theirishtimes--2020-09-04--80 years ago: how Éamon de Valera had his old comrades executed

Eighty years ago this week , a barely remembered event in the history of law and order within the Irish state occurred , yet the significance of it can not be underestimated .
On September 5th 1940 , a notice appeared in The Irish Times : ‘ Following the rejection of the Supreme Court of the appeal on behalf of Patrick McGrath and Thomas Hart ( sic ) … the Government has fixed Friday , September 6th for the carrying out of sentences of death imposed by the Military Court… ’ Due to wartime censorship , this statement omitted the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Irish Republican Army ( IRA ) .
McGrath and Harte became the first two members of the IRA executed since the Civil War of 1922-23 , and the first under the Fianna Fáil government headed by Taoiseach Éamon de Valera .
Of note , McGrath , like de Valera , was a veteran of the Easter Rising .
At this time , de Valera ’ s government was determined to uphold the state ’ s neutrality against the backdrop of an escalating military conflict in Europe .
The executions also represented a critical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relationship with the IRA .
During the Civil War , the Cumann na nGaedheal government led by WT Cosgrave had seen over eighty republicans executed who had taken up arms against the new Irish Free State .
These executions caused lasting bitterness among republicans , many of whom joined Fianna Fáil , but de Valera ’ s government ’ s decision to execute Harte and McGrath demonstrated that he was prepared to do what he had decried done to republicans previously .
In 1926 , de Valera and his key allies had parted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Irish republican movement and founded the Fianna Fáil party .
Recognising the institutions of the Irish Free State , de Valera and his elected TDs took their seats in Leinster House the following year .
On coming to power in 1932 , de Valera failed to persuade the IRA leadership to disband and support his government ’ s peaceful , constitutional dismantling of the Free State ’ s links with Britain .
Part of de Valera ’ s outreach included lifting a ban on the organisation which was re-imposed in 1936 following @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imprisoned under coercive legislation .
Yet by 1940 , in terms of membership and resources , the IRA was very much a pale shade of the revolutionary paramilitary force that had shaped the events of 1919-23 .
The IRA ’ s chief aim remained the overthrow of British rule in Ireland by military force in both jurisdictions on the island , the 26-county Irish Free State - being a member of the British Commonwealth - and the six-county state of Northern Ireland .
The IRA , in this period , was mainly associated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russell .
Russell ’ s statue in St Anne ’ s Park in Fairview remains one of the most contentious public monuments in Ireland .
In 1938 , Russell had been elected to the position of IRA Chief-of-Staff .
A noted leader in the republican ranks since 1914 , the ambitious Russell was still a divisive figure for some in the IRA .
Ironically , so strong was this internal opposition , the previous year Russell had been dismissed from the IRA ’ s ranks for defying its Army Council by cultivating a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was these supporters that now propelled Russell back to a leadership role , and assisted him in gathering resources for a proposed bombing campaign within the cities of the old enemy , Britain itself .
Russell had managed to coax back several veterans of the earlier 1916-23 period .
One of these was McGrath , who became his adjutant-general and the IRA ’ s director of training .
Before being attracted back to the movement , McGrath had run a drapery business from his home on Aungier Street .
He probably never envisaged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Civil War , given that he applied for and received a state military pension in the 1920s ; anathema to most IRA who refused to recognise the Irish Free State .
His pension application states in February 1920 , following an encounter with police detectives near College Green , McGrath , a member of the IRA ’ s Dublin Brigade , suffered a gunshot wound to the left shoulder .
So serious was this wound it had resulted in little to no power in his left arm and hand .
The IRA , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the de Valera government , now declared war on Britain in 1939 .
Yet , the ambitious bombing campaign in England was to prove a disaster , seeing the death of seven civilians , including five in Coventry just under a week before the outbreak of the Second World War .
Between from January 1939 to March 1940 , over a hundred republican activists had been sentenced to various terms of penal servitude , and two IRA volunteers executed by the British authorities .
An IRA raid on the weapons store in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Christmas Day , 1939 , represented one major success in the period , however it resulted in the later seizure of much of the haul .
By mid-1940 , the shortcomings of this campaign were evident to many involved , some leading IRA figures directly pleading with Russell to bring it to a halt .
The ever-optimistic Russell , meanwhile , departed for Berlin following a fundraising tour of the United States .
There , Russell met with leading figures in the Nazi military and intelligence , the culmination of contacts the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years .
By all accounts , including from British intelligence , Russell himself held little to no interest in Nazi idealogy .
The appeal of seeking German aid from Britain ’ s enemy was rooted in the old Irish republican maxim , ‘ England ’ s difficulty is Ireland ’ s opportunity.
’ Yet this association with Hitler ’ s regime was to become the most controversial aspect of Russell ’ s legacy .
Little came of this venture however , though certain historical details remain murky .
Russell , travelling aboard a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1940 , suddenly took ill due to a burst stomach ulcer , dying shortly after .
Russell ’ s remains , in a pathetic scene , were wrapped in a Nazi flag and buried at sea one hundred miles off the Galway coast .
The introduction by de Valera ’ s government of the Emergency Powers Act in 1939 , which included the death penalty for subversion , was every bit as draconian as legislation introduced by Cosgrave ’ s cabinet during the Civil War .
By 1940 , de Valera ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to die on hunger strikes .
The fates of Paddy McGrath and Tom Harte became intertwined with events at McGrath ’ s base of operations at a residence on 98a Rathgar Road in south Dublin on the night of August 16th , 1940 .
Born in Lurgan , Co Armagh , in May 1916 , the twenty-four year-old Tom Harte had been sent by Russell to take part in the bombing campaign in England .
Arrested by police there in 1939 , Harte was deported back to Dublin .
On his return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for IRA General Headquarters .
It was in this capacity he was present with McGrath and others that night .
The raid by Garda Special Branch saw the deaths of detectives Patrick McKeown and Richard Hyland by gunfire .
The exact sequences of events remain contested ( including the suggestions McKeown and Hyland were killed by ‘ friendly fire ’ on their side ) .
Republican lore also indicates that McGrath returned to aid the wounded Harte who had been left behind by the group who initially fled the residence .
In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Before a Special Military Court , both were subsequently found guilty for the deaths of the two Gardaí and sentenced to death by firing squad .
The Lord Mayor of Dublin , Kathleen Clarke directly appealed to the Minister of Justice , Gerald Boland - himself a former IRA member - for a reprieve of both men .
Clarke herself was not only a founding member of Fianna Fáil , but was a widow of the executed leader of the 1916 Rising leader , Thomas Clarke .
This , along with her own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elevated the plight of both men as petitions were organised .
The formidable Clarke was representative of a strand of opinion within Fianna Fáil who were deeply uncomfortable with the pending executions .
Following an unsuccessful appeal to the Supreme Court , the men were executed in Mountjoy on September 6th a little over two weeks since the deaths of the two Gardaí .
In her memoir , Clarke wrote : “ It seemed to me that in executing men like McGrath , the government was carrying out the old British policy of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another all the best of our people.
” Clarke ordered the national flag at half mast at Dublin City Hall , and closed the blinds of the Mansion House out of respect for the men , both actions drawing the ire of the government .
The executions were to encourage Clarke to eventually depart from Fianna Fáil .
By the end of the Second World War , the IRA itself was decimated and demoralised following continued repression by the state security forces , mass internment and four more executions of IRA members .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ military campaigns by the IRA or its heirs encouraged direct engagement with the security forces of this state .
Both the lack of mass public support for republicans , along with little obvious results of the IRA-German outreach , was to be an important victory for de Valera and his government colleagues .
On leaving office in 1948 , his party had cemented its credentials as one dedicated to upholding law and order , no more to be bedeviled by associations with former republican comrades from the Civil War .
Today , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Valera ’ s treatment of the IRA in this period remains bitterly resented .
The names of Harte and McGrath are listed on plaques at the base of Russell ’ s statue .
It remains the only memorial to the IRA during this turbulent period in its history .
The executions eighty years ago this week were arguably an important moment for de Valera in government , continuing a process that began at Fianna Fáil ’ s founding in 1926 .
De Valera for so long was viewed as the greatest opponent to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
By demonstrating that not even former comrades were spared the rule of law during a national emergency , de Valera could validly claim he had become the same State ’ s greatest defender .
Gerard Shannon is a historian who resides in Skerries , Co. Dublin .
He is currently developing a biography of the IRA Chief-of-Staff , General Liam Lynch , to see publication by Merrion Press in late 2021 .

Eighty years ago this week, a barely remembered event in the history of law and order within the Irish state occurred, yet the significance of it cannot be underestimated.
On September 5th 1940, a notice appeared in The Irish Times: 'Following the rejection of the Supreme Court of the appeal on behalf of Patrick McGrath and Thomas Hart (sic)… the Government has fixed Friday, September 6th for the carrying out of sentences of death imposed by the Military Court… '
Due to wartime censorship, this statement omitted the fact both men were members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA).
McGrath and Harte became the first two members of the IRA executed since the Civil War of 1922-23, and the first under the Fianna Fáil government headed by Taoiseach Éamon de Valera. Of note, McGrath, like de Valera, was a veteran of the Easter Rising.
READ MORE
At this time, de Valera's government was determined to uphold the state's neutrality against the backdrop of an escalating military conflict in Europe. The executions also represented a critical break in Fianna Fáil's turbulent relationship with the IRA.
During the Civil War, the Cumann na nGaedheal government led by WT Cosgrave had seen over eighty republicans executed who had taken up arms against the new Irish Free State. These executions caused lasting bitterness among republicans, many of whom joined Fianna Fáil, but de Valera's government's decision to execute Harte and McGrath demonstrated that he was prepared to do what he had decried done to republicans previously.
In 1926, de Valera and his key allies had parted ways with the more militant faction of the Irish republican movement and founded the Fianna Fáil party. Recognising the institutions of the Irish Free State, de Valera and his elected TDs took their seats in Leinster House the following year.
On coming to power in 1932, de Valera failed to persuade the IRA leadership to disband and support his government’s peaceful, constitutional dismantling of the Free State’s links with Britain.
Part of de Valera’s outreach included lifting a ban on the organisation which was re-imposed in 1936 following continued IRA activities, and its members imprisoned under coercive legislation.
Yet by 1940, in terms of membership and resources, the IRA was very much a pale shade of the revolutionary paramilitary force that had shaped the events of 1919-23. The IRA's chief aim remained the overthrow of British rule in Ireland by military force in both jurisdictions on the island, the 26-county Irish Free State - being a member of the British Commonwealth - and the six-county state of Northern Ireland.
The IRA, in this period, was mainly associated with the devoutly militant and charismatic Sean Russell. Russell's statue in Fairview Park, Dublin, remains one of the most contentious public monuments in Ireland.
In 1938, Russell had been elected to the position of IRA Chief-of-Staff. A noted leader in the republican ranks since 1914, the ambitious Russell was still a divisive figure for some in the IRA.
Ironically, so strong was this internal opposition, the previous year Russell had been dismissed from the IRA’s ranks for defying its Army Council by cultivating a support base within the organisation. It was these supporters that now propelled Russell back to a leadership role, and assisted him in gathering resources for a proposed bombing campaign within the cities of the old enemy, Britain itself.
Russell had managed to coax back several veterans of the earlier 1916-23 period. One of these was McGrath, who became his adjutant-general and the IRA’s director of training.
Before being attracted back to the movement, McGrath had run a drapery business from his home on Aungier Street. He probably never envisaged a return to the IRA after the Civil War, given that he applied for and received a state military pension in the 1920s; anathema to most IRA who refused to recognise the Irish Free State.
His pension application states in February 1920, following an encounter with police detectives near College Green, McGrath, a member of the IRA’s Dublin Brigade, suffered a gunshot wound to the left shoulder. So serious was this wound it had resulted in little to no power in his left arm and hand.
The IRA, led by Russell, and in defiance of the de Valera government, now declared war on Britain in 1939.
Yet, the ambitious bombing campaign in England was to prove a disaster, seeing the death of seven civilians, including five in Coventry just under a week before the outbreak of the Second World War. Between from January 1939 to March 1940, over a hundred republican activists had been sentenced to various terms of penal servitude, and two IRA volunteers executed by the British authorities.
An IRA raid on the weapons store in the Magazine Fort in the Phoenix Park on Christmas Day, 1939, represented one major success in the period, however it resulted in the later seizure of much of the haul.
By mid-1940, the shortcomings of this campaign were evident to many involved, some leading IRA figures directly pleading with Russell to bring it to a halt. The ever-optimistic Russell, meanwhile, departed for Berlin following a fundraising tour of the United States. There, Russell met with leading figures in the Nazi military and intelligence, the culmination of contacts the IRA Army Council had cultivated in recent years.
By all accounts, including from British intelligence, Russell himself held little to no interest in Nazi idealogy. The appeal of seeking German aid from Britain’s enemy was rooted in the old Irish republican maxim, ‘England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity.’ Yet this association with Hitler’s regime was to become the most controversial aspect of Russell’s legacy.
Little came of this venture however, though certain historical details remain murky. Russell, travelling aboard a Nazi U-Boat back to Ireland in August 1940, suddenly took ill due to a burst stomach ulcer, dying shortly after. Russell’s remains, in a pathetic scene, were wrapped in a Nazi flag and buried at sea one hundred miles off the Galway coast.
The introduction by de Valera’s government of the Emergency Powers Act in 1939, which included the death penalty for subversion, was every bit as draconian as legislation introduced by Cosgrave’s cabinet during the Civil War. By 1940, de Valera’s government had already allowed two republican prisoners to die on hunger strikes.
The fates of Paddy McGrath and Tom Harte became intertwined with events at McGrath's base of operations at a residence on 98a Rathgar Road in south Dublin on the night of August 16th, 1940.
Born in Lurgan, Co Armagh, in May 1916, the twenty-four year-old Tom Harte had been sent by Russell to take part in the bombing campaign in England. Arrested by police there in 1939, Harte was deported back to Dublin. On his return to Ireland, he worked as an organiser for IRA General Headquarters. It was in this capacity he was present with McGrath and others that night.
The raid by Garda Special Branch saw the deaths of detectives Patrick McKeown and Richard Hyland by gunfire. The exact sequences of events remain contested (including the suggestions McKeown and Hyland were killed by 'friendly fire' on their side).
Republican lore also indicates that McGrath returned to aid the wounded Harte who had been left behind by the group who initially fled the residence. In the aftermath, both men were arrested.
Before a Special Military Court, both were subsequently found guilty for the deaths of the two Gardaí and sentenced to death by firing squad.
The Lord Mayor of Dublin, Kathleen Clarke directly appealed to the Minister of Justice, Gerald Boland - himself a former IRA member - for a reprieve of both men. Clarke herself was not only a founding member of Fianna Fáil, but was a widow of the executed leader of the 1916 Rising leader, Thomas Clarke.
This, along with her own considerable service to the revolutionary cause, elevated the plight of both men as petitions were organised. The formidable Clarke was representative of a strand of opinion within Fianna Fáil who were deeply uncomfortable with the pending executions.
Following an unsuccessful appeal to the Supreme Court, the men were executed in Mountjoy on September 6th a little over two weeks since the deaths of the two Gardaí. In her memoir, Clarke wrote: “It seemed to me that in executing men like McGrath, the government was carrying out the old British policy of killing or exterminating in one way or another all the best of our people.”
Clarke ordered the national flag at half mast at Dublin City Hall, and closed the blinds of the Mansion House out of respect for the men, both actions drawing the ire of the government. The executions were to encourage Clarke to eventually depart from Fianna Fáil.
By the end of the Second World War, the IRA itself was decimated and demoralised following continued repression by the state security forces, mass internment and four more executions of IRA members. It is telling that no future republican military campaigns by the IRA or its heirs encouraged direct engagement with the security forces of this state.
Both the lack of mass public support for republicans, along with little obvious results of the IRA-German outreach, was to be an important victory for de Valera and his government colleagues. On leaving office in 1948, his party had cemented its credentials as one dedicated to upholding law and order, no more to be bedeviled by associations with former republican comrades from the Civil War.
Today, in the most devoted republican circles, de Valera’s treatment of the IRA in this period remains bitterly resented. The names of Harte and McGrath are listed on plaques at the base of Russell’s statue. It remains the only memorial to the IRA during this turbulent period in its history.
The executions eighty years ago this week were arguably an important moment for de Valera in government, continuing a process that began at Fianna Fáil’s founding in 1926. De Valera for so long was viewed as the greatest opponent to the infant Irish state on its founding.
By demonstrating that not even former comrades were spared the rule of law during a national emergency, de Valera could validly claim he had become the same State’s greatest defender.
Gerard Shannon is a historian who resides in Skerries, Co. Dublin. He is currently developing a biography of the IRA Chief-of-Staff, General Liam Lynch, to see publication by Merrion Press in late 2021.


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Food charity says it gave out 2.3 million meals between March and June

Demand for food banks doubled during the worst of the lockdown , according to a charity .
FoodCloud said between March and June this year , 968 tonnes of food , equating to 2.3 million meals , were distributed through retail partners and FoodCloud ’ s three hubs .
FoodCloud redistributes surplus food from supermarket chains to charities who work with those at risk from poverty .
On Friday four of Ireland ’ s largest retailers , Tesco , Aldi , Lidl and Eurospar are unveiling a new food initiative by FoodCloud called “ Food For Ireland ” .
Research @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s charity partners identified a 70 per cent increase in demand for food as a result of Covid-19 .
The research found that there are three groups within society most affected by the gap in supply of food ; those over 65 years of age ( 49 per cent ) , single parents ( 36 per cent ) and people with mental health concerns ( 30 per cent ) .
The research also established the cause of this surge in demand for food with the majority ( 77 per cent ) citing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the financial pressure as a result of loss of income , 33 per cent referenced the closure of schools and access to meals and snacks for kids , and 37 per cent said it was a result of self-isolation with many of whom could afford food , but could not access it due to the on-going restrictions .
FoodCloud chief executive Iseult Ward said : “ No-one should go hungry during the Covid-19 pandemic ; however , the reality is there are hundreds and thousands of vulnerable families and people in communities across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to food .
“ Whilst tackling the environmental issue of food waste remains critical to our core climate objectives , we are now calling again on people of Ireland to work collectively for the greater good of society .
We are in uncharted territory and although we may not be able to do all that is necessary , we must try and do all that is possible .
“ This initiative shows how business can be at the forefront of leading social change providing a lifeline to those who need food the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For Ireland initiative , participating retailers will host a national food appeal in over 400 stores across Ireland from September 17th - 20th in an attempt to meet the target of 280,000 meals which is the immediate need .
Across the four days , shoppers can donate much needed non-perishable food which will then be redistributed directly to charities across Ireland who have highlighted a shortage .
The food items that are needed most include : breakfast cereals , cooking sauces , hot drinks , rice and pasta , tinned soups and beans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the food items have been collected from retailers nationwide , FoodCloud will work with over 320 volunteers over a four-week period to redistribute the goods to over 250 charities across Ireland who have highlighted a deficit in food supply .
More information on the Food For Ireland initiative is available here : www.foodcloud.ie .

There has been a 70 per cent increase in demand for food as a result of Covid-19. Photograph: iStock
Demand for food banks doubled during the worst of the lockdown, according to a charity.
FoodCloud said between March and June this year, 968 tonnes of food, equating to 2.3 million meals, were distributed through retail partners and FoodCloud’s three hubs.
FoodCloud redistributes surplus food from supermarket chains to charities who work with those at risk from poverty.
On Friday four of Ireland's largest retailers, Tesco, Aldi, Lidl and Eurospar are unveiling a new food initiative by FoodCloud called "Food For Ireland".
READ MORE
Research carried out among 121 of FoodCloud’s charity partners identified a 70 per cent increase in demand for food as a result of Covid-19.
The research found that there are three groups within society most affected by the gap in supply of food; those over 65 years of age (49 per cent), single parents (36 per cent ) and people with mental health concerns (30 per cent).
The research also established the cause of this surge in demand for food with the majority (77 per cent ) citing the impact of Covid-19 on household income and the financial pressure as a result of loss of income, 33 per cent referenced the closure of schools and access to meals and snacks for kids, and 37 per cent said it was a result of self-isolation with many of whom could afford food, but could not access it due to the on-going restrictions.
FoodCloud chief executive Iseult Ward said: "No-one should go hungry during the Covid-19 pandemic; however, the reality is there are hundreds and thousands of vulnerable families and people in communities across our island who cannot get access to food.
"Whilst tackling the environmental issue of food waste remains critical to our core climate objectives, we are now calling again on people of Ireland to work collectively for the greater good of society. We are in uncharted territory and although we may not be able to do all that is necessary, we must try and do all that is possible.
“This initiative shows how business can be at the forefront of leading social change providing a lifeline to those who need food the most”.
As part of the Food For Ireland initiative, participating retailers will host a national food appeal in over 400 stores across Ireland from September 17th - 20th in an attempt to meet the target of 280,000 meals which is the immediate need. Across the four days, shoppers can donate much needed non-perishable food which will then be redistributed directly to charities across Ireland who have highlighted a shortage.
The food items that are needed most include: breakfast cereals, cooking sauces, hot drinks, rice and pasta, tinned soups and beans and tinned fruits including tomatoes.
Once the food items have been collected from retailers nationwide, FoodCloud will work with over 320 volunteers over a four-week period to redistribute the goods to over 250 charities across Ireland who have highlighted a deficit in food supply.
More information on the Food For Ireland initiative is available here: www.foodcloud.ie.


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Covid-19: Doctors call for ‘utterly meaningless’ daily figures to be dropped

A number of doctors have called for an end to the daily Covid-19 figures , describing them as a “ self-perpetuating cycle of misery ” .
Dr Maitiu O Tuathail , former president of the National Association of General Practitioners ( NAGP ) , said the daily announcement is “ causing huge anxiety ” and is “ utterly meaningless ” .
He recommended the daily briefing be changed to a comprehensive weekly briefing .
Daily figures are unnecessary because they oscillate up and down , he said , adding the weekly trend is what is important .
Reported cases of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days with 51 on Sunday followed by 214 cases on Monday and 89 on Tuesday .
Dr O Tuathail said Covid-19 is likely to be around for two to four years and that releasing daily figures is leading to people becoming “ obsessed ” with the figures to the detriment of the rest of their lives .
“ I have seen as a GP that there is so much information being thrown at people that they don ’ t know where to go , ” he said .
“ We are running the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much that they just don ’ t care anymore .
We are going to have to live with this so we have to stop letting it take over our lives in its entirety , ” he said .
“ Moving from a daily to a weekly announcement would help with people ’ s anxiety .
People know that Covid is around .
They know that cases are climbing .
My phone lights up every single day at 6pm .
That causes anxiety.
” Dr O ’ Tuathail tweeted his support for Ciara Kelly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Breakfast Show , when she said it was time for a fresh look at how Covid-19 figures are presented .
Dr Kelly , who is a medical doctor and has had Covid-19 , said the virus has to be viewed in the context there was just four deaths from it in August .
More people had died from suicide , in traffic crashes and from various diseases that had gone unreported , she said .
“ We are getting this wrong .
We are frightening people , and the narrative around Covid-19 needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look at how we are reporting Covid .
There isn ’ t a justification for it [ the current reporting ] .
” Dr Gabrielle Colleran , the vice-president of the Irish Hospital Consultants Association ( IHCA ) , also called for the daily Covid-19 announcement to be dropped .
Speaking in a personal capacity , she said the daily numbers are “ anxiety-provoking for people ” , especially when some days have a lot more numbers than other days .
“ People get this brush of fear .
What matters is looking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is this Monday compared to the Monday before ?
“ I think it would be much better for us to be getting the data on a weekly basis , and it might just bring some of the anxiety about it down , ” Dr Colleran said .
“ Personally I think not getting daily numbers would be a good thing .
NPHET [ the National Public Health Emergency Team ] will be making their recommendations about what we should do based on the overall trends and not on one single day.
” She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the focus should be on keeping community transmission down .

A number of doctors have called for an end to the daily Covid-19 figures, describing them as a “self-perpetuating cycle of misery”.
Dr Maitiu O Tuathail, former president of the National Association of General Practitioners (NAGP), said the daily announcement is "causing huge anxiety" and is "utterly meaningless".
Dr O Tuathail added no European country makes daily announcements anymore about Covid-19 numbers.
He recommended the daily briefing be changed to a comprehensive weekly one.
READ MORE
His comments were backed by Labour leader Alan Kelly who said the daily numbers are "irrelevant"
“We need to move to a system whereby we have a comprehensive weekly briefing identifying the weekly trend in the virus which is far more important,” Mr Kelly added.
“People are being bombarded with a lot of information at the moment and this is one way of ensuring that they do not become overwhelmed and stop listening to public health advice.”
However, Tanaiste Leo Varadkar said the National Protection Surveillance Centre (NPSC) should continue to publish case numbers every day in the interests of transparency.
However, he urged the public not to “obsess about the number of cases every day”.
Mr Varadkar said the majority of people who are testing positive for Covid-19 now are asymptomatic. Their infections would not have been picked up in February or March when only those with symptoms were being tested.
“We do need to explain to people what case numbers mean. All the case numbers means that if a person has tested positive for the Sars-Covid-2 virus. We need to look at the wider picture such as the number of people in hospitals, ICUs and the number of death,” he added.
“What we are seeing is that the second wave of cases is very different in that it is resulting in an increase in hospitalisations, but nothing on the scale of what we saw back in the spring.
"Even in countries like France and Spain where they are seeing record numbers of cases every day, higher even than in the spring, it is resulting in an increase in hospitalisations and deaths but a fraction of what it was.
“That gives me some confidence that we used the period during lockdown well to get PPP for staff and to shield vulnerable groups like nursing homes for example and to educate the public.”
Dr O Tuathail said Covid-19 is likely to be around for two to four years so this issue will be dealt with for the long term.
The release of daily figures is leading to people becoming “obsessed” with the figures to the detriment of the rest of their lives.
“We are running the risk that we will overwhelm people so much that they just don’t care anymore. We are going to have to live with this so we have to stop letting it take over our lives in its entirety,” he said.
“Moving from a daily to a weekly announcement would help with people’s anxiety. People know that Covid is around. They know that cases are climbing. My phone lights up every single day at 6pm. That causes anxiety.”
Dr O'Tuathail tweeted his support for Ciara Kelly, the presenter of Newstalk's Breakfast Show, when she said it was time for a fresh look at how Covid-19 figures are presented.
Dr Kelly, who is a medical doctor and has had Covid-19, said the virus has to be viewed in the context there was just four deaths from it in August. More people had died from suicide, in traffic crashes and from various diseases that had gone unreported, she said.
“We are getting this wrong. We are frightening people, and the narrative around Covid-19 needs to move on. We need to look at how we are reporting Covid. There isn’t a justification for it [the current reporting].”
Dr Gabrielle Colleran, the vice-president of the Irish Hospital Consultants Association (IHCA), also called for the daily Covid-19 announcement to be dropped.
Speaking in a personal capacity, she said the daily numbers are “anxiety-provoking for people”, especially when some days have a lot more numbers than other days.
“People get this brush of fear. What matters is looking at the matter over time. How is this Monday compared to the Monday before?
“I think it would be much better for us to be getting the data on a weekly basis, and it might just bring some of the anxiety about it down,” Dr Colleran said.
“Personally I think not getting daily numbers would be a good thing. NPHET [the National Public Health Emergency Team] will be making their recommendations about what we should do based on the overall trends and not on one single day.”
She said daily figures are a distraction and the focus should be on keeping community transmission down.


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--New pub rule ‘more hassle’ but will prove a person ate, says Minister

Minister of State at the Department of Business Enterprise and Innovation Damien English has said that the new law requiring restaurants and pubs serving food to record all food orders for 28 days was not about what a person ate , it was proof that they did eat .
Mr English told RTÉ television ’ s Prime Time that the measure was to enable public health teams as well as the gardaí to monitor compliance with Covid regulations .
He acknowledged that the new rules would mean “ more hassle ” and “ more paperwork.
” The new rules , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will compel restaurants and pubs serving food to make a record of all meals ordered .
They must be able to make the records available to a member of An Garda Síochána for up to 28 days after the meal .
“ The public health advice is that if we open the pubs serving food under certain regulations and guidance - it ’ s not what they ate , it ’ s proof that they did eat , ” Mr English said .
“ There ’ s two reasons here , one the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people entered , who they are and a contact number .
In addition to that now you have to also keep proof of purchase of food and that ’ s for two reasons because the regulations say there has to be purchase of food .
“ This is to enable the health authorities , public health teams as well as the gardaí to monitor compliance with the regulations .
The regulations are there to protect all of us , but also to reopen business .
“ I accept it ’ s more hassle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s difficult as it is , but it if helps us reopen the pubs that ’ s what we have to do.
” The new regulation was there to protect people , said the Minister , to help reopen businesses and to “ ensure a level playing field.
” Most businesses would record this information anyway , he added .
The Government is facing a furious backlash from publicans and restaurants over the new regulations .
Both the Restaurants Association of Ireland and Licensed Vintners Association have written to the Data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new requirements , while Fianna Fáil TD Marc MacSharry hit out at what he described as “ Stasi ” guidelines .
Minister for Further and Higher Education Simon Harris acknowledged there was a lack of clarity in relation to the new law .
Speaking on Newstalk Breakfast Mr Harris said the records of peoples ’ meals would be kept through receipts , and that it was important that such measures were communicated with stakeholders .
The former minister for health was critical of the rhetoric of some politicians .
“ The use of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we ’ ve seen bizarre terms with peculiar historical connotations - I think people in the Oireachtas need to mind their language .
I think there ’ s been a lack of clarity in relation to this .
“ The Government doesn ’ t care if you had a cup of coffee or a desert or whether you went for the banoffee - or as one publican asked me last night if you went for the garlic sauce or the pepper sauce .
“ What it is about is basically a bit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reality is , as of today the law is you can only open if you ’ re serving food as well .
“ I want to get back to a situation where we can move back to where we need to move back to , where we try to work out a way of living alongside the virus , where we actually get more businesses back open .
Where we do get our pubs open .
The Government is working on a new national plan to live alongside this virus for the next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new law was a temporary measure to enable the provisions that were already in place to be enforced , “ but I do think it ’ s important that our state agencies communicate with the stakeholders.
” Mr Harris said he agreed with Tánaiste Leo Varadkar “ we should fund a way to open pubs .
I fully agree with Leo on this - we obviously have to do it in a safe way “ with very strict restrictions ” and at a time that was right .
“ When you look @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries that are seeing a lower prevalence of the virus who are managing to open pubs.
” Mr Harris said he was getting worried about the wellbeing of people .
“ We need to get to a point where we trust each other , trust businesses , trust people and individual responsibility along with the State continuing to do its part with testing and tracing as well.
” Labour leader Alan Kelly has called on the Data Protection Commissioner to closely examine the new law saying it was “ completely and utterly bonkers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Morning Ireland he worried that the Cabinet had signed off on the new rule .
The Government needs to keep the public onboard , this was “ a step too far ” and was nonsensical to have to keep records for 28 days .
“ When did eating food become linked to public health measures ?
” he asked .
The new law was just “ too draconian ” , he said .
There were enough measures already in place to deal with publicans breaking regulations .
Mr Kelly said that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and had gone too far and they were going to face public backlash .
Earlier on Morning Ireland , Adrian Cummins , chief executive of the Restaurants Association of Ireland ( RAI ) , said the nub of the issue was how the new measure had been communicated to the industry and the lack of consultation .
“ This should have been communicated after the Cabinet meeting on Tuesday when it was signed off .
There was no announcement on August 18th around the new regulations for six at a table , hand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blue.
” Mr Cummins said that restaurant owners want to adhere to public health advice in the best interest of Ireland , but there was a lot of fear in the sector and the new law was a further regulatory burden .
There needed to be further clarification whether the record needs to show that a person had a meal or if a table had meals with alcoholic drinks , he said .

Fianna Fáil TD Marc MacSharry hit out at what he described as “Stasi” guidelines for pubs serving food. Photograph: iStock
Minister for Health Stephen Donnelly has said that there will be no additional administrative burden on pubs and restaurants under the temporary measures requiring restaurants and pubs serving food to retain records of all food orders for 28 days.
They are already keeping a til receipt for VAT purposes he told RTÉ radio's News at One, these receipts are kept for up to six or seven years, they just need to make it available for inspection for 28 days.
The new rules, which came into effect on Thursday, will compel restaurants and pubs serving food to make a record of all meals ordered. They must be able to make the records available to a member of An Garda Síochána for up to 28 days after the meal.
However, the move has prompted furious criticism from industry representatives as well as members of Government who say the controversy reflects the absence of a coherent new plan to deal with the Covid pandemic through the autumn and the winter.
READ MORE
However, Mr Donnelly said that he did not understand the reaction of the Opposition and members of his own Government to the regulations. “I don’t understand why there’s a problem. The regulations were published online on Tuesday.”
He said that the new regulations would help enforcement against “the tiny minority” who were flouting the rules, and it had been brought in as a temporary measure until the wet pubs reopen.
The only places that will be asked to show the till receipts will be pubs which are suspected of flouting the regulations, he added. Details will not be required of everyone at the table, just the lead name and number which is required for contact tracing.
Responding to the confusion surrounding new laws Taoiseach Micheál Martin said it was “overstating it” to claim it was a communications calamity.
“The Government has no interest in knowing what people are eating,” he said, saying the regulations had been designed to deal with rogue operators who were serving drink but not food. Like other Ministers, he insisted that it would not place an extra burden on publicans and restaurateurs.
He also said that the regulations would soon become redundant, once so-called ‘wet pubs’ were allowed reopen.
“Communications could have been better (around the regulations),” he admitted but added it had got interpreted. He dismissed the suggestion Mr Donnelly was a liability to the Government, saying it was not fair to blame one individual as the decision on this issue was a government-wide one.
Asked how the new regulations would deal with pub crawls and excessive drinking, Mr Martin pointed to personal responsibility that applied to everyone in relation to their behaviour.
“We do not want in a microscopic way to regulate people’s behaviour. We want to get a fair situation for all that are operating.”
‘More hassle’
Earlier, Minister of State at the Department of Business Enterprise and Innovation Damien English has said that the new law requiring restaurants and pubs serving food to record all food orders for 28 days was not about what a person ate, it was proof that they did eat.
Mr English told RTÉ television’s Prime Time that the measure was to enable public health teams as well as the gardaí to monitor compliance with Covid regulations. He acknowledged that the new rules would mean “more hassle” and “more paperwork.”
The new rules, which came into effect on Thursday, will compel restaurants and pubs serving food to make a record of all meals ordered. They must be able to make the records available to a member of An Garda Síochána for up to 28 days after the meal.
“The public health advice is that if we open the pubs serving food under certain regulations and guidance - it’s not what they ate, it’s proof that they did eat,” Mr English said.
“There’s two reasons here, one the advice is that they record the time people entered, who they are and a contact number. In addition to that now you have to also keep proof of purchase of food and that’s for two reasons because the regulations say there has to be purchase of food.
“This is to enable the health authorities, public health teams as well as the gardaí to monitor compliance with the regulations. The regulations are there to protect all of us, but also to reopen business.
“I accept it’s more hassle, it’s more paperwork. It’s difficult as it is, but it if helps us reopen the pubs that’s what we have to do.”
The new regulation was there to protect people, said the Minister, to help reopen businesses and to “ensure a level playing field.”
Most businesses would record this information anyway, he added.
Furious backlash
The Government is facing a furious backlash from publicans and restaurants over the new regulations . Both the Restaurants Association of Ireland and Licensed Vintners Association have written to the Data Protection Commissioner seeking a view on the new requirements, while Fianna Fáil TD Marc MacSharry hit out at what he described as "Stasi" guidelines.
Minister for Further and Higher Education Simon Harris acknowledged there was a lack of clarity in relation to the new law. Speaking on Newstalk Breakfast Mr Harris said the records of peoples’ meals would be kept through receipts, and that it was important that such measures were communicated with stakeholders.
The former minister for health was critical of the rhetoric of some politicians. “The use of loaded language has definitely gone too far, we’ve seen bizarre terms with peculiar historical connotations - I think people in the Oireachtas need to mind their language. I think there’s been a lack of clarity in relation to this.
“The Government doesn’t care if you had a cup of coffee or a desert or whether you went for the banoffee - or as one publican asked me last night if you went for the garlic sauce or the pepper sauce.
“What it is about is basically a bit of common sense prevailing here, the reality is, as of today the law is you can only open if you’re serving food as well.
“I want to get back to a situation where we can move back to where we need to move back to, where we try to work out a way of living alongside the virus, where we actually get more businesses back open. Where we do get our pubs open. The Government is working on a new national plan to live alongside this virus for the next few months.”
Mr Harris said that the new law was a temporary measure to enable the provisions that were already in place to be enforced, “but I do think it’s important that our state agencies communicate with the stakeholders.”
Mr Harris said he agreed with Tánaiste Leo Varadkar “we should fund a way to open pubs. I fully agree with Leo on this - we obviously have to do it in a safe way “with very strict restrictions” and at a time that was right.
“When you look across the EU now there are many countries that are seeing a lower prevalence of the virus who are managing to open pubs.” Mr Harris said he was getting worried about the wellbeing of people.
“We need to get to a point where we trust each other, trust businesses, trust people and individual responsibility along with the State continuing to do its part with testing and tracing as well.”
‘Bonkers’
Labour leader Alan Kelly has called on the Data Protection Commissioner to closely examine the new law saying it was “completely and utterly bonkers”.
He told RTÉ radio’s Morning Ireland he worried that the Cabinet had signed off on the new rule. The Government needs to keep the public onboard, this was “a step too far” and was nonsensical to have to keep records for 28 days.
“When did eating food become linked to public health measures?” he asked.
The new law was just “too draconian”, he said. There were enough measures already in place to deal with publicans breaking regulations.
Mr Kelly said that the Government had “gone off reservation” and had gone too far and they were going to face public backlash.
Earlier on Morning Ireland, Adrian Cummins, chief executive of the Restaurants Association of Ireland (RAI), said the nub of the issue was how the new measure had been communicated to the industry and the lack of consultation.
“This should have been communicated after the Cabinet meeting on Tuesday when it was signed off. There was no announcement on August 18th around the new regulations for six at a table, hand sanitisers. This came out of the blue.”
Mr Cummins said that restaurant owners want to adhere to public health advice in the best interest of Ireland, but there was a lot of fear in the sector and the new law was a further regulatory burden.
There needed to be further clarification whether the record needs to show that a person had a meal or if a table had meals with alcoholic drinks, he said.


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Covid-19: Up to one-quarter of people sent for tests fail to turn up, says HSE

Up to one-quarter of people sent for Covid-19 testing are failing to turn up for their swabs , according to the Health Service Executive ( HSE ) .
The failure of people to attend is becoming “ an issue ” at many swabbing sites around the country , HSE chief operations officer Anne O ’ Connor told a briefing yesterday .
No-shows account for up to 750 of the 3,000 people referred for testing each day , though the rate of non-attendance varies in different centres , she said .
If people failed to turn up , that meant their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she pointed out .
“ It ’ s challenging , particularly when we have to have capacity for [ testing ] schools.
” Almost 62,000 tests were processed last week , with a positivity rate of 1.3 per cent , HSE chief executive Paul Reid said .
This included 27,000 tests in the community , about 16,000 in hospital and another 16,000 carried out as part of serial testing among healthcare workers and in meat processing plants .
The number of close contacts attending for testing had improved from 60 per cent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those attending a week later had also improved , to 50 per cent , according to Mr Reid The HSE was able to meet all demand , he said , despite a three-fold increase in demand for community testing .
Mr Reid said the turnaround time from point of referral for a test to completion of contact tracing currently stood at 2.2 days .
New swabbing centres were to be established shortly in Blanchardstown and Dublin ’ s inner city , he said .
Meanwhile , the HSE plans to recruit hundreds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 and trace contacts as part of a revamp of the service .
A campaign to recruit over 700 people to work in testing and contact tracing will start next week , according to Mr Reid .
Full- and part-time positions are available for the service , which operates 8am to 8pm , seven days a week .
No specific qualifications are required beyond the Leaving Certificate and the HSE has been in discussion with the Union of Students in Ireland about recruiting students for the roles , Mr Reid said .
Additional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to improve staffing .
Large numbers of HSE staff were redeployed from other areas of the health service during the pandemic but many have returned to their original roles .
The HSE chief said a national pandemic workforce needed to be created to deal with infectious disease threats as they occurred .
Parents of Leaving Cert students should develop “ alternative ways ” of celebrating their results next week in order to prevent the spread of Covid-19 , he also told the briefing .
He said he would encourage parents and guardian to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cert children about the risk of socialising after they get their results .
He acknowledged the “ burden ” placed on this group of young people through the loss of traditional milestones , and uncertainty , caused by the pandemic .
Mr Reid said young people had played a major role in supporting families during the pandemic , though a small minority had engaged in irresponsible behaviour that put other people at risk .
“ However , we shouldn ’ t resort to shaming young people , particularly on social media , ” @ @ @

Paul Reid said he would encourage parents and guardians to ‘talk openly’ with their Leaving Cert children about the risk of socialising after they get their results. . Photograph: Gareth Chaney/Collins.
Up to one-quarter of people sent for Covid-19 testing are failing to turn up for their swabs, according to the Health Service Executive (HSE).
The failure of people to attend is becoming “an issue” at many swabbing sites around the country, HSE chief operations officer Anne O’Connor told a briefing yesterday.
No-shows account for up to 750 of the 3,000 people referred for testing each day, though the rate of non-attendance varies in different centres, she said.
If people failed to turn up, that meant their slot was not available for someone else, she pointed out. “It’s challenging, particularly when we have to have capacity for [testing] schools.”
READ MORE
Almost 62,000 tests were processed last week, with a positivity rate of 1.3 per cent, HSE chief executive Paul Reid said.
This included 27,000 tests in the community, about 16,000 in hospital and another 16,000 carried out as part of serial testing among healthcare workers and in meat processing plants.
The number of close contacts attending for testing had improved from 60 per cent to 80 per cent and the proportion of those attending a week later had also improved, to 50 per cent, according to Mr Reid
Turnaround time
The HSE was able to meet all demand, he said, despite a three-fold increase in demand for community testing.
Mr Reid said the turnaround time from point of referral for a test to completion of contact tracing currently stood at 2.2 days.
New swabbing centres were to be established shortly in Blanchardstown and Dublin's inner city, he said.
Meanwhile, the HSE plans to recruit hundreds of new staff to swab patients for Covid-19 and trace contacts as part of a revamp of the service.
A campaign to recruit over 700 people to work in testing and contact tracing will start next week, according to Mr Reid.
Full- and part-time positions are available for the service, which operates 8am to 8pm, seven days a week.
No specific qualifications are required beyond the Leaving Certificate and the HSE has been in discussion with the Union of Students in Ireland about recruiting students for the roles, Mr Reid said.
Specialists
Additional public health specialists are also being recruited to improve staffing. Large numbers of HSE staff were redeployed from other areas of the health service during the pandemic but many have returned to their original roles.
The HSE chief said a national pandemic workforce needed to be created to deal with infectious disease threats as they occurred.
Parents of Leaving Cert students should develop “alternative ways” of celebrating their results next week in order to prevent the spread of Covid-19, he also told the briefing.
He said he would encourage parents and guardian to “talk openly” with their Leaving Cert children about the risk of socialising after they get their results.
He acknowledged the “burden” placed on this group of young people through the loss of traditional milestones, and uncertainty, caused by the pandemic.
Mr Reid said young people had played a major role in supporting families during the pandemic, though a small minority had engaged in irresponsible behaviour that put other people at risk.
“However, we shouldn’t resort to shaming young people, particularly on social media,” he added.


theirishtimes--2020-09-05--Tranquility of Aran Islands a ‘shock’ to the system

The water is choppy on the morning ferry crossing to the Aran Islands and it ’ s bumpy for early September .
Crew members walk the aisles , stopping frequently to ask the passengers if they are okay .
They are also checking for face masks .
One passenger has removed his covering to sip from a water bottle and then forgets to replace it .
Within a few minutes , one of the crew approaches him .
Generally , the attitude on the Aran ferry is casual and relaxed , but they are stringent about Covid regulations .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tourist season in recent memory , all three islands remain free of the virus .
“ Which is amazing , ” PJ Ó Flaitheartá remarks .
“ And it is a tribute to our doctors and medical profession .
And people really followed the protocols , they really did.
” The islander and publican got the ferry back from a visit to Galway city on Wednesday evening after his scheduled flight was cancelled due to fog .
It was that kind of day on the island : the roads shrouded with a heavy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but obscured , and the 30-odd daytrippers on the morning crossing dressed for all kinds of weather – which they got .
The islands emerged from lockdown in mid-July , torn between the commercial necessity to salvage something of the tourist season and fear that welcoming visitors could see the virus spread like wildfire .
Some prominent establishments , such as the American Bar , a central feature in Kilronan village , remained shuttered for the summer .
The tourist office is also locked and closed until further notice .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which did open for the short summer were pleasantly surprised by a sudden invasion from the mainland .
2020 was the summer the Irish came to Aran .
“ It was a weird summer , ” says Patrick O ’ Donnell with a smile .
“ But in a good way.
” The 23-year-old student is working in the Aran Sweater shop , a sister to the thatched shop in Kilronan village and located at the foot of the 15-minute hill walk to Dún Aonghasa , the island ’ s most recognisable landmark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s so misty you can scarcely see the sea from the stark cliff edge .
“ There have been no foreigners coming in , obviously , so it was strange having so many Irish out here , ” he says .
“ It was a good summer .
The past 15 or 20 years you ’ d have Americans , French and Italians and yeah , I suppose with Irish is it a small bit easier with the language and having the crack with them .
It was a nice season .
Busier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a spell of three or four weeks of sunshine , so from the end of July and into August it almost felt like a normal summer here.
” Almost , but not quite .
O ’ Donnell spent the lockdown at home .
He was one of eight students in his Leaving Certificate class and , for the first time in their lives , they had the run of the island during a spell of glorious weather .
“ We were very lucky .
It is usually during the winter we have it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at five o ’ clock .
So we saw cliffs we hadn ’ t even seen before because the evenings were long and we had nothing to do so we ’ d just go for walks along the cliffs and stuff.
” He remembers the local apprehension when lockdown ended .
Nobody knew quite what to expect .
For the first week , just one ferry operated in the beginning so visitors were scarce .
Then , a more regular service resumed and people began to arrive from the mainland ; before he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all day long .
“ It was a short season so it felt full .
And as far as I know most B & Bs are booked out until mid-September , which is brilliant .
There was one day when there was about 1,400 out here , it was crazy busy .
It is getting quieter again now.
” For PJ Ó Flaitheartá , the enjoyment of the season lay in witnessing the astonishment of Irish people at what the island had to offer .
He is used to the compliments of international @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tí Joe Watty , but it was strange to see the island through the eyes of other Irish .
“ A lot of first-time visitors .
And I think people were shocked and amazed .
They really were .
They could not believe the pleasantness of the place , the tranquility of it all .
The fresh air , the walks .
You can walk three minutes in one direction and be in your own little world .
There was a bad storm in the middle of it and a few unfortunates got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sorry for customers at times too because our capacity was down from 70 to 40 .
And it meant people were waiting to get in and guests were using their full entitlement of the hour and 45 minutes , which they were entitled to .
So people had to be patient .
And , in fairness , they generally were.
” In Watty ’ s on a damp Wednesday afternoon , all tables are occupied and staff remind guests to wear their face masks whenever they leave their seats .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Aran hotel are the only establishments serving food this afternoon .
In Watty ’ s staff use one menu board which they carry to tables rather than issuing menus .
“ We felt the menus were too risky , ” Ó Flaitheartá says .
After everything , it has been a challenging season .
“ The numbers are down 50 per cent .
Our costs and staffing level are the same but even though we did a lot of food , we lost out on evening entertainment and live music .
But then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and oysters .
We have sold more wine than we ever sold .
And less spirits.
” And , like every tourist resort in Ireland , a peculiar silence descended on Aran Mór after 10 o ’ clock .
On normal summer nights , Watty ’ s enjoys its reputation as a music venue .
Like the American Bar , they host live sessions and sing-songs that go well past midnight .
None of that energy was present this year .
It has been suspended indefinitely .
“ I do feel sorry for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ó Flaitheartá says .
“ you only get a chance at being young once .
The American Bar would have live music and sing-songs and the place would be packed .
There are great musicians on the island .
I do feel sorry for musicians – my own son Pádraig Jack , for instance , has just released an album which he had postponed .
So musicians and performers have been absolutely hammered by this.
” It ’ s hard to imagine the return of the mass international market for the summer of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be quiet .
Aran is preparing for a quiet winter .
“ We ’ ll have our usual six or eight coming in to us before too long , ” Ó Flaitheartá says .
And if they don ’ t turn up , we ’ ll have to be closing the door and that would be very sad .
”

The water is choppy on the morning ferry crossing to the Aran Islands and it’s bumpy for early September. Crew members walk the aisles, stopping frequently to ask the passengers if they are okay. They are also checking for face masks. One passenger has removed his covering to sip from a water bottle and then forgets to replace it. Within a few minutes, one of the crew approaches him. Generally, the attitude on the Aran ferry is casual and relaxed, but they are stringent about Covid regulations. It sets the tone. After the strangest tourist season in recent memory, all three islands remain free of the virus.
“Which is amazing,” PJ Ó Flaitheartá remarks. “And it is a tribute to our doctors and medical profession. And people really followed the protocols, they really did.”
The islander and publican got the ferry back from a visit to Galway city on Wednesday evening after his scheduled flight was cancelled due to fog. It was that kind of day on the island: the roads shrouded with a heavy mist, the staggering cliff views all but obscured, and the 30-odd daytrippers on the morning crossing dressed for all kinds of weather – which they got.
Expand Autoplay Image 1 of 7 The tourist office on Inis Mór, Aran Islands, closed during the Covid-19 pandemic. Photograph: Andrew Downes
The islands emerged from lockdown in mid-July, torn between the commercial necessity to salvage something of the tourist season and fear that welcoming visitors could see the virus spread like wildfire. Some prominent establishments, such as the American Bar, a central feature in Kilronan village, remained shuttered for the summer. The tourist office is also locked and closed until further notice. It's a disconcerting sight. But the businesses which did open for the short summer were pleasantly surprised by a sudden invasion from the mainland. 2020 was the summer the Irish came to Aran.
READ MORE
“It was a weird summer,” says Patrick O’Donnell with a smile. “But in a good way.” The 23-year-old student is working in the Aran Sweater shop, a sister to the thatched shop in Kilronan village and located at the foot of the 15-minute hill walk to Dún Aonghasa, the island’s most recognisable landmark. On this lunchtime, it’s so misty you can scarcely see the sea from the stark cliff edge.
“There have been no foreigners coming in, obviously, so it was strange having so many Irish out here,” he says.
“It was a good summer. The past 15 or 20 years you’d have Americans, French and Italians and yeah, I suppose with Irish is it a small bit easier with the language and having the crack with them. It was a nice season. Busier than we thought. And we got a spell of three or four weeks of sunshine, so from the end of July and into August it almost felt like a normal summer here.”
Glorious weather
Almost, but not quite. O’Donnell spent the lockdown at home. He was one of eight students in his Leaving Certificate class and, for the first time in their lives, they had the run of the island during a spell of glorious weather.
“We were very lucky. It is usually during the winter we have it to ourselves, but it is dark at five o’clock. So we saw cliffs we hadn’t even seen before because the evenings were long and we had nothing to do so we’d just go for walks along the cliffs and stuff.”
He remembers the local apprehension when lockdown ended. Nobody knew quite what to expect. For the first week, just one ferry operated in the beginning so visitors were scarce. Then, a more regular service resumed and people began to arrive from the mainland; before he knew it, the shop was busy all day long.
“It was a short season so it felt full. And as far as I know most B&Bs are booked out until mid-September, which is brilliant. There was one day when there was about 1,400 out here, it was crazy busy. It is getting quieter again now.”
For PJ Ó Flaitheartá, the enjoyment of the season lay in witnessing the astonishment of Irish people at what the island had to offer. He is used to the compliments of international visitors in his pub and restaurant, Tí Joe Watty, but it was strange to see the island through the eyes of other Irish.
“A lot of first-time visitors. And I think people were shocked and amazed. They really were. They could not believe the pleasantness of the place, the tranquility of it all. The fresh air, the walks. You can walk three minutes in one direction and be in your own little world. There was a bad storm in the middle of it and a few unfortunates got caught during that. I really felt sorry for customers at times too because our capacity was down from 70 to 40. And it meant people were waiting to get in and guests were using their full entitlement of the hour and 45 minutes, which they were entitled to. So people had to be patient. And, in fairness, they generally were.”
Occupied
In Watty’s on a damp Wednesday afternoon, all tables are occupied and staff remind guests to wear their face masks whenever they leave their seats. It’s busy: Watty’s and the Aran hotel are the only establishments serving food this afternoon. In Watty’s staff use one menu board which they carry to tables rather than issuing menus. “We felt the menus were too risky,” Ó Flaitheartá says.
After everything, it has been a challenging season.
“The numbers are down 50 per cent. Our costs and staffing level are the same but even though we did a lot of food, we lost out on evening entertainment and live music. But then we had customers who bought their lobster and oysters. We have sold more wine than we ever sold. And less spirits.”
And, like every tourist resort in Ireland, a peculiar silence descended on Aran Mór after 10 o'clock. On normal summer nights, Watty's enjoys its reputation as a music venue. Like the American Bar, they host live sessions and sing-songs that go well past midnight. None of that energy was present this year. It has been suspended indefinitely.
“I do feel sorry for young people on the island,” Ó Flaitheartá says. “you only get a chance at being young once. The American Bar would have live music and sing-songs and the place would be packed. There are great musicians on the island. I do feel sorry for musicians – my own son Pádraig Jack, for instance, has just released an album which he had postponed. So musicians and performers have been absolutely hammered by this.”
It’s hard to imagine the return of the mass international market for the summer of 2021, and he expects autumn to be quiet. Aran is preparing for a quiet winter.
“We’ll have our usual six or eight coming in to us before too long,” Ó Flaitheartá says. And if they don’t turn up, we’ll have to be closing the door and that would be very sad.”


theirishtimes--2020-09-05--Ten claims against council over Temple Bar cobblestone falls

Ten personal injury cases have been taken against Dublin City Council in recent years by people who claim they were injured after tripping on the cobblestones in Temple Bar .
Four cases involve people who say they fell on the tourist hotspot ’ s cobblestone roads in 2017 , three relate to incidents in 2018 , two are over alleged falls last year and one to this year , according to information provided following a Freedom of Information request .
Martin Harte , chief executive of the Temple Bar Company , which lobbies for the area , said the cobbles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when they are wet .
He said that while pubs and businesses in the area had “ no strong opinions ” on the stones , “ the public have a romantic attraction to the cobbles ” .
He said a long-planned redesign of the centre of Temple Bar would see the cobblestone roads off the main square laid again to make them safer and more accessible for people with mobility issues .
The council is understood to be seeking contractors to carry out the works .
Mr Harte said this proposed facelift of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reduce the gaps between the stones , which “ would make navigating the cobbles much easier ” .
When asked about the legal claims against it , a spokeswoman for the council said it “ does not comment on ongoing legal proceedings ” , and it could not provide details on the amounts , if any , paid out in respect of the claims to date .
Niamh Ní Hoirebhaird , a Trinity College Dublin history student and wheelchair-user , said the cobblestones made Temple Bar a “ no-go area ” for her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Trinity ’ s students ’ union , has started a campaign to make Temple Bar more accessible for wheelchair-users and people with visual impairments .
She said college or other social events held in the area “ completely exclude ” students who use wheelchairs or have mobility issues .
“ A lot of other people have horror stories of falling over on nights out , ” she said , adding that works to smooth the stones and remove gaps between them would be a “ good solution ” .
Cllr Hazel Chu @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said “ something needs to be done to make Temple Bar more accessible ” .
She has asked the council to look into the matter .
The Green Party politician said any change to the cobblestone roads needed to respect the “ heritage side ” of the area , but , more importantly , it must make a difference from a “ safety and access perspective ” .

A proposed facelift of the Temple Bar area would smooth the cobbles and reduce the gaps between the stones, which “would make navigating the cobbles much easier”. File photograph: Cyril Byrne
Ten personal injury cases have been taken against Dublin City Council in recent years by people who claim they were injured after tripping on the cobblestones in Temple Bar.
Four cases involve people who say they fell on the tourist hotspot’s cobblestone roads in 2017, three relate to incidents in 2018, two are over alleged falls last year and one to this year, according to information provided following a Freedom of Information request.
Martin Harte, chief executive of the Temple Bar Company, which lobbies for the area, said the cobbles "are very, very dangerous" when they are wet.
He said that while pubs and businesses in the area had “no strong opinions” on the stones, “the public have a romantic attraction to the cobbles”.
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He said a long-planned redesign of the centre of Temple Bar would see the cobblestone roads off the main square laid again to make them safer and more accessible for people with mobility issues.
The council is understood to be seeking contractors to carry out the works.
Mr Harte said this proposed facelift of the area would smooth the cobbles and reduce the gaps between the stones, which “would make navigating the cobbles much easier” .
When asked about the legal claims against it, a spokeswoman for the council said it “does not comment on ongoing legal proceedings”, and it could not provide details on the amounts, if any, paid out in respect of the claims to date.
Mobility issues
Niamh Ní Hoirebhaird, a Trinity College Dublin history student and wheelchair-user, said the cobblestones made Temple Bar a "no-go area" for her.
Ms Ní Hoirebhaird, disability officer with Trinity’s students’ union, has started a campaign to make Temple Bar more accessible for wheelchair-users and people with visual impairments.
She said college or other social events held in the area “completely exclude” students who use wheelchairs or have mobility issues.
“A lot of other people have horror stories of falling over on nights out,” she said, adding that works to smooth the stones and remove gaps between them would be a “good solution”.
Cllr Hazel Chu, the Lord Mayor of Dublin, said "something needs to be done to make Temple Bar more accessible". She has asked the council to look into the matter.
The Green Party politician said any change to the cobblestone roads needed to respect the “heritage side” of the area, but, more importantly, it must make a difference from a “safety and access perspective”.


theirishtimes--2020-09-05--Covid-19: Carer given ‘second life’ after 68 days in ICU

A 38-year-old healthcare worker who spent 68 days in intensive care with coronavirus , mostly in an induced coma and on a ventilator , has warned young people they can not take the virus lightly .
Jerick Martin , who contracted Covid-19 while working as a carer in a north Co Dublin nursing home , says his wife was called by medics on two occasions and told he might not survive the disease as he battled multi-organ failure due to Covid-19 .
The Filipino man , who has been living in Ireland for 14 years , lost 22 kilos , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ months he spent in Beaumont Hospital in Dublin from April to June .
“ When I got out of the hospital , I looked like a zombie – I was skin and bones , ” he said .
More than two months after leaving hospital , Jerick now has diabetes , high blood pressure and shortness of breath when he walks up stairs as a result of his Covid-19 infection .
Previously a fit and healthy thirtysomething , he says younger people need be careful .
“ They need to take this seriously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t think what happened to me would happen .
I didn ’ t have diabetes or hypertension before .
I now need to take puffs from a ventolin inhaler .
I am breathless if I go up and down the stairs .
I feel nauseous sometimes , ” he said .
It is almost five months since Jerick contracted the virus .
On Wednesday , April 15th , he began experiencing a wheeze two days after working a weekend shift at the nursing home .
He called in sick that day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and was tested for Covid-19 at the Croke Park testing centre in Dublin .
By the time his test result came back positive the following Sunday , he was experiencing fever and shortness of breath .
He was transferred to hospital the following day .
Struggling to breathe , Jerick was intubated and put on a ventilator on April 23rd .
He remained ventilated and in a coma until May 20th .
His wife , Melissa Rose , says the nurses made a video call to his home showing him nodding and giving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We were all crying .
We were so happy that he was awake .
I called his family .
We could see that he was following commands .
A very heavy weight was lifted out of our hearts , ” she said .
Jerick was allowed to see his wife and 12-year-old daughter again because they had contracted Covid-19 from him and had made a full recovery .
His condition deteriorated further , however , and he was put in an induced coma again to help his body fight the infection .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospital at one in the morning .
Me and my daughter were still awake .
It was her birthday .
I said , ‘ Maybe it is your dad and he wants to say happy birthday ’ , ” said Melissa .
Jerick ’ s wife was told to come to the hospital immediately to see him .
“ It was shocking .
My daughter felt that she was bad luck because it was her birthday and this happened to him .
She felt really bad , ” said Melissa .
She was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prone position surrounded by tubes in the ICU .
“ It was really heartbreaking to see him like that and for a young fellow to be going through so much trouble , ” she said .
Melissa describes her husband ’ s two months in hospital as “ like living hell for us ” .
“ I didn ’ t know when this was going to end .
Every day was a ticking time bomb , ” she said .
Jerick Martin said that , looking back , being able to see his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his hospital gave him a “ big boost ” and helped his recovery .
“ When I saw my daughter , I knew I needed to recover for her because she is only young , ” he said .
Now , with his recovery from Covid-19 , he feels like he has been given a second chance .
“ Before I did not pray every day .
Now , every day I get up in the morning , I pray to thank God for giving me a second life , to be able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he said .
“ If you get this , it is very hard .
For others , it is like mild symptoms .
We can not take this lightly .
It has changed our lives .
”

Jerick Martin with his wife Melissa Rose and daughter Camilla Rose: “When I saw my daughter, I knew I needed to recover for her.” Photograph: Nick Bradshaw
A 38-year-old healthcare worker who spent 68 days in intensive care with coronavirus, mostly in an induced coma and on a ventilator, has warned young people they cannot take the virus lightly.
Jerick Martin, who contracted Covid-19 while working as a carer in a north Co Dublin nursing home, says his wife was called by medics on two occasions and told he might not survive the disease as he battled multi-organ failure due to Covid-19.
The Filipino man, who has been living in Ireland for 14 years, lost 22 kilos, or 3½ stone, during the two months he spent in Beaumont Hospital in Dublin from April to June.
“When I got out of the hospital, I looked like a zombie – I was skin and bones,” he said.
READ MORE
More than two months after leaving hospital, Jerick now has diabetes, high blood pressure and shortness of breath when he walks up stairs as a result of his Covid-19 infection.
Previously a fit and healthy thirtysomething, he says younger people need be careful.
“They need to take this seriously. I am only 38. I didn’t think what happened to me would happen. I didn’t have diabetes or hypertension before. I now need to take puffs from a ventolin inhaler. I am breathless if I go up and down the stairs. I feel nauseous sometimes,” he said.
It is almost five months since Jerick contracted the virus.
Struggling to breathe
On Wednesday, April 15th, he began experiencing a wheeze two days after working a weekend shift at the nursing home. He called in sick that day.
The Finglas-based man called his GP and was tested for Covid-19 at the Croke Park testing centre in Dublin. By the time his test result came back positive the following Sunday, he was experiencing fever and shortness of breath. He was transferred to hospital the following day.
Struggling to breathe, Jerick was intubated and put on a ventilator on April 23rd. He remained ventilated and in a coma until May 20th. His wife, Melissa Rose, says the nurses made a video call to his home showing him nodding and giving a thumbs-up sign to the camera.
“We were all crying. We were so happy that he was awake. I called his family. We could see that he was following commands. A very heavy weight was lifted out of our hearts,” she said.
Jerick was allowed to see his wife and 12-year-old daughter again because they had contracted Covid-19 from him and had made a full recovery. His condition deteriorated further, however, and he was put in an induced coma again to help his body fight the infection.
Jerick Martin: “I didn’t have diabetes or hypertension before. I now need to take puffs from a ventolin inhaler.” Photograph: Nick Bradshaw
“We got a call from the hospital at one in the morning. Me and my daughter were still awake. It was her birthday. I said, ‘Maybe it is your dad and he wants to say happy birthday’,” said Melissa.
Jerick’s wife was told to come to the hospital immediately to see him.
‘Living hell’
“It was shocking. My daughter felt that she was bad luck because it was her birthday and this happened to him. She felt really bad,” said Melissa.
She was shocked to see her husband in a prone position surrounded by tubes in the ICU.
“It was really heartbreaking to see him like that and for a young fellow to be going through so much trouble,” she said.
Melissa describes her husband’s two months in hospital as “like living hell for us”.
“I didn’t know when this was going to end. Every day was a ticking time bomb,” she said.
Jerick Martin said that, looking back, being able to see his wife and daughter during his time in his hospital gave him a “big boost” and helped his recovery.
“When I saw my daughter, I knew I needed to recover for her because she is only young,” he said.
Now, with his recovery from Covid-19, he feels like he has been given a second chance.
“Before I did not pray every day. Now, every day I get up in the morning, I pray to thank God for giving me a second life, to be able to see my daughter grow up,” he said.
“If you get this, it is very hard. For others, it is like mild symptoms. We cannot take this lightly. It has changed our lives.”


theirishtimes--2020-09-05--Northern Ireland: Polls can provide more confusion than clarity

The 2021 Northern Ireland census figures , when they are published – probably late the following year – will concentrate minds and define the Irish unity debate for the years ahead .
In the meantime , Sinn Féin and the Ireland ’ s Future group , who are leading the campaign for a Border poll on a united Ireland , take heart from the demographic figures currently available in relation to the religious breakdown of pupils and students attending Northern Ireland ’ s schools and universities .
Opinion polls are less conclusive – different polls provide different figures to suit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – although generally they do point to keener nationalist interest in the idea of a referendum on a united Ireland , whenever that might happen .
In the 2011 census , the gap between those from Protestant and Catholic backgrounds was just 54,000 , with 48 per cent ( 864,000 people ) from Protestant households and 45 per cent ( 810,000 ) from Catholic households .
For a Border poll to be successful , those aspiring for unity must command 50 per cent plus one of the vote , although some such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dangers of a loyalist backlash in settling for such a narrow outcome .
In terms of schools and universities in Northern Ireland , the “ Catholic vote ” is around that 50 per cent figure , although not all Catholics vote and not all Catholics vote for nationalist parties .
Still , it ’ s a yardstick .
Equally , it must be said not all Protestants vote or vote for unionist parties .
The North ’ s Department of Education figures for the year 2019/2020 show that from nursery up to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ per cent of the schools ’ population ( 176,408 pupils ) while Protestants make up 32.3 per cent ( 112,637 pupils ) .
There are 59,883 students in the “ other Christian/non-Christian/no religion/not recorded ” category ( 17.2 per cent ) .
The trend is the same in Northern Ireland ’ s two universities , Queen ’ s and Ulster University .
In the year 2018/2019 there were 20,865 students ( 49.5 per cent ) from a Catholic background attending these universities compared with 13,145 ( 31.2 per cent ) from a Protestant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 19.3 per cent ) in the “ other ” group , classified as “ other ” , “ unknown ” or “ no religion ” .
At schools and university level , the Catholic population respectively is just above or very close to the magical 50+1 figure .
It ’ s a crude business and again it must be stressed that the statistics need not translate into a similar vote for a united Ireland , as Dr Paul Nolan , an expert in social trends and demography , points out .
While these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a Border poll , Nolan says that the North ’ s labour force survey “ shows the growth momentum of the Catholic community is slowing , and furthermore the real growth has been in another category , those who do not self-identify as either Catholic or Protestant ” .
He says that the proportion of the population classified as “ other/non-determined ” has more than doubled , from 6 per cent to 17 per cent since 1990 , and that in the 16-24 age cohort it has more than trebled , from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Nolan adds : “ If this trend were to continue it may block the Catholic community from crossing the 50 per cent line .
Catholics may emerge as the largest of the three main population groups but still not be a majority.
” He emphasises : “ And , of course , not all Catholics are nationalists , a point that is generally accepted but frequently forgotten when forecasts are made.
” The constitutional hearts and minds battle therefore mainly will be seeking to persuade a sufficient number of the 20 per @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a united Ireland .
Another element worth examining for constitutional preferences are voting trends .
Figures from the Northern Ireland ARK election website for the five past elections in the North show that on each occasion unionist parties out-polled Sinn Féin and the SDLP , and the smaller nationalist parties where they were running , by a margin varying between about four and eight percentage points .
The nationalist vote generally has been around 40 per cent , or just below that figure .
Even in the March 2017 Assembly elections , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Gregory Campbell ’ s “ curry my yoghurt ” lampooning of the Irish language – Sinn Féin came within 1,200 votes of the DUP and one seat shy of equalling the DUP ’ s number of seats , unionist parties and candidates still out-polled nationalists by close to seven percentage points .
And , alarmed by how close Sinn Féin had come to being top party in the Assembly poll , in the subsequent Westminster election in June that year unionists were galvanised into delivering 49.2 per cent of the vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the SDLP took 41.1 per cent of the vote .
There is therefore still that 10 per cent gap that nationalists have to make up to strengthen their case for seeking to compel the Northern secretary to call a Border poll .
They still have a fair amount of catching up to do .
Looking at opinion polls can provide more confusion than clarity .
For instance , in February this year two polls offered widely different results on the constitutional question .
A poll by Liverpool University and Britain ’ s Economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cent would vote for a united Ireland “ tomorrow ” while 52 per cent would vote against .
Excluding the “ don ’ t knows ” , it had 65 per cent favouring the union , 35 per cent for unity .
The same month a LucidTalk poll , commissioned by the investigative website The Detail , examined how Brexit was affecting views on Northern Ireland ’ s constitutional future .
It found 46.8 per cent would vote to maintain the union while 45.4 per cent would vote for a united Ireland .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ survey by pollster Lord Ashcroft , former Conservative Party treasurer , in September last year .
If there were a Border poll tomorrow , that poll had 46 per cent saying they would vote for a united Ireland and 45 per cent voting to stay in the union .
When the “ don ’ t knows ” were excluded the result was 51 per cent for unity , 49 per cent for the union .
Any such referendum in the North would require a parallel poll in the Republic to determine if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the issue .
In February , in a general election exit poll , some 57 per cent of people said there should be referendums in the Republic and Northern Ireland within the next five years , with some 40 per cent against that idea .
Younger people were most in favour of dual polls while older people , many who would have a visceral memory of the Troubles , were less inclined to back such referendums .
Some 75 per cent of voters aged 18-24 said there should be referendums while 60 per @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Some 62 per cent of people aged 35-49 also were in favour .
That figure dropped to 54 per cent of people aged 50-64 , while those aged 65 or over were the only age group where a majority did not want to see a Border poll .
Just 47 per cent were in favour of a unity referendum , with 49 per cent against .
These are all interesting indicators but they don ’ t appear strong enough to persuade a Northern secretary that now is the time for a Border @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current demographic figures nor the opinion polls provide definitive answers to the constitutional question .
But they do demonstrate that for unionists and nationalist it is still all to play for , and will be for some time to come .

A mural on the Catholic side of the Cupar Way in Belfast. Photograph: Kaveh Kazemi/Getty Images
The 2021 Northern Ireland census figures, when they are published – probably late the following year – will concentrate minds and define the Irish unity debate for the years ahead.
In the meantime, Sinn Féin and the Ireland’s Future group, who are leading the campaign for a Border poll on a united Ireland, take heart from the demographic figures currently available in relation to the religious breakdown of pupils and students attending Northern Ireland’s schools and universities.
Opinion polls are less conclusive – different polls provide different figures to suit the aspirations of either nationalist or unionist – although generally they do point to keener nationalist interest in the idea of a referendum on a united Ireland, whenever that might happen.
In the 2011 census, the gap between those from Protestant and Catholic backgrounds was just 54,000, with 48 per cent (864,000 people) from Protestant households and 45 per cent (810,000) from Catholic households.
READ MORE
For a Border poll to be successful, those aspiring for unity must command 50 per cent plus one of the vote, although some such as the late Seamus Mallon have warned of the dangers of a loyalist backlash in settling for such a narrow outcome.
In terms of schools and universities in Northern Ireland, the “Catholic vote” is around that 50 per cent figure, although not all Catholics vote and not all Catholics vote for nationalist parties. Still, it’s a yardstick.
Equally, it must be said not all Protestants vote or vote for unionist parties.
The North’s Department of Education figures for the year 2019/2020 show that from nursery up to second level, Catholics make up 50.6 per cent of the schools’ population (176,408 pupils) while Protestants make up 32.3 per cent (112,637 pupils).
There are 59,883 students in the “other Christian/non-Christian/no religion/not recorded” category (17.2 per cent).
Universities
The trend is the same in Northern Ireland’s two universities, Queen’s and Ulster University. In the year 2018/2019 there were 20,865 students (49.5 per cent) from a Catholic background attending these universities compared with 13,145 (31.2 per cent) from a Protestant background.
There were 8,150 students (19.3 per cent) in the “other” group, classified as “other”, “unknown” or “no religion”.
At schools and university level, the Catholic population respectively is just above or very close to the magical 50+1 figure.
It’s a crude business and again it must be stressed that the statistics need not translate into a similar vote for a united Ireland, as Dr Paul Nolan, an expert in social trends and demography, points out.
While these figures give great hope to those pushing for a Border poll, Nolan says that the North’s labour force survey “shows the growth momentum of the Catholic community is slowing, and furthermore the real growth has been in another category, those who do not self-identify as either Catholic or Protestant”.
He says that the proportion of the population classified as “other/non-determined” has more than doubled, from 6 per cent to 17 per cent since 1990, and that in the 16-24 age cohort it has more than trebled, from 7 per cent to 22 per cent.
Nolan adds: “If this trend were to continue it may block the Catholic community from crossing the 50 per cent line. Catholics may emerge as the largest of the three main population groups but still not be a majority.”
He emphasises: “And, of course, not all Catholics are nationalists, a point that is generally accepted but frequently forgotten when forecasts are made.”
Hearts and minds
The constitutional hearts and minds battle therefore mainly will be seeking to persuade a sufficient number of the 20 per cent to opt for the union or a united Ireland.
Another element worth examining for constitutional preferences are voting trends. Figures from the Northern Ireland ARK election website for the five past elections in the North show that on each occasion unionist parties out-polled Sinn Féin and the SDLP, and the smaller nationalist parties where they were running, by a margin varying between about four and eight percentage points.
The nationalist vote generally has been around 40 per cent, or just below that figure.
Even in the March 2017 Assembly elections, where – prodded in part by the DUP’s Gregory Campbell’s “curry my yoghurt” lampooning of the Irish language – Sinn Féin came within 1,200 votes of the DUP and one seat shy of equalling the DUP’s number of seats, unionist parties and candidates still out-polled nationalists by close to seven percentage points.
And, alarmed by how close Sinn Féin had come to being top party in the Assembly poll, in the subsequent Westminster election in June that year unionists were galvanised into delivering 49.2 per cent of the vote to unionist candidates while Sinn Féin and the SDLP took 41.1 per cent of the vote.
There is therefore still that 10 per cent gap that nationalists have to make up to strengthen their case for seeking to compel the Northern secretary to call a Border poll. They still have a fair amount of catching up to do.
Looking at opinion polls can provide more confusion than clarity. For instance, in February this year two polls offered widely different results on the constitutional question.
A poll by Liverpool University and Britain’s Economic and Social Research Council found 29 per cent would vote for a united Ireland “tomorrow” while 52 per cent would vote against. Excluding the “don’t knows”, it had 65 per cent favouring the union, 35 per cent for unity.
Brexit
The same month a LucidTalk poll, commissioned by the investigative website The Detail, examined how Brexit was affecting views on Northern Ireland’s constitutional future. It found 46.8 per cent would vote to maintain the union while 45.4 per cent would vote for a united Ireland.
Those figures were flipped around in a survey by pollster Lord Ashcroft, former Conservative Party treasurer, in September last year. If there were a Border poll tomorrow, that poll had 46 per cent saying they would vote for a united Ireland and 45 per cent voting to stay in the union.
When the “don’t knows” were excluded the result was 51 per cent for unity, 49 per cent for the union.
Any such referendum in the North would require a parallel poll in the Republic to determine if the whole island was of one mind on the issue. In February, in a general election exit poll, some 57 per cent of people said there should be referendums in the Republic and Northern Ireland within the next five years, with some 40 per cent against that idea.
Younger people were most in favour of dual polls while older people, many who would have a visceral memory of the Troubles, were less inclined to back such referendums.
Some 75 per cent of voters aged 18-24 said there should be referendums while 60 per cent aged 25-34 also favoured such plebiscites. Some 62 per cent of people aged 35-49 also were in favour.
That figure dropped to 54 per cent of people aged 50-64, while those aged 65 or over were the only age group where a majority did not want to see a Border poll. Just 47 per cent were in favour of a unity referendum, with 49 per cent against.
These are all interesting indicators but they don’t appear strong enough to persuade a Northern secretary that now is the time for a Border poll.
In truth, neither the current demographic figures nor the opinion polls provide definitive answers to the constitutional question. But they do demonstrate that for unionists and nationalist it is still all to play for, and will be for some time to come.