theirishtimes--2020-08-03--John Hume: A life in quotes

John Hume: A life in quotes

John Hume ’ s first words in The Irish Times are arguably his most striking and enduring .
They appeared in May 1964 when Hume , then a 27-year-old teacher , was still an unknown outside his native Derry .
In the paper Hume dismissed the Irish nationalist narrative dominant since partition and urged a fresh emphasis on social and economic conditions in Northern Ireland in general and in his native city in particular .
In doing so he offered a withering critique of the old Nationalist Party in the North and , by inference , a dismissal of old-style @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throughout Ireland since the 1920s .
Of particular significance was Hume ’ s demand for nationalist acceptance of the constitutional position of Northern Ireland ( ie within the UK ) and to work positively for change within that dimension .
“ There is nothing inconsistent with such acceptance and a belief that a 32-county republic is best for Ireland .
In fact , if we are to pursue a policy of non-recognition , the only logical policy is that of Sinn Féin .
If one wishes to create a united Ireland by constitutional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constitutional position.
” This change in position , were it to come about , he argued , would enable ordinary Catholics to seek to improve their lot within the constitutional process “ without fear of recrimination ” .
“ Such an attitude too , admits the realistic fact that a united Ireland , if it is to come , and if violence , rightly , is to be discounted , must come about by evolution , ie by the will of the northern majority .
It is clear that this is the only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( with the northern Protestant integrated ) can be achieved .
.
.
If the whole northern community gets seriously to work on its problems , the unionist bogeys about Catholics and a Republic will , through better understanding , disappear.
” He added , perhaps prophetically : “ It will , of course , take a long time.
” Following the baton-charging of the first civil rights march in Derry on October 5th , 1968 , Hume led another march that year which , like its predecessor , had been banned by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bill Craig .
Defying the ban and addressing the marchers inside Derry ’ s walls , Hume told them : “ We have broken the ban .
This was an effort by Mr Craig to show the people of Derry to be divided and incapable of peaceful protest .
We intend to throw that back in his teeth .
We are within the [ city ] walls and will stay here .
I am not a law-breaker by nature , but I am proud to stand here with 15,000 Derry people who have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I invite Mr Craig to arrest the lot of us.
” The day after Bloody Sunday in Derry , 13 men lay dead , the victims of the Parachute Regiment of the British army .
A 14th would die later .
John Hume , now deputy leader of the SDLP , which he helped found in 1970 , described the seething rage of the Bogside in Derry .
He told RTÉ : “ Many people down there feel now it ’ s a united Ireland or nothing .
Alienation is pretty total.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s own opinion or that of his party , and the misrepresentation dogged him for years .
During his time as a minister in a short-lived powersharing Assembly , Hume and his ministerial colleagues – both SDLP and unionist – had been holed up in their Stormont offices , penned in by protesting loyalists outside .
According to Hume biographer Barry White , Hume told unionist leader Brian Faulkner : “ [ Edward Carson ] once said unionism ’ s last fight would be between the forces of the right and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s it all started now .
Once a confrontation between the loyalists and the British begins , it ’ s all over for what you would call unionism.
” Faulkner is said to have agreed .
Writing in the academic journal Foreign Affairs , Hume returned to an analysis which he had first addressed in The Irish Times 15 years earlier .
His remarks prefaced greater intergovernmental involvement in the search for a political solution on Northern Ireland – especially on the part of the British government .
He wrote : “ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ British view of the [ Northern Ireland ] problem as ‘ their quarrel ’ and not ‘ ours ’ is fundamentally wrong : Britain is included in the quarrel as a central protagonist , and must be centrally involved in the solution.
” The hunger strikes by Provisional and INLA prisoners at the Maze left 10 men dead and caused two crucial 1981 byelections in Fermanagh-South Tyrone .
These were won by Bobby Sands , in the days before his death , and Owen Carron , who had been Sands ’ s election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ SDLP did not field an official candidate .
This move shattered the SDLP ’ s reputation as the main electoral voice of the Catholic/nationalist community .
Hume described the impossible choice faced by his party in determining whether or not to stand against republican prisoners : “ The SDLP would have been accused of lifting the siege of pressure on the British .
That would have reverberated through other elections .
It was a no-win situation .
We would have drowned in the deluge .
Politics is not only about principles but about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The second is as important as the first.
” Hume was never a lover of the House of Commons , finding himself at odds with its deeply adversarial practices .
His maiden speech to the Commons was described by a Conservative backbencher as “ remarkable ” .
But it was a fiery debate on capital punishment for terrorist crimes that provoked Hume into a rare , yet most impassioned address to MPs .
“ If the House wants the IRA to win , then hang them .
Churchill was right when he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Ireland , ‘ The grass grows green on the battlefield , but never on the scaffold.
’ If the House again erects a scaffold in my country , it will turn the whole of Ireland into a savage and bloody battlefield .
For the sake of democracy , for the sake of friendship , for the sake of ordinary men , women and children , and for the sake of peace , for God ’ s sake , do not do it.
” Following tortuous discussions with Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1988 , Hume was under intense pressure to detail the purpose of those talks .
The BBC ’ s John Humphrys interrogated Hume and was treated to a response which typified Hume ’ s “ single transferable speech ” .
“ The traditional nationalist mindset here is that this is our land , and my argument against that is that it ’ s people who are here and it ’ s people who are divided .
Without people , it ’ s only a jungle and you can ’ t bring people together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that agreement takes , as long as it ’ s an agreement , the quarrel is over and then at last we ’ ll start working together and as we work together , presumably , the old prejudices will be eroded and away down the road somewhere will emerge a new Ireland whose model will probably be very different from any of the traditional ones that we ’ ve been arguing about for the last 50 years.
” In the aftermath of the IRA ceasefire , announced on August 31st , 1994 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of IRA violence could facilitate a new political settlement for the whole of Ireland which would “ earn the allegiance of all our traditions ” .
His comments sound quite measured given the atmosphere of the time : “ That was the clearly stated objective of my talks with Gerry Adams .
Since five British governments and 20,000 troops had failed to stop the violence , I took the view that , if the killing of human beings on our streets could be ended by direct dialogue , then it was my duty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I am naturally pleased that we were able to achieve this first step to lasting stability.
” On September 6th , 1994 , Hume appeared in a photocall with then taoiseach Albert Reynolds and Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams on the steps of Government Buildings in Dublin .
The image of the three-way handshake between them was widely disseminated .
Hume said : “ We reiterate that we can not solve this problem without the participation and agreement of the unionist people.
” Following the IRA bombing of London ’ s Docklands in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s first ceasefire , Hume admitted six months later to biographer Paul Routledge how the turbulence of the years weighed on him .
“ It ’ s like butterflies in the stomach only 50 times worse .
.
.
It ’ s not depression , but chronic anxiety – anxiety about everything , especially when I wake up in the morning.
” Eight months after the conclusion of the Belfast Agreement and its subsequent ratification in joint referendums , Hume – along with unionist leader David Trimble – was awarded the Nobel Prize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Oslo , Hume said : “ Too many lives have already been lost in Ireland in the pursuit of political goals .
Bloodshed for political change prevents the only change that truly matters : in the human heart .
We must now shape a future of change that will be truly radical and that will offer a focus for real unity of purpose : harnessing new forces of idealism and commitment for the benefit of Ireland and all its people.
” “ I just feel chronic fatigue , you know ?
.
.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a more relaxed time , spend more time relaxing and walking , ” Hume said , in an interview with Simon Hattenstone of the Guardian , after he had stepped down as SDLP leader .

1960s
May 1964
John Hume's first words in The Irish Times are arguably his most striking and enduring. They appeared in May 1964 when Hume, then a 27-year-old teacher, was still an unknown outside his native Derry. In the paper Hume dismissed the Irish nationalist narrative dominant since partition and urged a fresh emphasis on social and economic conditions in Northern Ireland in general and in his native city in particular. In doing so he offered a withering critique of the old Nationalist Party in the North and, by inference, a dismissal of old-style irredentist nationalism which had held virtually unmodified throughout Ireland since the 1920s.
Of particular significance was Hume’s demand for nationalist acceptance of the constitutional position of Northern Ireland (ie within the UK) and to work positively for change within that dimension.
“There is nothing inconsistent with such acceptance and a belief that a 32-county republic is best for Ireland. In fact, if we are to pursue a policy of non-recognition, the only logical policy is that of Sinn Féin. If one wishes to create a united Ireland by constitutional means, then one must accept the constitutional position.”
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This change in position, were it to come about, he argued, would enable ordinary Catholics to seek to improve their lot within the constitutional process “without fear of recrimination”. “Such an attitude too, admits the realistic fact that a united Ireland, if it is to come, and if violence, rightly, is to be discounted, must come about by evolution, ie by the will of the northern majority. It is clear that this is the only way in which a truly united Ireland (with the northern Protestant integrated) can be achieved . . . If the whole northern community gets seriously to work on its problems, the unionist bogeys about Catholics and a Republic will, through better understanding, disappear.” He added, perhaps prophetically: “It will, of course, take a long time.”
November 16th, 1968
Following the baton-charging of the first civil rights march in Derry on October 5th, 1968, Hume led another march that year which, like its predecessor, had been banned by the then unionist minister for home affairs Bill Craig. Defying the ban and addressing the marchers inside Derry’s walls, Hume told them:
“We have broken the ban. This was an effort by Mr Craig to show the people of Derry to be divided and incapable of peaceful protest. We intend to throw that back in his teeth. We are within the [city] walls and will stay here. I am not a law-breaker by nature, but I am proud to stand here with 15,000 Derry people who have broken a law which is in disrepute. I invite Mr Craig to arrest the lot of us.”
The 1970s
January 31st, 1972
The day after Bloody Sunday in Derry, 13 men lay dead, the victims of the Parachute Regiment of the British army. A 14th would die later. John Hume, now deputy leader of the SDLP, which he helped found in 1970, described the seething rage of the Bogside in Derry. He told RTÉ: "Many people down there feel now it's a united Ireland or nothing. Alienation is pretty total."
Unionists repackaged the comment as Hume’s own opinion or that of his party, and the misrepresentation dogged him for years.
May 28th, 1974
During his time as a minister in a short-lived powersharing Assembly, Hume and his ministerial colleagues – both SDLP and unionist – had been holed up in their Stormont offices, penned in by protesting loyalists outside. According to Hume biographer Barry White, Hume told unionist leader Brian Faulkner: “[Edward Carson] once said unionism’s last fight would be between the forces of the right and the forces of the Crown. That’s it all started now. Once a confrontation between the loyalists and the British begins, it’s all over for what you would call unionism.” Faulkner is said to have agreed.
Winter 1979
Writing in the academic journal Foreign Affairs, Hume returned to an analysis which he had first addressed in The Irish Times 15 years earlier. His remarks prefaced greater intergovernmental involvement in the search for a political solution on Northern Ireland – especially on the part of the British government. He wrote: “I believe . . . that the perennial British view of the [Northern Ireland] problem as ‘their quarrel’ and not ‘ours’ is fundamentally wrong: Britain is included in the quarrel as a central protagonist, and must be centrally involved in the solution.”
The 1980s
The hunger strikes by Provisional and INLA prisoners at the Maze left 10 men dead and caused two crucial 1981 byelections in Fermanagh-South Tyrone. These were won by Bobby Sands, in the days before his death, and Owen Carron, who had been Sands’s election agent. In both cases, the SDLP did not field an official candidate. This move shattered the SDLP’s reputation as the main electoral voice of the Catholic/nationalist community. Hume described the impossible choice faced by his party in determining whether or not to stand against republican prisoners: “The SDLP would have been accused of lifting the siege of pressure on the British. That would have reverberated through other elections. It was a no-win situation. We would have drowned in the deluge. Politics is not only about principles but about the ability to put principles into practice. The second is as important as the first.”
July 13th, 1983
Hume was never a lover of the House of Commons, finding himself at odds with its deeply adversarial practices. His maiden speech to the Commons was described by a Conservative backbencher as “remarkable”. But it was a fiery debate on capital punishment for terrorist crimes that provoked Hume into a rare, yet most impassioned address to MPs.
“If the House wants the IRA to win, then hang them. Churchill was right when he wrote, in reference to British attitudes in Ireland, ‘The grass grows green on the battlefield, but never on the scaffold.’ If the House again erects a scaffold in my country, it will turn the whole of Ireland into a savage and bloody battlefield. For the sake of democracy, for the sake of friendship, for the sake of ordinary men, women and children, and for the sake of peace, for God’s sake, do not do it.”
The 1990s
December 12th, 1993
Following tortuous discussions with Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams which had lasted on and off since 1988, Hume was under intense pressure to detail the purpose of those talks. The BBC’s John Humphrys interrogated Hume and was treated to a response which typified Hume’s “single transferable speech”.
“The traditional nationalist mindset here is that this is our land, and my argument against that is that it’s people who are here and it’s people who are divided. Without people, it’s only a jungle and you can’t bring people together, only by agreement. Whatever form that agreement takes, as long as it’s an agreement, the quarrel is over and then at last we’ll start working together and as we work together, presumably, the old prejudices will be eroded and away down the road somewhere will emerge a new Ireland whose model will probably be very different from any of the traditional ones that we’ve been arguing about for the last 50 years.”
1994
In the aftermath of the IRA ceasefire, announced on August 31st, 1994, Hume reiterated his conviction that the ending of IRA violence could facilitate a new political settlement for the whole of Ireland which would "earn the allegiance of all our traditions". His comments sound quite measured given the atmosphere of the time: "That was the clearly stated objective of my talks with Gerry Adams. Since five British governments and 20,000 troops had failed to stop the violence, I took the view that, if the killing of human beings on our streets could be ended by direct dialogue, then it was my duty to attempt to do just that. I am naturally pleased that we were able to achieve this first step to lasting stability."
On September 6th, 1994, Hume appeared in a photocall with then taoiseach Albert Reynolds and Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams on the steps of Government Buildings in Dublin. The image of the three-way handshake between them was widely disseminated.
Hume said: “We reiterate that we cannot solve this problem without the participation and agreement of the unionist people.”
1996
Following the IRA bombing of London’s Docklands in February 1996 which ended the group’s first ceasefire, Hume admitted six months later to biographer Paul Routledge how the turbulence of the years weighed on him. “It’s like butterflies in the stomach only 50 times worse . . . It’s not depression, but chronic anxiety – anxiety about everything, especially when I wake up in the morning.”
December 1998
Eight months after the conclusion of the Belfast Agreement and its subsequent ratification in joint referendums, Hume – along with unionist leader David Trimble – was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace. Accepting the honour in Oslo, Hume said: "Too many lives have already been lost in Ireland in the pursuit of political goals. Bloodshed for political change prevents the only change that truly matters: in the human heart. We must now shape a future of change that will be truly radical and that will offer a focus for real unity of purpose: harnessing new forces of idealism and commitment for the benefit of Ireland and all its people."
The 2000s
September 23rd, 2001
“I just feel chronic fatigue, you know? . . . I’m going to have a more relaxed time, spend more time relaxing and walking,” Hume said, in an interview with Simon Hattenstone of the Guardian, after he had stepped down as SDLP leader.
– Quotes compiled by Dan Keenan


theirishtimes--2020-08-03--A Northern Catholic writes . . . John Hume in 1964

In the spring of 1964 , the editor of The Irish Times , Douglas Gageby , asked me to travel through Northern Ireland and talk with people who might reflect something of new forces shaping its future .
As an inquisitive settler from England , new to both Ireland and its journalism , my personal , outsider ’ s view might , perhaps , give the North some fresh reality for a readership long resigned to a national ritual of indifference and repetitious sloganeering .
For two weeks , I drifted about by bus and train , soon carried along @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Northern Ireland dedicated to subversion of the existing order .
I am passed from one resistance worker to the next .
The code-word is “ goodwill ” .
The loose and scattered movement was mainly young , middle class and peacefully idealistic , impatient of automatic equivalence of Catholicism and nationalism and resisting entrenched and politically rigid responses on both sides .
Its Catholics were prepared to accept the North ’ s constitutional position in return for a representative share in local administration – a position mocked and undermined by the nationalist political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actively involved in cross-cultural approaches was the 26-year-old John Hume , a Derry man educated partly at Maynooth .
When I met him , he was founding a housing association in Derry , along with a credit union .
We watched together a documentary film he had just made with a fellow teacher , Terence McDonald .
A City Solitary , shown by the BBC , traced the “ two great traditions ” of Londonderry with empathy , even urging a more ready future acceptance of the city ’ s official name .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ sour and discouraging tenor of many more established views on both sides .
I returned to Dublin to write Journey North : a series relating “ one of the most depressing experiences I have known ” .
Yet John Hume ’ s outlook and vigour made me want to share his promise with Douglas Gageby , who straightaway gave him his first platform in this newspaper ( see below ) and engaged with him thereafter in the struggle towards peace and powersharing .
– MICHAEL VINEY Michael Viney ’ s Journey North series @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spotlighted among other things the great political frustration that exists among the Catholic community there .
It is hardly the great united complaining force the Northern correspondents of the Dublin newspapers mirror it to be .
The crux of the matter for the younger generation is the continued existence , particularly among the Catholic community , of great social problems of housing , unemployment and emigration .
It is the struggle for priority in their minds between such problems and the ideal of a united Ireland with which they have been bred that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of political wanderers that Michael Viney met on his tour .
It may be that the present generation of younger Catholics in the North are more materialistic than their fathers but there is little doubt their thinking is principally geared towards the solution of social and economic problems .
This has led to a deep questioning of traditional nationalist attitudes .
It must be said the blame for the situation which prevails must lie principally at the door of the unionist government .
But the present Nationalist Political Party must bear a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as much on the opposition as on the party in power .
Weak opposition leads to corrupt government .
Nationalists in opposition have been in no way constructive .
They have quite rightly been loud in their demands for rights , but they have remained silent and inactive about their duties .
In 40 years of opposition , they have not produced one constructive contribution on either the social or economic plane to the development of Northern Ireland which is , after all , a substantial part of the United Ireland for which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comfortable leadership of flags and slogans .
Easy , no doubt , but irresponsible .
There has been no attempt to be positive , to encourage the Catholic community to develop the resources , which they have in plenty , to make a positive contribution in terms of community service .
Unemployment and emigration , chiefly of Catholics , remains heavy , much of it no doubt due to the skilful placing of industry by the Northern government , but the only constructive suggestion from the nationalist side would appear to be that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ panacea for all our ills .
It is this lack of positive contribution and the apparent lack of interest in the general welfare of Northern Ireland that has led many Protestants to believe the Northern Catholic is politically irresponsible and immature and therefore unfit to rule .
Bigotry and a fixation about religious divisions are the first thing that strike any visitor to the North .
The nationalist line of the past 40 years has made its contribution to this situation .
Catholics of all shades of political thought are expected to band @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This dangerous equation of nationalism and Catholicism has simply contributed to the postponement of the emergence of normal politics in the area and has made the task of the unionist ascendancy simpler .
Worse , it has poisoned the Catholic social climate to the extent that it has become extremely difficult for a Catholic to express publicly any point of view which does not coincide with the narrow nationalist line .
Disagreement with , or , criticism of , the nationalist approach or lack of it inevitably brings down upon one ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Obsequious ” , “ crawling ” , “ castle Catholic ” , “ west Briton ” , are samples of the terms used .
The result has been that many Catholics have been unwilling to speak their minds for fear of recrimination .
The nationalist press are the chief perpetrators of this situation .
When one adds this climatic censorship to a similar one on the unionist side , one becomes clearly aware of how little freedom of thought or expression exists in Northern Ireland and of the tremendous obstacles in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ force .
One of the greatest contributions , therefore , that the Catholic in Northern Ireland can make to a liberalising of the political atmosphere would be the removal of the equation between nationalists and Catholics .
Apart from being factual , it ought also to be made fashionable that the Catholic Church does not impose upon its members any one form of political belief .
In recent times , some church leaders , realising the danger to religion in the religio-political equation , have been pointing this out .
Another positive step @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what bigotry exists among Catholics would be to recognise that the Protestant tradition in the North is as strong and as legitimate as our own .
Such recognition is our first step towards better relations .
We must be prepared to accept this and to realise that the fact that a man wishes Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom does not necessarily make him a bigot or a discriminator .
Which leads me to the constitutional question .
Apart from providing the Unionist Party with valuable ammunition in the emotional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Constitutional position has lost the Nationalist Party the sympathy of liberal Protestants and has prevented themselves and their followers from playing a fuller part in the development of the Northern community .
What ’ s more , it has too often been an excuse for inactivity .
Their present attitude to the question has been vague .
While they will on the one hand attend at the unrecognised parliament of Stormont and accept a salary for so doing , they will refuse to be present at a function in Derry City @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industrialist who had given substantial employment to their fellow Catholics .
The position should be immediately clarified by an acceptance of the constitutional position .
There is nothing inconsistent with such acceptance and a belief that a 32-county republic is best for Ireland .
In fact , if we are to pursue a policy of non-recognition , the only logical policy is that of Sinn Féin .
If one wishes to create a united Ireland by constitutional means , then one must accept the constitutional position .
Such a change would remove what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the development of normal politics in the North .
Catholics could then throw themselves fully into the solution of Northern problems without fear of recrimination .
Such an attitude too , admits the realistic fact that a united Ireland , if it is to come , and if violence , rightly , is to be discounted , must come about by evolution , ie by the will of the Northern majority .
It is clear also that this is the only way in which a truly united Ireland ( with the Northern Protestant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can conceive a prosperous North attached to either London or Dublin without the Northern Protestant ?
If the whole Northern community gets seriously to work on its problems , the unionists ’ bogeys about Catholics and a republic will , through better understanding , disappear .
It will , of course , take a long time .
On the party political front , the need for a complete revitalisation of the Nationalist Party has long been felt .
The head without a body type of party in existence up to the present would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ future political immaturity among Catholics .
The necessity for a fully organised democratic party which can freely attract and draw upon the talents of the nationally-minded community is obvious .
It is to be hoped the new Nationalist Political Front will create such an organisation so we shall never in future be embarrassed by one of our political representatives declaring on television that he was not an encyclopaedia when asked to produce figures to substantiate his charges of discrimination .
In fairness to some of the Nationalist political leaders , it must be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ awareness of the shortcomings of their approach .
Eddie McAteer , in particular since his assumption of the leadership of the ( Nationalist ) Party , has given several .
The only Nationalist MP with a constituency organisation behind him , he it was who flew the first kite of conciliation which led to the orange-green talks .
Although in one sense a failure , they did catch the public imagination and have made a considerable contribution towards the change in climate .
His St Patrick ’ s Day speech in Derry and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was grasped show a realisation of the need for change .
Mr ( Patrick ) Gormley , too , as his interview with Michael Viney showed , has a realistic attitude .
His activities among farmers and a recent speech on the need for a party secretariat confirm his realism .
Unfortunately , the public is slow to accept a change of image from their representatives without accusing them of insincerity .
Nationalist politicians are prisoners of an image built up over 40 years .
The need for action on a non-political front @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Most people feel little can really be achieved politically in the existing political stalemate .
There exists in the North at the moment a greater wealth of talent – young businessmen , professional men and graduates than ever before and there is a growing desire among them to get together to pool these talents and to tackle community problems .
Happily , this type of activity is already under way , and spreading in such movements as Kingdom of Mourne Development Association , Northern Counties Co-op , and the spread of Junior Chambers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in which all sections play their part can do nothing but create mutual respect and above all , build the country with our own hands .
It will also water down the deep prejudice which is at the root of discrimination .
Discrimination , or rather complaints about it , has long formed the main plank of the policy of the Nationalist Political Party .
One gets the impression sometimes that the deep human problems which underlie the statistics are sometimes forgotten .
Otherwise , perhaps a more sustained and intelligent attempt would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There are few people in Northern Ireland today who seriously deny the existence of blatant discrimination .
But neither are there many who deny the existence of the deep prejudice which is its cause .
It is at its point-of-origin prejudice that discrimination should be tackled .
Many Protestants firmly believe the Catholic is a social inferior .
There also exists among them a real fear of Rome rule .
Without discussing the obvious irrationality of this prejudice , the very fact it exists and produces discrimination on a widespread scale places @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all in their power to remove it and so remove the disabilities under which their fellow Catholics suffer as a result .
It must be pointed out that people who discriminate through prejudice believe they are justified .
Catholics can contribute to a lessening of prejudice by playing a fuller part in public life as some of our religious leaders have been urging .
Undoubtedly , in the beginning they will be neither wanted nor welcome in many spheres of public life in Northern Ireland .
But public life means more than service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It means the encouragement and participation in community enterprises such as those already mentioned , designed to develop the resources of the community and done in conjunction with all those in the community who are willing to co-operate .
At this point , it is well to point out the considerable heart-searching and sincere self-examination going on among Catholics in the North at the moment does not absolve the Unionist Party from certain obligations if they are sincere about their concern for the future of the North .
To date , none of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ repeated statements of Catholic willingness to get together .
Unionists must realise that if they turn their backs on the present goodwill there can only be a considerable hardening of Catholic opinion , only this time it will be supported by liberal Protestants who will have lost faith in Glengall Street .
If they are to accept the olive branch , there are certain points which they must clarify .
Firstly , that discrimination , whether religious or political , is unjust and must be removed and the blatant plan in operation in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As a proof of this , public invitations should be issued to Catholics to accept membership of statutory bodies where they are unrepresented or underrepresented already .
Secondly , they must accept that nationalism in Ireland is an acceptable political belief and that nationally minded people are entitled to put forward their views constitutionally without prejudice to their right to any position which they may seek .
Thirdly , they should realise the vast majority of Catholics in Northern Ireland are responsible people , anxious for an improvement in community relations and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in which they live and rear their children .
It is only perhaps when many of the above suggestions are in operation throughout the Northern community that religion will begin to make its exit from politics and that socially it will no longer be necessary to forewarn about the presence of those who “ dig with the other foot ” .
In the waiting , the fear is that frustration may force one to leave the North .
It is little wonder that many do .
The above article by John Hume first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parts on May 18th and May 19th , 1964

In the spring of 1964, the editor of The Irish Times, Douglas Gageby, asked me to travel through Northern Ireland and talk with people who might reflect something of new forces shaping its future. As an inquisitive settler from England, new to both Ireland and its journalism, my personal, outsider’s view might, perhaps, give the North some fresh reality for a readership long resigned to a national ritual of indifference and repetitious sloganeering.
For two weeks, I drifted about by bus and train, soon carried along through a sort of underground movement in Northern Ireland dedicated to subversion of the existing order. I am passed from one resistance worker to the next. The code-word is “goodwill”.
The loose and scattered movement was mainly young, middle class and peacefully idealistic, impatient of automatic equivalence of Catholicism and nationalism and resisting entrenched and politically rigid responses on both sides. Its Catholics were prepared to accept the North’s constitutional position in return for a representative share in local administration – a position mocked and undermined by the nationalist political machine.
Among the many young teachers actively involved in cross-cultural approaches was the 26-year-old John Hume, a Derry man educated partly at Maynooth. When I met him, he was founding a housing association in Derry, along with a credit union. We watched together a documentary film he had just made with a fellow teacher, Terence McDonald.
READ MORE
A City Solitary, shown by the BBC, traced the “two great traditions” of Londonderry with empathy, even urging a more ready future acceptance of the city’s official name. Such warming encounters were set against the sour and discouraging tenor of many more established views on both sides.
I returned to Dublin to write Journey North: a series relating “one of the most depressing experiences I have known”. Yet John Hume’s outlook and vigour made me want to share his promise with Douglas Gageby, who straightaway gave him his first platform in this newspaper (see below) and engaged with him thereafter in the struggle towards peace and powersharing. – MICHAEL VINEY
John Hume casting his vote in 1969. File photograph: Tommy Collins
Michael Viney’s Journey North series (May 4th-9th, 1964) has spotlighted among other things the great political frustration that exists among the Catholic community there. It is hardly the great united complaining force the Northern correspondents of the Dublin newspapers mirror it to be. The crux of the matter for the younger generation is the continued existence, particularly among the Catholic community, of great social problems of housing, unemployment and emigration. It is the struggle for priority in their minds between such problems and the ideal of a united Ireland with which they have been bred that has produced the frustration and the large number of political wanderers that Michael Viney met on his tour.
It may be that the present generation of younger Catholics in the North are more materialistic than their fathers but there is little doubt their thinking is principally geared towards the solution of social and economic problems. This has led to a deep questioning of traditional nationalist attitudes.
It must be said the blame for the situation which prevails must lie principally at the door of the unionist government. But the present Nationalist Political Party must bear a share of it. Good government depends as much on the opposition as on the party in power. Weak opposition leads to corrupt government.
Nationalists in opposition have been in no way constructive. They have quite rightly been loud in their demands for rights, but they have remained silent and inactive about their duties. In 40 years of opposition, they have not produced one constructive contribution on either the social or economic plane to the development of Northern Ireland which is, after all, a substantial part of the United Ireland for which they strive.
Leadership has been the comfortable leadership of flags and slogans. Easy, no doubt, but irresponsible. There has been no attempt to be positive, to encourage the Catholic community to develop the resources, which they have in plenty, to make a positive contribution in terms of community service. Unemployment and emigration, chiefly of Catholics, remains heavy, much of it no doubt due to the skilful placing of industry by the Northern government, but the only constructive suggestion from the nationalist side would appear to be that a removal of discrimination will be the panacea for all our ills.
It is this lack of positive contribution and the apparent lack of interest in the general welfare of Northern Ireland that has led many Protestants to believe the Northern Catholic is politically irresponsible and immature and therefore unfit to rule.
Bigotry and a fixation about religious divisions are the first thing that strike any visitor to the North. The nationalist line of the past 40 years has made its contribution to this situation. Catholics of all shades of political thought are expected to band together under the unconstructive banner of nationalism.
This dangerous equation of nationalism and Catholicism has simply contributed to the postponement of the emergence of normal politics in the area and has made the task of the unionist ascendancy simpler. Worse, it has poisoned the Catholic social climate to the extent that it has become extremely difficult for a Catholic to express publicly any point of view which does not coincide with the narrow nationalist line.
Disagreement with, or, criticism of, the nationalist approach or lack of it inevitably brings down upon one’s head a torrent of abuse. “Obsequious”, “crawling”, “castle Catholic”, “west Briton”, are samples of the terms used.
The result has been that many Catholics have been unwilling to speak their minds for fear of recrimination. The nationalist press are the chief perpetrators of this situation.
When one adds this climatic censorship to a similar one on the unionist side, one becomes clearly aware of how little freedom of thought or expression exists in Northern Ireland and of the tremendous obstacles in the way of the emergence of a third force. One of the greatest contributions, therefore, that the Catholic in Northern Ireland can make to a liberalising of the political atmosphere would be the removal of the equation between nationalists and Catholics.
Apart from being factual, it ought also to be made fashionable that the Catholic Church does not impose upon its members any one form of political belief. In recent times, some church leaders, realising the danger to religion in the religio-political equation, have been pointing this out.
Another positive step towards easing community tensions and towards removing what bigotry exists among Catholics would be to recognise that the Protestant tradition in the North is as strong and as legitimate as our own.
Such recognition is our first step towards better relations. We must be prepared to accept this and to realise that the fact that a man wishes Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom does not necessarily make him a bigot or a discriminator. Which leads me to the constitutional question.
Apart from providing the Unionist Party with valuable ammunition in the emotional times of an election, their attitude to the Constitutional position has lost the Nationalist Party the sympathy of liberal Protestants and has prevented themselves and their followers from playing a fuller part in the development of the Northern community.
What’s more, it has too often been an excuse for inactivity. Their present attitude to the question has been vague. While they will on the one hand attend at the unrecognised parliament of Stormont and accept a salary for so doing, they will refuse to be present at a function in Derry City held to bestow civic honour on an industrialist who had given substantial employment to their fellow Catholics.
The position should be immediately clarified by an acceptance of the constitutional position. There is nothing inconsistent with such acceptance and a belief that a 32-county republic is best for Ireland. In fact, if we are to pursue a policy of non-recognition, the only logical policy is that of Sinn Féin. If one wishes to create a united Ireland by constitutional means, then one must accept the constitutional position.
Stumbling block
Such a change would remove what has been a great stumbling block to the development of normal politics in the North. Catholics could then throw themselves fully into the solution of Northern problems without fear of recrimination. Such an attitude too, admits the realistic fact that a united Ireland, if it is to come, and if violence, rightly, is to be discounted, must come about by evolution, ie by the will of the Northern majority.
It is clear also that this is the only way in which a truly united Ireland (with the Northern Protestant integrated) can be achieved. Who can conceive a prosperous North attached to either London or Dublin without the Northern Protestant? If the whole Northern community gets seriously to work on its problems, the unionists’ bogeys about Catholics and a republic will, through better understanding, disappear. It will, of course, take a long time.
On the party political front, the need for a complete revitalisation of the Nationalist Party has long been felt. The head without a body type of party in existence up to the present would have been bound to have led to future political immaturity among Catholics. The necessity for a fully organised democratic party which can freely attract and draw upon the talents of the nationally-minded community is obvious. It is to be hoped the new Nationalist Political Front will create such an organisation so we shall never in future be embarrassed by one of our political representatives declaring on television that he was not an encyclopaedia when asked to produce figures to substantiate his charges of discrimination.
In fairness to some of the Nationalist political leaders, it must be said they have given indications of their awareness of the shortcomings of their approach.
Eddie McAteer, in particular since his assumption of the leadership of the (Nationalist) Party, has given several. The only Nationalist MP with a constituency organisation behind him, he it was who flew the first kite of conciliation which led to the orange-green talks. Although in one sense a failure, they did catch the public imagination and have made a considerable contribution towards the change in climate. His St Patrick’s Day speech in Derry and the eagerness with which the Maghery opportunity was grasped show a realisation of the need for change.
Mr (Patrick) Gormley, too, as his interview with Michael Viney showed, has a realistic attitude. His activities among farmers and a recent speech on the need for a party secretariat confirm his realism. Unfortunately, the public is slow to accept a change of image from their representatives without accusing them of insincerity. Nationalist politicians are prisoners of an image built up over 40 years.
The need for action on a non-political front, however, is probably greater. Most people feel little can really be achieved politically in the existing political stalemate. There exists in the North at the moment a greater wealth of talent – young businessmen, professional men and graduates than ever before and there is a growing desire among them to get together to pool these talents and to tackle community problems. Happily, this type of activity is already under way, and spreading in such movements as Kingdom of Mourne Development Association, Northern Counties Co-op, and the spread of Junior Chambers of Commerce.
Such community activity, in which all sections play their part can do nothing but create mutual respect and above all, build the country with our own hands. It will also water down the deep prejudice which is at the root of discrimination.
Discrimination, or rather complaints about it, has long formed the main plank of the policy of the Nationalist Political Party. One gets the impression sometimes that the deep human problems which underlie the statistics are sometimes forgotten. Otherwise, perhaps a more sustained and intelligent attempt would have, been made to remove it.
Blatant discrimination
There are few people in Northern Ireland today who seriously deny the existence of blatant discrimination. But neither are there many who deny the existence of the deep prejudice which is its cause. It is at its point-of-origin prejudice that discrimination should be tackled.
Many Protestants firmly believe the Catholic is a social inferior. There also exists among them a real fear of Rome rule. Without discussing the obvious irrationality of this prejudice, the very fact it exists and produces discrimination on a widespread scale places the duty on all Catholics to do all in their power to remove it and so remove the disabilities under which their fellow Catholics suffer as a result.
It must be pointed out that people who discriminate through prejudice believe they are justified. Catholics can contribute to a lessening of prejudice by playing a fuller part in public life as some of our religious leaders have been urging. Undoubtedly, in the beginning they will be neither wanted nor welcome in many spheres of public life in Northern Ireland. But public life means more than service on statutory or local government committees. It means the encouragement and participation in community enterprises such as those already mentioned, designed to develop the resources of the community and done in conjunction with all those in the community who are willing to co-operate.
At this point, it is well to point out the considerable heart-searching and sincere self-examination going on among Catholics in the North at the moment does not absolve the Unionist Party from certain obligations if they are sincere about their concern for the future of the North. To date, none of their leaders has shown any response to repeated statements of Catholic willingness to get together.
Unionists must realise that if they turn their backs on the present goodwill there can only be a considerable hardening of Catholic opinion, only this time it will be supported by liberal Protestants who will have lost faith in Glengall Street.
If they are to accept the olive branch, there are certain points which they must clarify.
Firstly, that discrimination, whether religious or political, is unjust and must be removed and the blatant plan in operation in the North at the moment must cease. As a proof of this, public invitations should be issued to Catholics to accept membership of statutory bodies where they are unrepresented or underrepresented already.
Secondly, they must accept that nationalism in Ireland is an acceptable political belief and that nationally minded people are entitled to put forward their views constitutionally without prejudice to their right to any position which they may seek.
Thirdly, they should realise the vast majority of Catholics in Northern Ireland are responsible people, anxious for an improvement in community relations and for the future of the Northern Ireland in which they live and rear their children.
It is only perhaps when many of the above suggestions are in operation throughout the Northern community that religion will begin to make its exit from politics and that socially it will no longer be necessary to forewarn about the presence of those who “dig with the other foot”. In the waiting, the fear is that frustration may force one to leave the North. It is little wonder that many do.
The above article by John Hume first appeared in The Irish Times in two parts on May 18th and May 19th, 1964


theirishtimes--2020-08-03--John Hume drove US foreign policy on the North for nearly three decades

Simply put , peace would not have come to Northern Ireland in 1998 if not for John Hume .
He brilliantly drove American foreign policy on Northern Ireland for nearly three decades – in Congress , in the boardrooms , and eventually at the White House .
In the early 1970s , as in Northern Ireland , Irish-Americans were divided between those who supported the IRA and Sinn Féin and those who rejected violence and took their cues from Hume .
He opposed the effort of some Americans to support the IRA and Sinn Féin not only with funds , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ IRA to fight the British .
Hume aimed to put America on a different path and worked tirelessly over decades for the US to engage the British and push for a negotiated settlement .
He did so through his vision of a better future and the force of his vibrant personality .
He befriended the most powerful Irish-American leaders and rallied them to his cause .
And , of course , his love of a good joke made him beloved .
He and Senator Ted Kennedy began a lifelong friendship in the 1970s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The two plotted out a new non-violent course for US policy .
They remained friends until Kennedy ’ s death in 2009 .
For 40 years , Hume was the intellectual architect and primary driver of the principles for peace .
His SDLP formulated the 1972 policy document Towards a New Ireland , arguing for an agreement that addressed the three core sets of relationships – between nationalists and unionists in the North , between North and South , and between Britain and Ireland .
These principles would eventually form the basis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ended the violence .
And of course win him the Nobel Peace Prize .
In the US , Hume argued strongly for an end to Irish-Americans ’ funding of IRA weapons and he opposed the Irish National Caucus ’ s push for the MacBride Principles , which Hume considered an effective call for a ban on investment in Northern Ireland .
Hume ’ s focus was on bringing investment and jobs into his community – and strongly believed it was important to reassure the unionist community that their zero-sum attitude need not prevail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a new Northern Ireland , whose peace could be negotiated to accommodate the desires of both traditions .
In 1981 , Kennedy , Daniel Moynihan and House of Representatives Speaker Tip O ’ Neill founded the “ Friends of Ireland ” in Congress , which lent support to Hume ’ s efforts to promote peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland .
The St Patrick ’ s Day statement became a way for Irish-American leaders in Congress to annually urge action on Irish issues .
The pro-Sinn Féin Congressional Ad Hoc Committee on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the pro-John Hume Friends of Ireland would issue another .
Each year , Hume helped craft the message – and it soon reached the White House .
Jimmy Carter was the first US president to echo Hume ’ s message , calling in 1977 on all sides , including Irish-Americans , not to support violence .
His statement also promised additional US investment in Northern Ireland to support a political solution .
Kennedy , who had pushed for the statement , called it “ the most important and constructive initiative ever taken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue ” .
Hume pushed for US support for investment in Northern Ireland and in 1985 , Congress created the International Fund for Ireland , which appropriated $ 20 million annually for creating jobs in Northern Ireland .
Supported by president Ronald Reagan , the fund made good on president Carter ’ s pledge .
Incredibly , in this age of partisan politics and budget cuts in the US , the fund continues to thrive .
In its three decades of work , it has invested nearly $ 1 billion in more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Border counties .
It stands as a living testament to Hume ’ s vision for peace , reconciliation , and jobs .
Hume also helped deliver on more visas for the Irish , as did the members of the Congressional Ad Hoc Committee on Irish Affairs .
The Immigration Act of 1990 created the “ diversity visa program ” , which was cleverly written to admit immigrants from countries , such as Ireland , who had been cut out by existing laws .
On December 15th , 1993 , taoiseach Albert Reynolds and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a “ joint declaration ” in which the British government committed itself to abide by the wishes of the majority of the citizens of the North , and the Irish government renounced its claim to the North until the people agreed to change its status .
Hume had a major role in its development .
It opened the door for the first meaningful negotiations in a generation and would result in the Belfast Agreement a long 4½ years later .
It was the direct result of Hume ’ s bold vision for Northern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for dialogue .
He was cautiously supportive but knew full well it would take the US to help the two sides bridge the gaps .
He knew it would take the US engaging Gerry Adams directly , as well .
The joint declaration spurred Adams and others in Sinn Féin to intensify their pressure on the US , to get involved to secure further concessions from the UK and instil confidence in the process .
The form that pressure took was a request for an American visa for Adams .
Simply put , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hume not endorsed it .
Although president Bill Clinton had endorsed giving Adams a visa during the campaign , he did not approve Adams ’ s first request in early 1993 .
In October 1993 , I invited Hume to lunch in the White House to seek his advice .
While he was not yet ready to endorse the visa proposal , he said he thought things within the IRA were moving towards peace and advised me to watch events closely .
That message surprised me because for the last decade , Hume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We spoke again in mid-December and , by then , Hume had changed his position .
After careful consideration , and in light of the new atmosphere created by the joint declaration , he believed that giving Adams the visa would help the peace process and that the president should do it .
Hume not only had the best antennae for political change on the Irish scene , but he also had the ear of one of the most influential members of the Senate , my old boss , Kennedy .
I knew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president give Adams the visa , Kennedy and other leading Irish-American members of Congress would give it serious consideration .
Hume shared the view of Dublin – that the British were handling the peace process “ too starkly .
Endorsing the process will take some time.
” He argued that the US would have to engage .
He believed giving Adams a visa would impel the peace process forward .
The impact of a “ no ” would be significant .
“ But it threatens no one if it works.
” Hume then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ best to promote peace .
He said : “ It is people who have rights , not territory.
” If we could shift the debate to the rights of people , not a discussion of territorial divisions , real and significant progress could be made .
“ The key , ” he argued , “ was changing people ’ s mindset .
They have to see that everyone will gain if all rights are guaranteed.
” I had begun to understand that the key problem in Northern Ireland was that each side viewed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If one side gained , the other lost .
Real progress would take changing that attitude .
Hume had been trying to change that mindset by promoting investment , jobs , visas , and economic growth .
Ultimately , it was the win-win logic – Hume ’ s in fact – that persuaded Clinton to move forward .
The step would not have happened without Hume ’ s endorsement and work to gain broad political support for the move .
Hume continued to press behind the scenes for a ceasefire , which finally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later , Protestant paramilitaries announced their own ceasefire .
And throughout the process of forging peace , Hume played the key role behind the scene – and sometimes front and centre – in pushing for his vision of a peaceful and prosperous Northern Ireland .
President Clinton visited Ireland in 1995 and made a point of visiting Derry with Hume .
The message was clear – peace would not have occurred without Hume .
His efforts continued throughout the end of the IRA ceasefire in 1996 , constantly reaching out to the White @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both the unionist and nationalist communities to press for peace .
Adams and Hume met the IRA leadership .
In July 1997 , the IRA restored its ceasefire .
The new governments in London , led by Labour ’ s Tony Blair , and in Dublin , led by Fianna Fáil ’ s Bertie Ahern , were committed to negotiations .
So was Clinton .
He and his envoy , former senator George Mitchell , worked tirelessly around the clock and finally secured the Belfast Agreement in April 1998 .
It ended the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The peace in Northern Ireland is now irreversible , but the society is still divided , with great economic disparities between the two communities .
The Northern Ireland Assembly was suspended and the issue of decommissioning of arms derailed progress .
With a strong push from Hume and his friends in the US , the IRA agreed to disarm in September 2005 .
Today , arguments continue about police reform and the continuing activities of the paramilitaries in Northern Ireland from both communities .
From the start of the Troubles in the 1970s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and charmed anyone who could help promote his cause of a just Northern Ireland .
For four decades , he was the primary adviser to US presidents , senators , members of Congress , and leading Irish-Americans in the search for peace .
Certainly , others deserve great credit , including Adams , unionist leader David Trimble , and successive leaders in London and Dublin .
Bill Clinton ’ s efforts unquestionably hastened the day of peace .
But throughout it all , Hume was the driving force for peace and its intellectual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prize Committee recognised Hume ’ s extraordinary contribution when it rewarded him and Trimble in 1998 “ for their efforts to find a peaceful solution to the conflict in Northern Ireland ” .
Hume is the only person to also be awarded the other two major peace awards , the Gandhi Peace Prize and the Martin Luther King Award .
In 2010 , Hume was voted “ Ireland ’ s Greatest ” in a public poll by RTÉ .
While his SDLP has been eclipsed by Sinn Féin in the polls , Hume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the history books .
For three decades , he worked across the US to put Washington on the right side of history .
Today , there is an “ agreed Ireland ” where the killing has stopped because of his work .
Today , more than 20 years after the first IRA ceasefire in August 1994 , the peace process has stemmed the violence , but the two communities still have not reconciled .
They remain stuck on the injustices of the past and refuse to compromise on a range of issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the two communities in Belfast still stands .
So only part of Hume ’ s vision has been realised .
The peace would be stronger if he were still there pushing , prodding , and making us all see the better angels in our nature .
His great legacy demands the leaders of Northern Ireland fulfil that dream .
Nancy Soderberg was deputy national security adviser to Bill Clinton and his key adviser on Northern Ireland .
She also served as an ambassador to the United Nations and is currently president and CEO @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Public Service Leadership Program at the University of North Florida

Simply put, peace would not have come to Northern Ireland in 1998 if not for John Hume. He brilliantly drove American foreign policy on Northern Ireland for nearly three decades – in Congress, in the boardrooms, and eventually at the White House.
In the early 1970s, as in Northern Ireland, Irish-Americans were divided between those who supported the IRA and Sinn Féin and those who rejected violence and took their cues from Hume. He opposed the effort of some Americans to support the IRA and Sinn Féin not only with funds, but who also sent weapons to the IRA to fight the British. Hume aimed to put America on a different path and worked tirelessly over decades for the US to engage the British and push for a negotiated settlement. He did so through his vision of a better future and the force of his vibrant personality. He befriended the most powerful Irish-American leaders and rallied them to his cause.
And, of course, his love of a good joke made him beloved. He and Senator Ted Kennedy began a lifelong friendship in the 1970s, pushing for peace in Northern Ireland. The two plotted out a new non-violent course for US policy. They remained friends until Kennedy’s death in 2009.
For 40 years, Hume was the intellectual architect and primary driver of the principles for peace. His SDLP formulated the 1972 policy document Towards a New Ireland, arguing for an agreement that addressed the three core sets of relationships – between nationalists and unionists in the North, between North and South, and between Britain and Ireland. These principles would eventually form the basis for the Belfast Agreement in 1998 which ended the violence. And of course win him the Nobel Peace Prize.
READ MORE
In the US, Hume argued strongly for an end to Irish-Americans’ funding of IRA weapons and he opposed the Irish National Caucus’s push for the MacBride Principles, which Hume considered an effective call for a ban on investment in Northern Ireland. Hume’s focus was on bringing investment and jobs into his community – and strongly believed it was important to reassure the unionist community that their zero-sum attitude need not prevail.
He believed both sides would win in a new Northern Ireland, whose peace could be negotiated to accommodate the desires of both traditions. In 1981, Kennedy, Daniel Moynihan and House of Representatives Speaker Tip O’Neill founded the “Friends of Ireland” in Congress, which lent support to Hume’s efforts to promote peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland.
The St Patrick’s Day statement became a way for Irish-American leaders in Congress to annually urge action on Irish issues. The pro-Sinn Féin Congressional Ad Hoc Committee on Irish Affairs would issue one statement; and the pro-John Hume Friends of Ireland would issue another. Each year, Hume helped craft the message – and it soon reached the White House.
Jimmy Carter was the first US president to echo Hume’s message, calling in 1977 on all sides, including Irish-Americans, not to support violence. His statement also promised additional US investment in Northern Ireland to support a political solution. Kennedy, who had pushed for the statement, called it “the most important and constructive initiative ever taken by an American president on the Irish issue”. Hume pushed for US support for investment in Northern Ireland and in 1985, Congress created the International Fund for Ireland, which appropriated $20 million annually for creating jobs in Northern Ireland. Supported by president Ronald Reagan, the fund made good on president Carter’s pledge.
Incredibly, in this age of partisan politics and budget cuts in the US, the fund continues to thrive. In its three decades of work, it has invested nearly $1 billion in more than 5,800 projects throughout Northern Ireland and the Border counties. It stands as a living testament to Hume’s vision for peace, reconciliation, and jobs. Hume also helped deliver on more visas for the Irish, as did the members of the Congressional Ad Hoc Committee on Irish Affairs. The Immigration Act of 1990 created the “diversity visa program”, which was cleverly written to admit immigrants from countries, such as Ireland, who had been cut out by existing laws.
On December 15th, 1993, taoiseach Albert Reynolds and British prime minister John Major put forward a “joint declaration” in which the British government committed itself to abide by the wishes of the majority of the citizens of the North, and the Irish government renounced its claim to the North until the people agreed to change its status. Hume had a major role in its development. It opened the door for the first meaningful negotiations in a generation and would result in the Belfast Agreement a long 4½ years later.
Bold vision
It was the direct result of Hume’s bold vision for Northern Ireland – and two decades of pushing for dialogue. He was cautiously supportive but knew full well it would take the US to help the two sides bridge the gaps. He knew it would take the US engaging Gerry Adams directly, as well.
The joint declaration spurred Adams and others in Sinn Féin to intensify their pressure on the US, to get involved to secure further concessions from the UK and instil confidence in the process. The form that pressure took was a request for an American visa for Adams. Simply put, Adams would not have got it had Hume not endorsed it. Although president Bill Clinton had endorsed giving Adams a visa during the campaign, he did not approve Adams’s first request in early 1993.
In October 1993, I invited Hume to lunch in the White House to seek his advice. While he was not yet ready to endorse the visa proposal, he said he thought things within the IRA were moving towards peace and advised me to watch events closely.
That message surprised me because for the last decade, Hume had advised against engaging with Adams. We spoke again in mid-December and, by then, Hume had changed his position.
After careful consideration, and in light of the new atmosphere created by the joint declaration, he believed that giving Adams the visa would help the peace process and that the president should do it. Hume not only had the best antennae for political change on the Irish scene, but he also had the ear of one of the most influential members of the Senate, my old boss, Kennedy.
Former US president Bill Clinton with John Hume in Dublin in 2005. Photograph:Joe St Leger
I knew that if Hume were advocating that the president give Adams the visa, Kennedy and other leading Irish-American members of Congress would give it serious consideration. Hume shared the view of Dublin – that the British were handling the peace process “too starkly. Endorsing the process will take some time.” He argued that the US would have to engage. He believed giving Adams a visa would impel the peace process forward. The impact of a “no” would be significant. “But it threatens no one if it works.”
Hume then harped on his latest theme: how best to promote peace. He said: “It is people who have rights, not territory.” If we could shift the debate to the rights of people, not a discussion of territorial divisions, real and significant progress could be made. “The key,” he argued, “was changing people’s mindset. They have to see that everyone will gain if all rights are guaranteed.”
I had begun to understand that the key problem in Northern Ireland was that each side viewed the conflict as a zero-sum game. If one side gained, the other lost. Real progress would take changing that attitude. Hume had been trying to change that mindset by promoting investment, jobs, visas, and economic growth.
Ultimately, it was the win-win logic – Hume’s in fact – that persuaded Clinton to move forward. The step would not have happened without Hume’s endorsement and work to gain broad political support for the move.
Hume continued to press behind the scenes for a ceasefire, which finally came in August 1994. Six weeks later, Protestant paramilitaries announced their own ceasefire. And throughout the process of forging peace, Hume played the key role behind the scene – and sometimes front and centre – in pushing for his vision of a peaceful and prosperous Northern Ireland.
President Clinton visited Ireland in 1995 and made a point of visiting Derry with Hume. The message was clear – peace would not have occurred without Hume.
His efforts continued throughout the end of the IRA ceasefire in 1996, constantly reaching out to the White House, Congress, and leaders of both the unionist and nationalist communities to press for peace. Adams and Hume met the IRA leadership. In July 1997, the IRA restored its ceasefire.
John Hume introduces US president Bill Clinton in Derry in 1995. Clinton made a point of visiting Derry with Hume. The message was clear – peace would not have occurred without Hume. File photograph: Joe St Leger
The new governments in London, led by Labour’s Tony Blair, and in Dublin, led by Fianna Fáil’s Bertie Ahern, were committed to negotiations. So was Clinton. He and his envoy, former senator George Mitchell, worked tirelessly around the clock and finally secured the Belfast Agreement in April 1998. It ended the bloody conflict that cost 3,500 lives.
The peace in Northern Ireland is now irreversible, but the society is still divided, with great economic disparities between the two communities.
The Northern Ireland Assembly was suspended and the issue of decommissioning of arms derailed progress. With a strong push from Hume and his friends in the US, the IRA agreed to disarm in September 2005.
Today, arguments continue about police reform and the continuing activities of the paramilitaries in Northern Ireland from both communities. From the start of the Troubles in the 1970s, Hume relentlessly fought, cajoled, and charmed anyone who could help promote his cause of a just Northern Ireland.
For four decades, he was the primary adviser to US presidents, senators, members of Congress, and leading Irish-Americans in the search for peace. Certainly, others deserve great credit, including Adams, unionist leader David Trimble, and successive leaders in London and Dublin.
Driving force
Bill Clinton’s efforts unquestionably hastened the day of peace. But throughout it all, Hume was the driving force for peace and its intellectual and moral leader. The Nobel Peace Prize Committee recognised Hume’s extraordinary contribution when it rewarded him and Trimble in 1998 “for their efforts to find a peaceful solution to the conflict in Northern Ireland”.
Hume is the only person to also be awarded the other two major peace awards, the Gandhi Peace Prize and the Martin Luther King Award. In 2010, Hume was voted “Ireland’s Greatest” in a public poll by RTÉ.
While his SDLP has been eclipsed by Sinn Féin in the polls, Hume’s contribution to peace will remain in the history books. For three decades, he worked across the US to put Washington on the right side of history.
Today, there is an “agreed Ireland” where the killing has stopped because of his work. Today, more than 20 years after the first IRA ceasefire in August 1994, the peace process has stemmed the violence, but the two communities still have not reconciled. They remain stuck on the injustices of the past and refuse to compromise on a range of issues. The so-called peace wall that divides the two communities in Belfast still stands.
So only part of Hume’s vision has been realised. The peace would be stronger if he were still there pushing, prodding, and making us all see the better angels in our nature. His great legacy demands the leaders of Northern Ireland fulfil that dream.
Nancy Soderberg was deputy national security adviser to Bill Clinton and his key adviser on Northern Ireland. She also served as an ambassador to the United Nations and is currently president and CEO of Soderberg Global Solutions and the director of the Public Service Leadership Program at the University of North Florida


theirishtimes--2020-08-03--Nuns hold marathon prayer relay for Covid-19 frontline

Members of an enclosed order of nuns are staging their own marathon on Monday by walking the distance of the Olympic event in tribute to Covid-19 frontline workers .
At 1pm on Monday , the 12 enclosed Redemptoristine Sisters at St Alphonus Road in Dublin ’ s Drumcondra began walking in relays around their grounds in prayer and thanksgiving for frontline workers in the healthcare and other services dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic .
“ Each sister is walking one hour and 15 minutes at the rate of 17 minutes a mile , ” prioress Sr Lucy said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” she said and hoped to have cumulatively completed 26 miles by 8pm .
She and Sr Jacinta , the latter in her motorised chair , had already completed one stint by 4pm and she planned another .
“ We said the rosary for all who had died and suffered and all those who have and are putting their lives at risk to care for people with the disease , ” she said .
“ That includes all the heroes who have been there on the button as well , the post people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those who have continued to help us in every way through this .
Dr [ Tony ] Holohan and his poor wife .
Yes , journalists too , they kept people informed , ” she said .
The walk was “ going fantastic .
There ’ s a great feeling about it among the sisters .
We ’ re getting fresh air and celebrating the glory of God , ” she said .
They had originally planned the marathon walk for the June bank holiday weekend , “ but that didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sr Lucy felt the pandemic “ has brought out the goodness of people ” , many of whom “ went out of their way to help others .
It ’ s been an amazing time , ” she said .
Marathon walks are not new to her either .
“ I completed two in New York and one in Dublin about 14 or 15 years ago before I entered [ the congregation ] .
” In each instance it took her “ about 7hours 25-30 minutes ” .

‘Each sister is walking one hour and 15 minutes at the rate of 17 miles a minute,’ says prioress Sr Lucy (pictured right, with Sr Jacinta, left). Photograph: Redemptoristine Sisters/Facebook
Members of an enclosed order of nuns are staging their own marathon on Monday by walking the distance of the Olympic event in tribute to Covid-19 frontline workers.
At 1pm on Monday, the 12 enclosed Redemptoristine Sisters at St Alphonus Road in Dublin's Drumcondra began walking in relays around their grounds in prayer and thanksgiving for frontline workers in the healthcare and other services dealing with the Covid-19 pandemic.
“Each sister is walking one hour and 15 minutes at the rate of 17 minutes a mile,” prioress Sr Lucy said.
The Redemptoristine Sisters begin their walk at lunchtime on Monday. Photograph: Redemptoristine Sisters/Facebook
“We all started together at 1pm,” she said and hoped to have cumulatively completed 26 miles by 8pm.
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She and Sr Jacinta, the latter in her motorised chair, had already completed one stint by 4pm and she planned another.
“We said the rosary for all who had died and suffered and all those who have and are putting their lives at risk to care for people with the disease,” she said.
“That includes all the heroes who have been there on the button as well, the post people, those who have fed us, those who have continued to help us in every way through this. Dr [Tony] Holohan and his poor wife. Yes, journalists too, they kept people informed,” she said.
The walk was “going fantastic. There’s a great feeling about it among the sisters. We’re getting fresh air and celebrating the glory of God,” she said.
They had originally planned the marathon walk for the June bank holiday weekend, “but that didn’t work out,” she said.
Sr Lucy felt the pandemic “has brought out the goodness of people”, many of whom “went out of their way to help others. It’s been an amazing time,” she said.
Marathon walks are not new to her either. “I completed two in New York and one in Dublin about 14 or 15 years ago before I entered [the congregation].”
In each instance it took her “about 7hours 25-30 minutes”.


theirishtimes--2020-08-03--ASTI seeks agreement on pay as State plans to hire 1,000 teachers

One of the country ’ s largest teaching unions has warned that plans to hire more than 1,000 extra teachers for secondary schools will not be achieved unless the issue of pay parity within the profession is addressed .
The Association of Secondary Teachers of Ireland has called on the Government to commit to the restoration of equal pay for individuals who had taken up teaching posts after 2010 if it was serious about recruiting and retaining 1,080 additional secondary teachers .
The hiring of extra teachers is regarded as a key feature in allowing the safe reopening of schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enabling social distancing measures and bolstering student wellbeing services .
The new ASTI president , Ann Piggott , said the State had experienced a serious shortage of second-level teachers in recent years which she attributed mainly to pay inequality and precarious teaching contracts .
A two-tier system of pay has existed in the profession since the controversial decision to impose a 10 per cent pay cut on new entrants after January 2011 which applied across all points of the incremental salary scale , although the pay gap was narrowed following an agreement in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of teachers have been subjected to pay discrimination for up to a decade , ” Ms Piggott said .
The ASTI , which represents 17,500 secondary school teachers , has called on the new Minister for Education , Norma Foley , to take all necessary steps to ensure recently qualified second-level teachers are encouraged to teach and take up positions in Irish schools for the coming school year .
“ Steps must include a commitment to implementing equal pay for equal work for post-2010 teachers .
There must also be an emphasis on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Ms Piggott said .
“ Finally , new arrangements must be implemented so that all teachers can have appropriate teaching experience abroad recognised in Ireland.
” Earlier this year , the Department of Education estimated that the cost of resolving outstanding issues of concern for teachers would cost about €398 million over the next five years .
The ASTI president said the focus of the coming school year must be on maintaining the safety and wellbeing of students and their teachers .
Ms Piggott said there was no doubt that schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ months ahead with school management facing an immense task in reconfiguring school buildings and timetables to ensure maximum protection for pupils and teaching staff .
A senior ASTI source said the union believed the Government would find it difficult to reach its target for recruiting new teachers if it did not resolve the pay issue .
The source noted that there was already a shortage of teachers in many areas including languages , home economics , mathematics and other Stem subjects .
A spokesman for the Department of Education said the matter of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which was not confined to the education sector alone .
“ The Government supports the gradual , negotiated repeal of the FEMPI [ financial emergency ] legislation having due regard to the priority to improve public services and in recognition of the essential role played by public servants , ” the spokesman said .
He said the Minister was fully aware of the outstanding issues of concern for the teacher unions which would be given “ full consideration ” .
The spokesman added the department was working with the Teaching Council on various @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff including a targeted campaign to get teachers currently registered but not actively working to take up posts in secondary schools .
The department pointed out that the starting salary of a new teacher from October 1 , 2020 will be €36,953 compared to €30,702 in 2012 .

ASTI members protesting over pay restoration outside the Department of Education in Dublin in February. File photograph: Tom Honan
One of the country’s largest teaching unions has warned that plans to hire more than 1,000 extra teachers for secondary schools will not be achieved unless the issue of pay parity within the profession is addressed.
The Association of Secondary Teachers of Ireland has called on the Government to commit to the restoration of equal pay for individuals who had taken up teaching posts after 2010 if it was serious about recruiting and retaining 1,080 additional secondary teachers.
The hiring of extra teachers is regarded as a key feature in allowing the safe reopening of schools which have been closed since March by enabling social distancing measures and bolstering student wellbeing services.
The new ASTI president, Ann Piggott, said the State had experienced a serious shortage of second-level teachers in recent years which she attributed mainly to pay inequality and precarious teaching contracts.
READ MORE
A two-tier system of pay has existed in the profession since the controversial decision to impose a 10 per cent pay cut on new entrants after January 2011 which applied across all points of the incremental salary scale, although the pay gap was narrowed following an agreement in September 2018.
“A significant number of teachers have been subjected to pay discrimination for up to a decade,” Ms Piggott said.
The ASTI, which represents 17,500 secondary school teachers, has called on the new Minister for Education, Norma Foley, to take all necessary steps to ensure recently qualified second-level teachers are encouraged to teach and take up positions in Irish schools for the coming school year.
“Steps must include a commitment to implementing equal pay for equal work for post-2010 teachers. There must also be an emphasis on offering secure teaching contracts with full-time hours,” Ms Piggott said.
“Finally, new arrangements must be implemented so that all teachers can have appropriate teaching experience abroad recognised in Ireland.”
Earlier this year, the Department of Education estimated that the cost of resolving outstanding issues of concern for teachers would cost about €398 million over the next five years.
The ASTI president said the focus of the coming school year must be on maintaining the safety and wellbeing of students and their teachers.
Ms Piggott said there was no doubt that schools and teachers faced enormous challenges in the months ahead with school management facing an immense task in reconfiguring school buildings and timetables to ensure maximum protection for pupils and teaching staff.
A senior ASTI source said the union believed the Government would find it difficult to reach its target for recruiting new teachers if it did not resolve the pay issue.
The source noted that there was already a shortage of teachers in many areas including languages, home economics, mathematics and other Stem subjects.
A spokesman for the Department of Education said the matter of new entrant pay was a cross-sectoral issue which was not confined to the education sector alone.
“The Government supports the gradual, negotiated repeal of the FEMPI [financial emergency] legislation having due regard to the priority to improve public services and in recognition of the essential role played by public servants,” the spokesman said.
He said the Minister was fully aware of the outstanding issues of concern for the teacher unions which would be given “full consideration”.
The spokesman added the department was working with the Teaching Council on various measures to enhance the supply of teaching staff including a targeted campaign to get teachers currently registered but not actively working to take up posts in secondary schools.
The department pointed out that the starting salary of a new teacher from October 1, 2020 will be €36,953 compared to €30,702 in 2012.


theirishtimes--2020-08-03--Man charged after seizure of €600,000 of drugs in Co Kildare

A man has been charged following the seizure of drugs with an estimated value of over €600,000 .
The man @ @ @ @ @ 30s , was arrested on Saturday following a search by gardaí of a residence in @ @ @ @ @ Co Kildare .
The search was carried out following an intelligence led operation undertaken by @ @ @ @ @ the sale and supply of drugs in the Kildare , Laois and Offaly divisions .
@ @ @ @ @ the man ’ s vehicle , approximately €80,000 of suspected cocaine was seized , gardaí @ @ @ @ @ follow-up searches were carried out in Kildare and Dublin on Sunday but no further items @ @ @ @ @ were made .
The man was detained at Leixlip Garda Station under Section 2 of @ @ @ @ @ Trafficking ) Act , 1996 .
He was subsequently charged and was due to appear @ @ @ @ @ .

Drugs seized by gardaí in the operation on Saturday. Photograph: Garda Press Office
A man has been charged following the seizure of drugs with an estimated value of over €600,000.
The man, aged in his early 30s, was arrested on Saturday following a search by gardaí of a residence in Louisa Park, Leixlip, Co Kildare.
The search was carried out following an intelligence led operation undertaken by the Leixlip Drugs Unit targeting the sale and supply of drugs in the Kildare, Laois and Offaly divisions.
Gardaí located and seized approximately €520,000 of suspected MDMA, pending analysis.
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During a follow-up search of the man’s vehicle, approximately €80,000 of suspected cocaine was seized, gardaí said.
A number of follow-up searches were carried out in Kildare and Dublin on Sunday but no further items were seized and no arrests were made.
The man was detained at Leixlip Garda Station under Section 2 of the Criminal Justice (Drug Trafficking) Act, 1996. He was subsequently charged and was due to appear in court on Monday afternoon.


theirishtimes--2020-08-03--Public invited to name white-tailed eagle chick in Co Cork

The public has been invited to name a white-tailed eagle chick , who is preparing to leave the nest for good .
The chick ’ s mother was one of 100 chicks brought from Norway to Ireland between 2007 and 2011 as part of a white-tailed eagle reintroduction project .
She is the first female eagle to fledge in Co Cork in over 100 years .
The 15-week-old chick is “ gradually finding her wings ” and she recently made her longest flight yet , a distance of around 2km .
The chick , who weighed 6.8kg when she was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ female eagle after her dad disappeared when she was just over two weeks old , according to the Glengarriff Woods Nature Reserve , where she lives .
“ The chick would not have survived without the help of National Parks and Wildlife Service ( NPWS ) who provided supplementary food with the assistance of local fishermen , ferrymen and Fota Wildlife Park , ” the reserve said .
Over the next few weeks she will learn to become independent and will leave her nest and , possibly the Glengarriff area , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her first .
The chick is satellite tagged so it will be possible to follow her travels closely over the coming weeks and months , even after she leaves the nest .
Those seeking naming inspiration can observe the chick on the Eagle Cam via the Glengariff Woods Nature Reserve Facebook page .
However , the NPWS have warned the public that Eagle McEagleface is “ not a name and will not be considered ” .
To enter the naming competition , just suggest a name in the comments on the Facebook page @ @ @ @ @ @ @ winner on August 14th .

The public has been invited to name a white-tailed eagle chick, who is preparing to leave the nest for good.
The chick's mother was one of 100 chicks brought from Norway to Ireland between 2007 and 2011 as part of a white-tailed eagle reintroduction project. She is the first female eagle to fledge in Co Cork in over 100 years.
The 15-week-old chick is “gradually finding her wings” and she recently made her longest flight yet, a distance of around 2km.
The chick, who weighed 6.8kg when she was tagged, was raised by a single female eagle after her dad disappeared when she was just over two weeks old, according to the Glengarriff Woods Nature Reserve, where she lives.
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"The chick would not have survived without the help of National Parks and Wildlife Service (NPWS) who provided supplementary food with the assistance of local fishermen, ferrymen and Fota Wildlife Park, " the reserve said.
Over the next few weeks she will learn to become independent and will leave her nest and, possibly the Glengarriff area, but the NPWS is inviting the public to name her first.
The chick is satellite tagged so it will be possible to follow her travels closely over the coming weeks and months, even after she leaves the nest.
Those seeking naming inspiration can observe the chick on the Eagle Cam via the Glengariff Woods Nature Reserve Facebook page.
However, the NPWS have warned the public that Eagle McEagleface is “not a name and will not be considered”.
To enter the naming competition, just suggest a name in the comments on the Facebook page and the staff there will pick a winner on August 14th.


theirishtimes--2020-08-03--Man ‘could have killed himself’ if garda did not stop him blowing up ATM

A young man could have killed himself and those living near a filling station in Co Cork when he tried to blow up an ATM at the station in the early hours of Sunday morning , it was alleged in court on Monday .
Evan Stubbins ( 23 ) from Church Road , Croom , Co Limerick , was charged with causing criminal damage to an AIB ATM and with attempting to steal its contents at the Maxol Garage , Carr ’ s Hill , Carrigaline , Co Cork , on August 2nd .
Garda Jeremy O ’ Leary of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , charge and caution at a special sitting of Cork District Court and told Judge Olann Kelleher that Mr Stubbins made no reply to either charge when they were put to him after caution .
Garda O ’ Leary said gardaí were objecting to bail for Mr Stubbins on the grounds that they feared he would not stand trial and would abscond and that he would secondly commit further offences if he was granted bail .
He said the evidence supporting the charges against Mr Stubbins was strong and he alleged he and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on patrol and they noticed suspicious activity at the ATM on the main Cork to Carrigaline Road at 2.05am on Sunday .
He said the State would allege that Mr Stubbins was dressed all in black and was trying to jemmy open the ATM covering with a screwdriver when they interrupted him and that he tried to get into a car fitted with false number plates to flee but that they apprehended him after a struggle .
Garda O ’ Leary said the State would allege they found a number of other items @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plates , a consaw , a large crowbar and a blow torch attached to two cylinders of gas and air which Mr Stubbins had planned to use to blow out the ATM from the wall .
“ The garage was closed but the tanks there contain 30,000 litres of petrol and diesel and there is a house nearby and according to experts , if he had succeeded in doing what he planned , which would have involved mixing the gas and the air , he would have caused a huge explosion .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both property and life , including his own – he could potentially have killed himself if he had followed through on what he was planning to do , ” said Garda O ’ Leary , adding that this all added to his concerns about Mr Stubbins getting bail .
Cross-examined by Mr Stubbins ’ s solicitor , Donal Daly , Garda O ’ Leary said he was particularly concerned Mr Stubbins might attempt similar thefts if granted bail as he appeared to have “ a fascination with explosions ” and he believed he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the community .
Mr Stubbins took the stand and pledged that he would abide by whatever conditions gardaí required in order for him to obtain bail including residing at his home address with his parents and observing a curfew .
He promised not to commit any offences if granted bail .
“ I understand – if I tried to replicate something like last night , the gardaí would be at my door within a hour because it ’ s a serious offence , very serious , it ’ s not something that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 100 per cent , am I going to commit another crime if I get bail , ” he told the court .
Cross-examined by Insp Noel Madden , Mr Stubbins said he got quite “ scared ” as a result of his actions and he assured the court he would not commit any further offences if granted bail .
“ I know it may be hard for you to believe this but 100 per cent , I won ’ t commit any further offences.
” However , the judge said they were very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about Mr Stubbins offending further .
He remanded him in custody to appear in court again on August 10th by video link and he also granted him free legal aid after hearing he was not working .

Evan Stubbins (23) from Church Road, Croom, Co Limerick, was charged with causing criminal damage to an AIB ATM and with attempting to steal its contents at the Maxol Garage, Carr’s Hill, Carrigaline, Co Cork. File photograph: Collins Courts
A young man could have killed himself and those living near a filling station in Co Cork when he tried to blow up an ATM at the station in the early hours of Sunday morning, it was alleged in court on Monday.
Evan Stubbins (23) from Church Road, Croom, Co Limerick, was charged with causing criminal damage to an AIB ATM and with attempting to steal its contents at the Maxol Garage, Carr's Hill, Carrigaline, Co Cork, on August 2nd.
Garda Jeremy O'Leary of Togher Garda station gave evidence of arrest, charge and caution at a special sitting of Cork District Court and told Judge Olann Kelleher that Mr Stubbins made no reply to either charge when they were put to him after caution.
Garda O’Leary said gardaí were objecting to bail for Mr Stubbins on the grounds that they feared he would not stand trial and would abscond and that he would secondly commit further offences if he was granted bail.
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He said the evidence supporting the charges against Mr Stubbins was strong and he alleged he and another officer caught Mr Stubbins red-handed when on patrol and they noticed suspicious activity at the ATM on the main Cork to Carrigaline Road at 2.05am on Sunday.
He said the State would allege that Mr Stubbins was dressed all in black and was trying to jemmy open the ATM covering with a screwdriver when they interrupted him and that he tried to get into a car fitted with false number plates to flee but that they apprehended him after a struggle.
Garda O’Leary said the State would allege they found a number of other items in the car including several false number plates, a consaw, a large crowbar and a blow torch attached to two cylinders of gas and air which Mr Stubbins had planned to use to blow out the ATM from the wall.
“The garage was closed but the tanks there contain 30,000 litres of petrol and diesel and there is a house nearby and according to experts, if he had succeeded in doing what he planned, which would have involved mixing the gas and the air, he would have caused a huge explosion.
“It would have had catastrophic consequences for both property and life, including his own – he could potentially have killed himself if he had followed through on what he was planning to do,” said Garda O’Leary, adding that this all added to his concerns about Mr Stubbins getting bail.
‘A fascination with explosions’
Cross-examined by Mr Stubbins's solicitor, Donal Daly, Garda O'Leary said he was particularly concerned Mr Stubbins might attempt similar thefts if granted bail as he appeared to have "a fascination with explosions" and he believed he was a risk to both himself and to the community.
Mr Stubbins took the stand and pledged that he would abide by whatever conditions gardaí required in order for him to obtain bail including residing at his home address with his parents and observing a curfew. He promised not to commit any offences if granted bail.
“I understand – if I tried to replicate something like last night, the gardaí would be at my door within a hour because it’s a serious offence, very serious, it’s not something that happens too often – no way, 100 per cent, am I going to commit another crime if I get bail,” he told the court.
Cross-examined by Insp Noel Madden, Mr Stubbins said he got quite "scared" as a result of his actions and he assured the court he would not commit any further offences if granted bail. "I know it may be hard for you to believe this but 100 per cent, I won't commit any further offences."
However, the judge said they were very serious offences and he accepted garda concerns about Mr Stubbins offending further. He remanded him in custody to appear in court again on August 10th by video link and he also granted him free legal aid after hearing he was not working.