thegreanvillepostbiasrating--2020-07-02--NEOLIBERAL PSYCHOLOGICAL REALISM: FROM BARBIE DOLLS TO HOOK-UP SEX

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n this two-part article , I trace facets of neoliberal psychology over a 50 years period , from 1970 to present .
The first facet of neoliberal psychology is the “ realist ” phase in which capitalists strip the individual of as many of our social , qualitative ( as opposed to quantitative ) relations as well as our historical and cross-cultural identities so that everything can be reduced to an economic , quantitative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Every activity is saleable and reduced to a price .
This psychology will be expressed as it applies to developmental psychology , toys , sexuality , thinking processes and attention span .
This will be the subject of Part I The second facet of neoliberal psychology is its romantic dimension .
At the same time that neoliberal realist psychology was stripping the individual of his social and historical identity , some middle and upper middle-class individuals fled into what I call “ romantic ” neoliberalism which included humanistic , emotional expressive psychology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Beginning in the mid to late 1970s and going through at least the rest of the 20th century was a kind of new age spirituality .
This will be the subject of Part II .
Taken together , there are three kinds of self under neoliberal psychology : Romantic , emotional and spiritual selves are two different answers to the experience of feeling trapped by modern social conditions and realist psychology .
Its reaction is either for the individual to : • None detach from society and rebel emotionally , or ; • @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relations of modern life , not by denying our social identity as the romantics do , but to dissolve into pre-modern social life as in the Middle Ages and pre-Christian paganism .
In my two-part argument , What is Socialist Psychology ?
I argued that bourgeois psychology strips the human species of its social and historical identity and treats this isolated , alienated individual as ground zero of human psychology .
Then it tacks on the social and historical dimensions as after-effects , as derivatives which weakly interact with this self-subsisting individual .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to understand neoliberal psychology in a socialist , macro-cultural way , the dynamic between society and the individual under capitalism needs to start from work relations in terms of exploitation of the workers ’ surplus value by the capitalists .
In addition , there is alienation of the workers : • None in the work process itself ; • None from other workers on the job ; • None from power settings where work processes are decided ; In addition , the mystification of relations between capitalist and worker is such that workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” believing their conditions are not exploitative , alienating or mystifying .
Because bourgeois psychology excludes any of these powerful concepts , it can not successfully explain the unhappiness of people in capitalist society in any kind of systematic manner .
While the oppression of people may ultimately depend on state violence , it is far more cost-effective if one can convince people that this system of oppression is natural and unchangeable .
Propaganda works best as an ideology that denies , minimizes and misrepresents realty .
As it turns out , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are necessary ingredients in the ruling classes ’ recipe for controlling workers .
Paraphrasing Carl Ratner in his book Neoliberal Psychology , ideology includes at least the five following techniques : • None Deny the truth of oppressive features of society ; • None Acknowledge certain injurious effects of oppression with the qualification that they are necessary evils that ultimately lead to improvement and fulfillment ; • None Acknowledge certain injurious effects of oppressions while attributing them to extraneous factors—mistakes , human frailty , or psycho-biological factors that ignore the real causes of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Present alternatives to the status quo and make them appear an oppressive , evil , extreme , unnecessary and unfeasible .
The whole point is on focusing upon rare , extreme , or sensational cases so as to narrow attention to individual causes of bizarre events .
Focus is on individuals , not structures .
Carl Ratner argues that neoliberalism ’ s predominant ideological construct is called “ entrepreneurialism ” .
This is the latest incarnation of individualism which began in the United States in the early 19th century .
This term was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a neoliberal group called the Freiburg Circles in the 1930s .
This was a right-wing reaction of economics of the Austrian school and its intellectuals in reaction to the Keynesian policies of FDR .
In 1947 they met in Switzerland to found a Neoliberal society .
It was convened by Friedrich Hayek , Milton Friedman and Gary Becker .
They were all anti-communists .
The main theoretical architect of neoliberalism in the late 1950 ’ s was James Buchanan .
He led the neoliberal charge to destroy the institutions of the “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public education , unemployment and food stamps because it fostered under-productivity of the lower classes .
By the late 1970 ’ s , economist David Kotz says that capitalist classes of the core capitalist countries responded to the reforms of the New Deal by abandoning the capital-labor compromise which developed in the early 1950 ’ s and attacking the trade unions .
They lifted the state regulations governing capitalists and their bankers .
The expansion of finance capital through credit increased the gap between industrial capital and finance capital , much of which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her book Dark Money : The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right , Jane Mayer discusses history of the Koch brothers neoliberal political-economy empire .
Mayer explains that their unpopular policies had been used to fund alternative , private , secretive , organizations that influenced academic institutions , think tanks , courts , legislatures and the presidency .
In spite of all this , Keynesian New Deal economics worked well throughout the 1950s to the mid- 60s .
As Ratner says : What likely troubled the capitalist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate of profit after 1966 .
In the 1970s , US capitalism suffered a legitimacy crisis as the economy was mired in high inflation , unemployment and slower growth ( `` stagflation '' ) .
The capitalist class mobilized politically in the 1970s .
The laws regulating corporate political donations were changed .
Neoliberal capitalism gave rise to some 25 years of relatively stable economic conditions after 1980 .
( Neoliberal Psychology , 53 ) Thirteen reasons why neoliberalism is an Ideology and not a practice Neoliberalism claims to want to make society @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of social life that is not strictly economic and reducing it to the micro-social relations of individuals competing in a market .
Thus , for neoliberals every interaction is a transaction .
A transaction is a short-term economic exchange where inputs and outputs are quantitatively measured with no state or social mediation .
As Margaret Thatcher once said , “ there is no society , only individuals ” .
But in fact , this is an ideology because it contradicts what neoliberals actually do when it relates to their own social class .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ The neoliberal conference in 1947 was funded by corporate capitalism , not neoliberal individualists .
• None The Bank of England funded Hayek ’ s salary at the University of Chicago as well as the lectures Milton Friedman delivered .
• None Neoliberals form organizations in healthcare , education , legislatures , the justice system , space exploration , transportation and science .
In other words , they conspired with each other , they didn ’ t compete .
• None They have established think tanks to control social policy .
They didn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the economy should be run as a “ free marketplace of ideas ” .
• None They started the American Legislative Exchange Council to integrate politicians with capitalists so that capitalists could write laws that politicians introduce into state and federal legislatures with lock-step uniformity .
• None At the very moment that neoliberals were writing their individualistic concoctions of capitalism – after World War II – capitalism had entered its monopolistic stage of the concentration of capital and property .
• None According to Ratner , entrepreneurs in the US compose only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A few consultants and professionals ( architects ) have small businesses that fit that image.
” ( Neoliberal Psychology , page 118 ) .
• None Neoliberals surround themselves with collective institutions – The Chamber of Commerce , American Legislative Exchange Council and the Business Roundtable .
• None The rise of the bank conglomerates and financialization completely contradicts its individualist ideology .
• None Neoliberals undermine their own ideology with their imperialist foreign policy and militant interventions in foreign countries and overthrow democratically elected governments which do not submit to American economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all over the world by Naomi Klein in The Shock Doctrine .
• None James Buchanan who received his PHD from Friedman ’ s Department at The University of Chicago was heavily funded by the Koch brothers .
• None The neoliberal Koch brothers took maximum advantage of federal subsidies for their oil and pipeline businesses – even engaging lobbyists to ensure these perks stayed in the federal budget .
• None Neoliberal charter schools are not for the children of neoliberals .
The horrors of bad teachers and lack of quality books @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Underfunded public education is what awaits the middle classes .
Neoliberal ideologists send their children to private schools safe from the practices of neoliberalism .
In practice , for the last 40 years neoliberalism has eaten away at the programs established by New Deal liberalism and this has been documented extensively .
Since I want to address the psychological consequences of neoliberalism , I will be brief .
Table A shows the effect of neoliberalism in six areas ; hospitals , family life , workplaces , education , the capitalist state and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refusal to invest in the long-term consequences of the physical infrastructure ( buildings , methods of harnessing energy ) or the physical or mental health of workers .
There is a stripping away of unquantified time such as hospital visits , break time , paid lunch , time at work .
There is the destabilization of work schedules , decline in living stands and the narrowing of education to specialized knowledge to be able to do a job .
In order to propagandize people to convince them that these conditions are normal , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This includes calling hospital patients “ customers ” or therapy patients “ clients ” or calling uber drivers “ entrepreneurs ” .
Therapists tell their clients to “ invest ” in a relationship .
Small business owners are told to “ leverage ” their strategizes or “ brand ” their new organization ; I am told that the teachers ’ organization that holds my pension is conducting “ wealth management ’ for my “ brokered ” account .
It is very important for neoliberalism to presents all classes as relatively equal , when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stay in their place and not think too expansively .
Thanks to the work of Basil Bernstein on socio-linguistic codes , we have very clear distinctions between the way working-class students reason as opposed to how the upper-middle class students reason .
We can imply this from their different uses of language .
What Bernstein found is that upper middle-class students use universalistic meanings for words that can go beyond their jobs .
Working-class students use particular meanings that are limited to their work .
Unlike the upper-middle class , working-class students use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought processes are likely to be cut off .
Working-class students ’ vocabulary is more limited and is more descriptive than analytic .
In Piaget ’ s work , this translates as upper-middle-class teenagers thinking in a formal operational way while working class folks use concrete operations .
Anyone familiar with Piaget ’ s stages of cognitive development would expect that upper middle-class adults would cultivate a more abstract form of thinking because this kind of thinking is necessary for lawyers , doctors , architects or engineers .
If you are a bus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abstractly is less required to do your job .
But if working-class and upper-middle classes students are in school , how would these differences come to be ?
The short answer is the difference between going to charter schools or underfunded public schools as opposed going to private schools .
Assuming there is a relationship between IQ scores and cognitive development , Ratner says there is a deterioration of verbal IQ scores among working class students between the ages of 8 to 11 and between eleven and fifteen years of age .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closer among students before the age of 8 .
However , after eight years of poor education working-class cognitive ability deteriorates .
On the surface it may seem that developmental psychology has been in the realm of psychologists , educators and the children or adolescents they meet with in labs , field studies or in interviews .
It came as a surprise to me to find that clothing manufacturers and advertisers were hard at work in the 1920 ’ s and 1930 ’ s to convince parents that they knew more about children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ points out : New emotions in parents and children were cultivated in the 1920 ’ s and 30 ’ s by clothing manufacturers and marketers in order to induce them to consume quantities of expensive clothing .
Clothing merchants cultivated a distinctive new form of material love and material cognition of children .
Merchants wrote quantities of articles and advertisements in trade journals and popular magazines expressing the following psychological themes ( 159 ) – Some examples of this are : • None Mothers should express love for their children effusively • None @ @ @ @ @ @ @ • None Children ’ s needs are great and must be satisfied quickly • None Children like new stimulations .
They are dissatisfied ( bored ) with stable , familiar conditions • None The good life is defined as having more material possessions • None Children ’ s appearance is very important to their success and action • None Children know themselves and are capable of making choices to make themselves happy • None Parents do not really understand children ’ s needs and development and should not interfere • None Children are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their uniqueness • None Children want to grow up quickly For the good life to be defined as an increase in material possessions , it serves capitalists to convince parents that they must express their love effusively through the accumulation of ever-new playthings for their children .
How convenient it is for children ’ s appearance to be crucial to their identity and development and for children is identified with material options .
Parents need to stop being old fuddy-duddies , for the times they are ‘ a-changing .
These clothing manufacturers and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be intense , impulsive and insistent and could only be satisfied by a whole industry of children ’ s clothing , toys and now a cornucopia of electronic gadgets .
Children ’ s supposed independence and uniqueness had capitalist motives .
As it turns out , the developmental category of “ toddler ” was not the invention of psychologists or educators but was originated by capitalists in the service of selling clothing products to parents .
If you are a woman , surely you remember Barbie dolls .
In fact , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ten-year-old girls owned them .
One of the major characteristics of Barbie is her waistline , which is 39 % smaller than the waistline , not of the average woman , but of anorexic women .
But what does that have to do with the lives of 3-11-year-old girls ?
Who cares what Barbie ’ s waistline is ?
Well , apparently young girls do .
By the time they are eight , a whopping forty percent wish they were thinner .
By the time they are eleven , 79 % wish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ideology , socialization is fairly superficial with each girl free to choose their personal meanings .
But this research shows that girls ’ “ free choices ” conform to commercial pressures in a very predicable way .
`` We might think that mindfulness would have something to do with critical thinking , but in mindfulness , critical thinking is not welcomed .
On the contrary , it is pathologized ... '' But what does neoliberal capitalism gain by women striving to be thin ?
In terms of selling products , if women were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would buy the clothing that went with that shape and that would be the end of it .
There would be no striving , dieting and dieting programs .
However , if your model is a Barbie doll and you are over 12 years old , you are in trouble .
Whether you are a teenager , young or middle adult female , no matter what you do you , whether you have children or not , you will not be able to maintain the waistline of an average twelve-year-old , let alone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be guaranteed to do is spend plenty of money on clothes , dieting , and exercising .
You will be strung along the line for the rest of your life .
There is a reason that Macy ’ s advertisements have 12-year-old girls dressed to the teeth to look twice their age .
According to Ratner , of all the commodities that are bought and used , there is no commodity that can be bought and consumed as frequently as food .
One may like to buy new shoes , but unless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a limit to how many shoes you buy , and the same is true for clothing , cell phones and the like .
However , no other commodity can be bought and consumed as frequently as food .
You can eat food continuously for 16 hours a day ; at work , with friends , driving a car , watching TV or being on the internet .
However , what kind of food will it benefit capitalists that you buy ?
Hint , it is not the good quality food which takes a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the person eating feels sated .
It is the cheap food which is digested quickly and is extremely stimulating .
While providing instant gratification , unlike healthy food , there is no real satiation .
It just stimulates new cravings .
Most importantly from the capitalist viewpoint , fast food guarantees weight gain .
Who might suffer most from weight gain ?
All the women who want to have waistlines like Barbie .
So , the capitalists have women coming and going .
First , they are exploited in that they invest in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aspire to possess 12-year-old bodies .
Then women are exploited in consuming the fast food and then these “ overweight ” conditions are reproduced because they have gained weight that makes them even further away from Barbie .
As Ratner insightfully points out , the ideological fanaticism about thin female bodies ( white women , mostly ) is not just about the shape of women , but the shape of all products under neoliberal capitalism such as thin , light consumer products including cell phones , flat panel TV screens , and lap @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in architecture that emphasizes sleek lines and sharp angles .
Sleekness represents capital on the move .
Neoliberal capitalists don ’ t want to invest in anything that is stable or takes time to grow .
Like thin people , neoliberal capital is agile and changes direction quickly : • None The investor is nimble in shifting capital to finance and does not get weighed down in infrastructure and its inevitable depreciation .
• None The employer is nimble in anticipating demands and delivering products “ just in time.
” • None The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employees and keeping its labor supply to match sales , no more and no less .
• None The manager is nimble in shifting work to low wage areas and shifting supply chains to lower cost areas .
Sleekness can not tolerate waiting , training , saving , persevering , planning or considering things for the long-haul .
It is tempting to think that casual sex is a male preoccupation and that most women , regardless of class , do not want casual sex .
But as Carl Ratner points out , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something actively pursued by upper middle-class women .
These women make a cost-benefit analysis of who they want to have sex with .
They see building their resumes , not finding boyfriends , as their main job .
They do not want to deal with the complexities of managing a relationship through school .
One claimed that having one-night stands made her a true feminist .
From a macro-psychological standpoint , a contracting capitalist economy increases competition for work and its impersonal economic relations make romantic entanglements slow and sticky .
Therefore , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Furthermore , to increase the chances of a successful uninvolved adventure , these women rely on each other to determine if their choice is a good match .
Her girlfriends help her decide .
Normal signs of affection such as eye contact , holding hands or cuddling are avoided .
If students were good friends , if they have sex , they are to act like acquaintances .
If they were acquaintances initially , they should act like strangers .
If they were strangers before they engaged in sex , they should not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all .
These hook-ups are not a retreat or an escape from the world of political economy , but an expression of it .
How ?
• None Young women avoid personal intimacy and dependency just as people at work avoid personal loyalty or dependence .
• None Young women plan to have sex with anonymous partners who are similar to anonymous strangers who exchange products on the market .
• None Just as the job market is uncertain in terms of fluctuating work time , salaries , work sites and workers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and insecure .
• None The commodification of one ’ s body and identity in the sexual world is a micro cousin to the macro world of selling one ’ s labor to the highest bidder .
• None The accumulation of impersonal sexual conquests matches the accumulation of commodities when shopping .
• None The termination of a hook-up after sex , as Ratner says , parallels the management of the termination of workers : Terse strategies are prepared and implemented by personnel staff for summarily informing workers to some brief counselling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calling guards to physically escort workers off the premises .
( 171 ) It makes people more adaptable to neoliberal activities required at work , school , in shopping and medical encounters .
Neoliberal sex makes it easy to transition from the bedroom to the workplace .
Hook-up sex makes lovers better employees , managers or students .
The concrete neoliberal consequences of macro cultural psychology are that individuals are agents of neoliberalism , just as Milton Friedman was .
Hook-up participants are neoliberal revolutionaries .
( 173 ) These Neoliberal feminists tear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as Friedman and Neoliberal economics tore down the ramparts of the New Deal state structures .
The image that might come to mind upon hearing the term “ mindfulness , ” at least to many middle or upper-middle class people , is of a solitary individual , probably a Buddhist , in a meditative posture with their eyes closed and happily detached from the outside world .
But the reality of mindfulness , at least the strand of it that was started in the United States under the leadership of Kabat-Zinn , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In his book McMindfulness , Ronald Purser points out that mindfulness is a four-billion-dollar industry and more than 100,000 books have the word “ mindfulness ” in them or a variation of that term in their titles .
When I first heard of the term mindfulness twenty years ago , I thought about it as a Buddhist approach to therapy .
There are mindful therapies such as “ Acceptance and Commitment Therapy ” that fit this category , but in the hands of Kabat-Zinn , mindfulness has been used in work settings , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the military and at the World Economic Forum .
Purser compares Kabat-Zinn to Deepak Chopra in terms of being a spiritual salesman .
One of Kabat-Zinn ’ s books , Full Catastrophe Living , has sold over 400,000 copies and has gone through fifteen editions .
He founded a stress reduction clinic at the University of Massachusetts Medical School as far back as 1979 – perfect timing with the neoliberal elections of Thatcher in Britain and Reagan in the US .
Why associate Kabat-Zinn with neoliberalism ?
Why would “ McMindfulness ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right-wing or entrepreneurial ?
After all , Buddhists don ’ t usually appear to be right-wing people .
The upper classes in the United States by the middle of the 18th century were disgruntled with traditional western religions .
A century later , the Transcendentalists – Emerson and Thoreau – focus on direct experience which had Eastern influences .
For Emerson , the significance of Asian religions consists of assimilation of the present into the here and now .
Thoreau read the Bhagavad-Gita at Walden Pond and drew on its ideas .
By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ libraries of upper-class Bostonians were filled with books not only on mysticism and Eastern religions , but also on the occult .
But , as usual , something dramatic happened when Buddhism got transported to the United States .
Buddhism was stripped of its social context and became privatized spirituality , a spiritual individualism .
In the 20th century D.T .
Suzuki ’ s revisionist version of Zen made Buddhist meditation individualist enough to suit the Beats in the 1950 ’ s .
For Purser , “ McMindfulness ” is a Western colonization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suffering are disproportionately inside us .
The underlying cause of dissatisfaction is our chattering mind .
By failing to pay attention to what actually happens in each moment , we get lost in regrets about the past and fears for the future .
All we need to do is close our eyes and pay attention to our breath .
We might think that mindfulness would have something to do with critical thinking , but in mindfulness , critical thinking is not welcomed .
On the contrary , it is pathologized .
Other distractions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which is seen as a distraction , as well as long-lasting emotions like anger .
But suppose you are angry about racism and police brutality that happened two days ago ?
Just “ release ” , go back to deep breathing and focus on the present .
This sequestering of mindfulness from emotion , action and socio-political situations is central to the creation of a neoliberal psychology .
To those who persist in suspecting that mindfulness leads to socio-political passivity , Purser says we are offered “ trickle down ” social change .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ become social change agents as an automatic consequence of mastering mindfulness .
However , there is no research that supports this .
Mindfulness is presented as a context-free technology which is simply imported from the East and applied to the West .
But the mindfulness movement does have a context , namely the late 1970 ’ s when neoliberal economics was just starting .
Ruth Whippman points out that the positive psychology movement has been funded by some of the most right-wing conservative organizations .
The John Temple Foundation founded by an evangelical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ millions of dollars in grants and prizes to positive psychology professors ( McMindfulness 32 ) After the 2008 crash , corporate capitalists got the fever for mindfulness and passed it down to their employees who were encouraged to do more with less .
These employees were “ rebranded ” as entrepreneurs of the self , using mindfulness to take full responsibility for their performance .
In other words , work harder , faster and be mindful along the way .
Is Mindfulness Buddhist or not ?
Manipulation of Buddhism Though a follower of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mention of Buddhism out and replaced it with bio-medical terminology at his clinic as when he was attempting to receive public funding .
When trying to sell Mindfulness to corporations , Buddhism is denied .
But in New Age settings , with people hungry for awakenings that are spiritual , talk about “ dharma ” is suddenly present .
But is there any resistance to neoliberal realism psychology ?
Is it all gloom and doom ?
After all , the era just before the rise of the entrepreneurial self in the 1980 ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 1960 ’ s and into the early 1980 ’ s .
What was the relationship between neoliberal realist psychology and the humanistic psychology of Maslow , Rogers and Perls ?
Furthermore , the early 1980 ’ s also saw the rise of Carl Jung ’ s spiritual psychology along with the mythological work of Joseph Campbell .
Both Jung and Campbell seem the exact opposite to neoliberal realist psychology .
Are they opposites ?
Is there overlap ?
How do we understand the relationship ?
Answers to these questions and more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this article .

Please make sure these dispatches reach as many readers as possible. Share with kin, friends and workmates and ask them to do likewise.
Bruce Lerro
BY BRUCE LERRO PERSPECTIVES 29 JUN 2020
I
n this two-part article, I trace facets of neoliberal psychology over a 50 years period, from 1970 to present. The first facet of neoliberal psychology is the “realist” phase in which capitalists strip the individual of as many of our social, qualitative (as opposed to quantitative) relations as well as our historical and cross-cultural identities so that everything can be reduced to an economic, quantitative, measurable, calculating short-term cost-benefit analysis. Every activity is saleable and reduced to a price. This psychology will be expressed as it applies to developmental psychology, toys, sexuality, thinking processes and attention span. This will be the subject of Part I
The second facet of neoliberal psychology is its romantic dimension. At the same time that neoliberal realist psychology was stripping the individual of his social and historical identity, some middle and upper middle-class individuals fled into what I call “romantic” neoliberalism which included humanistic, emotional expressive psychology popular throughout the 1970’s. Beginning in the mid to late 1970s and going through at least the rest of the 20th century was a kind of new age spirituality. This will be the subject of Part II.
Taken together, there are three kinds of self under neoliberal psychology:
Entrepreneurial self: realist psychology – Alexander Rustow
Expressive self: romantic psychology – Maslow, Rogers, Perls
Mystical self: romantic psychology – Jung, Eliade, Campbell
Romantic, emotional and spiritual selves are two different answers to the experience of feeling trapped by modern social conditions and realist psychology. Its reaction is either for the individual to:
detach from society and rebel emotionally, or; reject the associative, social contract relations of modern life, not by denying our social identity as the romantics do, but to dissolve into pre-modern social life as in the Middle Ages and pre-Christian paganism.
Exploitation, alienation and mystification in bourgeois psychology
In my two-part argument, What is Socialist Psychology? I argued that bourgeois psychology strips the human species of its social and historical identity and treats this isolated, alienated individual as ground zero of human psychology. Then it tacks on the social and historical dimensions as after-effects, as derivatives which weakly interact with this self-subsisting individual. On the other hand, in order to understand neoliberal psychology in a socialist, macro-cultural way, the dynamic between society and the individual under capitalism needs to start from work relations in terms of exploitation of the workers’ surplus value by the capitalists. In addition, there is alienation of the workers:
in the commodities produced;
in the work process itself;
from other workers on the job;
from power settings where work processes are decided;
from themselves.
In addition, the mystification of relations between capitalist and worker is such that workers develop what Marx called “false consciousness,” believing their conditions are not exploitative, alienating or mystifying. Because bourgeois psychology excludes any of these powerful concepts, it cannot successfully explain the unhappiness of people in capitalist society in any kind of systematic manner.
While the oppression of people may ultimately depend on state violence, it is far more cost-effective if one can convince people that this system of oppression is natural and unchangeable. Propaganda works best as an ideology that denies, minimizes and misrepresents realty. As it turns out, exploitation, alienation, mystification and ideology are necessary ingredients in the ruling classes’ recipe for controlling workers.
The power of ideology
Paraphrasing Carl Ratner in his book Neoliberal Psychology, ideology includes at least the five following techniques:
Deny the truth of oppressive features of society;
Fabricate positive features of society;
Acknowledge certain injurious effects of oppression with the qualification that they are necessary evils that ultimately lead to improvement and fulfillment;
Acknowledge certain injurious effects of oppressions while attributing them to extraneous factors—mistakes, human frailty, or psycho-biological factors that ignore the real causes of problems in political economy;
Present alternatives to the status quo and make them appear an oppressive, evil, extreme, unnecessary and unfeasible.
The whole point is on focusing upon rare, extreme, or sensational cases so as to narrow attention to individual causes of bizarre events. Focus is on individuals, not structures.
Origins of neoliberalism as a political economy
Carl Ratner argues that neoliberalism’s predominant ideological construct is called “entrepreneurialism”. This is the latest incarnation of individualism which began in the United States in the early 19th century. This term was invented by Alexander Rustow and other members of a neoliberal group called the Freiburg Circles in the 1930s. This was a right-wing reaction of economics of the Austrian school and its intellectuals in reaction to the Keynesian policies of FDR. In 1947 they met in Switzerland to found a Neoliberal society. It was convened by Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman and Gary Becker. They were all anti-communists.
The main theoretical architect of neoliberalism in the late 1950’s was James Buchanan. He led the neoliberal charge to destroy the institutions of the “matriarchal” state such as pensions, public education, unemployment and food stamps because it fostered under-productivity of the lower classes.
By the late 1970’s, economist David Kotz says that capitalist classes of the core capitalist countries responded to the reforms of the New Deal by abandoning the capital-labor compromise which developed in the early 1950’s and attacking the trade unions. They lifted the state regulations governing capitalists and their bankers. The expansion of finance capital through credit increased the gap between industrial capital and finance capital, much of which produced no goods or services.
In her book Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right, Jane Mayer discusses history of the Koch brothers neoliberal political-economy empire. Mayer explains that their unpopular policies had been used to fund alternative, private, secretive, organizations that influenced academic institutions, think tanks, courts, legislatures and the presidency.
In spite of all this, Keynesian New Deal economics worked well throughout the 1950s to the mid- 60s. As Ratner says:
What likely troubled the capitalist class most was the fall of the rate of profit after 1966. In the 1970s, US capitalism suffered a legitimacy crisis as the economy was mired in high inflation, unemployment and slower growth ("stagflation"). The capitalist class mobilized politically in the 1970s. The laws regulating corporate political donations were changed. Neoliberal capitalism gave rise to some 25 years of relatively stable economic conditions after 1980. (Neoliberal Psychology, 53)
Thirteen reasons why neoliberalism is an Ideology and not a practice
Neoliberalism claims to want to make society more productive by stripping off every layer of social life that is not strictly economic and reducing it to the micro-social relations of individuals competing in a market. Thus, for neoliberals every interaction is a transaction. A transaction is a short-term economic exchange where inputs and outputs are quantitatively measured with no state or social mediation. As Margaret Thatcher once said, “there is no society, only individuals”. But in fact, this is an ideology because it contradicts what neoliberals actually do when it relates to their own social class. Here are some examples:
The neoliberal conference in 1947 was funded by corporate capitalism, not neoliberal individualists. The Bank of England funded Hayek’s salary at the University of Chicago as well as the lectures Milton Friedman delivered. Neoliberals form organizations in healthcare, education, legislatures, the justice system, space exploration, transportation and science. In other words, they conspired with each other, they didn’t compete. They have established think tanks to control social policy. They didn’t let in ideas of how the economy should be run as a “free marketplace of ideas”. They started the American Legislative Exchange Council to integrate politicians with capitalists so that capitalists could write laws that politicians introduce into state and federal legislatures with lock-step uniformity. At the very moment that neoliberals were writing their individualistic concoctions of capitalism – after World War II – capitalism had entered its monopolistic stage of the concentration of capital and property. According to Ratner, entrepreneurs in the US compose only 9% of the population. “A few consultants and professionals (architects) have small businesses that fit that image.” (Neoliberal Psychology, page 118). Neoliberals surround themselves with collective institutions – The Chamber of Commerce, American Legislative Exchange Council and the Business Roundtable. The rise of the bank conglomerates and financialization completely contradicts its individualist ideology. Neoliberals undermine their own ideology with their imperialist foreign policy and militant interventions in foreign countries and overthrow democratically elected governments which do not submit to American economic and political demands. This is documented all over the world by Naomi Klein in The Shock Doctrine. James Buchanan who received his PHD from Friedman’s Department at The University of Chicago was heavily funded by the Koch brothers. The neoliberal Koch brothers took maximum advantage of federal subsidies for their oil and pipeline businesses – even engaging lobbyists to ensure these perks stayed in the federal budget. Neoliberal charter schools are not for the children of neoliberals. The horrors of bad teachers and lack of quality books there are the fate of the poor. Underfunded public education is what awaits the middle classes. Neoliberal ideologists send their children to private schools safe from the practices of neoliberalism.
Neoliberal cannibalization of the infrastructure
In practice, for the last 40 years neoliberalism has eaten away at the programs established by New Deal liberalism and this has been documented extensively. Since I want to address the psychological consequences of neoliberalism, I will be brief. Table A shows the effect of neoliberalism in six areas; hospitals, family life, workplaces, education, the capitalist state and financialization of life. There is a refusal to invest in the long-term consequences of the physical infrastructure (buildings, methods of harnessing energy) or the physical or mental health of workers. There is a stripping away of unquantified time such as hospital visits, break time, paid lunch, time at work. There is the destabilization of work schedules, decline in living stands and the narrowing of education to specialized knowledge to be able to do a job. In order to propagandize people to convince them that these conditions are normal, there is the marketization of language. This includes calling hospital patients “customers” or therapy patients “clients” or calling uber drivers “entrepreneurs”. Therapists tell their clients to “invest” in a relationship. Small business owners are told to “leverage” their strategizes or “brand” their new organization; I am told that the teachers’ organization that holds my pension is conducting “wealth management’ for my “brokered” account.
Neoliberal narrowing cognition of the working-class
It is very important for neoliberalism to presents all classes as relatively equal, when in reality it needs low-wage workers to stay in their place and not think too expansively. Thanks to the work of Basil Bernstein on socio-linguistic codes, we have very clear distinctions between the way working-class students reason as opposed to how the upper-middle class students reason. We can imply this from their different uses of language. What Bernstein found is that upper middle-class students use universalistic meanings for words that can go beyond their jobs. Working-class students use particular meanings that are limited to their work. Unlike the upper-middle class, working-class students use simple and unfinished sentences where their full thought processes are likely to be cut off. Working-class students’ vocabulary is more limited and is more descriptive than analytic. In Piaget’s work, this translates as upper-middle-class teenagers thinking in a formal operational way while working class folks use concrete operations.
Anyone familiar with Piaget’s stages of cognitive development would expect that upper middle-class adults would cultivate a more abstract form of thinking because this kind of thinking is necessary for lawyers, doctors, architects or engineers. If you are a bus driver or train operator, thinking more abstractly is less required to do your job. But if working-class and upper-middle classes students are in school, how would these differences come to be? The short answer is the difference between going to charter schools or underfunded public schools as opposed going to private schools. Assuming there is a relationship between IQ scores and cognitive development, Ratner says there is a deterioration of verbal IQ scores among working class students between the ages of 8 to 11 and between eleven and fifteen years of age. In other words, the IQ scores were closer among students before the age of 8. However, after eight years of poor education working-class cognitive ability deteriorates.
Capitalist marketing invades developmental psychology
On the surface it may seem that developmental psychology has been in the realm of psychologists, educators and the children or adolescents they meet with in labs, field studies or in interviews. It came as a surprise to me to find that clothing manufacturers and advertisers were hard at work in the 1920’s and 1930’s to convince parents that they knew more about children than either psychologists or educators. Ratner points out:
New emotions in parents and children were cultivated in the 1920’s and 30’s by clothing manufacturers and marketers in order to induce them to consume quantities of expensive clothing.
Clothing merchants cultivated a distinctive new form of material love and material cognition of children. Merchants wrote quantities of articles and advertisements in trade journals and popular magazines expressing the following psychological themes (159) –
Some examples of this are:
Mothers should express love for their children effusively
Children have an insatiable need for love
Children’s needs are great and must be satisfied quickly
Children like new stimulations. They are dissatisfied (bored) with stable, familiar conditions
Children are entitled to things
The good life is defined as having more material possessions
Children’s appearance is very important to their success and action
Children know themselves and are capable of making choices to make themselves happy
Parents do not really understand children’s needs and development and should not interfere
Children are impulsive, hedonistic and egotistical
Children identify themselves with material objects
Children are unique and require objects that bring out their uniqueness
Children want to grow up quickly
Mothers are insecure about rapidly changing social norms
For the good life to be defined as an increase in material possessions, it serves capitalists to convince parents that they must express their love effusively through the accumulation of ever-new playthings for their children. How convenient it is for children’s appearance to be crucial to their identity and development and for children is identified with material options. Parents need to stop being old fuddy-duddies, for the times they are ‘a-changing.
These clothing manufacturers and advertisers propagandized children’s emotions to be intense, impulsive and insistent and could only be satisfied by a whole industry of children’s clothing, toys and now a cornucopia of electronic gadgets. Children’s supposed independence and uniqueness had capitalist motives. As it turns out, the developmental category of “toddler” was not the invention of psychologists or educators but was originated by capitalists in the service of selling clothing products to parents.
The tyranny of sleekness
Barbie dolls


thegreanvillepostbiasrating--2020-07-02--Mapping The State’s Strategy Of Repression Against The Rebellion

hile the recent rebellion against the police and white supremacy has been historical , it has also been coupled by an attempt by the State to drown the uprising in a sea of tear-gas and rubber bullets .
While demonstrations and actions continue , the State is now gearing up for a more long-term strategy of repression , as a vast network of FBI agents , attorneys , and local police comb through hours of footage and social media , looking for targets .
Already , over 10,000 people have been arrested across the so-called US and around 75 currently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ carry extensive prison sentences .
Moreover , there are reports of FBI door-knocks and visits to those that have recently been arrested .
Often times people are being asked if they are involved in “ antifa ” while some are even propositioned with becoming informants .
As the Pentagon readies for the rebellions to come , its important for us to begin to map out and prepare a strategy of long-term movement defense of all rebels swept up during the uprising .
Reaching out to our legal correspondent , we sat down to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we can expect .
IGD : Broadly speaking , what has happened , repression wise , since the rebellion ?
We know that there has been a slew of federal charges and lots of door knocks by the FBI , can you talk about both ?
So much has happened .
Across the country , police have unleashed incredible violence against protesters , rebels , journalists , and bystanders .
Countless people have been arrested and are facing all sorts of state charges in local courts .
I read that the number was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at least 74 people across the country are facing federal charges for their alleged roles in the uprisings .
This is particularly concerning because federal charges tend to carry much more severe penalties than comparable state charges , and are less likely to get lenient plea bargains .
So that ’ s 74 uprising participants who are facing very serious prison time , just in a couple weeks .
Countless more people have been visited or contacted by federal agents , usually FBI or ATF but also Secret Service , Department of Homeland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There ’ s a long history of this repression , especially against Black liberation movements and to a lesser extent anarchist movements .
The FBI has always been a political police force .
Their headquarters is named for J. Edgar Hoover who founded the FBI to fight communists and anarchists , and then orchestrated COINTELPRO to destroy the Black freedom movement for close to three decades .
Crushing this uprising , this movement , is in their very DNA .
But the more we understand their repression , the better we can fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compiling information about all the uprising-related federal prosecutions and sharing it with other people involved in legal support and anti-repression efforts around the country .
IGD : How are these investigations unfolding ?
What tactics and strategies are being used to identify people ?
Most of the cases I first reviewed seemed like pretty low-hanging fruit , prosecutions of opportunity .
But this week I ’ ve seen cases where the feds together with local law enforcement put in quite a bit of effort to investigate and identify people .
One example was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman is accused of burning two cop cars .
The lengths they went to in order to connect this unidentified person at the protest to an identifiable person through online shopping records , social media accounts , promo videos from work , government and commercial databases , etc .
surprised even me .
I think this is where we see a significant connection to the J20 inauguration prosecutions in 2017-2018 .
The government is willing to invest a lot of resources into scouring the internet for photos and videos from protests , analyzing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unique identifying features that they can , and then scouring social media and other sources for a match .
This is the full weight of the surveillance state bearing down .
Other ways they ’ ve been able to allegedly identify people recently include : • None and asking the public for tips publicizing photos or videos and asking the public for tips • None identifying people based on distinctive tattoos that show up in prior booking photos • None appear wearing a mask at one time , but not at another time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corroborate someone ’ s location at a given time • None many people who were caught at or near the scene .
We should also consider the possibility that the FBI is using illegal electronic surveillance of some sort to track and identify people , and then reverse engineering the identification so they don ’ t have to disclose the surveillance .
We know this is a tactic that is sometimes used .
Another thing we ’ ve seen is rarely used federal laws from the 1960 ’ s being used more widely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specifically to criminalize and punish Black and indigenous resistance movements in particular , and other resistance movements generally .
One is the Anti-Riot Act , which was passed as part of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 during the riots that followed Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. ’ s assassination .
Notably , part of the reasoning behind the federal Anti-Riot Act was the belief that “ outside agitators ” like H. Rap Brown ( now Jalil Al-Amin ) of SNCC were traveling state to state to incite riots .
The law was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rap Brown law.
” So this is all a very old playbook in some respects .
The law hadn ’ t been used much since the early 1970s , but then was recently tested against the neo-Nazi Rise Above Movement and is now being used in the George Floyd uprisings .
The other law is the Civil Disorder law , another product of 1968 .
It ’ s a law that also hasn ’ t been used a whole lot historically .
The two exceptions were against the American Indian Movement in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and then in 2016-2017 against indigenous Water Protectors at Standing Rock .
Of the many hundreds of criminal cases that came out of Standing Rock , the only federal prosecutions were against indigenous people .
Now , like the Anti-Riot Act , it is also being used against uprising participants .
IGD : Why are these charges coming from a federal level ?
The biggest reason is that Trump and Attorney General Bill Barr have taken a particular interest in the uprisings and promised a federal crack down .
I assume each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each U.S. Attorney ’ s Office ( USAO ) got specific instructions to begin or intensify investigations around the uprisings and select appropriate cases for prosecution .
The government has always reacted extremely harshly to Black resistance movements , both in the streets and in the courts .
Federal prosecution tends to carry much more significant penalties , and the feds have more resources to invest in the cases they select than do overburdened local prosecutors .
So in terms of punishing people for rising up and fighting back against the racist police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for that .
Usually the feds pick cases for prosecution based on a variety of factors .
Sometimes there is a particular federal interest .
For example , one person is charged with destroying federal property for allegedly spray painting on the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. , and in Oakland , two followers of the right-wing Boogaloo movement shot two Federal Protective Service officers ( killing one ) outside the federal courthouse , in close proximity to the protests .
Sometimes a case is exceptionally complex and only the feds have the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , such as big white collar crimes or complex organized crime cases .
Other factors tend to be a bit more political and arbitrary , such as wanting someone to face a particularly serious punishment based on their background or actions .
A lot of the arson and Molotov cocktail cases fall in this category to some degree .
The feds have always taken a keen interest in Molotov cocktail cases , whether or not the Molotovs are used .
Finally , there are those cases where they just want to send a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a shock and awe campaign .
Anytime someone is prosecuted for political activities , this factor is somewhat , if not entirely , at play .
Here we are seeing a lot of unexceptional crimes by unexceptional people that the feds have decided to make a public example of in retaliation for the rebellions .
One person is charged with Civil Disorder and facing a sentence up to 5 years in prison for allegedly trying to push through police lines with his body and then going limp in an act of passive resistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is piddly shit but the feds have decided this person needs to go to federal prison for a couple years .
The only real purpose is collective intimidation .
Other examples are the feds charging Civil Disorder for allegedly throwing a brick through a police car window .
In most places that would be a misdemeanor , but not in federal court .
Another person supposedly threw a water bottle at police , then ran when police tried to apprehend him .
When police tackled him , they supposedly found a concealed handgun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the feds are charging him with Possession of a Firearm by a Prohibited Person under 18 U.S.C .
922 ( g ) which prohibits people who unlawfully use or are addicted to a controlled substance from possessing a firearm and carries a penalty up to 10 years in prison .
Further reading about this statute here .
Even when the alleged conduct is more serious , the feds have been pursuing extraordinary punishments that do not seem at all commensurate with the conduct alleged .
Two people in New York are facing potential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allegedly throwing a Molotov cocktail at an empty police car .
Regardless of what you think about particular tactics , even the potential of a life sentence for one crispy cop car is ridiculous and draconian .
But that ’ s exactly their point .
Some people are surprised to learn that the feds are even allowed to prosecute these seemingly ordinary crimes .
But the scope of federal prosecution expanded dramatically over the 20th century and can encompass almost anything now .
If it involves interstate travel ; facilities of interstate commerce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highways ) ; items that pass in interstate commerce ( literally everything these days ) ; an entity that affects interstate commerce ( again , almost anything ) ; or targets an entity that receives any amount of federal funding ( most police departments , local governments , universities , and many non-profits ) some federal prosecutor can probably find a federal law that fits .
IGD : Attorney General Bill Barr , along with Trump , has made it a personal mission to push the ‘ ANTIFA ’ narrative , which is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s own reports , lack of evidence , and also the far-Right killing people left and right .
What is your impression of the State ’ s rush to demonize anarchists and antifascists ?
This is the old trope that authorities always use to displace blame for popular rebellions .
The specifics vary but the general narrative does not .
It ’ s the classic “ outside agitator ” story , which was very popular during the Black freedom movement in the 1960s as well .
Anarchists and antifascists make easy and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t know much about anarchism and the biggest connotation for it is scary : violence , chaos , disorder .
Also , anarchists and antifascists have been a thorn in the side of the far-right , if not the Trump regime itself , for quite a while .
Blaming “ antifa ” has been a central talking point for Trump ’ s base for at least three years now .
So he gets approval from them and doesn ’ t risk anything .
IGD : In released documents , the FBI stated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ANTIFA ’ involvement in the rioting on May 31 , one of the most intense nights of the riots and subsequent reports have ruled the same thing .
At the same time , we hear of more and more door knocks by the FBI .
We also hear of people being asked about their thoughts on ‘ fascism ’ and if they identify as ‘ antifa.
’ What do we make if this seemingly contradictory evidence ?
In the minds of the Justice Department flunkies , just because they haven ’ t found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evidence doesn ’ t exist ; they just have to go find it !
So they are shaking trees and seeing what falls out .
If they can ’ t find the evidence of antifascist involvement , it ’ s likely they will manufacture some evidence .
We should expect and prepare for more and escalating federal harassment and surveillance for a while .
We should also expect and prepare for grand jury subpoenas .
IGD : Door knocks are becoming more and more of a fact of life .
How should we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the FBI ?
What are they hoping to get out of them ; what messages are they looking to send , if at all ?
Door knocks serve several purposes .
First , despite all our efforts , sometimes people talk , and the FBI is very accustomed to having people talk to them .
A not insignificant number of the uprising cases currently being prosecuted by the feds involve people who allegedly gave incriminating statements to the FBI after being told they have the right to remain silent and to an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goals when talking to people .
Sometimes they want specific information about a specific crime .
It might even be information they already know and just want to hear you say it so they can hang you with it later .
Other times they are just gathering general intelligence about movements , stuff they can use as background or leads for other investigations , vulnerabilities they can exploit , key points they can target .
Creating social maps of people ’ s relationships and dynamics is extremely useful in campaigns of repression .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are .
Second , even when people don ’ t talk , they are still gathering intelligence .
Who seemed confident and who seemed scared ?
Who lawyers up and who doesn ’ t ?
Who publicizes the visit and who doesn ’ t ?
What did they see in your house from the front window or in the second you opened the door before you realized it was the FBI ?
( Pro tip : FBI agents don ’ t usually look like Mulder and Skully from the X-Files ; it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shirts and khakis , jeans , or cargo pants . )
Finally , they are intimidating people and disrupting lives .
FBI knocks are scary and stressful and disruptive ; even more so if they visit you at work or go to a family member ’ s house .
Some people will take fewer risks if they believe the feds are watching .
Some might step away from their movements or political communities altogether , either temporarily or permanently .
Sometimes people get paranoid , not just about the FBI but about who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and talk .
All this can have a serious chilling effect on movement activity .
They want us to police ourselves .
IGD : With doors knocks , what should people do if this happens to them ?
And what do you hear about people doing wrong that they shouldn ’ t ?
Most importantly do NOT let them in and do NOT answer questions or talk to them !
There ’ s a lot of resources out there , some of which get into a lot of detail , so I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ First , you are not required to answer the door ( but if they are serving a warrant and you don ’ t answer they will kick your door in ) .
If you do answer , it is best to step outside and close your door behind you .
However you come face to face with an agent or officer of any sort ( at home or work , in your car , in a jail interview room ) , it is very important that you say “ I am not going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speak to a lawyer.
” This invokes your legal rights .
You don ’ t need to have a lawyer already to ask to speak to one .
They might threaten you , intimidate you , lie to you , pretend to be your friend or want to help , tell you your friends already snitched , show you incriminating evidence , show you exculpatory evidence , literally anything under the sun that they think might get you to talk .
They might even physically abuse you .
But it ’ s very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave your lips are “ I am not going to answer questions .
I want to speak to a lawyer.
” You can ’ t talk your way out of trouble but you can talk your way into a lot trouble .
If they ask to search or “ take a look ” in your house , car , trunk , backpack , shed , purse , pocket , wallet , or anything else , say “ No , I do not consent to a search.
” Repeat as necessary .
If they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see it and inspect it ( like in those ACLU Know Your Rights trainings ) , but in all likelihood , they probably already have you in handcuffs with a couple guns pointed at you and are yelling commands .
So mostly try to just stay cool and get your wits about you and say “ I am not going to answer questions .
I want to speak to a lawyer.
” If they serve you a subpoena , take it .
Listen to whatever they have to say ( or don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ required to talk OR listen ! )
.
Wait for them to leave and then go back inside and lawyer up .
A nearby chapter of the National Lawyers Guild or a local anti-repression group might be able to help you find a lawyer .
If that doesn ’ t exist where you are , you can review local attorney websites to see who seems more social justice oriented , or just start calling around and asking .
I recommend never physically resisting or interfering in any way , because it will likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say over and over , “ I am not going to answer questions .
I want to speak to a lawyer .
I do not consent to a search.
” Also , don ’ t keep the visit a secret .
I recommend being at least semi-public about it .
If people find out you got visited and didn ’ t tell anyone , they will be suspicious of you .
People also need to know so they can prepare and protect themselves .
Perhaps there ’ s information you all can gain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s investigation .
Their investigations thrive in secrecy , darkness , and isolation .
Our weapons are solidarity , transparency , and support , but we can ’ t do that if people keep these things to themselves .
IGD : Will far-Right actors such as the “ Boogaloo Boys ” killing police officers push attention more towards the far-Right , or this simply doesn ’ t matter ?
We ’ ve already seen two high profile prosecutions for right-wing Boogaloo types coming out of the uprising .
This is on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Attomwaffen Division and The Base earlier this year .
We ’ ve also seen unprecedented numbers of prosecutions of police officers recently .
This will likely continue for a while , but the legitimacy the government gains , especially among liberals , from these prosecutions will inevitably be weaponized against our movements even harder .
For example , a year ago we talked about the federal prosecution of the neo-Nazi Rise Above Movement ( RAM ) under the Anti-Riot Act for their actions in Charlottesville .
But now we are seeing the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ six uprising participants .
IGD : Assuming Trump is not elected in 2020 and Barr is removed as the Attorney General , what does that mean for any potential cases ?
Honestly , probably not much .
Some people might get better plea deals .
But a lot of federal cases could likely resolve before then ( federal criminal cases tend to move a little faster ) .
Even the ones that don ’ t resolve I would not expect to be dramatically affected by a new AG .
IGD : Does the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anger at police have any bearing over what the State thinks it can get away with ?
This moment feels rather unprecedented in a lot of ways , at least in my lifetime .
I ’ ve heard a lot of comparisons to the 1960s .
I can ’ t think of another social movement or uprising since then that has had this much widespread resonance , especially so quickly .
We do know that , historically , public support for the people facing charges can help improve their outcomes .
Unfortunately , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popular sentiment .
Unlike most local prosecutors who are elected , U.S .
Attorneys are appointed so they are insulated from the political winds insofar as the president and Attorney General are backing them ( and I don ’ t expect either of them to soften ) .
Also , federal districts are much larger than individual counties and so draw a larger jury pool that includes more conservative suburban and rural areas .
IGD : Do you foresee the government pulling something like at the J20 inauguration protests and attempting to create @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crux of the J20 prosecution was collective culpability based on mere presence at this one march .
It didn ’ t matter if you were a journalist , medic , legal observer , bystander ; if they thought you were involved in that march in any way , you were seen as guilty for the property destruction that happened .
But J20 was a disaster for the government .
It was extremely costly for us too in a variety of ways .
But legally and politically , we won that fight .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want a rematch just yet , especially when the political momentum is already against them .
Additionally , I think they can exact an equal or greater toll with a lot of selective , targeted prosecutions that are successful .
Already our movement is faced with dozens of new political prisoners just in the federal system , some of whom could be doing significant time .
So we are already looking at a huge and long term support effort for a lot of people all over the country .
It ’ s honestly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should we be doing in terms of getting ready for repression ?
What should our strategy be ?
Here are some suggestions for building collective resiliency and resisting repression .
If everyone takes a couple small steps in the right direction with this stuff , it can have a big impact .
Please , please , PLEASE stop posting photos and videos of protests publicly on the internet and social media .
At the very least make it private .
Those videos , pictures , and posts are sending people to prison , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you care about next .
Even the photos “ away from action ” are being used to identify people .
It ’ s not too late to take stuff down or at minimum make your account private .
Next , don ’ t panic .
Repression is scary , but it ’ s not new and we can fight back .
It ’ s important to make a sober , honest assessment of your risks and vulnerabilities .
This can be hard because once you start looking you can see risk and vulnerability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to take a step back and keep perspective on things .
Radical change is inherently unsafe , but there ’ s always reasonable things we can do to mitigate risks .
Related , I think education is incredibly important , for ourselves , the people around us , and our movements as a whole .
Learning about the history of repression and how our movements have fought back can teach us valuable lessons and perspective .
Educating ourselves and each other about what to do in certain scenarios is vital .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ repression .
It sounds silly but actually role playing a FBI visit or interrogation with your friends , family , or roommates can be really helpful .
It ’ s one thing to read a meme about not talking to police , but it ’ s another to actually do it .
Practice makes perfect .
It ’ s also helpful to study the cases of people who got caught .
What did they do ?
How did they get caught ?
What tactics did the cops and FBI use ?
There ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learn from it .
It also helps demystify the FBI and federal prosecutions .
I ’ m really interested and curious about how to spread this education more widely .
We ’ ve seen recently that all sorts of participants in the uprisings have quickly learned tactics for how to deal with chemical weapons .
How do we disseminate anti-repression education just as widely ?
In all our work , anti-repression or otherwise , we must prioritize care .
State repression is a form of abuse and can cause similar emotional and physical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t resist the state and build a new world if we can ’ t take care of each other along the way , emotionally , materially , politically .
Always ask people what they need and want .
Get creative .
Mobilize sympathetic people who are looking for ways to plug in .
Probably the biggest task is building strong networks of solidarity , even with liberals when possible .
This is a long-term project and there are no shortcuts .
Be trustworthy , up front , and consistent .
Be humble and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ principles but don ’ t draw yourself into a corner with hard lines .
Avoid spreading rumors and conspiracy theories .
The more you can build these relationships before the repression hits the better .
But it ’ s never too late to start working on it either .
Usually the most obvious thing is to organize legal resources like raising money for bail and legal fees and mobilizing sympathetic lawyers .
But the behind the scenes support infrastructure is just as important : the jail support , the prisoner support , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The best support doesn ’ t usually come from legal professionals or activist experts but rather your friends , family , comrades .
Write to political prisoners .
If you haven ’ t before , read up on some guidelines about how to do it in a way that is safe for you and them .
They are in there for us , we are out here for them .
Finally , I recommend making a really good anti-repression playlist .
Many years ago my friend told me that Rhianna ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about supporting your friends when they are facing grand jury subpoenas and federal investigations .
That song has helped me through a lot of hard times ever since .
But find what works for you .
We are stronger than they are and have a lot of history and momentum behind us .
Keep fighting and find ways to retake the initiative .
As Chelsea Manning says , we got this !

W
hile the recent rebellion against the police and white supremacy has been historical, it has also been coupled by an attempt by the State to drown the uprising in a sea of tear-gas and rubber bullets . While demonstrations and actions continue, the State is now gearing up for a more long-term strategy of repression, as a vast network of FBI agents, attorneys, and local police comb through hours of footage and social media, looking for targets.
Already, over 10,000 people have been arrested across the so-called US and around 75 currently have federal charges; many of which carry extensive prison sentences. Moreover, there are reports of FBI door-knocks and visits to those that have recently been arrested. Often times people are being asked if they are involved in “antifa” while some are even propositioned with becoming informants.
As the Pentagon readies for the rebellions to come, its important for us to begin to map out and prepare a strategy of long-term movement defense of all rebels swept up during the uprising. Reaching out to our legal correspondent, we sat down to discuss just what is happening and what we can expect.
100
IGD: Broadly speaking, what has happened, repression wise, since the rebellion? We know that there has been a slew of federal charges and lots of door knocks by the FBI, can you talk about both?
So much has happened. Across the country, police have unleashed incredible violence against protesters, rebels, journalists, and bystanders. Countless people have been arrested and are facing all sorts of state charges in local courts. I read that the number was over 10,000 arrests nationally.
Additionally, at least 74 people across the country are facing federal charges for their alleged roles in the uprisings. This is particularly concerning because federal charges tend to carry much more severe penalties than comparable state charges, and are less likely to get lenient plea bargains. So that’s 74 uprising participants who are facing very serious prison time, just in a couple weeks. Countless more people have been visited or contacted by federal agents, usually FBI or ATF but also Secret Service, Department of Homeland Security, ICE, or DEA.
There’s a long history of this repression, especially against Black liberation movements and to a lesser extent anarchist movements. The FBI has always been a political police force. Their headquarters is named for J. Edgar Hoover who founded the FBI to fight communists and anarchists, and then orchestrated COINTELPRO to destroy the Black freedom movement for close to three decades. Crushing this uprising, this movement, is in their very DNA.
But the more we understand their repression, the better we can fight back against it. So I started compiling information about all the uprising-related federal prosecutions and sharing it with other people involved in legal support and anti-repression efforts around the country.
IGD: How are these investigations unfolding? What tactics and strategies are being used to identify people?
Most of the cases I first reviewed seemed like pretty low-hanging fruit, prosecutions of opportunity. But this week I’ve seen cases where the feds together with local law enforcement put in quite a bit of effort to investigate and identify people. One example was a case out of Philly where a woman is accused of burning two cop cars. The lengths they went to in order to connect this unidentified person at the protest to an identifiable person through online shopping records, social media accounts, promo videos from work, government and commercial databases, etc. surprised even me.
I think this is where we see a significant connection to the J20 inauguration prosecutions in 2017-2018. The government is willing to invest a lot of resources into scouring the internet for photos and videos from protests, analyzing them in excruciating detail to find any unique identifying features that they can, and then scouring social media and other sources for a match. This is the full weight of the surveillance state bearing down.
Other ways they’ve been able to allegedly identify people recently include:
publicizing photos or videos and asking the public for tips ;
cell phone location data to corroborate someone’s location at a given time
many people who were caught at or near the scene.
We should also consider the possibility that the FBI is using illegal electronic surveillance of some sort to track and identify people, and then reverse engineering the identification so they don’t have to disclose the surveillance. We know this is a tactic that is sometimes used.
Another thing we’ve seen is rarely used federal laws from the 1960’s being used more widely. These are laws that were created specifically to criminalize and punish Black and indigenous resistance movements in particular, and other resistance movements generally.
One is the Anti-Riot Act, which was passed as part of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 during the riots that followed Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination. Notably, part of the reasoning behind the federal Anti-Riot Act was the belief that “outside agitators” like H. Rap Brown (now Jalil Al-Amin) of SNCC were traveling state to state to incite riots. The law was sometimes even referred to as the “Rap Brown law.” So this is all a very old playbook in some respects. The law hadn’t been used much since the early 1970s, but then was recently tested against the neo-Nazi Rise Above Movement and is now being used in the George Floyd uprisings.
The other law is the Civil Disorder law, another product of 1968. It’s a law that also hasn’t been used a whole lot historically. The two exceptions were against the American Indian Movement in the 1970s after the occupation of Wounded Knee, and then in 2016-2017 against indigenous Water Protectors at Standing Rock. Of the many hundreds of criminal cases that came out of Standing Rock, the only federal prosecutions were against indigenous people. Now, like the Anti-Riot Act, it is also being used against uprising participants.
IGD: Why are these charges coming from a federal level?
The biggest reason is that Trump and Attorney General Bill Barr have taken a particular interest in the uprisings and promised a federal crack down. I assume each FBI field office in the country and each U.S. Attorney’s Office (USAO) got specific instructions to begin or intensify investigations around the uprisings and select appropriate cases for prosecution. The government has always reacted extremely harshly to Black resistance movements, both in the streets and in the courts.
Federal prosecution tends to carry much more significant penalties, and the feds have more resources to invest in the cases they select than do overburdened local prosecutors. So in terms of punishing people for rising up and fighting back against the racist police state, federal prosecutions are very effective for that.
Usually the feds pick cases for prosecution based on a variety of factors. Sometimes there is a particular federal interest. For example, one person is charged with destroying federal property for allegedly spray painting on the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C., and in Oakland, two followers of the right-wing Boogaloo movement shot two Federal Protective Service officers (killing one) outside the federal courthouse, in close proximity to the protests.
Sometimes a case is exceptionally complex and only the feds have the resources to effectively investigate and prosecute it, such as big white collar crimes or complex organized crime cases.
Other factors tend to be a bit more political and arbitrary, such as wanting someone to face a particularly serious punishment based on their background or actions. A lot of the arson and Molotov cocktail cases fall in this category to some degree. The feds have always taken a keen interest in Molotov cocktail cases, whether or not the Molotovs are used.
Finally, there are those cases where they just want to send a message to the public–the legal equivalent of a shock and awe campaign. Anytime someone is prosecuted for political activities, this factor is somewhat, if not entirely, at play. Here we are seeing a lot of unexceptional crimes by unexceptional people that the feds have decided to make a public example of in retaliation for the rebellions. One person is charged with Civil Disorder and facing a sentence up to 5 years in prison for allegedly trying to push through police lines with his body and then going limp in an act of passive resistance when the police arrested him. This is piddly shit but the feds have decided this person needs to go to federal prison for a couple years. The only real purpose is collective intimidation.
Other examples are the feds charging Civil Disorder for allegedly throwing a brick through a police car window. In most places that would be a misdemeanor, but not in federal court. Another person supposedly threw a water bottle at police, then ran when police tried to apprehend him. When police tackled him, they supposedly found a concealed handgun and about 1g of marijuana. Now the feds are charging him with Possession of a Firearm by a Prohibited Person under 18 U.S.C. 922(g) which prohibits people who unlawfully use or are addicted to a controlled substance from possessing a firearm and carries a penalty up to 10 years in prison. Further reading about this statute here.
Even when the alleged conduct is more serious, the feds have been pursuing extraordinary punishments that do not seem at all commensurate with the conduct alleged. Two people in New York are facing potential sentences of 45 years to life for allegedly throwing a Molotov cocktail at an empty police car. Regardless of what you think about particular tactics, even the potential of a life sentence for one crispy cop car is ridiculous and draconian. But that’s exactly their point.
Some people are surprised to learn that the feds are even allowed to prosecute these seemingly ordinary crimes. But the scope of federal prosecution expanded dramatically over the 20th century and can encompass almost anything now. If it involves interstate travel; facilities of interstate commerce (the internet, phones, interstate highways); items that pass in interstate commerce (literally everything these days); an entity that affects interstate commerce (again, almost anything); or targets an entity that receives any amount of federal funding (most police departments, local governments, universities, and many non-profits) some federal prosecutor can probably find a federal law that fits.
IGD: Attorney General Bill Barr, along with Trump, has made it a personal mission to push the ‘ANTIFA’ narrative, which is currently losing steam due to the FBI’s own reports, lack of evidence, and also the far-Right killing people left and right. What is your impression of the State’s rush to demonize anarchists and antifascists?
This is the old trope that authorities always use to displace blame for popular rebellions. The specifics vary but the general narrative does not. It’s the classic “outside agitator” story, which was very popular during the Black freedom movement in the 1960s as well.
Anarchists and antifascists make easy and politically convenient targets. Most people don’t know much about anarchism and the biggest connotation for it is scary: violence, chaos, disorder. Also, anarchists and antifascists have been a thorn in the side of the far-right, if not the Trump regime itself, for quite a while. Blaming “antifa” has been a central talking point for Trump’s base for at least three years now. So he gets approval from them and doesn’t risk anything.
IGD: In released documents, the FBI stated that they found no evidence of ‘ANTIFA’ involvement in the rioting on May 31, one of the most intense nights of the riots and subsequent reports have ruled the same thing. At the same time, we hear of more and more door knocks by the FBI. We also hear of people being asked about their thoughts on ‘fascism’ and if they identify as ‘antifa.’ What do we make if this seemingly contradictory evidence?
In the minds of the Justice Department flunkies, just because they haven’t found any evidence doesn’t mean the evidence doesn’t exist; they just have to go find it! So they are shaking trees and seeing what falls out. If they can’t find the evidence of antifascist involvement, it’s likely they will manufacture some evidence. We should expect and prepare for more and escalating federal harassment and surveillance for a while. We should also expect and prepare for grand jury subpoenas.
IGD: Door knocks are becoming more and more of a fact of life. How should we view these encounters from the vantage point of the FBI? What are they hoping to get out of them; what messages are they looking to send, if at all?
Door knocks serve several purposes. First, despite all our efforts, sometimes people talk, and the FBI is very accustomed to having people talk to them. A not insignificant number of the uprising cases currently being prosecuted by the feds involve people who allegedly gave incriminating statements to the FBI after being told they have the right to remain silent and to an attorney.
The FBI has a few goals when talking to people. Sometimes they want specific information about a specific crime. It might even be information they already know and just want to hear you say it so they can hang you with it later. Other times they are just gathering general intelligence about movements, stuff they can use as background or leads for other investigations, vulnerabilities they can exploit, key points they can target. Creating social maps of people’s relationships and dynamics is extremely useful in campaigns of repression. The more they know the more effective they are.
Second, even when people don’t talk, they are still gathering intelligence. Who seemed confident and who seemed scared? Who lawyers up and who doesn’t? Who publicizes the visit and who doesn’t? What did they see in your house from the front window or in the second you opened the door before you realized it was the FBI? (Pro tip: FBI agents don’t usually look like Mulder and Skully from the X-Files; it’s a lot more un-tucked golf shirts and khakis, jeans, or cargo pants.)
Finally, they are intimidating people and disrupting lives. FBI knocks are scary and stressful and disruptive; even more so if they visit you at work or go to a family member’s house. Some people will take fewer risks if they believe the feds are watching. Some might step away from their movements or political communities altogether, either temporarily or permanently. Sometimes people get paranoid, not just about the FBI but about who around them might be careless or malicious and talk. All this can have a serious chilling effect on movement activity. They want us to police ourselves.
IGD: With doors knocks, what should people do if this happens to them? And what do you hear about people doing wrong that they shouldn’t?
Most importantly do NOT let them in and do NOT answer questions or talk to them!
There’s a lot of resources out there, some of which get into a lot of detail, so I’ll just cover the basics here.
First, you are not required to answer the door (but if they are serving a warrant and you don’t answer they will kick your door in).
If you do answer, it is best to step outside and close your door behind you.
However you come face to face with an agent or officer of any sort (at home or work, in your car, in a jail interview room), it is very important that you say “I am not going to answer questions. I want to speak to a lawyer.” This invokes your legal rights. You don’t need to have a lawyer already to ask to speak to one.
They might threaten you, intimidate you, lie to you, pretend to be your friend or want to help, tell you your friends already snitched, show you incriminating evidence, show you exculpatory evidence, literally anything under the sun that they think might get you to talk. They might even physically abuse you. But it’s very important that the only words that ever leave your lips are “I am not going to answer questions. I want to speak to a lawyer.” You can’t talk your way out of trouble but you can talk your way into a lot trouble.
If they ask to search or “take a look” in your house, car, trunk, backpack, shed, purse, pocket, wallet, or anything else, say “No, I do not consent to a search.” Repeat as necessary.
If they have a warrant, you can ask to see it and inspect it (like in those ACLU Know Your Rights trainings), but in all likelihood, they probably already have you in handcuffs with a couple guns pointed at you and are yelling commands. So mostly try to just stay cool and get your wits about you and say “I am not going to answer questions. I want to speak to a lawyer.”
If they serve you a subpoena, take it. Listen to whatever they have to say (or don’t! you’re not required to talk OR listen!). Wait for them to leave and then go back inside and lawyer up.
A nearby chapter of the National Lawyers Guild or a local anti-repression group might be able to help you find a lawyer. If that doesn’t exist where you are, you can review local attorney websites to see who seems more social justice oriented, or just start calling around and asking.
I recommend never physically resisting or interfering in any way, because it will likely just make your situation worse. Just say over and over, “I am not going to answer questions. I want to speak to a lawyer. I do not consent to a search.”
Also, don’t keep the visit a secret. I recommend being at least semi-public about it. If people find out you got visited and didn’t tell anyone, they will be suspicious of you. People also need to know so they can prepare and protect themselves. Perhaps there’s information you all can gain from connecting the dots about the FBI’s investigation. Their investigations thrive in secrecy, darkness, and isolation. Our weapons are solidarity, transparency, and support, but we can’t do that if people keep these things to themselves.
IGD: Will far-Right actors such as the “Boogaloo Boys” killing police officers push attention more towards the far-Right, or this simply doesn’t matter?
We’ve already seen two high profile prosecutions for right-wing Boogaloo types coming out of the uprising. This is on the heels of the prosecutions against neo-Nazi groups Attomwaffen Division and The Base earlier this year. We’ve also seen unprecedented numbers of prosecutions of police officers recently. This will likely continue for a while, but the legitimacy the government gains, especially among liberals, from these prosecutions will inevitably be weaponized against our movements even harder.
For example, a year ago we talked about the federal prosecution of the neo-Nazi Rise Above Movement (RAM) under the Anti-Riot Act for their actions in Charlottesville. But now we are seeing the same Anti-Riot Act being used against at least six uprising participants.
IGD: Assuming Trump is not elected in 2020 and Barr is removed as the Attorney General, what does that mean for any potential cases?
Honestly, probably not much. Some people might get better plea deals. But a lot of federal cases could likely resolve before then (federal criminal cases tend to move a little faster). Even the ones that don’t resolve I would not expect to be dramatically affected by a new AG.
IGD: Does the popularity of the BLM movement and growing anger at police have any bearing over what the State thinks it can get away with?
This moment feels rather unprecedented in a lot of ways, at least in my lifetime. I’ve heard a lot of comparisons to the 1960s. I can’t think of another social movement or uprising since then that has had this much widespread resonance, especially so quickly. We do know that, historically, public support for the people facing charges can help improve their outcomes.
Unfortunately, federal prosecutions remain more insulated from this popular sentiment. Unlike most local prosecutors who are elected, U.S. Attorneys are appointed so they are insulated from the political winds insofar as the president and Attorney General are backing them (and I don’t expect either of them to soften). Also, federal districts are much larger than individual counties and so draw a larger jury pool that includes more conservative suburban and rural areas.
IGD: Do you foresee the government pulling something like at the J20 inauguration protests and attempting to create some elaborate web of charges?
The crux of the J20 prosecution was collective culpability based on mere presence at this one march. It didn’t matter if you were a journalist, medic, legal observer, bystander; if they thought you were involved in that march in any way, you were seen as guilty for the property destruction that happened.
But J20 was a disaster for the government. It was extremely costly for us too in a variety of ways. But legally and politically, we won that fight. So I don’t expect them to want a rematch just yet, especially when the political momentum is already against them.
Additionally, I think they can exact an equal or greater toll with a lot of selective, targeted prosecutions that are successful. Already our movement is faced with dozens of new political prisoners just in the federal system, some of whom could be doing significant time. So we are already looking at a huge and long term support effort for a lot of people all over the country. It’s honestly a little overwhelming.
IGD: What should we be doing in terms of getting ready for repression? What should our strategy be?
Here are some suggestions for building collective resiliency and resisting repression. If everyone takes a couple small steps in the right direction with this stuff, it can have a big impact.
Please, please, PLEASE stop posting photos and videos of protests publicly on the internet and social media. At the very least make it private. Those videos, pictures, and posts are sending people to prison, and it might be you or someone you care about next. Even the photos “away from action” are being used to identify people. It’s not too late to take stuff down or at minimum make your account private.
Next, don’t panic. Repression is scary, but it’s not new and we can fight back. It’s important to make a sober, honest assessment of your risks and vulnerabilities. This can be hard because once you start looking you can see risk and vulnerability everywhere. So it’s important to take a step back and keep perspective on things. Radical change is inherently unsafe, but there’s always reasonable things we can do to mitigate risks.
Related, I think education is incredibly important, for ourselves, the people around us, and our movements as a whole. Learning about the history of repression and how our movements have fought back can teach us valuable lessons and perspective. Educating ourselves and each other about what to do in certain scenarios is vital. It’s one way to emotionally prepare for repression.
It sounds silly but actually role playing a FBI visit or interrogation with your friends, family, or roommates can be really helpful. It’s one thing to read a meme about not talking to police, but it’s another to actually do it. Practice makes perfect.
It’s also helpful to study the cases of people who got caught. What did they do? How did they get caught? What tactics did the cops and FBI use? There’s a lot of lessons you can learn from it. It also helps demystify the FBI and federal prosecutions.
I’m really interested and curious about how to spread this education more widely. We’ve seen recently that all sorts of participants in the uprisings have quickly learned tactics for how to deal with chemical weapons. How do we disseminate anti-repression education just as widely?
In all our work, anti-repression or otherwise, we must prioritize care. State repression is a form of abuse and can cause similar emotional and physical reactions in people. We can’t resist the state and build a new world if we can’t take care of each other along the way, emotionally, materially, politically. Always ask people what they need and want. Get creative. Mobilize sympathetic people who are looking for ways to plug in.
Probably the biggest task is building strong networks of solidarity, even with liberals when possible. This is a long-term project and there are no shortcuts. Be trustworthy, up front, and consistent. Be humble and patient. Don’t compromise your principles but don’t draw yourself into a corner with hard lines. Avoid spreading rumors and conspiracy theories. The more you can build these relationships before the repression hits the better. But it’s never too late to start working on it either.
Usually the most obvious thing is to organize legal resources like raising money for bail and legal fees and mobilizing sympathetic lawyers. But the behind the scenes support infrastructure is just as important: the jail support, the prisoner support, the court support, the public support campaign. The best support doesn’t usually come from legal professionals or activist experts but rather your friends, family, comrades.
Write to political prisoners. If you haven’t before, read up on some guidelines about how to do it in a way that is safe for you and them. They are in there for us, we are out here for them.
Finally, I recommend making a really good anti-repression playlist. Many years ago my friend told me that Rhianna’s hit song “Umbrella” is actually about supporting your friends when they are facing grand jury subpoenas and federal investigations. That song has helped me through a lot of hard times ever since. But find what works for you.
IGD: Anything else?
We are stronger than they are and have a lot of history and momentum behind us. Keep fighting and find ways to retake the initiative. As Chelsea Manning says, we got this!
Resources
Legal Rights And Legal Support: