership of the DSA declines to affirm that the state of Israel should exist , ” he tweeted in August .
“ ‘ Insane ’ is the word that comes to mind.
” But Torres says he doesn ’ t care that he ’ s frustrated some progressives before even officially joining the next Congress .
“ I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color with a mind of his own , there are going to be haters who are out there to destroy you , ” he said .
“ And the critics are resentful .
And envious , I guess .
But my record speaks for itself , and I won a race that few people thought I would win .
… If there are members of the peanut gallery who have an issue with it , I do n't give a damn .
Get over it .
I ’ m going to be in @ @ @ @ @ @

If former vice president Joe Biden wins, Democrats will have a particular opportunity to actually move police reform legislation, an issue Torres has worked on closely over his years on the City Council.
Last month, Torres opened Twitter and started to scroll when suddenly he saw a photo of himself tweeted out from the Sergeants Benevolent Association Twitter account, and a caption that read, “This is what a first class whore looks like. Meet LYING RITCHIE.”
“I was in a state of shock,” Torres said of the now-deleted tweet. “If you look at the tweet it is as if Donald Trump himself wrote it.”
The tweet came after Torres held a press conference with Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams, calling for an independent investigation to determine if there had been a slowdown in NYPD responses to gun crimes, despite a spike in shootings. As Torres noted, a New York Times report found that from January to early July, police made arrests in 23% of shootings, down from 30%, and NY1 reported that NYPD response times fell significantly this summer.
“So there's been an outbreak of gun violence against a backdrop of the NYPD making far fewer gun arrests, solving far fewer gun cases, and responding more slowly to gun crime to progress, all of which are possible signs of a slowdown,” Torres told BuzzFeed News. “Those were the concerns that I presented publicly. Instead of responding rationally, with an argument with facts and statistics, the Sergeants Benevolent Association chose to assassinate my character and call me a ‘first-class whore.’”
It was further proof to Torres of the “coarsening effect” Trump has had on political culture. Torres has called for the resignation of Ed Mullins, the head of the police union, because, he said, “he has no business being in public life.”
But Torres has also drawn the ire of some progressives on policing. A few years ago, a police reform group accused Torres of “surrender” on a bill that came up in the City Council. The Right to Know Act was designed to get police officers to identify themselves in interactions with community members, but Torres’ version of the bill ultimately exempted police from identifying themselves in some common interactions, like traffic stops.
“This NYPD bill being advanced by Torres is neither the Right to Know Act nor a compromise, but political backroom dealing and a surrender of legislative independence to the NYPD and the Mayor,” Monifa Bandele, a spokesperson for Communities United for Police Reform, said at the time. “He has also reneged on his public pledge to the Right to Know Act coalition to not pass a version of the bill that the coalition does not support.”
At the time, Torres said, “I refuse to cede my prerogatives as a legislator to a fanatical few.” Today, he says, “I did the best I could, given the circumstances.”
“Compromise is an inescapable fact of governing. It's not enough to label yourself progressive. There needs to be a governing progressivism. You have to actually move the ball forward,” he said. “For me, the central value of progressivism is actual progress. … And I came to conclude that some progress is better than none at all. And we should never let purity be the enemy of progress.”
But the bill still frustrates some progressives.
“There’s certain things I value,” New York state Sen. Gustavo Rivera, whose district overlaps with Torres’, said in an interview with BuzzFeed News. “I value honesty, and I value consistency, and there's been times when I've just doubted whether that's something that can be said about Ritchie.”
Rivera said he believed Torres should have brought in police reform activists and explained why he agreed to a compromise bill.
“I just have my concerns,” the state senator said. “I don't think that he can be counted on to be a progressive champion. He's not claiming that either. … He's not claiming he’s going to be a progressive champion. He might have called himself once or twice that, but he’s not Rashida Tlaib, he’s not Jamaal Bowman, he’s not AOC. And he knows this. So he's not gonna be a part of the Squad.”
Asked directly about his criticism of DSA and whether that will make it hard for him to work with Ocasio-Cortez and the growing Squad she leads, Torres was quick to point to the ways they could work together.
“There are differences but there are larger policy questions on which there’s agreement: I support the Green New Deal, and Medicare for All, which are the two highest priorities of the progressive movement,” he said. “And, look, I have deep admiration for the talent of AOC. She has a singular ability to set the terms of political discourse, and I have great appreciation for the prosecutorial approach that she has taken to congressional oversight.”
But many on the left want more from Torres: Ocasio-Cortez and Sen. Bernie Sanders both endorsed against Torres in his primary, favoring instead Samelys López, who ran on a guaranteed housing for all platform.
And since winning the primary, Torres has managed to piss off many on the left with an aggressive pro-Israel stance. “The leadership of the DSA declines to affirm that the state of Israel should exist,” he tweeted in August. “‘Insane’ is the word that comes to mind.”
But Torres says he doesn’t care that he’s frustrated some progressives before even officially joining the next Congress.
“I think when you're a young person of color with a mind of his own, there are going to be haters who are out there to destroy you,” he said. “And the critics are resentful. And envious, I guess. But my record speaks for itself, and I won a race that few people thought I would win. … If there are members of the peanut gallery who have an issue with it, I don't give a damn. Get over it. I’m going to be in the United States Congress.” ●


buzzfeed--2020-10-29--This Scary Statistic Predicts Growing US Political Violence — Whatever Happens On Election Day

Two researchers claim that a single number they call the “ political stress indicator ” can warn when societies are at risk of erupting into violence .
It ’ s spiking in the US , just like it did before the Civil War .
Many Americans are clinging to the idea that if Joe Biden wins the presidential election , calm can return to a nation riven by protests and rattled by President Donald Trump ’ s authoritarian rhetoric .
Not so fast , caution two academics who claim they have devised a measure of political instability that shows that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keg that is waiting to blow , even if a Biden landslide means that Trump has little choice but to step aside .
“ The tendency is to blame Trump , but I don ’ t really agree with that , ” Peter Turchin , an evolutionary anthropologist at the University of Connecticut who studies the forces that drive political instability , told BuzzFeed News .
“ Trump is really not the deep structural cause.
” The most dangerous element in the mix , argue Turchin and George Mason University sociologist Jack Goldstone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on society .
They believe they have a model that explains how inequality escalates and leads to political instability : Worsened by elites who monopolize economic gains , narrow the path to social mobility , and resist taxation , inequality ends up undermining state institutions while fomenting distrust and resentment .
Building on Goldstone ’ s work showing that revolutions tend to follow periods of population growth and urbanization , Turchin has developed a statistic called the political stress indicator , or PSI .
It incorporates measures of wage stagnation , national debt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government , urbanization , and the age structure of the population .
Turchin raised warning signs of a coming storm a decade ago , predicting that instability would peak in the years around 2020 .
“ In the United States , we have stagnating or declining real wages , a growing gap between rich and poor , overproduction of young graduates with advanced degrees , and exploding public debt , ” he wrote , in a letter to the journal Nature .
“ Historically , such developments have served as leading indicators of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation in turmoil , Turchin ’ s prediction seems remarkably prescient .
We live in a pandemic hellscape that has disproportionately harmed Black and brown Americans and those living in poverty .
We have widespread civil unrest over racial injustice .
And we are hurtling toward an election in which Trump is stoking unfounded fears of voter fraud and refusing to commit to a peaceful transition of power .
In August , Turchin gave himself a pat on the back for his predictive ability with an analysis showing a significant rise in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last 10 years .
But he and Goldstone fear that much worse is to come .
The political stress indicator for the US is rising rapidly , much like it did before the Civil War .
When Goldstone talks about America ’ s darkest days in the 1860s , he provocatively calls it the “ First Civil War.
” He fears that we may be on the way to a second one , with the 2020 election serving as a potential “ fire-starter ” event .
Goldstone has some credentials in predicting conflict @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US military ’ s ill-fated efforts to support UN intervention in Somalia ’ s civil war , which led to the downing of two Black Hawk helicopters and the gruesome spectacle of a dead US soldier being dragged through the streets , Goldstone was tapped by the CIA to help lead the State Failure Task Force .
This group of academic social scientists was asked to identify factors that predict when a nation is likely to spiral into chaos .
The task force ’ s initial report , published in 1995 , identified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether a state would fail within the next two years in about two-thirds of cases : high infant mortality , low openness to international trade , and level of democracy .
On the last measure , partial democracies were more vulnerable to collapse than fully democratic states or autocratic regimes .
Goldstone continued to work on the project , later renamed the Political Instability Task Force , until 2012 , tweaking its statistical model to predict both civil wars and democratic collapses with about 80 % accuracy over the same two-year lead time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ applying a similar approach to assess the risk of political conflict in the US until Turchin got in touch in 2015 .
“ I didn ’ t expect political violence because I believed the US was a strong and flexible democracy , ” Goldstone said .
But he is now convinced that Turchin ’ s PSI heralds a disturbing future for the US that won ’ t be solved by politics as usual after the 2020 election , even if Trump is defeated and goes quietly .
“ If those trends continue after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the occurrence of violence will likely continue , ” Goldstone told BuzzFeed News .
“ I ’ m worried about that no matter who wins , ” he added .
“ The social problems are the gasoline .
Trump is throwing matches.
” The PSI doesn ’ t explicitly address America ’ s deep divisions over racial justice .
“ Race has been an enduring faultline , ever since the founding of the Republic , ” Turchin said .
But he argued that it ’ s the additional dynamics captured by the PSI @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right now .
One key concern , according to Goldstone , is that people across the political spectrum have lost faith in government and political institutions .
“ In short , given the accumulated grievances , anger and distrust fanned for the last two decades , almost any election scenario this fall is likely to lead to popular protests on a scale we have not seen this century , ” he and Turchin wrote in a recent article published by the Berggruen Institute , a think tank based in Los Angeles .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of political instability the researchers dubbed “ the turbulent twenties.
” “ Given the Black Lives Matter protests and cascading clashes between competing armed factions in cities across the United States , from Portland , Oregon , to Kenosha , Wisconsin , we are already well on our way there , ” the article said .
“ But worse likely lies ahead.
” Turchin said people who rule out the possibility of serious political violence in the US based on “ the strength of American institutions ” are being “ unduly optimistic.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in is extremely fragile , ” Turchin said .
Other social scientists consulted by BuzzFeed News were skeptical that the US is on the brink of a civil war .
But they were concerned about the trends highlighted by Goldstone and Turchin , and worried about the potential for violence around the coming election — especially from right-wing militia groups if Trump loses and contests the result .
“ No matter what the outcome is , it is going to be disputed by some components of the other side , ” Craig Jenkins @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who studies political violence , told BuzzFeed News .
“ The difference is that the Trump forces have militia that have some capacity for violence and mayhem.
” One reason that most experts in conflict studies don ’ t predict an outright civil war as a consequence of the US ’ s gap between rich and poor is that inequality hasn ’ t emerged as a major driving factor in studies of such conflicts in the modern era .
“ Civil war has been predominantly a phenomenon in low-income countries , ” James @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University and coauthor of a 2003 paper that identified national poverty as an important condition that can lead to violent insurgency , told BuzzFeed News .
Another influential study , published in 2000 by the economists Paul Collier of the University of Oxford and Anke Hoeffler , now at the University of Konstanz in Germany , suggested that an armed group ’ s ability to seize control over significant economic resources — such as diamonds in several conflict-prone African nations and drug crops in Colombia — was a key driver of modern civil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a diverse and robust economy , the US should have a fairly low chance of falling into civil war according to these theories .
And if push comes to shove and order needs to be restored by force , few experts in political conflict expect even a well-armed militia to be a match for federal law enforcement or the National Guard .
The circumstances in the 19th century that led the US into the bloodiest conflict in its history were also unusual .
The young nation was growing , adding states that either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fundamental economic and moral divide that couldn ’ t easily be resolved .
“ That was an irreconcilable dynamic , ” Jenkins said .
“ I think you need the accumulation of irresolvable conflicts to get a true civil war.
” But recent events , notably the plot by a group of right-wing militants to kidnap and potentially kill the Democratic governor of Michigan , Gretchen Whitmer , over her policies to limit the spread of the coronavirus , have shocked even skeptics of the idea that the US is teetering on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is really concerning , ” Fearon said .
The PSI isn ’ t the only indicator that has set alarm bells ringing about the stability of the US .
The Fund for Peace , a nonprofit based in Washington , DC , has developed a measure called the Fragile States Index ( FSI ) that , like the work of the State Failure Task Force , seeks to identify nations that are at risk of violence and instability from a range of underlying pressures including economic distress , refugee flows , and their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US looks reasonably healthy on the FSI , ranked 149th out of 178 countries for its potential for instability .
But there are worrying signs for the US on a component of the FSI labeled “ cohesion , ” according to Fund for Peace programs manager Natalie Fiertz .
“ Over the past decade-plus , we ’ ve seen very rapid worsening of the score for those dimensions , ” she told BuzzFeed News .
The Fragile States Index shows that the US is becoming a less cohesive society .
This chart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the three cohesion components of the FSI for the members of the G7 group of rich democracies .
These measure security threats including terrorism and organized crime , factionalization of a nation ’ s elites , and schisms between different groups in society .
Not surprisingly , given the intense and growing political polarization in the US , it is the last two measures that explain why the nation ’ s cohesion score has gone from the second best among the G7 to the worst in just 15 years .
( In recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US on this measure , driven by its own political divisions over Brexit . )
But political polarization may be just another consequence of the economic inequality that Goldstone and Turchin argue lies at the heart of the US ’ s current vulnerability to political violence .
Political scientists have put a great deal of energy into identifying why polarization in the US is escalating .
But factors including the influence of partisan cable TV news and congressional redistricting don ’ t seem to provide the answer — the latter , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate has become increasingly divided .
What is clear is that polarization in Congress has historically tracked closely with income inequality .
And recent studies have shown that states with greater income inequality tend to have more polarized state legislatures — supporting the idea that inequality is a fundamental cause of America ’ s deep political divisions .
Even the International Monetary Fund has weighed in , warning nations of the corrosive effects of inequality in a 2017 publication : “ While some inequality is inevitable in a market-based economic system , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead to political polarization , and ultimately lower economic growth.
” Inequality can also damage public health .
In their 2009 book The Spirit Level , the British epidemiologists Kate Pickett of the University of York and Richard Wilkinson of the University of Nottingham looked at differences across rich nations for an index of health and social outcomes including infant mortality , life expectancy , mental illness , incarceration , and literacy .
They could find no correlation with gross national income per person , but found a strong relationship between poor outcomes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in incomes between the top and bottom 20 % of a country ’ s earners .
“ Inequality is a social stressor , ” Wilkinson told BuzzFeed News .
“ One of the big changes in our understanding of social determinants of health is the role of chronic stress.
” The pandemic has made inequality much worse — but it may also be a catalyst for change .
Given all of the evidence linking inequality to a raft of bad outcomes , it should come as no surprise that unrest has surged during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poverty and people of color have not only been disproportionately sickened and killed by the virus , but they have also been hit harder by the recession it has caused — which has further widened the gulf between rich and poor .
“ What we need is a new social contract that will enable us to get past extreme polarization to find consensus , tip the shares of economic growth back toward workers and improve government funding for public health , education and infrastructure , ” Goldstone and Turchin wrote in their Berggruen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in today ’ s combat zone of weaponized social media , in which even modest proposals to ratchet back inequality are framed as “ communism ” ?
One hopeful sign is that the US has pulled back from the brink of chaos before through similar reforms , within the lifetime of its oldest citizens .
In the 1930s , as parts of Europe slid into fascism , the US went in a different direction , electing Franklin D. Roosevelt to drag the nation out of the Great Depression by ushering in the New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think the US could pull off a similar feat again .
“ You can reform your way out of dramatically polarized societies , ” said George Lawson of the Australian National University in Canberra , who has studied societal transformations including the peaceful transition to majority rule in South Africa .
Even given Trump ’ s flouting of democratic norms and the current upsurge in civil unrest , Lawson believes the US , by and large , has withstood a political “ stress test.
” “ I would err on the side that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ robust than fragile , ” Lawson said .
“ One thing to come out of the past few years is an energization of political engagement that is healthy .
”

Turchin said people who rule out the possibility of serious political violence in the US based on “the strength of American institutions” are being “unduly optimistic.”
“The social system that we live in is extremely fragile,” Turchin said.
Other social scientists consulted by BuzzFeed News were skeptical that the US is on the brink of a civil war. But they were concerned about the trends highlighted by Goldstone and Turchin, and worried about the potential for violence around the coming election — especially from right-wing militia groups if Trump loses and contests the result.
“No matter what the outcome is, it is going to be disputed by some components of the other side,” Craig Jenkins, a sociologist at Ohio State University who studies political violence, told BuzzFeed News. “The difference is that the Trump forces have militia that have some capacity for violence and mayhem.”
One reason that most experts in conflict studies don’t predict an outright civil war as a consequence of the US’s gap between rich and poor is that inequality hasn’t emerged as a major driving factor in studies of such conflicts in the modern era.
“Civil war has been predominantly a phenomenon in low-income countries,” James Fearon, a political scientist at Stanford University and coauthor of a 2003 paper that identified national poverty as an important condition that can lead to violent insurgency, told BuzzFeed News.
Another influential study, published in 2000 by the economists Paul Collier of the University of Oxford and Anke Hoeffler, now at the University of Konstanz in Germany, suggested that an armed group’s ability to seize control over significant economic resources — such as diamonds in several conflict-prone African nations and drug crops in Colombia — was a key driver of modern civil wars.
As a rich nation with a diverse and robust economy, the US should have a fairly low chance of falling into civil war according to these theories. And if push comes to shove and order needs to be restored by force, few experts in political conflict expect even a well-armed militia to be a match for federal law enforcement or the National Guard.
The circumstances in the 19th century that led the US into the bloodiest conflict in its history were also unusual. The young nation was growing, adding states that either opposed or supported slavery, creating a fundamental economic and moral divide that couldn’t easily be resolved. “That was an irreconcilable dynamic,” Jenkins said. “I think you need the accumulation of irresolvable conflicts to get a true civil war.”
But recent events, notably the plot by a group of right-wing militants to kidnap and potentially kill the Democratic governor of Michigan, Gretchen Whitmer, over her policies to limit the spread of the coronavirus, have shocked even skeptics of the idea that the US is teetering on the brink of civil conflict. “This is really concerning,” Fearon said.
The PSI isn’t the only indicator that has set alarm bells ringing about the stability of the US. The Fund for Peace, a nonprofit based in Washington, DC, has developed a measure called the Fragile States Index (FSI) that, like the work of the State Failure Task Force, seeks to identify nations that are at risk of violence and instability from a range of underlying pressures including economic distress, refugee flows, and their record on human rights.
Overall, the US looks reasonably healthy on the FSI, ranked 149th out of 178 countries for its potential for instability. But there are worrying signs for the US on a component of the FSI labeled “cohesion,” according to Fund for Peace programs manager Natalie Fiertz. “Over the past decade-plus, we’ve seen very rapid worsening of the score for those dimensions,” she told BuzzFeed News.
The Fragile States Index shows that the US is becoming a less cohesive society.


buzzfeed--2020-10-29--A Woman's Thong Almost Killed Her And She Shared The Story On TikTok As A Precaution

`` Abscesses in the groin and anorectal area are not uncommon and can happen randomly to people who are more @ @ @ @ @ Dr. Lincoln said .
`` As for causing abscesses in the anorectal area , it @ @ @ @ @ cut in the skin from friction , which can then get infected .
So if @ @ @ @ @ one , opt for a loose-fitting , soft cotton version .
This may be better @ @ @ @ @ be more irritating to the skin , potentially more abrasive , or more likely to @ @ @ @ @ ''

"Abscesses in the groin and anorectal area are not uncommon and can happen randomly to people who are more prone to infections," Dr. Lincoln said. "As for causing abscesses in the anorectal area, it could theoretically cause a small cut in the skin from friction, which can then get infected. So if you do want to wear one, opt for a loose-fitting, soft cotton version. This may be better than synthetic fibers that can be more irritating to the skin, potentially more abrasive, or more likely to trap moisture and bacteria."


buzzfeed--2020-10-29--This Groomer's "Things We Don't Tell You" Video Is Something All Dog Owners Need To Know

BuzzFeed spoke to Vanessa , who said she made the video to show that an `` end of life '' @ @ @ @ @ day at the spa .
Her video is a message to owners of all dogs @ @ @ @ @ weak to be groomed — not just those getting their very last groom .
`` @ @ @ @ @ I ’ ve had to inform three clients that their pet can no longer handle @ @ @ @ @ very hard time coming up with the words and courage to tell the owners that @ @ @ @ @ a client they can longer groom their pet , it is essentially us telling them @ @ @ @ @ the end of their life .
It ’ s not an easy thing to tell @ @ @ @ @ time to end their pet 's suffering , and as a groomer , I don @ @ @ @ @ ’ s my right to do that , '' explained Vanessa .

BuzzFeed spoke to Vanessa, who said she made the video to show that an "end of life" groom is not a relaxing day at the spa. Her video is a message to owners of all dogs who are too old and weak to be groomed — not just those getting their very last groom. "Over this last month, I’ve had to inform three clients that their pet can no longer handle grooming. I had a very hard time coming up with the words and courage to tell the owners that. When a groomer tells a client they can longer groom their pet, it is essentially us telling them that their pet is at the end of their life. It’s not an easy thing to tell someone that it’s time to end their pet's suffering, and as a groomer, I don’t always feel it’s my right to do that," explained Vanessa.


buzzfeed--2020-10-29--The Supreme Court Rejected Trump’s Efforts To Force North Carolina To Toss Out Ballots That Arrive A

The Supreme Court Rejected Trump’s Efforts To Force North Carolina To Toss Out Ballots That Arrive After Election Day

The US Supreme Court rejected a bid by President Donald Trump ’ s campaign to narrow the window for absentee voting in North Carolina , voting 5-3 to allow officials to count ballots that arrive by Nov. 12 , as long as they are postmarked on Election Day .
The Wednesday night order ends a messy legal battle over the deadline to count ballots in North Carolina , a key battleground state in the presidential election as well as the site of a major Senate race that could decide who controls the upper chamber next year .
Chief Justice John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the court 's three liberal justices to allow the extension to stand .
The court ’ s newest member , Justice Amy Coney Barrett , who was sworn in this week , did not participate in the decision .
As part of an agreement reached in a lawsuit brought by voting rights groups , the North Carolina State Board of Elections had extended its deadline to accept ballots by an additional six days , citing the coronavirus pandemic and delays in mail deliveries .
Trump ’ s campaign , the Republican National Committee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the State Board of Elections ’ guidance was the result of a “ backroom deal ” with one of the voting rights groups involved in the litigation , Democracy North Carolina , that overrode rules written as part of a separate bipartisan agreement in the state legislature .
Republicans also tried to argue the new rules could result in widespread voter fraud , echoing a baseless attack on mail-in voting that Trump and his campaign have repeated , without evidence , used this year and which courts have found unconvincing .
In a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that just days ago the court handed Republicans a victory in a separate case , denying Democrats ’ effort to extend Wisconsin ’ s timeline to accept ballots .
As in that case , Gorsuch argued that state legislatures should decide how to run an election , and courts should not be second-guessing those decisions .
The majority did not give the reasoning for their decision .
Many of the decisions coming down about voting rights this close to the election have been decided in a similar fashion .

The US Supreme Court rejected a bid by President Donald Trump’s campaign to narrow the window for absentee voting in North Carolina, voting 5–3 to allow officials to count ballots that arrive by Nov. 12 as long as they are postmarked by Election Day.
The Wednesday night order ends a messy legal battle over the deadline to count ballots in North Carolina, a key battleground state in the presidential election as well as the site of a major Senate race that could decide who controls the upper chamber next year.
Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Brett Kavanaugh sided with the court's three liberal justices to allow the extension to stand. The court’s newest member, Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who was sworn in this week, did not participate in the decision.
As part of an agreement reached in a lawsuit brought by voting rights groups, the North Carolina State Board of Elections had extended its deadline to accept ballots by an additional six days, citing the coronavirus pandemic and delays in mail deliveries.
Trump’s campaign, the Republican National Committee, and state Republicans had argued that the State Board of Elections’ guidance was the result of a “backroom deal” with one of the voting rights groups involved in the litigation, Democracy North Carolina, that overrode rules written as part of a separate bipartisan agreement in the state legislature. Republicans also tried to argue the new rules could result in widespread voter fraud, echoing a baseless attack on mail-in voting that Trump and his campaign have repeated, without evidence, this year and which courts have found unconvincing.
In a dissent, Justice Neil Gorsuch pointed out that just days ago the court handed Republicans a victory in a separate case, denying Democrats’ effort to extend Wisconsin’s timeline to accept ballots. As in that case, Gorsuch argued that state legislatures should decide how to run an election, and courts should not be second-guessing those decisions.
The majority did not give the reasoning for their decision. Many of the decisions coming down about voting rights this close to the election have been decided in a similar fashion.


buzzfeed--2020-10-29--Herman Cain’s Life And Death Were More Complicated Than That

You ’ ve heard the jokes about the most prominent Republican to die from the coronavirus .
His family has seen them too .
On Father ’ s Day earlier this year , Melanie Cain Gallo drove to her parents ’ house to drop off a gift for her dad , Herman Cain .
He had just returned from a business trip that included a stop at a rally for President Donald Trump in Tulsa , Oklahoma , where he posed for a photo with other members of the campaign ’ s Black advisory board .
A day later , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he and his wife Gloria took precautions when it came to the coronavirus — Gloria has a heart condition and wore a mask , even around family — Melanie still gave her dad “ big hugs , ” she said , before driving back to her home nearby .
The next day , the father–daughter pair returned to their office in Stockbridge , a suburb south of Atlanta .
Melanie had worked with her dad for 15 years and was responsible for recording videos he made for the Herman Cain Show , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ website Western Journal .
Throughout the week , they worked in their small shared office .
By Friday , June 26 , both were feeling sick .
Cain , dressed in a deep blue Hawaiian shirt , with a portrait of Ronald Reagan visible behind him , filmed that day ’ s episode as planned , speaking for 14 minutes about the “ Marxist ” agenda of the Black Lives Matter movement , clashes with police in Seattle and Oakland , and new signs that the COVID death rate was finally dropping .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said in the episode , “ but people have got to take it seriously .
Social-distancing , sanitizing , washing your hands , and wearing masks — that ’ s how we really get our hands around this , folks.
” By the late afternoon , both felt worse and decided to go home early .
Over the weekend , their conditions deteriorated further .
“ I thought he was just drained from the travel , ” Melanie said .
Neither of them ran a fever .
They just “ felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough to drive herself and Cain to get tested .
As Melanie stood in line , her father waited outside by the car , too weak to join her .
Suddenly , he fainted .
Paramedics had to rush to the scene ; later that day , both Melanie and her father tested positive for COVID-19 .
They returned to their respective homes to isolate and rest .
Melanie , who is 48 years old , did recover , eventually .
But Herman Cain never did .
“ His just got worse fast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go to the hospital , ” Melanie said .
“ Once he went in the hospital , he stayed there.
” The hospital didn ’ t allow anyone to visit Cain , making him one of the many thousands of Americans who have had to face the illness alone as medical providers fought to limit the virus ’ s spread .
Cain ’ s family were only able to talk to him on the phone and via FaceTime , and for a while they didn ’ t think his case was outside the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was eventually on a ventilator , ” Melanie said .
“ But the reports were similar to what you hear for other patients .
You know , oxygen issues with the lungs , just things like that .
Those things sounded , relatively speaking for COVID , normal.
” Cain stayed in the hospital for 29 days .
The family , physically divided by the virus , kept a close hold on what information they released to the public .
Cain ’ s wife and his son , 42-year-old Vincent , aren ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Melanie quickly saw the “ range of reactions ” inspired by her dad ’ s diagnosis .
She monitored the conversation at home , unable to see her mother or visit her father in the hospital , and still self-isolating from her husband and kids at their house in Atlanta .
“ And then to have all the politicization piled on top of that , ” she said .
“ It was one of the worst times that we 've experienced.
” On Thursday , July 30 , Gloria got a phone call @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in distress , ” according to Melanie , and though the family pushed to continue his treatment , Cain was doing badly enough that they were allowed into the hospital to say goodbye .
It was too late .
“ He was basically gone when we got there , ” Melanie said .
“ We said goodbye , but we believe he had already passed.
” Cain was 74 .
Later that morning , Dan Calabrese , the director of Cain ’ s media company and the editor of his website , announced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ died .
“ You ’ re never ready for the kind of news we are grappling with this morning , ” Calabrese wrote .
“ But we have no choice but to seek and find God ’ s strength and comfort to deal with it .
Herman Cain — our boss , our friend , like a father to so many of us — has passed away.
” Trump told reporters that day that Cain “ was a very special person.
” “ Unfortunately , ” the president added , “ he passed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus.
” That day , Trump called Gloria and the family to express his condolences .
“ I don ’ t really know how to describe it .
It wasn ’ t an unpleasant conversation , ” Melanie said .
“ At the time , we were just focused on other things.
” It was , she said , a disorienting day .
Almost immediately , the bare facts of Cain 's diagnosis , his 29-day hospitalization , and eventual death , hardened into a simple and extreme political allegory : Cain attends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mask , Cain gets COVID , Cain literally dies .
Among Resistance Twitter users , the alternate ending went even further : “ Trump ’ s rally killed him , ” wrote media critic Jeff Jarvis .
“ Joe Biden 's campaign events never killed anyone .
Trump 's rally did , ” wrote Oliver Willis , one of the left ’ s original bloggers .
This vein of commentary birthed an equal and opposite reaction on the right .
“ It has not even been 12 hours since former GOP presidential candidate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the usual partisans are already using his death as an opportunity to score political points , ” said Washington Examiner writer Becket Adams .
The usual tributes — obits in all the major papers , a panel on Fox News — got garbled in the noise .
That week , the team at his media company discussed what to do next .
With the family , they decided they would keep the eponymous platform alive , rebranding as “ the Cain Gang.
” They didn ’ t make the change immediately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s name and photo atop his Twitter account , which had been set up to auto-tweet certain content on the site , including syndicated posts from Western Journal .
For a number of days , as the site published new material , it appeared that Cain was tweeting from the grave .
The mistake , described by Calabrese as an “ internal administrative thing ” they corrected after about two days , lit up Twitter .
Their eventual Cain Gang rebrand was also clumsy .
A since-deleted Aug. 7 tweet , linking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the virus was “ not as deadly as the mainstream media first made it out to be.
” A few weeks later , the tweet resurfaced , prompting another wave of headlines .
“ Herman Cain Tweets Coronavirus Not That Deadly — Despite Having Died From It , ” one read .
It was as if Cain , still somewhere on the campaign trail , had been caught in a bad gaffe .
Three months later , at least 70,000 more Americans have died of COVID-19 , bringing the total to 227,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ level of government and Republican circles , infecting the president himself earlier this month .
Cain ’ s death became a footnote .
Lost in all the meta-commentary was the story of Cain himself .
To rewind just a few years to the peak of his fame on the right is to be reminded that he played a key role in priming the Republican base for a Trump-like leader .
Along with Sarah Palin and Ron Paul , Cain , in both his compelling successes and his failings , helped create the stage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and media-centered politics , slogan-friendly and written off as a joke by the people who were supposed to be in charge .
The manner of Cain ’ s death , and the tumultuous year in which he died , overshadowed a story that stretched well beyond politics .
In both life and death , Cain fit no one ’ s preferred narrative .
Though he had lauded Trump ’ s approach to the virus , focusing in his columns on gradually reopening the economy , Cain wasn ’ t a COVID denier .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Melanie , he convened a meeting with his staff to set down protocols for handwashing , social distancing , and wearing masks .
He also got in the habit of opening episodes of his daily video show by reminding viewers to take the virus seriously and follow guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
His advice early on in the pandemic , unlike much of the president ’ s , was practical and unequivocal .
He suggested wiping down surfaces , as he said he had done at home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all handles , cleaning all knobs , ” he told his followers in March .
He encouraged wearing masks and keeping a distance of 6 feet around strangers , as he said he did .
“ I think those things are gon na be with us for quite some time , folks , ” he predicted of CDC guidelines in an episode in May .
And though he attended the Trump rally that became a symbol of the president ’ s carelessness toward the crisis , his family and others close to him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ certain that he contracted the virus in Tulsa .
There ’ s no way to know for sure .
“ He was a real person , ” said Karol Markowicz , a conservative writer who worked on Cain ’ s 2004 Senate campaign in Georgia .
“ He was n't like this character you see on TV .
He was a good guy .
It ’ s unfortunate.
” When he was just starting out in politics , Herman Cain used to tell a story about his grandfather , Eugene Davis , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Georgia .
Aides knew this as the “ big potatoes ” speech , and when they heard their boss start in on the riff — recalling for the audience how the kids in the family would watch their grandfather load a wagon with potatoes and ready a mule to head out for the market in town — they knew he had read the room and felt the crowd was with him .
“ Them that 's going , get on the wagon !
” his grandfather would tell the gaggle of grandkids @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ain ’ t , get out of the way !
” Every time , Cain and the other kids would scramble into the wagon , climbing atop the pile of potatoes .
And every time , their grandfather would avoid the smooth center of the road , driving instead on the rough dirt , where ruts and bumps would jostle the kids and send the potatoes bouncing beneath them .
One day , Cain would tell the crowd , he finally asked why his grandpa always drove on the rough part of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ That way , by the time we get to town , all the little potatoes will be on the bottom , and all of the big potatoes will be on the top — and I want you kids to be the big potatoes.
’ '' By this time in his speech , Cain ’ s voice would be building and the crowd would be cheering and laughing .
And then , his voice booming , a finale : “ YOU ARE BIG POTATOES , ” he would shout .
“ WE ARE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ME ? ''
Cain was new to this , a first-time candidate in Georgia who had made the jump from the restaurant world to a three-way Republican primary for the Senate in 2004 , but he had confidence and a natural way with people .
“ By now , it ’ s a rock concert and the stage is literally surging , ” said Matt Carrothers , a former staffer who moved to Atlanta to work for Cain ’ s Senate campaign and later helped launch his media company .
`` BE A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The story , which Cain first used in motivational speeches in business and later adapted for the campaign trail , embodied much of what made him a magnetic and approachable figure in national politics : He was born in Memphis , the son of a chauffeur who then made a remarkable climb through the restaurant industry , moving up the ranks of the Pillsbury Company , from Burger King to Godfather ’ s Pizza , at a time when corporate America had yet to open up its deeply white boardrooms .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate bid in Georgia with close to 0 % name recognition , finished in a distant second , and carved out a spot for himself on the national stage .
He was a Black Republican who liked to buck political orthodoxy , telling aides , “ I worked hard , made a success of myself , and learned to think for myself.
” He was a man who ’ d wear suits to a “ meat ‘ n ’ three ” cafeteria lunch , and would insist on speaking to voters in plain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And as a first-time candidate , according to Carrothers , he set three rules for his young staff : First , “ check your ego at the door.
” Second , “ have a sense of humor.
” Third , “ no pessimists allowed.
” But the “ big potatoes ” speech was also exactly the kind of trademark Herman Cain style , with its big and borderline-goofy crescendo , that could disguise his own genuine seriousness , leaning into the punchline perhaps a little too far .
When he ran for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2012 Republican primary , his campaign became known for attention-getting slogans and stunts : Its most famous ad featured chief strategist Mark Block smoking a cigarette , and Cain pushed a catchy — some thought gimmicky — “ 9-9-9 ” tax plan .
( The plan consisted of a 9 % personal income tax , 9 % federal sales tax , and 9 % corporate tax . )
Cain ’ s background outside of politics was an asset in some ways , appealing to conservative voters who distrusted career politicians .
He got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , working for the Navy as a civilian ballistics analyst before receiving a master ’ s in computer science .
Pillsbury eventually put him in charge of resuscitating its Godfather ’ s Pizza chain , a role that led him to stints running the National Restaurant Association and chairing the board of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City .
But it worked against him in others ; Cain botched policy questions , once pronouncing Uzbekistan as “ Ubeki-beki-beki-stan-stan , ” and his public image became that of a pizza magnate who was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the campaign manager for the 2004 race , said Cain learned quickly as a first-time candidate and particularly loved retail politics ; he was eager to get out and shake hands .
A Black Republican running in the South was a rarity , and Cain ’ s personal history added resonance to his campaign .
“ He would go into places in Georgia , where as a kid he could n't go , ” Wylie said .
“ And people would be inspired to hear from him .
We would have crowds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” He enjoyed playing with people 's expectations , aides said .
Carrothers , the 2004 Senate staffer , recalled frequent lunches with Cain and the candidate ’ s childhood best friend , Joel Ricks , both of whom were then in their late fifties .
When the waiter would approach their table and take in the group of three — watching “ two impeccably dressed Black men , ” usually in three-piece suits , sit down with Carrothers , who is white and was 31 at the time — Cain would look @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can have whatever he wants.
” Though Johnny Isakson , then a member of Congress , won the 2004 Senate primary by a wide margin — 53 % of the vote to Cain ’ s 26 % — his campaign had seen Cain as enough of a threat to launch a direct-mail effort against him .
Cain parlayed his increased fame into a career in conservative talk radio , hosting his own show on Atlanta ’ s WSB from 2008 to 2011 , and filling in occasionally for host Neal Boortz ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political action committee called the Hermanator PAC , and began speaking at events for conservative candidates running that cycle , including now-senator Tim Scott , the South Carolina Republican .
Markowicz , the deputy press secretary for the Senate campaign , said that when the 2004 campaign ended , Cain ’ s staffers were eager for him to run for another statewide office in Georgia .
But he would eventually set his sights on a bigger prize , a move that Markowicz thought he wasn ’ t ready for .
“ Running statewide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very different animal than running for president , ” she said .
Cain made his debut at the first Republican debate of the 2012 primary , appearing in Greenville , South Carolina on May 5 , 2011 , alongside two former governors , a former US senator , and a member of Congress .
Backstage before the debate started , he turned to his top aide .
“ Mr .
Cain made a comment that all he ever wanted to do in life was to be financially stable , ” Block recalled .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ look , I 'm about ready to walk onstage for one of the highest offices in the world.
’ And I turned and just said , ‘ Let Cain be Cain.
’ ” The line presaged Trump ’ s 2016 campaign manager Corey Lewandowski ’ s maxim : “ Let Trump be Trump.
” Cain ’ s 2012 bid presaged Trump in other ways : He ran a media-centered campaign at a time when people viewed the strategy as a distraction from traditional organizing — intimate Iowa gatherings that propel “ real ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get famous .
The candidate appeared often in non-primary states , and employed only a handful of people in Iowa ; three months before voting began , he spent much of October 2011 away from the campaign trail to promote his book This Is Herman Cain !
“ I remember one of the Iowa staffers said something along the lines of ‘ people in Iowa have TVs too , ’ ” said a former Cain staffer .
“ Like , being on Fox was going to be as much of a benefit as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one on the campaign seemed prepared or willing to give Cain negative feedback , this staffer said .
“ The people around Herman were so sycophantic , ” they said .
“ They would never tell him he did anything wrong.
” Cain did plenty to distract from his own success : He made hateful and inflammatory comments about Muslims on the trail .
He dared people to question his policy credentials , arguing that voters needed “ a leader , not a reader.
” His candidacy spiraled into full crisis at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two women who had worked for Cain in the 1990s while he led the National Restaurant Association had accused him of sexual harassment .
Cain claimed he had been “ falsely accused ” but confirmed that there had been a settlement with the women .
At the end of November 2011 , Ginger White , an Atlanta woman , came forward with allegations that she and Cain had had a 13-year-long affair .
Cain denied this , but his campaign quickly collapsed .
In the years after his presidential bid , Cain 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fringes of the party .
But in his early seventies , he became one of President Trump 's most reliable supporters and remained a familiar face on the Fox News circuit as he traveled the country for speaking engagements .
Trump nearly nominated him in 2019 for a seat on the Federal Reserve ’ s board of governors , but Cain withdrew under expected Senate opposition .
For the most part , you found him in daily videos on The Herman Cain Show , or writing in the pages of his own lo-fi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ headlines for a provocative tweet .
On the evening of Wednesday , July 1 , the day Cain was admitted to the hospital , one such tweet appeared on his account .
At 5:44 p.m. , next to his name , a smiling headshot , and his blue checkmark , @ THEHermanCain shared a Western Journal article about the Republican governor of South Dakota , who had just declined to require mask-wearing and social distancing at the Mount Rushmore event where Trump was slated to celebrate the 4th of July holiday weekend .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the event , which will be attended by President Trump , ” the tweet read .
“ PEOPLE ARE FED UP !
” Like many of the tweets from @ THEHermanCain , this one wasn ’ t written by Cain , according to Calabrese , the media company director .
Instead , he said , material for the account “ would originate through informal banter ” between Cain and his staffers , drawn from office talk or group text messages , and crafted into tweets styled in their boss ’ s voice .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the tweet , saying they had since moved on to another job .
“ If there was something [ Cain ] was fed up about , it was probably the way some people are so pushy and judgmental , ” he said , “ but not the masks themselves .
He absolutely recognized the necessity of it — and I know he was careful.
” Melanie Cain Gallo believes he could have been more careful — after the Tulsa rally , she said , she questioned him herself about why he wasn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ photo he tweeted .
He told his daughter that he felt comfortable enough to do so because of the event ’ s temperature checks , a measure that was popular early in the pandemic that scientists increasingly say offers little protection .
Cain had already been traveling in the lead-up to the rally — there was a trip to Las Vegas and a stop in Dallas before the Tulsa rally for the premiere of Uncle Tom , a documentary about Black conservatives .
Some close to him believed he more likely caught COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Cain himself didn ’ t speculate on where he could have contracted the virus .
“ We didn ’ t really talk about it , ” Melanie said .
“ I mean , the main thing we were talking about was the fact that we both felt so bad.
” Current and former staffers who were watching the public reaction sensed in it something they had observed for years — a familiar reflex , they said , to caricaturize Cain .
On his campaigns and at his media company , aides embraced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toys '' vibe , as Block , the 2012 chief strategist , put it , and a belief that Cain challenged people ’ s long-held expectations about presidential candidates .
But it still bothers some of them that even during his rise to the top of the polls in the 2012 Republican primary , Cain was covered as half frontrunner , half joke .
“ The pundits would approach him as if he was just this goofball because he said things like ‘ Ubeki-beki-beki-stan-stan , ’ ” said Calabrese .
“ So they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did n't seem to understand how to handle himself in the political world .
The truth is , he completely understood what people expected — and he thought it was ridiculous and he was n't gon na do it , ” he said .
“ He had a self-deprecating sense of humor .
He liked to be kind of goofy and loud .
And he was n't gon na stop doing that because some political image consultant somewhere thought that he would get disrespected by Politico .
Who cares about Politico ? ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ it didn ’ t seem to bother Cain .
What did , Calabrese said , was the way in which race shaped people ’ s view of his politics .
“ He was considered by a lot of people to be an apostate , ” he said .
“ This he did talk about .
If you were a Black man who questioned or strayed from the Democratic orthodoxy — not just about race , but about economics , about the role of government — you were a heretic.
” He came from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issues of economics , business , and , for Cain in particular , independence .
He had said he first registered as a GOP voter after overhearing someone say , “ Black Republicans ?
There ’ s no such thing.
” The suggestion that “ someone would dare tell me what party affiliation I should have , ” Cain said , “ haunted ” him for days .
Black Republican politicians operate in a complicated public space , caught between ideals and a party that can be less than welcoming , and sometimes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their concerns .
This has been further complicated by Trump — a president who , without irony , says he 's done more for Black Americans than any president since Abraham Lincoln while disparaging Black officials and overseeing a pandemic that ’ s disproportionately affected Black Americans .
Still , Cain 's pro-business posture and willingness to rebuke the establishment line made his support for Trump unsurprising .
Cain spoke at a Trump rally in Georgia in December 2015 ; by March , he was encouraging the Republican establishment to “ get over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Cain defended Trump ’ s record on race at a campaign rally on June 15 , 2016 , in Atlanta .
“ This sounds like a shucky-ducky kind of crowd on a shucky-ducky kind of day here to support an aww-shucky-ducky kind of candidate , ” he said .
“ I grew up in Atlanta , Georgia .
I know what a racist looks like when I see one .
Donald Trump is not a racist.
” The Tulsa rally was important to the president .
It was a public reset , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — a show that Trump ’ s people would be behind him , pandemic or no .
The event had initially been set for Juneteenth , the holiday that commemorates the day the last enslaved person was freed , in a city known for the 1921 massacre that ’ s considered one of the worst instances of racial violence in US history , as nationwide demonstrations over police brutality and racism continued .
The scheduling decision was met poorly .
The Trump campaign moved the rally to the following night and worked to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attendance .
Scores of supporters flew in .
It was almost a given that Cain , the chair of Black Voices for Trump , would be there , too .
That Saturday , he touched down in Oklahoma , and by late that afternoon , he was standing in line to enter the Bank of Oklahoma Center along with other members of Black Voices for Trump , the coalition of Black Republicans that Cain helped launch for the president ’ s reelection .
“ Did people think it was safe ?
I know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” his daughter Melanie said .
A few spots back in line , Dr. Alveda King , a GOP activist and former Georgia state representative , watched Cain , her close friend , get his temperature checked before entering the arena .
“ I think I did n't even have on my mask , but there were times that I did , ” said King , describing a relaxed approach to mask-wearing that night among VIP rally-goers .
With Cain was Corrin Rankin , a conservative activist based in California .
They were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throughout the day as they participated in campaign surrogacy , appearing on a preshow livestream hosted by Trump campaign spokesperson Katrina Pierson .
“ We were kind of kept together to make sure we were on time for our interviews , and then we were escorted over to the rest of the group , ” Rankin said .
Cain appeared on Pierson ’ s broadcast with a member of the Texas legislature , Rep. James White .
None of the three commentators wore a mask , though White sported one pulled beneath his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rally included prominent Black Republicans like Baptist minister and host C.L .
Bryant , conservative activist Deneen Borelli , and Republican National Committee adviser Paris Dennard .
Eventually , they were shown to their seats .
Rankin , who took “ a bunch ” of photos and videos that day , put her phone up and said , “ Hey , everyone , smile.
” She snapped the photo , and Cain asked her to text it to him .
That evening , before the start of the rally , the photo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It showed the group seated close together , none of them wearing a mask .
The post sat on Cain ’ s feed that night .
It wouldn ’ t become infamous until weeks later , generating tens of thousands of retweets and comments — the vast majority of which came in two bursts , first on July 2 , the day Cain ’ s diagnosis became public , and again on July 30 , the day of his death .
Though no one in the picture had a mask on , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ providing masks and that Cain had been wearing one at other points in the day .
“ We would take them off for photos , ” she said .
On the day of the rally , Rankin posted a behind-the-scenes Instagram photo of a group of Black Voices for Trump surrogates including Cain , who was wearing a mask but had pulled it down beneath his chin .
Rankin defended the rally ’ s safety procedures .
“ I felt that the campaign was doing everything according to what we knew at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She said that neither she nor anyone else in the photo besides Cain had gotten sick afterward .
“ I 've never really thought about how I feel about that photo in retrospect , ” she said .
“ I think that it 's a moment in time.
” Trump ’ s Tulsa rally made news mostly for what it didn ’ t have : a large turnout or strict social distancing measures .
Video obtained by the Washington Post showed event staff , at the direction of the campaign , removing social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meant to keep attendees separated .
Despite the campaign ’ s refusal to enforce social distancing , rallygoers had plenty of room to spread out ; the 19,000-seat auditorium wasn ’ t even halfway full .
Trump rambled for nearly two hours .
When he did mention the coronavirus , he was dismissive , calling it “ the kung flu ” and boasting that he had directed officials to “ slow down ” testing .
The next day , June 21 , was Father ’ s Day .
Back in Atlanta , Herman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Trump campaign had already announced that six staffers and two Secret Service members who were supposed to work the rally had tested positive for the virus and were self-isolating .
An Oklahoma journalist who covered the event would also test positive .
When Cain got the virus too , few people knew until the first public statement .
Even then , they did n't know how sick he was .
Block , his chief strategist in 2012 , was supposed to have a long briefing with Cain on the afternoon of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after he tested positive .
That morning around 11:30 a.m. , he got a text from his former boss canceling the meeting .
“ Regrets today .
I tested positive for COVID yesterday .
Maybe Wednesday .
Thanks , HC , ” the message read .
By the next afternoon , Cain was in the hospital .
The family wanted to keep certain details private .
They were especially sensitive about the fact he had been placed on a ventilator , according to Calabrese , who managed press inquiries on behalf of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were getting conflicting messages about whether he was on a ventilator just like the rest of the world was , ” said Nathan Naidu , who served as the director of candidate operations ( in effect , Cain ’ s body man ) on the 2012 campaign .
“ And so I think there was still a certain amount of uncertainty there , but at no point did any of us ever think it was that serious.
” Cain wasn ’ t in a position to keep in touch directly for long , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been hospitalized for a few days , I never heard from him again.
” Weeks went by , and Calabrese started to get a bad feeling .
He got a call from Cain ’ s executive assistant early one morning , before 7:30 a.m. “ As soon as I heard her voice , I knew , ” he said .
He spent the rest of that morning readying a public statement and responding to press inquiries .
He scrolled through his Facebook timeline and saw intense speculation about Cain ’ s death from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I 'm like , dang it , do people really need to do that ?
But some people think they do , ” he said .
The question left Cain ’ s own former staff divided .
Some admitted that the “ optics ” of the Tulsa photo , as Naidu put it , were “ not great , ” he said .
“ Candidly , the timeline is bad .
I think we all know that.
” Others harped on the press coverage , which largely glossed over the fact that Cain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regularly reminded viewers of his Western Journal show to wear masks .
“ The press made it seem like [ Tulsa ] was the only possible place he could have caught COVID-19 , ” said Linda Hansen , Cain ’ s former deputy chief of staff .
“ It ’ s just so unfair and it is I believe disrespectful to him.
” For Ellen Carmichael , a Republican consultant who was Cain ’ s top press aide in 2012 , the reaction from both sides was frustrating .
The characterizations from liberal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ portrayed Cain as the fly on Vice President Mike Pence ’ s head in a recent sketch , were “ sickening , ” she said .
But in her view , Republican grandees didn ’ t give Cain his due either .
“ I do n't think he got nearly enough credit .
I do n't think he got nearly enough respect , ” she said .
“ I wish that more had been said to honor him .
I wish more had been done.
” The day after Cain ’ s death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House press briefing .
“ I will not politicize Herman Cain ’ s passing , ” said press secretary Kayleigh McEnany .
That afternoon on the White House lawn , a reporter asked the president if he worried about Cain catching the virus at one of his own rallies .
“ No , I don ’ t think he did .
No , ” Trump said before boarding Marine One for campaign events in Florida .
“ All the public stuff — I mean , we can ’ t focus on that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She said she understands why people have been critical of her dad ’ s decision to go to Tulsa .
“ I ca n't fault those people for speaking against him not wearing the mask and all of that , ” she said .
Nor does she fault those who believe Trump has mishandled the virus — though she didn ’ t offer up her own thoughts on the subject .
“ What I do have a problem with is the way in which people express those things.
” People had said “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about her father , she said .
“ And I don ’ t think that ’ s necessary.
” All the while , three months later , the family has stayed silent .
In a way , Cain was always the outlier in their family of four .
“ He was so public and so outspoken and so larger than life — so comfortable in front of any camera .
You know , no fear .
And we are not that .
We are not public people .
We are not media people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I guess people expected that from us and viewed our silence as — I do n't know what they viewed it as .
They did n't view it as grief and a struggle .
They viewed it as us not caring , which was even more hurtful , because we 've heard people say , ‘ Oh , they do n't even care.
’ “ Well , no , ” she said .
“ We 're still trying to make heads and tails of what happened to our family.
” ●

Melanie, who is 48 years old, did recover, eventually. But Herman Cain never did. “His just got worse fast to the point where he needed to go to the hospital,” Melanie said. “Once he went in the hospital, he stayed there.”
The hospital didn’t allow anyone to visit Cain, making him one of the many thousands of Americans who have had to face the illness alone as medical providers fought to limit the virus’s spread. Cain’s family were only able to talk to him on the phone and via FaceTime, and for a while they didn’t think his case was outside the norm for COVID-19 patients.
“He was eventually on a ventilator,” Melanie said. “But the reports were similar to what you hear for other patients. You know, oxygen issues with the lungs, just things like that. Those things sounded, relatively speaking for COVID, normal.”
Cain stayed in the hospital for 29 days. The family, physically divided by the virus, kept a close hold on what information they released to the public. Cain’s wife and his son, 42-year-old Vincent, aren’t on social media much, but Melanie quickly saw the “range of reactions” inspired by her dad’s diagnosis. She monitored the conversation at home, unable to see her mother or visit her father in the hospital, and still self-isolating from her husband and kids at their house in Atlanta. “And then to have all the politicization piled on top of that,” she said. “It was one of the worst times that we've experienced.”
On Thursday, July 30, Gloria got a phone call. The doctors said Cain was “in distress,” according to Melanie, and though the family pushed to continue his treatment, Cain was doing badly enough that they were allowed into the hospital to say goodbye. It was too late.
“He was basically gone when we got there,” Melanie said. “We said goodbye, but we believe he had already passed.” Cain was 74.
Later that morning, Dan Calabrese, the director of Cain’s media company and the editor of his website, announced in a blog post that Cain had died. “You’re never ready for the kind of news we are grappling with this morning,” Calabrese wrote. “But we have no choice but to seek and find God’s strength and comfort to deal with it. Herman Cain — our boss, our friend, like a father to so many of us — has passed away.”
Trump told reporters that day that Cain “was a very special person.”
“Unfortunately,” the president added, “he passed away from a thing called the China virus.” That day, Trump called Gloria and the family to express his condolences. “I don’t really know how to describe it. It wasn’t an unpleasant conversation,” Melanie said. “At the time, we were just focused on other things.” It was, she said, a disorienting day.
Almost immediately, the bare facts of Cain's diagnosis, his 29-day hospitalization, and eventual death, hardened into a simple and extreme political allegory: Cain attends MAGA rally, Cain doesn't wear mask, Cain gets COVID, Cain literally dies. Among Resistance Twitter users, the alternate ending went even further: “Trump’s rally killed him,” wrote media critic Jeff Jarvis. “Joe Biden's campaign events never killed anyone. Trump's rally did,” wrote Oliver Willis, one of the left’s original bloggers. This vein of commentary birthed an equal and opposite reaction on the right. “It has not even been 12 hours since former GOP presidential candidate Herman Cain was pronounced dead from COVID-19, and the usual partisans are already using his death as an opportunity to score political points,” said Washington Examiner writer Becket Adams. The usual tributes — obits in all the major papers, a panel on Fox News — got garbled in the noise.
That week, the team at his media company discussed what to do next. With the family, they decided they would keep the eponymous platform alive, rebranding as “the Cain Gang.” They didn’t make the change immediately, according to Calabrese, leaving Cain’s name and photo atop his Twitter account, which had been set up to auto-tweet certain content on the site, including syndicated posts from Western Journal. For a number of days, as the site published new material, it appeared that Cain was tweeting from the grave. The mistake, described by Calabrese as an “internal administrative thing” they corrected after about two days, lit up Twitter. Their eventual Cain Gang rebrand was also clumsy. A since-deleted Aug. 7 tweet, linking to a Western Journal article, argued that the virus was “not as deadly as the mainstream media first made it out to be.” A few weeks later, the tweet resurfaced, prompting another wave of headlines. “Herman Cain Tweets Coronavirus Not That Deadly — Despite Having Died From It,” one read. It was as if Cain, still somewhere on the campaign trail, had been caught in a bad gaffe.
Three months later, at least 70,000 more Americans have died of COVID-19, bringing the total to 227,000. The virus has reached the highest level of government and Republican circles, infecting the president himself earlier this month. Cain’s death became a footnote.
Lost in all the meta-commentary was the story of Cain himself. To rewind just a few years to the peak of his fame on the right is to be reminded that he played a key role in priming the Republican base for a Trump-like leader. Along with Sarah Palin and Ron Paul, Cain, in both his compelling successes and his failings, helped create the stage for conservatism in 2020 — a populist and media-centered politics, slogan-friendly and written off as a joke by the people who were supposed to be in charge.
The manner of Cain’s death, and the tumultuous year in which he died, overshadowed a story that stretched well beyond politics. In both life and death, Cain fit no one’s preferred narrative. Though he had lauded Trump’s approach to the virus, focusing in his columns on gradually reopening the economy, Cain wasn’t a COVID denier. Early on in the pandemic, according to Melanie, he convened a meeting with his staff to set down protocols for handwashing, social distancing, and wearing masks. He also got in the habit of opening episodes of his daily video show by reminding viewers to take the virus seriously and follow guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. His advice early on in the pandemic, unlike much of the president’s, was practical and unequivocal. He suggested wiping down surfaces, as he said he had done at home and around the office — “cleaning all handles, cleaning all knobs,” he told his followers in March. He encouraged wearing masks and keeping a distance of 6 feet around strangers, as he said he did. “I think those things are gonna be with us for quite some time, folks,” he predicted of CDC guidelines in an episode in May. And though he attended the Trump rally that became a symbol of the president’s carelessness toward the crisis, his family and others close to him don’t believe it’s certain that he contracted the virus in Tulsa. There’s no way to know for sure.
“He was a real person,” said Karol Markowicz, a conservative writer who worked on Cain’s 2004 Senate campaign in Georgia. “He wasn't like this character you see on TV. He was a good guy. It’s unfortunate.”