theirishtimes--2020-02-22--The Irish Times Debate: ‘It was die or be killed’

In my third week at Cambridge University – studying law as a postgraduate – I spoke in one of its famed “ Cambridge Union ” debates .
The room was magnificent – a replication of the House of Commons – the atmosphere intense , and the external guests imposing .
But the debate itself was not the ordeal I had feared : the speeches somewhat predictable , the interventions from the floor merely worthy , and the audience respectful , almost quiet .
But then again I was a graduate of The Irish Times debating competitions , and had seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , of course , better ) .
At The Irish Times it was not enough to be witty .
You had to win too , combining style and substance : without the first you lost the audience ; without the second the judges .
There might be eight or 10 speakers , but only one of them – your debate partner – was not out to destroy you by whatever verbal ( or even theatrical ) means were at their disposal , just as you were them .
Some philosopher we were taught @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ state of nature ” where it was die or be killed .
That was ( only just about metaphorically ) Irish Times debating .
Speaking at Belfield ’ s law society on a Thursday and ( very occasionally ) at the Literary and and Historical society ( our sworn enemies , though they never noticed us much ) on a Friday gave a shape and purpose to my undergraduate days .
I wasn ’ t so strong on the playing field – but here was a sport of words , a jousting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thrusting and parrying of fencing thrown in .
Your mind needed to move fast to dodge the traps thrown in your way by your opponents , while keeping to your chosen path , all the time making your direction seem improvised , your thread of argument ( carefully honed over many hours though it might be ) feel like whimsy .
You had home and away matches , a team of supporters , international tournaments to qualify for , and domestic competitions to win , a premier league of the spoken word .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ all those years ago endure ?
Without question yes .
We lawyers are supposed to do mock trials at college , playing at being barristers before some bored , invited judges , and a lost audience respectfully stifling yawns .
But it is debate that prepares you for life , wherever you happen at any given moment to be leading it – the courtroom , the Oireachtas , the family , the workplace , the pub .
Witty wordplay works everywhere .
No exercise prepares you better for the vital skill of reading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a line that bit further , and ( just as vital ) when to stop : in conversation it ’ s good manners , in debate a matter of survival .
And good debaters listen more than you might think : you need to hear properly in order to offer the right riposte .
Looking back , I think we were mainly from private schools , and mostly boys/young men ( though in my time there was a fair smattering of brilliant young women ) .
Hopefully it ’ s less limited these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the pride we all took in our ability to argue any side of the argument , however outlandish or preposterous it might seem to be .
For years I regarded this articulate promiscuity as evidence of a vacuous core that lay at the heart of all of our performances , a flaunting of our skills over our beliefs .
Now I am not so sure .
These days all our beliefs seem increasingly to exist in bubbles of determinedly unreflective certainty , with the art of persuasion mattering less than the solidarity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of view .
Debate breaks that down , forces you to enter the mind of the holder of an opposing point of view , and not only that but also to occupy their space and ( horror of horrors ) propagandise for it .
Try it for yourself : “ That America needs Trump ” ; “ That Brexit is the right approach for Britain ” ; “ That Ireland benefits from a hard Border ” – push yourself into these foreign countries where the currency of feeling is different and the experiences @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
You ’ d be surprised what you find .
After an Irish Times debate final , I was in a small group of students heading to a night club somewhere around Leeson Street with the late Christina Murphy , the magnificent Irish Times journalist synonymous with the debating competition for so many years .
I don ’ t think I had ever been to a nightclub and must have revealed as much at the door .
“ You better let him in , ” Murphy said briskly .
“ He is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never had a prouder moment .
Conor Gearty won each of the Irish Times and Observer Mace debating competition twice , in 1978 and 1979 .
In Autumn 1979 he toured the United States as part of a two-person team representing the English-speaking union of the commonwealth

In my third week at Cambridge University – studying law as a postgraduate – I spoke in one of its famed “Cambridge Union” debates. The room was magnificent – a replication of the House of Commons – the atmosphere intense, and the external guests imposing.
But the debate itself was not the ordeal I had feared: the speeches somewhat predictable, the interventions from the floor merely worthy, and the audience respectful, almost quiet.
But then again I was a graduate of The Irish Times debating competitions, and had seen far worse (by which I mean, of course, better).
At The Irish Times it was not enough to be witty. You had to win too, combining style and substance: without the first you lost the audience; without the second the judges.
READ MORE
There might be eight or 10 speakers, but only one of them – your debate partner – was not out to destroy you by whatever verbal (or even theatrical) means were at their disposal, just as you were them. Some philosopher we were taught about in UCD had speculated about a "state of nature" where it was die or be killed. That was (only just about metaphorically) Irish Times debating.
Your mind needed to move fast to dodge the traps thrown in your way by your opponents
Speaking at Belfield's law society on a Thursday and (very occasionally) at the Literary and and Historical society (our sworn enemies, though they never noticed us much) on a Friday gave a shape and purpose to my undergraduate days. I wasn't so strong on the playing field – but here was a sport of words, a jousting with language, with the cutting, thrusting and parrying of fencing thrown in.
Your mind needed to move fast to dodge the traps thrown in your way by your opponents, while keeping to your chosen path, all the time making your direction seem improvised, your thread of argument (carefully honed over many hours though it might be) feel like whimsy.
You had home and away matches, a team of supporters, international tournaments to qualify for, and domestic competitions to win, a premier league of the spoken word.
Saturday, April 28th 1979
Did what I learned as a debater all those years ago endure? Without question yes. We lawyers are supposed to do mock trials at college, playing at being barristers before some bored, invited judges, and a lost audience respectfully stifling yawns.
But it is debate that prepares you for life, wherever you happen at any given moment to be leading it – the courtroom, the Oireachtas, the family, the workplace, the pub. Witty wordplay works everywhere.
No exercise prepares you better for the vital skill of reading an audience, knowing when to push a line that bit further, and (just as vital) when to stop: in conversation it’s good manners, in debate a matter of survival. And good debaters listen more than you might think: you need to hear properly in order to offer the right riposte.
Looking back, I think we were mainly from private schools, and mostly boys/young men (though in my time there was a fair smattering of brilliant young women). Hopefully it’s less limited these days.
What has certainly not changed is the pride we all took in our ability to argue any side of the argument, however outlandish or preposterous it might seem to be. For years I regarded this articulate promiscuity as evidence of a vacuous core that lay at the heart of all of our performances, a flaunting of our skills over our beliefs. Now I am not so sure.
Debate forces you to enter the mind of the holder of an opposing point of view ...and to propagandise for it
These days all our beliefs seem increasingly to exist in bubbles of determinedly unreflective certainty, with the art of persuasion mattering less than the solidarity secured by display of an untouchable point of view. Debate breaks that down, forces you to enter the mind of the holder of an opposing point of view, and not only that but also to occupy their space and (horror of horrors) propagandise for it.
Try it for yourself: "That America needs Trump"; "That Brexit is the right approach for Britain"; "That Ireland benefits from a hard Border" – push yourself into these foreign countries where the currency of feeling is different and the experiences that drive ideas are not your own. You'd be surprised what you find.
After an Irish Times debate final, I was in a small group of students heading to a night club somewhere around Leeson Street with the late Christina Murphy, the magnificent Irish Times journalist synonymous with the debating competition for so many years.
I don’t think I had ever been to a nightclub and must have revealed as much at the door. “You better let him in,” Murphy said briskly. “He is the Irish Times debating champion.” I had never had a prouder moment.
Conor Gearty won each of the Irish Times and Observer Mace debating competition twice, in 1978 and 1979. In Autumn 1979 he toured the United States as part of a two-person team representing the English-speaking union of the commonwealth


theirishtimes--2020-02-22--The Irish Times Debate at 60: How changing topics reflected the ages

“ That this house regrets the divergence of the sciences from the humanities in the modern university.
” “ That people have the right to be wrong ” “ That the lights are going out in Europe ” “ That Ireland has nothing to offer the world ” “ That this house would rather live in any age other than its own ” “ That domination by religious denominations over the legislative processes of a society is a barrier to social progress ” “ That this house would reject a united Ireland brought about by violence ” “ That the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That western democracy can not right the growing threat of Communism ” “ That Ireland is dancing at the crossroads ” “ That talking ballot boxes are no compensation for the loss of national identity ” “ That the two nation theory is a cultural myth ” “ That politics in Ireland has become a media game ” “ That the unilateralists are the appeasers of the 1980s ” “ The Irish party political system fails to meet the needs of the people ” “ That Band Aid is no substitute for radical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made a positive contribution to the development of Irish society ” “ That Dublin at 1000 is both dirty and dear ” “ That British justice for the Irish is a flawed process ” “ That this house would be European first and Irish second ” “ That this house would prefer a woman at the top ” “ That investigative journalism undermines the due process of the law ” “ That the natural government for Ireland is coalition ” “ That the private lives of public figures are of no concern to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ house would pay for a college education ” “ That this house believes the punishment should fit the crime ” “ That this house would support public funding of political parties ” “ This house would call a halt to the Tribunals of Inquiry ” “ This house agrees Sinn Féin has a place in this Republic ’ s government ” “ This house regrets the restrictions on the media ’ s freedom of speech ” “ This house believes that a neutral Ireland can not fulfil its global responsibilities in the 21st @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland owes a debt of gratitude to the Catholic church ” “ This house believes the partition of Ireland should remain permanent ” “ This house believes that Ireland owes a debt of gratitude to Fianna Fáil 1926-2010 ” “ This house believes the Irish political system has served the people well ” “ This house believes the fourth estate failed the Irish people in their hour of need ” “ That 2016 should be the last time Ireland commemorates the Easter Rising ” “ This House believes the women of Ireland should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ This house believes that Ireland has failed its youth ” “ This House would rescind Ireland ’ s position of neutrality in favour of a European standing army ”

Team winner Hugh Guidera from TCD Phil during the Irish Times Debate Final in 2015 held at Maynooth University. Photograph: Aidan Crawley
1960
“That this house regrets the divergence of the sciences from the humanities in the modern university.”
Team winner: Charles Lysaght and Aidan Browne (King's Inns)
Individual winner: Neville Keery (TCD Hist)
1961
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Motion unknown
Team winner: Hallam Johnston and Jack Daniels (TCD Phil)
Individual winner: Peter Donnelly (UCD L&H)
1962
“That people have the right to be wrong”
Team winner: John Murtagh and Michael Bowes Egan (QUB)
Individual winner: Ian Blake (TCD Hist)
1963
“That the lights are going out in Europe”
Team winner: Patrick Cosgrave and Anthony Clare (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Desmond King (RCSI)
1964
“That Ireland has nothing to offer the world”
Team winner: Patrick Cosgrave and Anthony Clare (UCD L&H)
Individual Terry McMahon (King's Inns)
1965
“That Ireland’s need is socialism”
Team winner: David McConnell and Cian Ó hÉigeartaigh (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Eamonn McCann (QUB)
1966
“That this house would rather live in any age other than its own”
Team winner: David McConnell and Cian Ó hÉigeartaigh (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Esmond Smyth (UCD L&H)
1967
Team winner: Donnchadh Ó Corráin and Anthony J Adolph (UCC Philosoph)
Individual winner: Kevin O'Higgins (King's Inns)
Marian Finucane, of the College of Technology, Bolton Street, Dublin, taking part in The Irish Times debating competition in 1968. Photograph: Tommy Collins
1968
“This house would retain PR”
Team winner: Roddy Buckley and Dermot Gleeson (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Henry Kelly (UCD L&H)
1969
“That domination by religious denominations over the legislative processes of a society is a barrier to social progress”
Team winner: Brendan Keenan and Derek Davis (QUB)
Individual winner: Anthony J Adolph (UCC Philosoph)
Michael McInerney presenting the trophy to the winning L & H UCD team, Neal Clarke (left) and Donal O’Riain at the Irish Times debate in 1970. Second from right is the USI debating organiser Roderick Buckley. Photograph: Tommy Collins/The Irish Times
1970
“That western democracy has failed”
Team winner: Neal Clarke and Donal O'Riain (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Adrian Hardiman (UCD L&H)
1971
“That politics is an honourable profession”
Team winner: Donnell Deeny and Gregory Murphy (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Marian Finucane (Bolton Street)
1972
“That this house would reject a united Ireland brought about by violence”
Team winner: Donnell Deeny and Frank Bannister (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Donnell Deeny (TCD Hist)
1973
Motion unknown
Team winner: Billy McCrory and Jimmy Hughes (QUB)
Individual winner: Adrian Hardiman (UCD L&H)
1974
“That the politicians have betrayed the people”
Team winner: David O'Sullivan and James Connolly (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Alex Lowry (NUU)
1975
“That western democracy cannot right the growing threat of Communism”
Team winner: Michael Hughes and Kevin Cahill (NUU)
Individual winner: Brian Curtin (King's Inns)
1976
Motion unknown
Team winner: Paul Gill and Gerry Danaher (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Deirdre Murphy (Maynooth)
1977
“Dulce et decorum est pro Patria mori”
Team winner: Pat Hennessy and Gerry Maher (Maynooth)
Individual winner: Patrick Healy (UCD L&H)
1978
“That Ireland is dancing at the crossroads”
Team winner: Conor Gearty and Donal O'Donnell (UCD Law Soc)
Individual winner: Turlough O'Donnell (King's Inns)
1979
“That talking ballot boxes are no compensation for the loss of national identity”
Team winner: Conor Gearty and John O'Donnell (UCD Law Soc)
Individual winner: Maurice Biggar (UCD L&H)
Eugene McCague (left) and Maurice Biggar, of the Literary & Historical Society, UCD, winners of The Irish Times debating competition in 1980. Photograph: Peter Thursfield
1980
“That Ireland needs an Ayatollah”
Team winner: Maurice Biggar and Eugene McCague (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Brian Havel (King's Inns)
1981
“That the two nation theory is a cultural myth”
Team winner: Charlie Meehan and Gerry Stembridge (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Seán Moran (TCD Hist)
1982
“That politics in Ireland has become a media game”
Team winner: Michael Byrne and Gerry Foley (TCD Phil)
Individual winner: Liam Plant (UCC)
1983
“That the unilateralists are the appeasers of the 1980s”
Team winner: Eoin Ó Maoileoin and Damian Crawford (UCG Lit & Deb)
Individual winner: Bill Maguire (TCD Hist)
1984
Motion unknown
Team winner: Eoin McCullough and Brian Murray (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Pat Whyms (UCD L&H)
1985
“The Irish party political system fails to meet the needs of the people”
Team winner: David Holland and Bryan Hassett (UCC Philosoph)
Individual winner: Gideon Taylor (TCD Hist)
1986
“That Band Aid is no substitute for radical surgery”
Team winner: Declan McCavana and David Keane (TCD Phil)
Individual winner: Brendan Wilkins (UCG Lit & Deb)
1987
“That the GAA has made a positive contribution to the development of Irish society”
Team winner: Aidan Kane and Paul Gavin (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Conor Bowman (UCG Lit & Deb)
1988
“That Dublin at 1000 is both dirty and dear”
Team winner: Adrian Hunt and Tim Murphy (UCC Philosoph)
Individual winner: Robert Plant (UCC Philosoph)
1989
“That British justice for the Irish is a flawed process”
Team winner: Maeve Collins and Pat Twomey (King's Inns)
Individual winner: Julian Clare (UCD Law Soc)
1990
“That this house would be European first and Irish second”
Team winner: Brendan Lenihan and Don O'Sullivan (UCC Philosoph)
Individual winner: Tom Clonan (Cadet School)
1991
“That this house would prefer a woman at the top”
Team winner: Tim O'Leary and Pat Treacy (King's Inns)
Individual winner: Barra Faughnan (UCD L&H)
1992
“That investigative journalism undermines the due process of the law”
Team winner: Johanna Farrelly and Pat O'Keeffe (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Cian Ferriter (UCD Law Soc)
1993
“That the natural government for Ireland is coalition”
Team winner: Brendan Foley and Gavan Titley (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Kieran Healy (UCC Philosoph)
Marcus Dowling, Dara Ó Briain, and Bernard Dunleavy, with Elaine Kelly of Aer Lingus after their victory in The Irish Times debate in 1994. Photograph: Jack McManus/The Irish Times
1994
“That the private lives of public figures are of no concern to the body politic”
Team winner: Dara Ó Briain and Marcus Dowling (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Bernard Dunleavy (King's Inns)
1995
“That this house would pay for a college education”
Team winner: Alan Roberts and Diarmuid Conway (UCC Philosoph)
Individual winner: Gerry Hyde (UCC Philosoph)
1996
“That this house believes the punishment should fit the crime”
Team winner: Helen Boyle and Paul McDermott (King's Inns)
Individual winner: Douglas Clarke (TCD Hist)
1997
“That this house would support public funding of political parties”
Team winner: Seamus Doran and Padraic O'Halloran (UL Debating Union)
Individual winner: Matthew McCabe (Sadsi)
1998
“Ireland should put social justice before a Tiger economy”
Team: Muireann Ní Cinnéide and Elizabeth Barrett (UCC Philosoph)
Individual winner: Paul Gleeson (TCD Hist)
1999
“This house would deport all refugees”
Team winner: Caoilfhionn Gallagher and Bernadette Quigley (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Rossa Fanning (King's Inns)
2000
“This house would call a halt to the Tribunals of Inquiry”
Team winner: Michael Deasy and Rónán Mullen (King's Inns)
Individual winner: Louise Rouse (Sadsi)
2001
“This house agrees Sinn Féin has a place in this Republic’s government”
Team winner: Bríd McGrath and Yvonne Campbell (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Aoife Titley (TCD Hist)
2002
“This house regrets the American response to September 11th”
Team winner: Louis Mooney and Brendan Kelly (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Conor Buckley (UCC Philosoph)
2003
“This house believes that history will judge Ahern’s Ireland harshly”
Team winner: Leo Mulrooney and Colm Coyne (UCD L&H)
Individual winner: Alison McIntyre (TCD Hist)
2004
“This house regrets the restrictions on the media’s freedom of speech”
Team winner: Ian Kehoe and Michael Moriarty (DCU)
Individual winner: Paul Brady (King's Inns)
2005
“This house would tie development aid to human rights”
Team winner: David Whelan and Sam Collins (King's Inns)
Individual winner: Frank Kennedy (UCD L&H)
2006
“This house believes history will judge Haughey harshly”
Team winner: Barry Glynn and Mark Murphy (King's Inns)
Individual winner: Diarmuid Early (UCC Philosoph)
2007
“This house believes that a neutral Ireland cannot fulfil its global responsibilities in the 21st century”
Team winner: Ciaran Denny and David Boughton (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: David Quinn (King's Inns)
2008
“This house believes that Ireland owes a debt of gratitude to the Catholic church”
Team winner: Christopher Kissane and David Kenny (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Stephen Boyle (UCD L&H)
2009
“This house believes the partition of Ireland should remain permanent”
Team winner: John Gallagher and Andrea Mulligan (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Jeremy Kinsella (UCD L&H)
2010
“This house believes that Ireland owes a debt of gratitude to Fianna Fáil 1926-2010”
Team winner: Niamh Ní Mhaoileoin and Niall Sherry (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Seán O'Quigley (Griffith College)
2011
“This house would default”
Team winner: Áine Hartigan and Lorcan Price (King's Inns)
Individual winner: Mark Thuillier (TCD Law)
2012
“This house would abolish prisons”
Team winner: Elizabeth Ahern-Flynn and Eoin Kelleher (RCSI)
Individual winner: Michael Conroy (UCD Med Soc)
2013
“This house would emigrate”
Team winner: John Engle and Liam Brophy (TCD Bram Stoker Society)
Individual winner: Kate Brady (TCD Hist)
2014
“This house believes the Irish political system has served the people well”
Team winner: Dearbhla O'Gorman and Kieran O'Sullivan (Sadsi)
Individual winner: William Courtney (UCD Med Soc)
2015
“This house believes the fourth estate failed the Irish people in their hour of need”
Team winner: Hugh Guidera and Ronan O'Connor (TCD Phil)
Individual winner: Eoin MacLachlan (UCD L&H)
2016
“That 2016 should be the last time Ireland commemorates the Easter Rising”
Team winner: Ross O'Mahony and Aaron Vickery (Sadsi)
Individual winner: Clíodhna Ní Chéileachair (UCD L&H)
Aisling Tully of UCD Law Society speaking during The Irish Times Debate 2017 grand final at Bolton Street College. Photograph: Cyril Byrne/The Irish Times
2017
“This House believes the women of Ireland should strike to repeal the Eighth Amendment.”
Team winner: Aisling Tully and Dara Keenan (UCD Law Soc)
Individual winner: Leah Morgan (Sadsi)
2018
“This house believes that Ireland has failed its youth”
Team winner: Aodhán Peelo and Cian Leahy (UCD Law Soc)
Individual winner: Amy Crean (UCD L&H)
2019
“This House would rescind Ireland’s position of neutrality in favour of a European standing army”
Team winner: Daniel Gilligan and Ronan Daly (TCD Hist)
Individual winner: Kevin Higgins (King's Inns)


theirishtimes--2020-02-22--Anyone else noticed spring’s early arrival? Readers’ nature queries

I found this little wasp-like insect sitting on my chainsaw while I was chopping wood .
– Mike Hodder , Fountainstown , Co Cork It ’ s an ichneumon parasitic wasp , specifically ichneumon xanthorius , which is a predator of moth and butterfly caterpillars .
There are other similar ichneumons .
found these guys curled up dead in my sunroom .
They were about 4cm long .
– Erica Murray , Dalkey , Co Dublin They are white-legged snake millipedes , also called black millipedes .
They normally live in leaf litter and feed on detritus and surface algae @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Florida Department of Environmental Protection in 1997-1998 .
It travelled all the way from Summerland Key , Florida , to Spiddal , Co Galway , a distance of 4,138 miles over a period of 23 years .
– Siobhán Curran , Spiddal , Co Galway Is it unusual to have two pairs of robins visiting my garden ?
– Ciaran Casey , Foxford , Co Mayo It depends on the size of the garden .
A pair of robins will have a defined territory , which they will defend against interlopers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must be room in your garden or the surrounding area for two territories .
Jim O ’ Brien wrote to say that a stork landed in the garden of his sister in Kenmare , Co Kerry , on January 27th .
The stork was also seen and confirmed by a neighbour .
A black stork was previously seen in Ireland in 2012 flying in Westmeath and later in Clare , from where it flew to Kerry .
Despite the cold snap this month , spring came in January in many parts of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ celandines , catkins in flower and hawthorn leaves in Kerry .
Pascal Desmond had dandelion flowers and seeds in Wexford .
Mike Egan had bees on crocuses in Meath , and John Miller saw bumblebees in Bushy Park .
Ethna Viney welcomes observations and photographs at Thallabawn , Louisburgh , Co Mayo , F28 F978 , or by email at viney @ anu.ie .
Include a postal address

I found this little wasp-like insect sitting on my chainsaw while I was chopping wood. – Mike Hodder, Fountainstown, Co Cork
It's an ichneumon parasitic wasp, specifically ichneumon xanthorius, which is a predator of moth and butterfly caterpillars. There are other similar ichneumons.
Ichneumon parasitic wasp
found these guys curled up dead in my sunroom. They were about 4cm long. – Erica Murray, Dalkey, Co Dublin
They are white-legged snake millipedes, also called black millipedes. They normally live in leaf litter and feed on detritus and surface algae.
White-legged snake millipedes, also called black millipedes
I found this lobster tag issued by the Florida Department of Environmental Protection in 1997-1998. It travelled all the way from Summerland Key, Florida, to Spiddal, Co Galway, a distance of 4,138 miles over a period of 23 years. – Siobhán Curran, Spiddal, Co Galway
Lobster tag
Is it unusual to have two pairs of robins visiting my garden? – Ciaran Casey, Foxford, Co Mayo
READ MORE
It depends on the size of the garden. A pair of robins will have a defined territory, which they will defend against interlopers. If you have two pairs there must be room in your garden or the surrounding area for two territories.
Jim O’Brien wrote to say that a stork landed in the garden of his sister in Kenmare, Co Kerry, on January 27th. The stork was also seen and confirmed by a neighbour. A black stork was previously seen in Ireland in 2012 flying in Westmeath and later in Clare, from where it flew to Kerry.
Despite the cold snap this month, spring came in January in many parts of the country. Tara Robinson reported honeybees, celandines, catkins in flower and hawthorn leaves in Kerry. Pascal Desmond had dandelion flowers and seeds in Wexford. Mike Egan had bees on crocuses in Meath, and John Miller saw bumblebees in Bushy Park.
Ethna Viney welcomes observations and photographs at Thallabawn, Louisburgh, Co Mayo, F28 F978, or by email at viney@anu.ie. Include a postal address


theirishtimes--2020-02-22--Is 2020 the world’s last chance to tackle climate change?

To say humanity is entering a make-or-break decade is no exaggeration , given the latest climate science .
The year 2020 arrived with much talk of what had to be done by 2030 .
It is becoming increasingly clear that actions over the coming months will be critical .
Get it wrong , and we are in uncharted territory , and the Paris Agreement of 2015 risks foundering .
If activated now , long overdue measures will set the correct course for the coming years in addressing the climate crisis .
This is the case globally and in the Irish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 197 countries – Norway , the Marshall Islands and Suriname – met a symbolic deadline of February 9th to strengthen plans to fight climate change .
These involved hard decisions on cutting carbon emissions , adopting renewable energy and making the world more climate-resilient .
Only if vague aspirations become binding targets is there any chance of containing global temperature rise .
Such decisions become even more important if Donald Trump , head of the world ’ s second biggest carbon-emitting country , is re-elected later this year .
China , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of stepping up to the plate but its coronavirus crisis could derail efforts .
The short-term timetable is looking ever less realistic .
“ Global Britain ” with Boris Johnson at the steering wheel has said it wants to lead the world into more ambitious climate actions .
In November , Britain co-hosts with the UN the COP26 ( the 26th “ Conference of the Parties ” ) summit in Glasgow .
But Johnson ’ s first steps this month in attempting to forge a new global consensus were widely considered a car @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former energy minister Claire O ’ Neill .
O ’ Neill responded on the BBC by accusing him of not understanding the climate emergency , of lack of commitment and of being untrustworthy .
Since then , Alok Sharma was promoted to business secretary and put in charge of COP26 .
The UK has been in the vanguard of global climate action over the past decade , yet Johnson ’ s only new measure has been to move from 2040 to 2035 the deadline for phasing out diesel and petrol cars .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ a date without a plan ” .
Former UN climate envoy Mary Robinson said the perception that major British politicians – including ex-prime minister David Cameron and former foreign secretary William Hague – were unwilling to take on the role of leading COP26 summit was damaging .
“ It is not helpful that we are getting the impression that nobody in the UK wants the job .
I mean , come on !
” she told the Guardian .
“ The UK asked for this , they pitched for this responsibility ... @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not see a coherent drive for [ the summit ] in the UK.
” This was to be the year to firm up the Paris pact , yet the risk is it will unravel .
This risk has increased , notwithstanding the European Green Deal , under which the EU has committed to becoming the first carbon-neutral continent .
In parallel , Ireland ’ s recent momentum on climate action has been stalled by the election , while its “ how to ” plans ( National Energy and Climate Plan and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2050 required by the EU ) , are overdue .
This is the decade when global carbon emissions will finally be forced down by collective action , or we will fail and experience increasingly catastrophic effects of an overheating world .
The 2020s are the last opportunity to retain control over what happens to this generation .
In the next decade we have a chance of avoiding the worst impacts of climate disruption .
The one piece of good news defying expectations is global CO2 emissions flatlined in 2019 – it remains to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blip .
By 2030 global emissions have to be cut by 55 per cent if there is to be any realistic chance of achieving carbon-neutrality by 2050 .
The Paris deal is emphatic : keeping temperature increases to within 1.5 degree above pre-industrial ( late 19th century ) levels is the over-riding priority .
Human-induced warming reached 1 degree in 2017 and , if this pace of warming continues , it will hit 1.5 degrees around 2040 .
Wildfires , cyclones , droughts , melting ice sheets and record temperatures point to “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a disturbed climate .
The latest UN Environment Programme ( UNEP ) “ emissions gap report ” provides the best where-we-are-at summary .
Unless the world begins to rapidly reduce greenhouse gas emissions , the 1.5 degree goal of the Paris Agreement “ will slip out of reach ” .
There is an ever-growing gap between actual emission reduction commitments by the countries necessary to achieve the Paris goals .
Global emissions have increased by 11 per cent since the first gap report in 2010 .
Each year of growing emissions means deeper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Paris targets .
This increases the amount of CO2 needing to be removed from the atmosphere to make the 1.5 degree target realisable .
There is no sign of emissions peaking – Ireland is typical in that regard .
Even if countries meet their existing climate pledges , emissions will continue to rise modestly over the next decade , the UNEP says .
By 2030 , it estimates emissions will be 38 per cent higher than what is needed .
Current projections are for a three-degrees-warmer world – one of flooded cities , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Many of the models that flagged that scenario in recent years are now predicting a far worse one of 5 degrees plus .
Many countries have enacted climate mitigation policies , and clean energy technologies have fallen dramatically in cost , but global emissions are still far too high .
A carbon budget is defined as a safe quantity of emissions over a specified time .
It needs to be in line with what is scientifically required to keep global warming , and thus climate change , “ tolerable ” .
Environmental commentator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that can be emitted globally to keep within 1.5 degrees is running out .
If it was a bucket , based on current emissions , it would be almost full , with only 9 per cent of our global carbon budget left .
“ At the current rate , it expires by the end of the 2020s , ” says Gibbons , after which dangerous tipping points loom .
This requires facing up to the demands of “ stopping distance ” ; similar to driving a car , where you need to hit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to avoid a collision ie climate catastrophe .
Difficulties are compounded by unravelling of global solidarity and an increase in populism , “ when we need to act in a multilateral way ” .
Everybody is protecting their own patch , Gibbons adds .
On energy , “ a colossal jump is needed ” , he says , to ensure rapid decarbonisation .
The recent $ 2 trillion Saudi Aramco initial public offering , the world ’ s biggest share offering ever , illustrates the scale of the task as “ markets have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ barrels of oil for the coming decade ” .
It ’ s business as usual for the industry and enterprise .
There is no dramatic change , just “ a garnish of greenwashing ” .
Carbon is not part of the critical dialogue , which makes Gibbons profoundly pessimistic .
“ If we have another decade like the past one , we will pass the point of no return.
” Prof Brian Ó Gallachóir , director of MaREI energy research institute in UCC , says strong political consensus built in Paris “ has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on that ambition ” .
There was optimism then , though analysis was needed to articulate what was required .
Now climate science is confirming how bad things are , “ and getting worse ” .
What ’ s more , there is a pattern of “ increased living experience of climate change ” .
While young people are getting more anxious at the failure of the political system , society and industry continue to grasp what is required to remain within a carbon budget of 1.5 degrees .
Ó Gallachóir underlines the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that must be adopted and quickly implemented by a new government .
Massive electrification ( especially for transport ) is required , he says , and there was huge ambition in the outgoing government ’ s climate plan in aiming to cater for 70 per cent renewables on the power grid .
Based on current trends , however , we would only achieve 14 per cent of renewables in overall energy use by 2030 .
We are doing well in some areas but complacent in others , Ó Gallachóir adds .
There is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ performance and carbon impact of buildings ; there has been an emphasis on shallow retrofitting homes ( ie insulating attics ) when deep retrofitting ( insulating walls and windows and utilising a heat pump ) is required .
With plans to deep-retrofit hundreds of thousands of houses by 2030 at up to €50,000 per building , an innovative financial mechanism to make it affordable is urgently needed .
Householders don ’ t know where to start on this .
There are blindspots too , says Ó Gallachóir .
There is huge potential from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in helping to reduce emissions in agriculture and as a partial solution in freight transport .
Yet the policy focus has been on a limited number of options .
“ If they don ’ t deliver , then we fail.
” Energy performance overall is not what it should be , and Irish emissions continue to rise .
The scale of the challenge is not fully understood , Ó Gallachóir adds .
There are significant issues in agriculture including a growing emissions scenario .
Beef is not providing sufficient income .
Efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little more than finger-pointing at the agriculture sector .
This , he notes , leads to defensiveness from the sector , which points to the low-carbon footprint of a litre of milk or a steak – “ which is not untrue ” .
Proper discourse is needed but polarisation , the kind engendered by Brexit and Trump , risks making it intractable , “ where you can not even discuss issues ” .
The need for energy efficiency is widely recognised along with the importance of renewable electricity from wind and solar .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ has become divisive , he says .
The Marine and Renewable Energy Ireland centre is a global leader on energy modelling .
Its projections on the path to decarbonisation indicate that renewables “ get us only half way there ” .
So bioenergy and biogas have to be in the medium-term mix .
Where gas is used , Ó Gallachóir stresses , it should be the fossil-free form .
Renewable gas/biomethane is a clean , renewable and carbon-neutral fuel usable in the national grid .
Its potential as a fuel for heat , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can polarisation be overcome to ensure proper discourse ?
The citizens ’ assembly approach can work in this case , but needs to move centre stage , he adds .
The science demands a sense of emergency , but that too can lead to polarisation .
It is not a matter of achieving consensus but proper evaluation of what is required , leading to actions and solutions .
Urgency is growing ; “ intention is there but will is a challenge ” .
An added complication has been the worrying evidence of growing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be commended for how they raised the issue but it ’ s totally unfair that it required them to go on strike.
” Anxiety is being added to by lack of action , he says .
The level of political discourse has changed dramatically in the past year .
If everybody became more proactive on climate and were assured they are being heard “ in a way they are comfortable with ” , there would be a much stronger platform to take on board the immense challenge of the coming decade .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ terms of meeting its international obligations in realising its fair share of the carbon budget , according to climatologist Prof John Sweeney .
Governments will have to face up to what is required not only in making a global contribution to reducing emissions but also must address the reality of adaptation .
The costs of ensuring Ireland is adequately protected from the effects of climate disruption , especially from inevitable flooding and pounding of the coastline from more frequent storm surges .
There will also be consequences for the way we produce food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The outgoing government ’ s climate plan was “ wholly deficient in contributing appropriately to emission reductions which the UN secretary general [ António Guterres ] estimated as requiring on a global basis 7.6 per cent reductions every year for the next decade ’ .
The current Irish trajectory is a mere 2 per cent reduction .
“ We can not criticise other nations for playing the national self-interest card if we ourselves seek to do the same.
” Whereas in Paris countries came together to do business , in 2019 at COP25 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wealthy G20 states , came to obstruct progress and to place narrow national and financial interests ahead of urgent global community needs .
“ The stakes are unbelievably high and the ‘ egg timer ’ of the remaining carbon budget is fast emptying , ” Sweeney adds .
There are those who believe 2020 is the world ’ s last chance to tackle climate change and protect biodiversity .
When world leaders gather this year at the UN General Assembly and at COP26 , strong leadership will be needed if the tide of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turned during the next decade .

To say humanity is entering a make-or-break decade is no exaggeration, given the latest climate science. The year 2020 arrived with much talk of what had to be done by 2030. It is becoming increasingly clear that actions over the coming months will be critical. Get it wrong, and we are in uncharted territory, and the Paris Agreement of 2015 risks foundering.
If activated now, long overdue measures will set the correct course for the coming years in addressing the climate crisis. This is the case globally and in the Irish context. Yet only three signatories out of 197 countries – Norway, the Marshall Islands and Suriname – met a symbolic deadline of February 9th to strengthen plans to fight climate change.
These involved hard decisions on cutting carbon emissions, adopting renewable energy and making the world more climate-resilient. Only if vague aspirations become binding targets is there any chance of containing global temperature rise.
Such decisions become even more important if Donald Trump, head of the world's second biggest carbon-emitting country, is re-elected later this year. China, the biggest emitter, has been showing signs of stepping up to the plate but its coronavirus crisis could derail efforts.
READ MORE
The short-term timetable is looking ever less realistic. "Global Britain" with Boris Johnson at the steering wheel has said it wants to lead the world into more ambitious climate actions. In November, Britain co-hosts with the UN the COP26 (the 26th "Conference of the Parties") summit in Glasgow.
But Johnson’s first steps this month in attempting to forge a new global consensus were widely considered a car crash. He sacked COP26 president and former energy minister Claire O’Neill. O’Neill responded on the BBC by accusing him of not understanding the climate emergency, of lack of commitment and of being untrustworthy. Since then, Alok Sharma was promoted to business secretary and put in charge of COP26.
The UK has been in the vanguard of global climate action over the past decade, yet Johnson’s only new measure has been to move from 2040 to 2035 the deadline for phasing out diesel and petrol cars. It was dismissed by the motoring industry as “a date without a plan”.
Former UN climate envoy Mary Robinson said the perception that major British politicians – including ex-prime minister David Cameron and former foreign secretary William Hague – were unwilling to take on the role of leading COP26 summit was damaging.
“It is not helpful that we are getting the impression that nobody in the UK wants the job. I mean, come on!” she told the Guardian. “The UK asked for this, they pitched for this responsibility ... They must carry it forward. I do not see a coherent drive for [the summit] in the UK.”
This was to be the year to firm up the Paris pact, yet the risk is it will unravel. This risk has increased, notwithstanding the European Green Deal, under which the EU has committed to becoming the first carbon-neutral continent.
In parallel, Ireland’s recent momentum on climate action has been stalled by the election, while its “how to” plans (National Energy and Climate Plan and the long-term strategy to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050 required by the EU), are overdue.
This is the decade when global carbon emissions will finally be forced down by collective action, or we will fail and experience increasingly catastrophic effects of an overheating world.
The 2020s are the last opportunity to retain control over what happens to this generation. In the next decade we have a chance of avoiding the worst impacts of climate disruption.
The one piece of good news defying expectations is global CO2 emissions flatlined in 2019 – it remains to be seen if that is a temporary blip.
By 2030 global emissions have to be cut by 55 per cent if there is to be any realistic chance of achieving carbon-neutrality by 2050.
Emissions gap
The Paris deal is emphatic: keeping temperature increases to within 1.5 degree above pre-industrial (late 19th century) levels is the over-riding priority. Human-induced warming reached 1 degree in 2017 and, if this pace of warming continues, it will hit 1.5 degrees around 2040.
Wildfires, cyclones, droughts, melting ice sheets and record temperatures point to “here and now” extremes driven by a disturbed climate. The latest UN Environment Programme (UNEP) “emissions gap report” provides the best where-we-are-at summary. Unless the world begins to rapidly reduce greenhouse gas emissions, the 1.5 degree goal of the Paris Agreement “will slip out of reach”.
There is an ever-growing gap between actual emission reduction commitments by the countries necessary to achieve the Paris goals.
A burnt car among the charred trees in Lithgow, in Australia’s New South Wales following the massive bushfires. Photograph: Saeed Khan/AFP
Global emissions have increased by 11 per cent since the first gap report in 2010. Each year of growing emissions means deeper and faster cuts are needed to meet Paris targets. This increases the amount of CO2 needing to be removed from the atmosphere to make the 1.5 degree target realisable.
There is no sign of emissions peaking – Ireland is typical in that regard. Even if countries meet their existing climate pledges, emissions will continue to rise modestly over the next decade, the UNEP says. By 2030, it estimates emissions will be 38 per cent higher than what is needed.
Current projections are for a three-degrees-warmer world – one of flooded cities, repeated agricultural failures and deadly heat. Many of the models that flagged that scenario in recent years are now predicting a far worse one of 5 degrees plus. Many countries have enacted climate mitigation policies, and clean energy technologies have fallen dramatically in cost, but global emissions are still far too high.
A carbon budget is defined as a safe quantity of emissions over a specified time. It needs to be in line with what is scientifically required to keep global warming, and thus climate change, “tolerable”.
Environmental commentator John Gibbons says the amount of carbon that can be emitted globally to keep within 1.5 degrees is running out. If it was a bucket, based on current emissions, it would be almost full, with only 9 per cent of our global carbon budget left.
“At the current rate, it expires by the end of the 2020s,” says Gibbons, after which dangerous tipping points loom.
This requires facing up to the demands of “stopping distance”; similar to driving a car, where you need to hit the brakes well before the critical point to avoid a collision ie climate catastrophe. Difficulties are compounded by unravelling of global solidarity and an increase in populism, “when we need to act in a multilateral way”. Everybody is protecting their own patch, Gibbons adds.
On energy, “a colossal jump is needed”, he says, to ensure rapid decarbonisation. The recent $2 trillion Saudi Aramco initial public offering, the world’s biggest share offering ever, illustrates the scale of the task as “markets have baked in the burning of billions of barrels of oil for the coming decade”.
It’s business as usual for the industry and enterprise. There is no dramatic change, just “a garnish of greenwashing”. Carbon is not part of the critical dialogue, which makes Gibbons profoundly pessimistic. “If we have another decade like the past one, we will pass the point of no return.”
Prof Brian Ó Gallachóir, director of MaREI energy research institute in UCC, says strong political consensus built in Paris “has not translated into necessary action to deliver on that ambition”. There was optimism then, though analysis was needed to articulate what was required.
Now climate science is confirming how bad things are, “and getting worse”. What’s more, there is a pattern of “increased living experience of climate change”.
The growth of eco-anxiety is being added to by lack of action on climate change. Photograph: Paul Faith/AFP
While young people are getting more anxious at the failure of the political system, society and industry continue to grasp what is required to remain within a carbon budget of 1.5 degrees.
Implications for Ireland
Ó Gallachóir underlines the need for a broad range of measures that must be adopted and quickly implemented by a new government.
Massive electrification (especially for transport) is required, he says, and there was huge ambition in the outgoing government’s climate plan in aiming to cater for 70 per cent renewables on the power grid. Based on current trends, however, we would only achieve 14 per cent of renewables in overall energy use by 2030.
We are doing well in some areas but complacent in others, Ó Gallachóir adds. There is a pressing need to improve the energy performance and carbon impact of buildings; there has been an emphasis on shallow retrofitting homes (ie insulating attics) when deep retrofitting (insulating walls and windows and utilising a heat pump) is required.
With plans to deep-retrofit hundreds of thousands of houses by 2030 at up to €50,000 per building, an innovative financial mechanism to make it affordable is urgently needed. Householders don’t know where to start on this.
There are blindspots too, says Ó Gallachóir. There is huge potential from biogas (biomethane), he insists, in helping to reduce emissions in agriculture and as a partial solution in freight transport. Yet the policy focus has been on a limited number of options. “If they don’t deliver, then we fail.”
Energy performance overall is not what it should be, and Irish emissions continue to rise. The scale of the challenge is not fully understood, Ó Gallachóir adds.
There are significant issues in agriculture including a growing emissions scenario. Beef is not providing sufficient income. Efforts to reduce the problem often consist of little more than finger-pointing at the agriculture sector. This, he notes, leads to defensiveness from the sector, which points to the low-carbon footprint of a litre of milk or a steak – “which is not untrue”.
Proper discourse is needed but polarisation, the kind engendered by Brexit and Trump, risks making it intractable, “where you cannot even discuss issues”. The need for energy efficiency is widely recognised along with the importance of renewable electricity from wind and solar. But “anything involving burning fuels” has become divisive, he says.
The Marine and Renewable Energy Ireland centre is a global leader on energy modelling. Its projections on the path to decarbonisation indicate that renewables “get us only half way there”. So bioenergy and biogas have to be in the medium-term mix.
Where gas is used, Ó Gallachóir stresses, it should be the fossil-free form. Renewable gas/biomethane is a clean, renewable and carbon-neutral fuel usable in the national grid. Its potential as a fuel for heat, electricity and transport is undeniable.
How can polarisation be overcome to ensure proper discourse? The citizens’ assembly approach can work in this case, but needs to move centre stage, he adds. The science demands a sense of emergency, but that too can lead to polarisation.
It is not a matter of achieving consensus but proper evaluation of what is required, leading to actions and solutions. Urgency is growing; “intention is there but will is a challenge”.
An added complication has been the worrying evidence of growing eco-anxiety among young people. “They should be commended for how they raised the issue but it’s totally unfair that it required them to go on strike.”
Anxiety is being added to by lack of action, he says. The level of political discourse has changed dramatically in the past year.
If everybody became more proactive on climate and were assured they are being heard “in a way they are comfortable with”, there would be a much stronger platform to take on board the immense challenge of the coming decade.
Global dimension
Ireland has to pull its weight in terms of meeting its international obligations in realising its fair share of the carbon budget, according to climatologist Prof John Sweeney.
Governments will have to face up to what is required not only in making a global contribution to reducing emissions but also must address the reality of adaptation. The costs of ensuring Ireland is adequately protected from the effects of climate disruption, especially from inevitable flooding and pounding of the coastline from more frequent storm surges. There will also be consequences for the way we produce food and for tourism, Sweeney adds.
The outgoing government’s climate plan was “wholly deficient in contributing appropriately to emission reductions which the UN secretary general [António Guterres] estimated as requiring on a global basis 7.6 per cent reductions every year for the next decade’.
The current Irish trajectory is a mere 2 per cent reduction. “We cannot criticise other nations for playing the national self-interest card if we ourselves seek to do the same.”
Whereas in Paris countries came together to do business, in 2019 at COP25 in Madrid some of them, notably wealthy G20 states, came to obstruct progress and to place narrow national and financial interests ahead of urgent global community needs.
“The stakes are unbelievably high and the ‘egg timer’ of the remaining carbon budget is fast emptying,” Sweeney adds.
There are those who believe 2020 is the world’s last chance to tackle climate change and protect biodiversity.
When world leaders gather this year at the UN General Assembly and at COP26, strong leadership will be needed if the tide of climate disruption has any chance of being turned during the next decade.


theirishtimes--2020-02-22--How have our grey seals adapted to eat venomous weever fish?

Ireland can boast one of the least toxic terrains on the planet , at least for people .
With the exception of a few deadly mushrooms , which are avoidable , the most poisonous wildlife drifts in from outside – notably a few stinging jellyfish .
Few if any of our fellow mammals in Ireland have needed to evolve ways of eating other , venomous , creatures .
In the rest of the world at least 3O mammals are known to have developed biochemical defences that negate a poison or numb response to pain .
That could be said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ badgers and pine martens , attacking bees ’ and wasps ’ nests for grubs .
But our hedgehogs , unlike some of those in continental Europe , do not include scorpions or vipers in their prey .
All this makes it more intriguing that some Irish grey seals may specialise in eating the venomous weever fish , Echiichthys vipera , whose piercing of any human foot can prove extremely painful .
Wintering at the moment in near-hibernation in deeper , warmer water at perhaps 150 metres , the hand-size lesser weever returns to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the sand and resting there with just its eyes and the tip of its black dorsal fin exposed .
Its ambition is the ambush of little fish such as blennies and gobies with a dart of its upward-pointing mouth .
It is also equipped to punish anything that tries to eat it , or otherwise presses on its venomous dorsal spines .
It can stay buried as the tide recedes and wait in the sand until the water comes back .
Fear of the weever would occasionally haunt my own childhood paddling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The memory was revived a year or two ago when Mayo surfers at nearby Carrowniskey began writing agitated blogs about the apparent concentration of weevers on that strand .
“ On the rare occasions when it is plentiful , ” one expert wrote , “ rows of erect black triangles decorate the sand floor of the seabed.
” Something like that may have supplied the remarkable appetite of some seals for weevers reported in Biology and Environment , the journal of the Royal Irish Academy .
The discovery is a spin-off from a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led by Dr Martha Gosch , examining the diet of grey seals for potential impact on commercial fisheries .
This entailed gathering some 150 seal scat ( droppings , faeces ) from sand banks at Raven Point in Wexford Harbour used as a haul-out by up to 300 animals .
Collected between cleansing tides and across two years , the scats were unlikely to repeat offerings from the same individuals .
Weever remains , including the bony otoliths of the inner ear ( a standard identification of fish ) , were found in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including one scat with remains of 76 of them , plus one sign of flatfish .
The relatively high abundance of weever in a limited number of scats , the study concluded , was “ some evidence for specialisation ” .
It also suggested that the seals had developed a way of eating the fish without suffering from the venom .
The skin inside a seal ’ s mouth and oesophagus is not especially thick compared with that of the leatherback turtle , which regularly eats jellyfish with toxic stings .
Grey seals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they may have learned to gulp weevers head first , helping to push the poison spine flat .
Seals themselves figure among specialised choices of prey .
Wildlife films have shown spectacular and chilling sequences of killer whales ( orcas ) killing seals , surging onto beaches to drag them into the sea on the southern coast of Argentina or ganging up to make waves that wash Arctic seals off ice floes .
Given the abundance of seals off Ireland and Scotland , this has me wondering why the orcas – two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each – have seemed to leave them alone .
Some genetic research on orcas , including those of the north Atlantic , suggests that their small social groups have created “ cultures ” of hunting that are genetically inherited .
Some , more nomadic , groups are seal eaters while others hunt fish and seabirds off particular coasts .
The orcas that commute between west Scotland and Ireland are well-known as fish eaters , though others have been filmed eating harbour porpoises off Scotland .
At Shetland last September , orcas were videoed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ air , like the playful assassins of Argentina .
And new research from the University of Aberdeen potentially links the orcas to a dramatic decline in numbers of Scotland ’ s harbour seals , with numbers in Orkney and Shetland dropping by 40 per cent in five years .
Unlike the grey seals , which pup in late autumn , the smaller harbour seals pup in June and July , the months when most orca sightings are reported to the Irish Whale and Dolphin Group .
The last harbour seal surveys , almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 4,000 of them around Ireland ’ coasts .
It may soon seem appropriate to count them again .

Ireland can boast one of the least toxic terrains on the planet, at least for people. With the exception of a few deadly mushrooms, which are avoidable, the most poisonous wildlife drifts in from outside – notably a few stinging jellyfish.
Few if any of our fellow mammals in Ireland have needed to evolve ways of eating other, venomous, creatures. In the rest of the world at least 3O mammals are known to have developed biochemical defences that negate a poison or numb response to pain.
That could be said, I suppose, about Ireland’s badgers and pine martens, attacking bees’ and wasps’ nests for grubs. But our hedgehogs, unlike some of those in continental Europe, do not include scorpions or vipers in their prey.
All this makes it more intriguing that some Irish grey seals may specialise in eating the venomous weever fish, Echiichthys vipera, whose piercing of any human foot can prove extremely painful.
READ MORE
Wintering at the moment in near-hibernation in deeper, warmer water at perhaps 150 metres, the hand-size lesser weever returns to the shallows in early summer, burrowing into the sand and resting there with just its eyes and the tip of its black dorsal fin exposed. Its ambition is the ambush of little fish such as blennies and gobies with a dart of its upward-pointing mouth.
It is also equipped to punish anything that tries to eat it, or otherwise presses on its venomous dorsal spines. It can stay buried as the tide recedes and wait in the sand until the water comes back.
Fear of the weever would occasionally haunt my own childhood paddling on the intertidal sands of Sussex. The memory was revived a year or two ago when Mayo surfers at nearby Carrowniskey began writing agitated blogs about the apparent concentration of weevers on that strand.
“On the rare occasions when it is plentiful,” one expert wrote, “rows of erect black triangles decorate the sand floor of the seabed.”
Something like that may have supplied the remarkable appetite of some seals for weevers reported in Biology and Environment, the journal of the Royal Irish Academy. The discovery is a spin-off from a study by four researchers at UCC, led by Dr Martha Gosch, examining the diet of grey seals for potential impact on commercial fisheries.
Repeat offerings
This entailed gathering some 150 seal scat (droppings, faeces) from sand banks at Raven Point in Wexford Harbour used as a haul-out by up to 300 animals. Collected between cleansing tides and across two years, the scats were unlikely to repeat offerings from the same individuals.
Weever remains, including the bony otoliths of the inner ear (a standard identification of fish), were found in 4 per cent of the droppings, including one scat with remains of 76 of them, plus one sign of flatfish. The relatively high abundance of weever in a limited number of scats, the study concluded, was “some evidence for specialisation”.
It also suggested that the seals had developed a way of eating the fish without suffering from the venom. The skin inside a seal’s mouth and oesophagus is not especially thick compared with that of the leatherback turtle, which regularly eats jellyfish with toxic stings. Grey seals tend to eat fish whole, suggesting that they may have learned to gulp weevers head first, helping to push the poison spine flat.
Seals themselves figure among specialised choices of prey. Wildlife films have shown spectacular and chilling sequences of killer whales (orcas) killing seals, surging onto beaches to drag them into the sea on the southern coast of Argentina or ganging up to make waves that wash Arctic seals off ice floes.
Given the abundance of seals off Ireland and Scotland, this has me wondering why the orcas – two separate groups with seven or eight in each – have seemed to leave them alone.
Some genetic research on orcas, including those of the north Atlantic, suggests that their small social groups have created “cultures” of hunting that are genetically inherited. Some, more nomadic, groups are seal eaters while others hunt fish and seabirds off particular coasts. The orcas that commute between west Scotland and Ireland are well-known as fish eaters, though others have been filmed eating harbour porpoises off Scotland.
At Shetland last September, orcas were videoed flipping a harbour seal pup into the air, like the playful assassins of Argentina. And new research from the University of Aberdeen potentially links the orcas to a dramatic decline in numbers of Scotland’s harbour seals, with numbers in Orkney and Shetland dropping by 40 per cent in five years.
Unlike the grey seals, which pup in late autumn, the smaller harbour seals pup in June and July, the months when most orca sightings are reported to the Irish Whale and Dolphin Group. The last harbour seal surveys, almost two decades ago, found more than 4,000 of them around Ireland'coasts. It may soon seem appropriate to count them again.