renegadetribune--2020-03-12--Struggling to Secure the Rights of Your People

It is at a solemn hour that the German Volk celebrates its Heroes ’ Memorial Day today .
With more justification than ever before in the past twenty years can one step before the spiritual eye of those who once , as courageous sons of our Volk , sacrificed themselves for the future of the nation , the greatness and inviolability of the Reich .
What once resounded as empty phrases of an unworthy posterity has today become an expression of proud gratitude by a worthy present .
After an unequaled victorious campaign in the East , the soldiers of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the crews of our ships , the fighters of our Luftwaffe , are henceforth prepared to take up the defense of the Reich in the West against the enemies of old with the same sense of duty , the same obedience , as true to their orders as soldiers of the Great War .
Behind them stands the homeland , cleansed of elements of disintegration and fragmentation .
For the first time in our history the entire German Volk steps before the countenance of the Lord Almighty to implore Him to bestow His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The struggle of our soldiers is a hard one .
Insofar as we comprehend nature and have gained insight into its ways , we know that just as life , to sustain itself , demands sacrifice time and time again to bear new life and deals out pain to heal wounds , the soldier is the foremost representative of life itself .
At all times , he represents the cream of a people .
He places his life at risk , and gives his life if need be , to render possible and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and hence of posterity .
In the hour in which Providence shall come to weigh the intrinsic worth of a people , he steps up before the Lord Almighty to face trial by ordeal .
And through him , the nations shall be weighed .
They will be judged either too light and hence they will be erased from the book of life and the book of history , or they will be deemed worthy enough to create new life .
Only he who himself had the opportunity to fight under the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death ’ s shadow pass him by time and time again in years of struggle-only he can measure the greatness of the risk taken by the soldier , only he can appreciate the graveness of the sacrifice .
The instinct of survival has engraved upon mankind universal principles for the evaluation of those who were willing to give up themselves so that the life of the community should be sustained .
Mankind places the idealist in opposition to the repulsive egoist .
And when it despises the one as a coward , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the greater in the subconscious realization of the sacrifice brought .
It glorifies him as a hero and raises him above the mass of other , indifferent phenomena .
No one has a greater right to celebrate its heroes than the German Volk !
Given the most precarious geopolitical location of its lands , it was possible to assure the existence of our Volk time and time again only thanks to the heroic mustering of its men .
And if we have enjoyed a historic existence within these past 2,000 years , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ willing , time and time again within these 2,000 years , to place their lives at risk for the community-and , if necessary , to sacrifice their lives .
Every one of these heroes gave his life not in the mistaken belief that he would deliver future generations of this duty .
All the achievements of the past would be for naught should only one future generation lack the strength to make similar sacrifices .
For the life of a nation resembles a chain without end until the day one generation decides to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an end the course of evolution .
No one has the right to celebrate heroes who is not himself capable of such conviction .
No one has the right to speak of tradition who is not himself willing to enrich this tradition through his own life and works .
This principle applies to all peoples just as to all statesmen .
And it applies to soldiers no less than to generals .
From within the sacred halls of this building , relics of an incomparably glorious past speak to us .
They were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of countless German heroes .
We have no right to enter into this hall unless we bear in our hearts the solemn resolve to be no less valiant than the bearers of these weapons , of these emblems , and of these uniforms before us .
The risking of his life was no less difficult for a musketeer in the Seven Years ’ War than for one who , 1,000 years before , as a German knight , fought off the hordes of the East to protect the German lands .
And it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of us today .
The power of decision , the cool daring courage of the great statesmen and warlords of the past were not less than those expected of us today .
Then , too , the gods loved these great statesmen and warlords only because they attempted and demanded the apparently impossible .
Hardly one of the great battles in the history of our Volk and , above all , in the history of Prussia , already betrayed its likely outcome at the beginning .
Based on numerical and material superiority , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , only to end in defeat due to the lack of spirits of the fighters .
Conversely , many others which seemed doomed from the very start , based on all human intuition , entered into history as glorious victories .
The secret of the miracle of life will never reveal itself to the pale theoretician .
He will always see amiss the mighty formative force of existence that he himself most sorely lacks , namely : willpower , boldness in making and carrying out decisions .
And thus we commence this day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feeling of new , inner dignity .
Not with heads bowed , but rather with heads carried high and with pride we greet them , conscious that we are their equals , capable of the same achievements , and-should this be necessary- willing to take upon ourselves the same sacrifices .
What they once fought for , we now fight for ourselves .
What was noble enough a goal for them to fight and , if necessary , to die for-every hour will find us braced for a like deed .
The faith @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Whatever life or destiny might deal to the individual among us , the existence and future of the community takes precedence over it .
There is something which carries us further yet than in the ages past , namely , the realization of what it was that many earlier ages unconsciously were forced to fight for : the German Volk !
To be allowed to live within it is our greatest earthly good .
To belong to it is our pride .
To defend it in unconditional loyalty even in the worst @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The greater the dangers surrounding us , the more precious this treasure of our community seems to us .
All the more important is , therefore , the realization that in its development and promotion lies the strongest raison d ’ etre for German survival .
Now that the outside world of plutocratic democracies has declared the wildest of campaigns against National Socialist Germany and has pronounced its destruction as the loftiest of war aims , then this simply reaffirms to us what we already know : the thought of a National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Volk especially dangerous in the eyes of our enemies , because it has made it invincible .
Above all differences of class or rank , profession or confession , and above all the usual confusion of everyday life , looms the social union of the German man , irrespective of caste or origin , based on blood , forged in communal life throughout thousands of years , bound together by destiny for better or for worse .
The world desires our dissolution .
Our answer to this can be but a renewed oath @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time .
Their aim is the disintegration of Germany .
Our avowal of faith is German unity .
They hope for the success of capitalist interests , and we will the victory of the National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft !
In nearly fifteen years of laborious work , National Socialism has delivered the German Volk from its state of tragic despair ; in a unique historic work , it has uplifted the conscience of the nation and has driven away the wretched specter of a defeatist capitulation ; it has built the general political foundations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all this , I stood prepared throughout the years to extend my hand to the world for a true understanding .
They rejected the idea of a reconciliation of all peoples based on equal rights .
As a National Socialist and a soldier , I have always upheld the principle of securing the rights of my Volk either in peace , or-if necessary-in a fight .
As the Fuhrer of the nation , the Chancellor of the Reich , and the Supreme Commander of the German Wehrmacht , I live today for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think of the victory , day and night ; to struggle for it ; to work for it ; and to fight for it .
If necessary , I shall not spare my own life either in the realization that this time around the future of Germany shall be decided for centuries to come .
As a former soldier of the Great War , nevertheless , I have devoutly pleaded with Providence to accord us the grace of closing honorably this last chapter in the great struggle of nations ( Volkerringen ) for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of our fallen comrades shall rise from their graves to thank all those whose courage and loyalty have now once more atoned for the sins committed in an hour of weakness against them and against our Volk .
Let our avowal of faith on this day be a solemn oath : the war forced upon the Greater German Reich by the capitalist rulers of France and England must be transformed into the most glorious victory in German history !

Speech by Adolf Hitler
Berlin Zeughaus, March 10, 1940
It is at a solemn hour that the German Volk celebrates its Heroes’ Memorial Day today. With more justification than ever before in the past twenty years can one step before the spiritual eye of those who once, as courageous sons of our Volk, sacrificed themselves for the future of the nation, the greatness and inviolability of the Reich. What once resounded as empty phrases of an unworthy posterity has today become an expression of proud gratitude by a worthy present. After an unequaled victorious campaign in the East, the soldiers of our Field Army’s divisions, the crews of our ships, the fighters of our Luftwaffe, are henceforth prepared to take up the defense of the Reich in the West against the enemies of old with the same sense of duty, the same obedience, as true to their orders as soldiers of the Great War. Behind them stands the homeland, cleansed of elements of disintegration and fragmentation. For the first time in our history the entire German Volk steps before the countenance of the Lord Almighty to implore Him to bestow His blessings on our struggle for existence.
The struggle of our soldiers is a hard one. Insofar as we comprehend nature and have gained insight into its ways, we know that just as life, to sustain itself, demands sacrifice time and time again to bear new life and deals out pain to heal wounds, the soldier is the foremost representative of life itself. At all times, he represents the cream of a people. He places his life at risk, and gives his life if need be, to render possible and to secure the life of his contemporaries and hence of posterity. In the hour in which Providence shall come to weigh the intrinsic worth of a people, he steps up before the Lord Almighty to face trial by ordeal.
And through him, the nations shall be weighed. They will be judged either too light and hence they will be erased from the book of life and the book of history, or they will be deemed worthy enough to create new life. Only he who himself had the opportunity to fight under the most adverse of conditions, who himself saw death’s shadow pass him by time and time again in years of struggle-only he can measure the greatness of the risk taken by the soldier, only he can appreciate the graveness of the sacrifice. The instinct of survival has engraved upon mankind universal principles for the evaluation of those who were willing to give up themselves so that the life of the community should be sustained.
Mankind places the idealist in opposition to the repulsive egoist. And when it despises the one as a coward, then its gratitude for the other is all the greater in the subconscious realization of the sacrifice brought. It glorifies him as a hero and raises him above the mass of other, indifferent phenomena. No one has a greater right to celebrate its heroes than the German Volk! Given the most precarious geopolitical location of its lands, it was possible to assure the existence of our Volk time and time again only thanks to the heroic mustering of its men. And if we have enjoyed a historic existence within these past 2,000 years, then we did so only because men were willing, time and time again within these 2,000 years, to place their lives at risk for the community-and, if necessary, to sacrifice their lives. Every one of these heroes gave his life not in the mistaken belief that he would deliver future generations of this duty. All the achievements of the past would be for naught should only one future generation lack the strength to make similar sacrifices. For the life of a nation resembles a chain without end until the day one generation decides to sever this link and thereby brings to an end the course of evolution. No one has the right to celebrate heroes who is not himself capable of such conviction.
No one has the right to speak of tradition who is not himself willing to enrich this tradition through his own life and works. This principle applies to all peoples just as to all statesmen. And it applies to soldiers no less than to generals.
From within the sacred halls of this building, relics of an incomparably glorious past speak to us. They were fought for and sealed with the blood of countless German heroes. We have no right to enter into this hall unless we bear in our hearts the solemn resolve to be no less valiant than the bearers of these weapons, of these emblems, and of these uniforms before us. The risking of his life was no less difficult for a musketeer in the Seven Years’ War than for one who, 1,000 years before, as a German knight, fought off the hordes of the East to protect the German lands. And it was no less difficult than that demanded of us today. The power of decision, the cool daring courage of the great statesmen and warlords of the past were not less than those expected of us today. Then, too, the gods loved these great statesmen and warlords only because they attempted and demanded the apparently impossible. Hardly one of the great battles in the history of our Volk and, above all, in the history of Prussia, already betrayed its likely outcome at the beginning. Based on numerical and material superiority, many an action seemed destined to success, only to end in defeat due to the lack of spirits of the fighters. Conversely, many others which seemed doomed from the very start, based on all human intuition, entered into history as glorious victories.
The secret of the miracle of life will never reveal itself to the pale theoretician.
He will always see amiss the mighty formative force of existence that he himself most sorely lacks, namely: willpower, boldness in making and carrying out decisions.
And thus we commence this day of commemoration of our heroes with a feeling of new, inner dignity. Not with heads bowed, but rather with heads carried high and with pride we greet them, conscious that we are their equals, capable of the same achievements, and-should this be necessary- willing to take upon ourselves the same sacrifices.
What they once fought for, we now fight for ourselves. What was noble enough a goal for them to fight and, if necessary, to die for-every hour will find us braced for a like deed. The faith which inspired them has grown within us. Whatever life or destiny might deal to the individual among us, the existence and future of the community takes precedence over it. There is something which carries us further yet than in the ages past, namely, the realization of what it was that many earlier ages unconsciously were forced to fight for: the German Volk! To be allowed to live within it is our greatest earthly good. To belong to it is our pride. To defend it in unconditional loyalty even in the worst of times, is our fanatic defiance. The greater the dangers surrounding us, the more precious this treasure of our community seems to us. All the more important is, therefore, the realization that in its development and promotion lies the strongest raison d’etre for German survival. Now that the outside world of plutocratic democracies has declared the wildest of campaigns against National Socialist Germany and has pronounced its destruction as the loftiest of war aims, then this simply reaffirms to us what we already know: the thought of a National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft alone has made the German Volk especially dangerous in the eyes of our enemies, because it has made it invincible. Above all differences of class or rank, profession or confession, and above all the usual confusion of everyday life, looms the social union of the German man, irrespective of caste or origin, based on blood, forged in communal life throughout thousands of years, bound together by destiny for better or for worse.
The world desires our dissolution. Our answer to this can be but a renewed oath sworn to the greatest community of all time. Their aim is the disintegration of Germany. Our avowal of faith is German unity. They hope for the success of capitalist interests, and we will the victory of the National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft! In nearly fifteen years of laborious work, National Socialism has delivered the German Volk from its state of tragic despair; in a unique historic work, it has uplifted the conscience of the nation and has driven away the wretched specter of a defeatist capitulation; it has built the general political foundations for a rearmament. In spite of all this, I stood prepared throughout the years to extend my hand to the world for a true understanding. They rejected the idea of a reconciliation of all peoples based on equal rights.
As a National Socialist and a soldier, I have always upheld the principle of securing the rights of my Volk either in peace, or-if necessary-in a fight.
As the Fuhrer of the nation, the Chancellor of the Reich, and the Supreme Commander of the German Wehrmacht, I live today for the fulfillment of one great task: to think of the victory, day and night; to struggle for it; to work for it; and to fight for it. If necessary, I shall not spare my own life either in the realization that this time around the future of Germany shall be decided for centuries to come.
As a former soldier of the Great War, nevertheless, I have devoutly pleaded with Providence to accord us the grace of closing honorably this last chapter in the great struggle of nations (Volkerringen) for the German Volk. Then the spirits of our fallen comrades shall rise from their graves to thank all those whose courage and loyalty have now once more atoned for the sins committed in an hour of weakness against them and against our Volk. Let our avowal of faith on this day be a solemn oath: the war forced upon the Greater German Reich by the capitalist rulers of France and England must be transformed into the most glorious victory in German history!
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Concentration Camp Stutthof

On 2 September 1939 – the day after the beginning of the German military campaign against Poland – an internment camp for Polish detainees was opened in the village of Stutthof , 36 km east of the old German city Danzig in West Prussia .
Early in 1942 , the status of the camp was changed from that of an internment camp to “ Stutthof Concentration Camp.
” Prisoners were sent to Stutthof from many different countries throughout the sixty-eight months of its existence ; these prisoners included a number of Soviet prisoners of war .
According to the Polish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – Stutthof inmates were murdered with poison gas beginning in June or July of 1944 .
This allegation is also contained in several works of western Holocaust literature ; namely , the anthology Nazi Mass Murder published by E. Kogon , H. Langbein , A. Rückerl among others , as well as the Enzyklopädie des Holocaust .
And yet there are other historians – even among those who maintain the reality of a systematic extermination of jews in the Third Reich – who make no claim of any extermination of human beings at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s 1300-page standard work on the Holocaust mentions Stutthof briefly only four times , and makes no mention of any gas chamber for the extermination of human beings in that camp .
Nor does Gerald Reitlinger , the author of another Holocaust classic , make any claim of homicidal gassings at Stutthof .
In this context , it is worth mentioning that Stutthof Concentration Camp was never even mentioned during the Nuremberg Trial .
Among the revisionists , until now , only the American historian Mark Weber has made any effort to study @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subject , which appeared in the Journal of Historical Review in 1997 , is not based upon original documents , but rather upon the sparse literature available in western languages only , it is nevertheless of high quality .
Weber mentions the extensive deportation of Baltic , Polish , and Hungarian jews to Stutthof in 1944 .
The point of departure for our study consisted of a visit to Stutthof in very late June and early July 1997 ; as well as visiting the camp itself , we viewed a considerable quantity of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ additional important material on Stutthof Camp during a trip to Poland in March 1999 .
Since the history of the camp is largely undisputed up to 1944 – the time of the large-scale jewish deportations – the principal focus of our investigation revolved around three points : – the total number of persons who died in the camp ; – the conclusions to be drawn regarding wartime National Socialist jewish policy from the mass deportations of jews which occurred in 1944 .
The clarification of these three questions – which are closely related @ @ @ @ @ @ @ study .
That it also provides a survey of the history of a camp known in the West almost by name only may be viewed as an additional result of the present study .
As described in an earlier book , wartime National Socialist concentration camps served primarily two purposes : they performed an internal security function through the internment of actual or potential opponents of National Socialism , and they acquired increasing significance for the war effort at a time when increasing numbers of Germans were being called up for military service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Reich .
Stutthof Camp was created , at least initially , for the first of the two factors mentioned .
The present study intends to provide a brief description of the camp .
It is based , in particular , on a paper by Polish historian Miroslaw Gliński , which was published in the book on the official history of the camp .
Stutthof had approximately 4,500 inmates at the end of January 1940 .
These inmates consisted almost entirely of Polish men , including numerous priests , teachers , and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A small number of female detainees also arrived at Stutthof after the middle of the same year .
They were housed in Barracks I , which received the designation “ Women ’ s Block.
” At this point , a few remarks on the expansion of the camp are in order ; our source of information in this regard is a contribution by the Polish historian Ewa Ferenc .
When the first prisoners entered the camp in the beginning of September 1939 , there were already a number of tents , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The prisoners were first set to work exclusively on the construction of the internment camp : clearing the forest , leveling the site , etc .
As in other camps , the construction phase was particularly arduous for the detainees – the forest commando , occupied with the felling of trees , was considered the hardest job .
Until October 1941 , there were only three inmate barracks in Stutthof .
At approximately the same time , the sewer installations were completed , and washrooms were installed in the barracks .
Prior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves in troughs in the open air .
Another barracks was used as an inmate infirmary , containing , among other things , a surgical division , a first-aid room , and a pharmacy .
There was also a kitchen barracks and a laundry .
A former retirement home on the camp ’ s property was used as the headquarters building .
Barracks for camp workshops were built after the beginning of 1940 ; when completed , there was a paint shop , a furniture workshop , a joinery , an electrotechnical workshop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ camp , the inmates built stables for livestock and a slaughterhouse .
Between the beginning of April and the end of September 1941 , for reasons which are not readily apparent , Stutthof was referred to in the concentration-camp nomenclature as a “ transit camp , ” although its function had not changed as against the preceding period.19 Very few documents from this period have survived .
In addition to the inmates from 1941 were the so-called Erziehungshäftlinge ( rehabilitation inmates ) .
These were nationals of occupied territories – and , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had violated their labor contracts or neglected to comply with the call-up to the labor service .
On May 28 , 1941 , Himmler , in a circular letter to all offices of the Sipo ( Security Police ) , ordered the construction of labor rehabilitation camps .
He explained the reasons for this decision as follows : “ With the increasing use of foreign labor and other manpower in companies important to the national and the war economy , the cases of reluctance to work [ also ] increase , which , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the German people , must be countered by all means .
Workers who refuse to work or who endanger the morale of the workers otherwise and who thus have to be arrested by the police to maintain order and security , should be interned in special labor re-education camps and be given regular work .
The labor re-education camps are intended exclusively to accommodate the work shirkers and idlers .
Internment will occur for the purpose of re-education , nothing else.
” At that time the camp was very small and , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2,000 inmates .
An undated “ List of the necessary manpower for the permanent staff and for the guards of the labor re-education camp Stutthof ” stemming from this period included a total of just 291 staff members .
Compared to the political inmates , the “ rehabilitation inmates ” had an easy time and were usually freed after 56 days and assigned to a job .
Their internment was not considered a punishment and did not affect the criminal record of the inmates .
Furthermore , unlike other prisoners , the Polish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compensation for work done during the internment of 2 Reichsmark per day for married prisoners and 0.50 Reichsmark for unmarried inmates .
Stutthof became a labor re-education camp officially on October 1 , 1941 .
On that day the administration of the former civil internment camp was also transferred to the Gestapo .
At that time it consisted of three residential barracks , one of them for female inmates , one infirmary building , a kitchen building , a disinfestation building as well as four watchtowers .
From the transfer protocol it can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a room with an autoclave and a disinfestation boiler , a vestibule , a bathroom , a room for changing clothes , and a laundry facility .
Himmler visited Stutthof on November 23 , 1941 and finally decided to change the status of the camp to that of a regular concentration camp .
The decisive factor in this decision was economic ; this is proven by the following letter sent by Heinrich Himmler to the chief of the SS Wirtschafts- und Verwaltungshauptamt Oswald Pohl on December 19 , 1941 : “ Dear Pohl @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my visit to the district of Danzig West Prussia .
I have become convinced that Stutthof is of great significance to the subsequent settlement of the district of Danzig-West Prussia .
Stutthof has all the possibilities for workshops , joineries , metalworking shops , etc .
I believe that we must further expand and utilize Stutthof .
In my opinion , the expansion must strive at the following : 1 ) The installation of building joineries and metal workshops for settlement activity in West Prussia .
2 ) The fullest use of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workshops for us .
A great quantity of orders for the armed forces is being fulfilled .
3 ) Installation of an auto repair workshop for the local SS headquarters .
4 ) Purchase of a brickyard on the bay , which is very favorable and which has a narrow-gauge railway and canal , and which is being offered to us there now .
5 ) Stutthof must also be expanded to accept 20,000 Russian prisoners of war at a later time , who can be used to build a settlement in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a statement on the preparation of the site , drawn up in Danzig .
Some of the sludge could be of interest for the fertilization of the meadows if it is worth mining it at a depth of 10-12 m , as well as the white , soft , medium-hard and hard limestone lying at a depth of 100 meters on the other hand .
If I am not mistaken , there is a great lack of cement and limestone in the district of Danzig-West Prussia .
Both can be derived from limestone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over by yourself and SS Brigadeführer Glücks as a recognized concentration camp with industrial function .
Heil Hitler !
Your H. Himmler ” As a result of this decision , SS Unterscharführer Johann Pauls delivered a plan for the camp expansion to the Reichsführer SS , which was approved by Himmler on March 3 , 1942 .
Among other things , it provided for the construction of housing for 20,000 inmates west and north of the already existing structures , now known as the “ old camp.
” To enable the planned expansion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Himmler ’ s letter of April 1942 , as well as the Werdershof estate ( also located south-east of the camp ) , were leased by Department II of the SS-WVHA ( Budget and Construction ) , where the “ Germanic camp ” was to be built the following year .
North of the old camp 30 barracks were now built as the first part of the “ new camp ” ; of these , 20 ( labeled with numbers I to XX ) were intended for inmates , including the camp canteen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ barracks for inmates suffering from contagious diseases .
The DAW ( Deutsche Ausrüstungs-Werke ) factories were housed in the remaining barracks , including a furrier ’ s workshop , tailor ’ s workshop , weaving workshop , shoemaker ’ s workshop , and a bicycle-repair workshop ( see Document 7 in the Appendix for a Polish post-war camp map ) .
The first inmates were transferred to the new camp in July 1943 .
The women remained in the old camp .
Following completion of the barracks , construction began on the streets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new camp .
At the same time , construction began on a barracks for guard personnel west of the old camp ; the guard personnel in question moved in on March 28 , 1943 .
Northeast of the new camp , work began in October 1943 on the construction of two factory hangars for the DAW .
These were put into operation one year later .
The Focke-Wulf Company manufactured airplane parts in the first factory hangar , while motors and machine parts were repaired in the second , the “ DAW @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into two categories : the construction and maintenance of the camp itself , and labor for industrial enterprises .
Inmates were made available to the latter against payment .
As stated above , a few companies , such as the DAW or Focke Wulf , established operations in the camp itself .
Otherwise , inmates assigned to companies were put to work in “ subsidiary camps ” or “ exterior commandos , ” in which case there was a gradual transition between both types .
Polish historiography assumes a total of 60 subsidiary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ above-mentioned factors prove the great significance of Stutthof Camp from an economic point of view .
Many inmates were released from the camp .
According to the official history of the camp , the total number of released inmates amounted to 5,000 .
Special lists of released inmates were compiled every day by the camp ’ s “ Political Section.
” Hundreds of such lists are preserved by the Stutthof Museum , which cover almost the entire history of the camp .
It should be noted that some of these releases took place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the orthodox version of history , large numbers of inmates were being murdered in the gas chamber .
According to the orthodox version of history , therefore , the Germans released witnesses to their alleged mass-extermination program , enabling them to report about what they had seen !
Since the alleged gas chamber was located immediately at the edge of the old camp and was easily visible from the old camp ( see Document 7 in the Appendix ) , there would have been no way to conceal any homicidal mass gassings .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the principal danger and chief cause of the high mortality .
Typhus – which broke out in the spring of 1942 for the first time – was especially devastating .
Another epidemic broke out in April 1943 , and lasted until June .
Of the more than 1,100 inmates who died in that period , the majority doubtlessly died of typhus .
Conditions in Stutthof changed drastically starting in mid-1944 .
In addition to a few transports of non-jews , numerous mass transports of jews – the vast majority of whom were women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ October .
I will return to this in Chapter IV .
The manner in which the camp administration reacted to the continuous arrival of mass transports is described by SS Hauptsturmbannführer Theodor Meyer , protective-custody camp commander in Stutthof , in his notes written in a Polish prison while awaiting execution : “ When the Lublin and Riga camps and outer camps in the East were evacuated , Stutthof was designated a reception camp .
Transports with thousands of Jewish women arrived , even from Auschwitz .
These transports were mostly in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They were sent on the transports without sufficient clothing and food .
Now they were supposed to be accepted in a camp that was itself on subsistence level .
Telexes , radio messages , went back and forth between Berlin and Stutthof to make the gentlemen in Berlin realize that this was impossible ; that Stutthof could no longer accept any more inmates .
The camp commandant himself traveled to Berlin for a conference intended to prevent any more inmates from being sent to Stutthof , but without success .
Berlin only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be detailed off in workers .
A representative appeared and made contacts with industry .
Commandos were detailed off to Königsberg , Elbing , Danzig , Gotenhafen , Stolp , Bromberg , Stettin , and to the nearer or more distant surroundings .
New masses arrived .
The various offices of the Gestapo emptied their camps and ghettos and sent the inmates to Stutthof without making any inquiry at any time .
Typhus infected inmates spread the disease in the camp , and this epidemic caused many victims among the masses tightly packed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and how , could an improvement be made ?
More and more transports arrived .
Could one refuse to accept them ?
No !
When the transports arrived with their inmates , they had to be accepted.
” We see not the slightest grounds for doubting the truthfulness of the content of this testimony .
At the end of August 1944 , the camp census , including the outer camps , was approximately 60,000 ; it had therefore multiplied tenfold in eight months !
The last large transport arrived from Auschwitz on October @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only individual groups of inmates arrived at Stutthof ; the last inmate , the Pole Jan Zielina , no .
105,302 , arrived from Auschwitz on January 17 , 1945 .
The fact that transports from Stutthof departed after October 1944 was one reason for the renewed decline in the camp census .
A second reason was the typhus epidemic that broke out in late summer 1944 for the second time and took on devastating proportions by the end of the year .
The poor hygienic conditions in the further-overcrowded housing naturally contributed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As of January 24 , 1945 , the day before the first waves of evacuation , the camp census report indicated a census of 28,390 female and 18,115 male inmates ( including the subsidiary camps ) .
This number included 25,775 jewish women and 2,898 jewish men .
Documentation on the tragic last months of Stutthof Camp is very fragmentary .
In Polish literature on the subject , commonplace facts and atrocity propaganda are intermixed in a veritable stew .
For this reason , it seems to us impossible to offer even an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caused by the evacuation of the camp , and we will refrain from putting forth any estimates .
What has survived , though , are daily records on the camp strength from a series consisting mainly of Morgenappell ( morning roll call ) documents ranging from January 24 to April 22 , 1945 .
They show the numbers given in Table 1 ( next page ) .
The fate of Stutthof inmates at that time was very little different from – or even identical to – the fate of the millions of German @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Army during that harshest winter of the war , under almost inconceivable circumstances and who therefore suffered horribly high losses .
The tragedy of the Stutthof refugees who died during the evacuation must be viewed in the context of this tragedy extending over an immense territory .
The decision to evacuate the camp appears to have been made by Fritz Katzmann , the Higher SS and Police Chief of Danzig , after the onset of the large-scale winter offensive of the Red Army on January 12 , 1945 .
After January 20 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the forthcoming evacuation , and approximately 11,000 inmates were led out of Stutthof on January 25 and 26 .
They were supposed to march on foot to Lauenberg , 140 km further west , for internment in a non-commissioned officers ’ school for the Waffen-SS .
The distance was to be covered in seven days , exclusively on backroads , because the main roads were filled with German refugee columns and German troops .
At night , the inmates were supposed to be lodged in villages .
The evacuation did not run @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the heavy snowdrifts and poor road conditions .
Many inmates died on the road , others escaped , and considerable numbers were overtaken by the advancing Soviet troops and liberated .
The majority of the evacuees were halted by the Wehrmacht before they reached Lauenberg , and put to work building anti-tank ditches .
In early March , following the onset of another Soviet offensive , those who were able to march were led in the direction of Gotenhafen and Putzig , where they were supposed to be transported to Germany by ship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because the columns were captured on the way by the Soviets .
According to Polish sources based on estimates that can not be verified , approximately 5,000 died out of the 11,500 evacuated on January 25 and 26 .
Stutthof still had 33,948 inmates on January 30 , approximately one third of them in the main camp .
At approximately the same time , the camp began to fill with German refugees who took up temporary lodgings there , taking over the new camp and part of the old camp .
Many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the west by sea .
The camp was attacked by Soviet bombers on March 25 and on several occasions afterwards ; several of the women ’ s barracks in the old camp burnt down .
The Red Army entered Stutthof on May 9 , 1945 , but found only approximately 150 inmates – most of whom were sick – in addition to approximately 20,000 German civilians .
Paul Ehle , acting unofficially as the last concentration-camp commander , had fled a few days before .
The existence of Stutthof Concentration Camp coincided almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it opened the day after the war began , and was captured by Soviet troops the day after it ended .
In 1946 and 1947 , four trials were held in Poland against a total of 80 members of Stutthof Camp guard personnel .
After trial , 21 death sentences were handed down and carried out , with one exception .
Another five camp functionaries , including the second commander , P.W .
Hoppe , were brought to court in three trials in the Federal Republic of Germany ( 1955 , 1957 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ received sentences of imprisonment of up to nine years .

By Jürgen Graf and Carlo Mattogno
On 2 September 1939 – the day after the beginning of the German military campaign against Poland – an internment camp for Polish detainees was opened in the village of Stutthof, 36 km east of the old German city Danzig in West Prussia. Early in 1942, the status of the camp was changed from that of an internment camp to “Stutthof Concentration Camp.” Prisoners were sent to Stutthof from many different countries throughout the sixty-eight months of its existence; these prisoners included a number of Soviet prisoners of war.
According to the Polish historical literature, many – mostly jewish – Stutthof inmates were murdered with poison gas beginning in June or July of 1944. This allegation is also contained in several works of western Holocaust literature; namely, the anthology Nazi Mass Murder published by E. Kogon, H. Langbein, A. Rückerl among others, as well as the Enzyklopädie des Holocaust.
And yet there are other historians – even among those who maintain the reality of a systematic extermination of jews in the Third Reich – who make no claim of any extermination of human beings at Stutthof Concentration Camp. Raul Hilberg’s 1300-page standard work on the Holocaust mentions Stutthof briefly only four times, and makes no mention of any gas chamber for the extermination of human beings in that camp. Nor does Gerald Reitlinger, the author of another Holocaust classic, make any claim of homicidal gassings at Stutthof. In this context, it is worth mentioning that Stutthof Concentration Camp was never even mentioned during the Nuremberg Trial.
Among the revisionists, until now, only the American historian Mark Weber has made any effort to study Stutthof. Although his paper on the subject, which appeared in the Journal of Historical Review in 1997, is not based upon original documents, but rather upon the sparse literature available in western languages only, it is nevertheless of high quality. Weber mentions the extensive deportation of Baltic, Polish, and Hungarian jews to Stutthof in 1944.
The point of departure for our study consisted of a visit to Stutthof in very late June and early July 1997; as well as visiting the camp itself, we viewed a considerable quantity of documentation in the archives. We acquired additional important material on Stutthof Camp during a trip to Poland in March 1999. Since the history of the camp is largely undisputed up to 1944 – the time of the large-scale jewish deportations – the principal focus of our investigation revolved around three points:
– the alleged gassings of inmates (primarily jewish);
– the total number of persons who died in the camp;
– the conclusions to be drawn regarding wartime National Socialist jewish policy from the mass deportations of jews which occurred in 1944.
The clarification of these three questions – which are closely related – formed the real object of our study. That it also provides a survey of the history of a camp known in the West almost by name only may be viewed as an additional result of the present study.
As described in an earlier book, wartime National Socialist concentration camps served primarily two purposes: they performed an internal security function through the internment of actual or potential opponents of National Socialism, and they acquired increasing significance for the war effort at a time when increasing numbers of Germans were being called up for military service, causing a serious manpower shortage in the Reich.
Stutthof Camp was created, at least initially, for the first of the two factors mentioned. The present study intends to provide a brief description of the camp. It is based, in particular, on a paper by Polish historian Miroslaw Gliński, which was published in the book on the official history of the camp.
Stutthof had approximately 4,500 inmates at the end of January 1940. These inmates consisted almost entirely of Polish men, including numerous priests, teachers, and other members of the intelligentsia considered politically unreliable. A small number of female detainees also arrived at Stutthof after the middle of the same year. They were housed in Barracks I, which received the designation “Women’s Block.”
At this point, a few remarks on the expansion of the camp are in order; our source of information in this regard is a contribution by the Polish historian Ewa Ferenc. When the first prisoners entered the camp in the beginning of September 1939, there were already a number of tents, a kitchen, a washroom and a latrine. The prisoners were first set to work exclusively on the construction of the internment camp: clearing the forest, leveling the site, etc. As in other camps, the construction phase was particularly arduous for the detainees – the forest commando, occupied with the felling of trees, was considered the hardest job.
Until October 1941, there were only three inmate barracks in Stutthof. At approximately the same time, the sewer installations were completed, and washrooms were installed in the barracks. Prior to that, the inmates had washed themselves in troughs in the open air.
Another barracks was used as an inmate infirmary, containing, among other things, a surgical division, a first-aid room, and a pharmacy. There was also a kitchen barracks and a laundry. A former retirement home on the camp’s property was used as the headquarters building. Barracks for camp workshops were built after the beginning of 1940; when completed, there was a paint shop, a furniture workshop, a joinery, an electrotechnical workshop, and a smithy. Outside the camp, the inmates built stables for livestock and a slaughterhouse.
Between the beginning of April and the end of September 1941, for reasons which are not readily apparent, Stutthof was referred to in the concentration-camp nomenclature as a “transit camp,” although its function had not changed as against the preceding period.19 Very few documents from this period have survived.
In addition to the inmates from 1941 were the so-called Erziehungshäftlinge (rehabilitation inmates). These were nationals of occupied territories – and, to a lesser extent, Germans – who had violated their labor contracts or neglected to comply with the call-up to the labor service. On May 28, 1941, Himmler, in a circular letter to all offices of the Sipo (Security Police), ordered the construction of labor rehabilitation camps. He explained the reasons for this decision as follows:
“With the increasing use of foreign labor and other manpower in companies important to the national and the war economy, the cases of reluctance to work [also] increase, which, in the interest of the war effort of the German people, must be countered by all means. Workers who refuse to work or who endanger the morale of the workers otherwise and who thus have to be arrested by the police to maintain order and security, should be interned in special labor re-education camps and be given regular work. The labor re-education camps are intended exclusively to accommodate the work shirkers and idlers. Internment will occur for the purpose of re-education, nothing else.”
At that time the camp was very small and, as indicated by Willich, contained about 2,000 inmates. An undated “List of the necessary manpower for the permanent staff and for the guards of the labor re-education camp Stutthof” stemming from this period included a total of just 291 staff members.
Compared to the political inmates, the “rehabilitation inmates” had an easy time and were usually freed after 56 days and assigned to a job. Their internment was not considered a punishment and did not affect the criminal record of the inmates. Furthermore, unlike other prisoners, the Polish and jewish rehabilitation inmates were entitled to compensation for work done during the internment of 2 Reichsmark per day for married prisoners and 0.50 Reichsmark for unmarried inmates.
Stutthof became a labor re-education camp officially on October 1, 1941. On that day the administration of the former civil internment camp was also transferred to the Gestapo. At that time it consisted of three residential barracks, one of them for female inmates, one infirmary building, a kitchen building, a disinfestation building as well as four watchtowers. From the transfer protocol it can be gleaned that the disinfestation building contained a room with an autoclave and a disinfestation boiler, a vestibule, a bathroom, a room for changing clothes, and a laundry facility.
Himmler visited Stutthof on November 23, 1941 and finally decided to change the status of the camp to that of a regular concentration camp. The decisive factor in this decision was economic; this is proven by the following letter sent by Heinrich Himmler to the chief of the SS Wirtschafts- und Verwaltungshauptamt Oswald Pohl on December 19, 1941:
“Dear Pohl! I recently visited Stutthof Camp during my visit to the district of Danzig West Prussia. I have become convinced that Stutthof is of great significance to the subsequent settlement of the district of Danzig-West Prussia. Stutthof has all the possibilities for workshops, joineries, metalworking shops, etc. I believe that we must further expand and utilize Stutthof. In my opinion, the expansion must strive at the following:
1) The installation of building joineries and metal workshops for settlement activity in West Prussia.
2) The fullest use of the tailor shop, joinery, and other workshops for us. A great quantity of orders for the armed forces is being fulfilled.
3) Installation of an auto repair workshop for the local SS headquarters.
4) Purchase of a brickyard on the bay, which is very favorable and which has a narrow-gauge railway and canal, and which is being offered to us there now.
5) Stutthof must also be expanded to accept 20,000 Russian prisoners of war at a later time, who can be used to build a settlement in the district of Danzig-West Prussia. I enclose a statement on the preparation of the site, drawn up in Danzig. Some of the sludge could be of interest for the fertilization of the meadows if it is worth mining it at a depth of 10-12 m, as well as the white, soft, medium-hard and hard limestone lying at a depth of 100 meters on the other hand. If I am not mistaken, there is a great lack of cement and limestone in the district of Danzig-West Prussia. Both can be derived from limestone. Stutthof is now to be taken over by yourself and SS Brigadeführer Glücks as a recognized concentration camp with industrial function. Heil Hitler! Your H. Himmler”
As a result of this decision, SS Unterscharführer Johann Pauls delivered a plan for the camp expansion to the Reichsführer SS, which was approved by Himmler on March 3, 1942. Among other things, it provided for the construction of housing for 20,000 inmates west and north of the already existing structures, now known as the “old camp.” To enable the planned expansion, the brickyard that was mentioned in Himmler’s letter of April 1942, as well as the Werdershof estate (also located south-east of the camp), were leased by Department II of the SS-WVHA (Budget and Construction), where the “Germanic camp” was to be built the following year.
North of the old camp 30 barracks were now built as the first part of the “new camp”; of these, 20 (labeled with numbers I to XX) were intended for inmates, including the camp canteen, the kitchen, and the quarantine barracks for inmates suffering from contagious diseases. The DAW (Deutsche Ausrüstungs-Werke) factories were housed in the remaining barracks, including a furrier’s workshop, tailor’s workshop, weaving workshop, shoemaker’s workshop, and a bicycle-repair workshop (see Document 7 in the Appendix for a Polish post-war camp map). The first inmates were transferred to the new camp in July 1943. The women remained in the old camp.
Following completion of the barracks, construction began on the streets, sewerage, and water mains for the new camp. At the same time, construction began on a barracks for guard personnel west of the old camp; the guard personnel in question moved in on March 28, 1943. Northeast of the new camp, work began in October 1943 on the construction of two factory hangars for the DAW. These were put into operation one year later. The Focke-Wulf Company manufactured airplane parts in the first factory hangar, while motors and machine parts were repaired in the second, the “DAW Maschinenhalle.”
Inmate labor was basically divided into two categories: the construction and maintenance of the camp itself, and labor for industrial enterprises. Inmates were made available to the latter against payment. As stated above, a few companies, such as the DAW or Focke Wulf, established operations in the camp itself. Otherwise, inmates assigned to companies were put to work in “subsidiary camps” or “exterior commandos,” in which case there was a gradual transition between both types. Polish historiography assumes a total of 60 subsidiary camps and exterior commandos. All the above-mentioned factors prove the great significance of Stutthof Camp from an economic point of view.
Many inmates were released from the camp. According to the official history of the camp, the total number of released inmates amounted to 5,000. Special lists of released inmates were compiled every day by the camp’s “Political Section.” Hundreds of such lists are preserved by the Stutthof Museum, which cover almost the entire history of the camp.
It should be noted that some of these releases took place at a time when, according to the orthodox version of history, large numbers of inmates were being murdered in the gas chamber. According to the orthodox version of history, therefore, the Germans released witnesses to their alleged mass-extermination program, enabling them to report about what they had seen! Since the alleged gas chamber was located immediately at the edge of the old camp and was easily visible from the old camp (see Document 7 in the Appendix), there would have been no way to conceal any homicidal mass gassings.
As in other camps, disease was the principal danger and chief cause of the high mortality. Typhus – which broke out in the spring of 1942 for the first time – was especially devastating. Another epidemic broke out in April 1943, and lasted until June. Of the more than 1,100 inmates who died in that period, the majority doubtlessly died of typhus.
Conditions in Stutthof changed drastically starting in mid-1944. In addition to a few transports of non-jews, numerous mass transports of jews – the vast majority of whom were women – arrived between 29 June and 28 October. I will return to this in Chapter IV.
The manner in which the camp administration reacted to the continuous arrival of mass transports is described by SS Hauptsturmbannführer Theodor Meyer, protective-custody camp commander in Stutthof, in his notes written in a Polish prison while awaiting execution:
“When the Lublin and Riga camps and outer camps in the East were evacuated, Stutthof was designated a reception camp. Transports with thousands of Jewish women arrived, even from Auschwitz. These transports were mostly in a condition that exceeded anything ever seen before. They were sent on the transports without sufficient clothing and food. Now they were supposed to be accepted in a camp that was itself on subsistence level. Telexes, radio messages, went back and forth between Berlin and Stutthof to make the gentlemen in Berlin realize that this was impossible; that Stutthof could no longer accept any more inmates. The camp commandant himself traveled to Berlin for a conference intended to prevent any more inmates from being sent to Stutthof, but without success. Berlin only promised to ensure that the inmates would be detailed off in workers. A representative appeared and made contacts with industry. Commandos were detailed off to Königsberg, Elbing, Danzig, Gotenhafen, Stolp, Bromberg, Stettin, and to the nearer or more distant surroundings. New masses arrived. The various offices of the Gestapo emptied their camps and ghettos and sent the inmates to Stutthof without making any inquiry at any time. Typhus infected inmates spread the disease in the camp, and this epidemic caused many victims among the masses tightly packed together in the camp. Where, and how, could an improvement be made? More and more transports arrived. Could one refuse to accept them? No! When the transports arrived with their inmates, they had to be accepted.”
We see not the slightest grounds for doubting the truthfulness of the content of this testimony.
At the end of August 1944, the camp census, including the outer camps, was approximately 60,000; it had therefore multiplied tenfold in eight months! The last large transport arrived from Auschwitz on October 29. In the following month, only individual groups of inmates arrived at Stutthof; the last inmate, the Pole Jan Zielina, no. 105,302, arrived from Auschwitz on January 17, 1945. The fact that transports from Stutthof departed after October 1944 was one reason for the renewed decline in the camp census. A second reason was the typhus epidemic that broke out in late summer 1944 for the second time and took on devastating proportions by the end of the year. The poor hygienic conditions in the further-overcrowded housing naturally contributed to propagation of the lethal epidemic.
As of January 24, 1945, the day before the first waves of evacuation, the camp census report indicated a census of 28,390 female and 18,115 male inmates (including the subsidiary camps). This number included 25,775 jewish women and 2,898 jewish men.
Documentation on the tragic last months of Stutthof Camp is very fragmentary. In Polish literature on the subject, commonplace facts and atrocity propaganda are intermixed in a veritable stew. For this reason, it seems to us impossible to offer even an approximate estimate of the number of victims caused by the evacuation of the camp, and we will refrain from putting forth any estimates.
What has survived, though, are daily records on the camp strength from a series consisting mainly of Morgenappell (morning roll call) documents ranging from January 24 to April 22, 1945. They show the numbers given in Table 1 (next page).
The fate of Stutthof inmates at that time was very little different from – or even identical to – the fate of the millions of German civilians who fled before the advancing Red Army during that harshest winter of the war, under almost inconceivable circumstances and who therefore suffered horribly high losses.
The tragedy of the Stutthof refugees who died during the evacuation must be viewed in the context of this tragedy extending over an immense territory. The decision to evacuate the camp appears to have been made by Fritz Katzmann, the Higher SS and Police Chief of Danzig, after the onset of the large-scale winter offensive of the Red Army on January 12, 1945. After January 20, all work in the camp was directed at the forthcoming evacuation, and approximately 11,000 inmates were led out of Stutthof on January 25 and 26. They were supposed to march on foot to Lauenberg, 140 km further west, for internment in a non-commissioned officers’ school for the Waffen-SS. The distance was to be covered in seven days, exclusively on backroads, because the main roads were filled with German refugee columns and German troops. At night, the inmates were supposed to be lodged in villages.
The evacuation did not run according to plan, particularly because of the heavy snowdrifts and poor road conditions. Many inmates died on the road, others escaped, and considerable numbers were overtaken by the advancing Soviet troops and liberated. The majority of the evacuees were halted by the Wehrmacht before they reached Lauenberg, and put to work building anti-tank ditches. In early March, following the onset of another Soviet offensive, those who were able to march were led in the direction of Gotenhafen and Putzig, where they were supposed to be transported to Germany by ship. They did not get there, because the columns were captured on the way by the Soviets. According to Polish sources based on estimates that cannot be verified, approximately 5,000 died out of the 11,500 evacuated on January 25 and 26.
Stutthof still had 33,948 inmates on January 30, approximately one third of them in the main camp. At approximately the same time, the camp began to fill with German refugees who took up temporary lodgings there, taking over the new camp and part of the old camp. Many of these German civilians were later evacuated to the west by sea. The camp was attacked by Soviet bombers on March 25 and on several occasions afterwards; several of the women’s barracks in the old camp burnt down.
The Red Army entered Stutthof on May 9, 1945, but found only approximately 150 inmates – most of whom were sick – in addition to approximately 20,000 German civilians. Paul Ehle, acting unofficially as the last concentration-camp commander, had fled a few days before. The existence of Stutthof Concentration Camp coincided almost precisely with the duration of war: it opened the day after the war began, and was captured by Soviet troops the day after it ended.
In 1946 and 1947, four trials were held in Poland against a total of 80 members of Stutthof Camp guard personnel. After trial, 21 death sentences were handed down and carried out, with one exception. Another five camp functionaries, including the second commander, P.W. Hoppe, were brought to court in three trials in the Federal Republic of Germany (1955, 1957, and 1964); four of them received sentences of imprisonment of up to nine years.
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renegadetribune--2020-03-12--Ivo Saliger’s Pictures of Light and Darkness

Ivo Saliger was born in the same place as the famous philosopher Immanuel Kant , the city of Königsberg ( now Kaliningrad , Russia ) in Silesia , part of what then was known as Prussia .
Although it seems that he spent most of his life in Austria he wholeheartedly embraced National Socialism once the Anschluss took place , in fact it was from this point on when he became an artist of renown as his artworks started to be featured at the Great German Art Exhibitions during that particular time in history .
At first glance one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most about Ivo Saliger ’ s output is the stark contrast between his dark-themed artworks created during the 1920s ( Weimar era in Germany ) in opposition to the more colourful paintings of his Third Reich period .
One can say that Saliger ’ s art pretty much reflected the zeitgeist of both times .
Saliger also created a lot of religious artworks as well ( I wonder if these were either “ assignments ” or the man was actually a devoted believer ) .
Among these works of art those which are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be the most interesting from a pictorial standpoint ( not from a religious one , of course ) .
Style-wise some of Saliger ’ s paintings might look a little bit “ sketchy ” but after checking some of his best works such as Das Urteil des Paris ( 1939 ) , An Der Waldquelle ( 1941 ) , and Rast der Diana ( 1939 ) I have to conclude that , as far as I am concerned , covering this artist was really worth the candle .
As for his Der Arzt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ curious but sad story on how Saliger found inspiration to depict such dark-themed images .
The whole story can be found HERE .
For the moment I will just leave a short quote by the man himself , part of a letter he wrote to an inquiring student in the early 1970s : Now to the spirit and the meaning of this picture .
It developed out of my mourning .
I had a sister .
At the close at 1918 , as World War I was ending , she got sick .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which was perhaps already there , broke out – Lymphogranalomatosis .
Several physicians of great stature made an effort to stem her suffering , but we knew it was hopeless .
She was 22 years old at this time .
There are other two remarkable illustrations by Saliger from that early period which I would like to mention which are Das Geld ( 1929 ) and Justiz ( c.1920 ) , both show a sort of dark cinematic dramatism which I really appreciate .
Ivo Saliger ( ᛉ born October 21 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 1987 in Vienna ) was an Austrian painter and etcher .
Many of his nude paintings , such as the well-known The Judgment of Paris in 1939 corresponded perfectly to the ideological guidelines of National Socialism and the devoted German woman .
His paintings were often shown at the Great German Art Exhibitions between 1937 and 1944 .
Saliger was born in Königsberg in Silesia ( Moravian-Silesia ) and had his permanent residence in Vienna since 1908 at the same time as Adolf Hitler .
Unlike Hitler , however , he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Academy of Vienna , under some of Austria ’ s finest artists such as Rudolf Jettmar , Ludwig Michalek and Ferdinand Schmutzer .
In 1917 he received the State Prize for graphic art .
Saliger completed his studies at the Academie Moderne , in Paris .
In 1920 he was appointed professor at the graphic teaching and research institute , later he lived as a freelance artist .
Occasionally he used the pseudonym ‘ Ovid Seralgi ’ .
During the 1920s and 1930s , Ivo Saliger developed strong elements of Art @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he went to study at the Academie Moderne in Paris to perfect oil painting and the female nude with Fernand Léger and Amédée Ozenfant* .
In addition to numerous landscapes , Saliger also created many female nudes , where he captured the beauty and gentleness of the female body with outstanding results .
When German troops marched into Austria , Saliger , like many other artists , started to paint images in support of the Third Reich .
At the Great German Art Exhibitions Saliger was represented with 16 works , all of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of them .
Other works were bought by Joseph Goebbels , the mayor of Würzburg Theo Memmel and Reichsminster Von Ribbentrop .
* Author : It is kind of funny that Saliger ended up studying alongside artistic “ geniuses ” such as Léger and Ozenfant .
It all becomes all the more puzzling when checking these “ artists ” respective “ bodies of work ” .

Ivo Saliger was born in the same place as the famous philosopher Immanuel Kant, the city of Königsberg (now Kaliningrad, Russia) in Silesia, part of what then was known as Prussia. Although it seems that he spent most of his life in Austria he wholeheartedly embraced National Socialism once the Anschluss took place, in fact it was from this point on when he became an artist of renown as his artworks started to be featured at the Great German Art Exhibitions during that particular time in history.
At first glance one of the things that catches my attention the most about Ivo Saliger’s output is the stark contrast between his dark-themed artworks created during the 1920s (Weimar era in Germany) in opposition to the more colourful paintings of his Third Reich period. One can say that Saliger’s art pretty much reflected the zeitgeist of both times. Saliger also created a lot of religious artworks as well (I wonder if these were either “assignments” or the man was actually a devoted believer). Among these works of art those which are dedicated to the madonna archetype seem to be the most interesting from a pictorial standpoint (not from a religious one, of course).
Style-wise some of Saliger’s paintings might look a little bit “sketchy” but after checking some of his best works such as Das Urteil des Paris (1939), An Der Waldquelle (1941), and Rast der Diana (1939) I have to conclude that, as far as I am concerned, covering this artist was really worth the candle.
As for his Der Arzt illustrations from the 1920s there is a curious but sad story on how Saliger found inspiration to depict such dark-themed images. The whole story can be found HERE. For the moment I will just leave a short quote by the man himself, part of a letter he wrote to an inquiring student in the early 1970s:
Now to the spirit and the meaning of this picture. It developed out of my mourning. I had a sister. At the close at 1918, as World War I was ending, she got sick. That is to say, the illness, which was perhaps already there, broke out – Lymphogranalomatosis. Several physicians of great stature made an effort to stem her suffering, but we knew it was hopeless. She was 22 years old at this time.
There are other two remarkable illustrations by Saliger from that early period which I would like to mention which are Das Geld (1929) and Justiz (c.1920), both show a sort of dark cinematic dramatism which I really appreciate.
Biography
Ivo Saliger (ᛉ born October 21, 1894 in Königsberg-Wagstadt, ᛦ January 14, 1987 in Vienna) was an Austrian painter and etcher. Many of his nude paintings, such as the well-known The Judgment of Paris in 1939 corresponded perfectly to the ideological guidelines of National Socialism and the devoted German woman. His paintings were often shown at the Great German Art Exhibitions between 1937 and 1944.
Saliger was born in Königsberg in Silesia (Moravian-Silesia) and had his permanent residence in Vienna since 1908 at the same time as Adolf Hitler. Unlike Hitler, however, he was admitted and studied painting and etching techniques at the Academy of Vienna, under some of Austria’s finest artists such as Rudolf Jettmar, Ludwig Michalek and Ferdinand Schmutzer. In 1917 he received the State Prize for graphic art. Saliger completed his studies at the Academie Moderne, in Paris. In 1920 he was appointed professor at the graphic teaching and research institute, later he lived as a freelance artist. Occasionally he used the pseudonym ‘Ovid Seralgi’.
During the 1920s and 1930s, Ivo Saliger developed strong elements of Art Deco in his art. In 1930 he went to study at the Academie Moderne in Paris to perfect oil painting and the female nude with Fernand Léger and Amédée Ozenfant*. In addition to numerous landscapes, Saliger also created many female nudes, where he captured the beauty and gentleness of the female body with outstanding results.
When German troops marched into Austria, Saliger, like many other artists, started to paint images in support of the Third Reich. At the Great German Art Exhibitions Saliger was represented with 16 works, all of them nudes. Adolf Hitler bought 5 of them. Other works were bought by Joseph Goebbels, the mayor of Würzburg Theo Memmel and Reichsminster Von Ribbentrop.
Ivo Saliger died in 1987 in Vienna.
* Author: It is kind of funny that Saliger ended up studying alongside artistic “geniuses” such as Léger and Ozenfant. It all becomes all the more puzzling when checking these “artists” respective “bodies of work”.
Sources:
German Art Gallery, Wikipedia (Deutsch), Dittrick Medical History Center (Case Western Reserve University), Dorotheum, Artnet, MutualArt and Le Prince Lointain.
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Colourful Traditionalist Artworks (mostly Third Reich era)
'Das Urteil Des Paris' (1939) 'An Der Waldquelle. Drei Weibliche Akte In Sommerlicher Landschaft' (1941) 'Das Bad Der Diana' by Ivo Saliger 'Die Sinne' (1941) 'Rast Der Diana' (1940) 'Rast Der Diana' (1939) 'Blick Auf Den See' by Ivo Saliger 'Hymne An Die Natur' (1939) 'Nude In Landscape' by Ivo Saliger 'Ruhende Badende Am Seeufer' by Ivo Saliger 'Zwei Liegende Akte In Landschaft' (1940) 'Liegender Weiblicher Akt' by Ivo Saliger 'Nach Dem Bade' by Ivo Saliger 'Nudity' by Ivo Saliger 'Nach Dem Bad' by Ivo Saliger 'Nach Dem Bad' by Ivo Saliger 'Das Lied Der Heimat. Zwei Mädchen Mit Mandoline Und Schlafendem Hund Unter Einem Baum' (1941) 'Einer Jungen Frau Vor Wogendem Korn' by Ivo Saliger 'Am Stammtisch' by Ivo Saliger 'Das Tischgebet' (c.1950) 'Geselliger Umtrunk' by Ivo Saliger 'Landliches Verlobungsfest' (1940) 'Zwei Wäscherinnen' by Ivo Saliger 'Zwei Junge Frauen In Ländlicher Idylle' by Ivo Saliger 'Musikalische Pause' by Ivo Saliger 'Rast Am Kornfeldrand' by Ivo Saliger 'Mutter Mit Kind, Auf Einer Waldwiese Sitzend' by Ivo Saliger Well-painted baby: 'Madonna Mit Kind' by Ivo Saliger 'Madonna Mit Jesuskind' by Ivo Saliger 'Heilige Mutter Mit Kind' von Ivo Saliger 'Österreichische Berglandschaft' (1947)
Memento Mori works (mostly Pre-Third Reich era)
'Arzt, Tod und Mädchen' (1920) 'Arzt, Tod und Mädchen' (c.1918) 'Der Arzt und Der Tod' by Ivo Saliger 'Der Krieger', Illustration for 'Die Muskete' (1933) 'Radiologist' (1930) 'Das Geld' (1929) 'Justiz' (c.1920) 'Der Strafverteidiger' (1920) 'Pierrot' (1920) 'Seductive Woman with Beer' (1920) 'Weiblicher Akt mit Äffchen' von Ivo Saliger 'Die Parzen' by Ivo Saliger
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Author: J. Belenger J.Belenger (pronounced with a hard 'G') is a musician, composer and experienced graphic artist. He participated in the soundtrack for the documentary ‘Hellstorm’, directed by Kyle Hunt, in 2015. He has also collaborated extensively with Justice 4 Germans in the past. J.Belenger (pronounced with a hard 'G') is a musician, composer and experienced graphic artist. He participated in the soundtrack for the documentary ‘Hellstorm’, directed by Kyle Hunt, in 2015. He has also collaborated extensively with Justice 4 Germans in the past. Twitter Facebook


renegadetribune--2020-03-12--Eichmann Trial – Crude Cartoons Submitted as Evidence

Crude cartoons submitted as evidence by Vera Alexander during the Eichmann Trial .
The artist is Naomi Judkowski .
This @ @ @ @

Thanks for being a reader of this site. Your contributions make this all possible. You can send support to: Kyle Hunt, PO Box 1052, Sorrento FL 32776. Bitcoin address: 1AfppjYZddJzc2C15PXKMsnyBPjPJQezwA . CashApp: https://cash.app/$thekylehunt


renegadetribune--2020-03-12--“Our Greatest Ally” Against the Coronavirus

Questions that immediately come to mind : what will Israel be doing with this patient screening data and who is @ @ @ @ @

Questions that immediately come to mind: what will Israel be doing with this patient screening data and who is paying for it?!


renegadetribune--2020-03-12--Lawsuit Reveals Govt Experiment that Gave Kids to Pedophiles to See if Sex Abuse Could Help Them

Starting in 1969 and running through 2003 , a sickening and bizarre sexual experiment was carried out by government officials and a pedophile scientist that deliberately placed troubled children in the care of pedophiles to see if it had “ positive consequences.
” Victims from this utterly horrifying practice have filed a lawsuit which is getting media coverage this month , exposing the grotesque details of this taxpayer-funded pedophilia experiment .
This practice was known as the Kentler experiment — named after Helmut Kentler , an academic who argued that pedophilia could have “ positive consequences ” on children .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ would benefit from adult sexual attention , according to Kentler .
Despite the absolutely horrid implications of putting children in the care of pedophiles , in 1969 , Kentler managed to persuade West Berlin ’ s ruling Senate that troubled youths would be glad to be put into situations in which they would be sexually abused .
The children would be “ head over heels in love ” with their new father figures , Kentler claimed .
According to the Sun : This arranged for boys to move in with three known West @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learn to live proper , unremarkable lives ” .
Later he explained he believed the “ three men would do so much to help ‘ their ’ boys because they had a sexual relationship with them ” .
It is not clear whether the West Berlin ’ s Senate voted on the experiment or agreed to it behind closed doors .
For decades , this experiment was secretly carried out and very little was known about it until 2015 .
When the details started to emerge , according to the Irish Times , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to commission a youth researcher to review the files and write a report .
“ The results are sobering , ” said Dr Teresa Nentwig of the University of Göttingen who led the research .
“ Men who had been convicted of sexual contact with minors were appointed by the Berlin leadership as guardians .
Children and young people , who lived on the street before that , had to “ pay ” for a warm bed , good food and clean clothes , engaging in sexual relationships with their caregivers , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are now in line to receive compensation from the Berlin Senate , according to Der Tagesspiegel .
“ There is targeted work to ensure that there is a solution that meets the interests of those affected , ” said Iris Brennberger , spokeswoman for the education administration .
How the compensation will look in detail and who exactly pays it is still open .
One of the victim ’ s lawyers is reportedly pressing for a lump sum of €100,000 ( $ 113,071 ) plus a monthly pension of €2,500 ( $ 2,826 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amount of money will ever be enough to compensate the damage done from deliberately handing vulnerable children over to child rapists .
According to the report : The legal proceedings refer to one boy called Marco , who had been taken into care in 1989 after fleeing his violent dad .
Aged six , he was placed with his foster father , Fritz H , who began going into his room for a “ cuddle ” which heralded years of abuse .
In an interview with Der Spiegel , Marco said for ten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Fritz H , until he grew up and fought back .
Another of his victims , known as Sven , was abandoned by his parents at the age of seven and contracted hepatitis B on the streets of Berlin .
Authorities in 1990 then gave him to a pedophile and he suffered repeated sexual assaults which were allegedly videoed .
Boys in the care of Fritz , who has since died , were kept isolated from the outside world .
Despite the practice reportedly running through 2003 , Berlin officials say they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the agency agreed to run such a monstrous experiment .
Despite launching the investigation several years ago , there have been almost no details officially released .
When Kentler died in 2008 , he referred to his experiment as a “ success ” while at the same time admitting he knew he was breaking the law .
“ It was a crime to put these people into this kind of care , ” Berlin ’ s youth-affairs minister , Sandra Scheeres said .
“ It is simply unimaginable that something like this happened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeared on The Free Thought Project .

By Matt Agorist
Starting in 1969 and running through 2003, a sickening and bizarre sexual experiment was carried out by government officials and a pedophile scientist that deliberately placed troubled children in the care of pedophiles to see if it had “positive consequences.” Victims from this utterly horrifying practice have filed a lawsuit which is getting media coverage this month, exposing the grotesque details of this taxpayer-funded pedophilia experiment.
This practice was known as the Kentler experiment — named after Helmut Kentler, an academic who argued that pedophilia could have “positive consequences” on children. The unruly and “feeble-minded” children would benefit from adult sexual attention, according to Kentler.
Despite the absolutely horrid implications of putting children in the care of pedophiles, in 1969, Kentler managed to persuade West Berlin’s ruling Senate that troubled youths would be glad to be put into situations in which they would be sexually abused.
The children would be “head over heels in love” with their new father figures, Kentler claimed.
According to the Sun:
This arranged for boys to move in with three known West Berlin pedophiles so they could then “learn to live proper, unremarkable lives”. Later he explained he believed the “three men would do so much to help ‘their’ boys because they had a sexual relationship with them”. It is not clear whether the West Berlin’s Senate voted on the experiment or agreed to it behind closed doors.
For decades, this experiment was secretly carried out and very little was known about it until 2015. When the details started to emerge, according to the Irish Times, it prompted Berlin’s state authorities to commission a youth researcher to review the files and write a report. “The results are sobering,” said Dr Teresa Nentwig of the University of Göttingen who led the research.
“Men who had been convicted of sexual contact with minors were appointed by the Berlin leadership as guardians. Children and young people, who lived on the street before that, had to “pay” for a warm bed, good food and clean clothes, engaging in sexual relationships with their caregivers,” Nentwig said.
Two of the victims are now in line to receive compensation from the Berlin Senate, according to Der Tagesspiegel.
“There is targeted work to ensure that there is a solution that meets the interests of those affected,” said Iris Brennberger, spokeswoman for the education administration. How the compensation will look in detail and who exactly pays it is still open.
One of the victim’s lawyers is reportedly pressing for a lump sum of €100,000 ($113,071) plus a monthly pension of €2,500 ($2,826). Tragically, however, no amount of money will ever be enough to compensate the damage done from deliberately handing vulnerable children over to child rapists.
According to the report:
The legal proceedings refer to one boy called Marco, who had been taken into care in 1989 after fleeing his violent dad. Aged six, he was placed with his foster father, Fritz H, who began going into his room for a “cuddle” which heralded years of abuse. In an interview with Der Spiegel, Marco said for ten years he was repeatedly beaten and raped by Fritz H, until he grew up and fought back. Another of his victims, known as Sven, was abandoned by his parents at the age of seven and contracted hepatitis B on the streets of Berlin. Authorities in 1990 then gave him to a pedophile and he suffered repeated sexual assaults which were allegedly videoed. Boys in the care of Fritz, who has since died, were kept isolated from the outside world.
Despite the practice reportedly running through 2003, Berlin officials say they have no idea as to who in the agency agreed to run such a monstrous experiment. Despite launching the investigation several years ago, there have been almost no details officially released.
When Kentler died in 2008, he referred to his experiment as a “success” while at the same time admitting he knew he was breaking the law.
“It was a crime to put these people into this kind of care,” Berlin’s youth-affairs minister, Sandra Scheeres said. “It is simply unimaginable that something like this happened with state oversight.”
We agree.
This article originally appeared on The Free Thought Project.
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Author: Thanks for being a reader of this site. Your contributions make this all possible. You can send support to: Kyle Hunt, PO Box 1052, Sorrento FL 32776. Bitcoin address: 1AfppjYZddJzc2C15PXKMsnyBPjPJQezwA . CashApp: Thanks for being a reader of this site. Your contributions make this all possible. You can send support to: Kyle Hunt, PO Box 1052, Sorrento FL 32776. Bitcoin address: 1AfppjYZddJzc2C15PXKMsnyBPjPJQezwA . CashApp: https://cash.app/$thekylehunt