theirishtimes--2020-12-12--The burning of Cork: When the fires stopped, many were left homeless and thousands jobless

When the fires stopped , the people of Cork were left sifting through debris , with many left homeless , thousands jobless and all counting the cost of blazes started by British forces .
That was the state of affairs described by the correspondent for The Irish Times in the days following the Burning of Cork on the night of December 11th-12th 1920 .
That night , 100 years ago , British forces looted and burned buildings , leaving large portions of Cork city centre – including much of Patrick Street – destroyed .
The mayhem followed an IRA ambush @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Cross earlier in the day , which left one dead and others injured .
However , in the immediate aftermath of the fires , there was no official blame placed on any British forces personnel .
In some quarters , the opposite was the case .
Hamar Greenwood , Chief Secretary of Ireland , laid the blame far from the feet of Crown forces when he spoke in parliament : “ There is some evidence that they were started by incendiary bombs , ” he said , according to an Irish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There are incendiary bombs in the possession of the Sinn Féiners , and we are seizing them every week.
” The fires , he said , were not connected to the Dillon ’ s Cross ambush .
Greenwood said the work of the fire brigade was helped by police and soldiers , who managed the crowds – denying allegations that firefighters ’ efforts were sabotaged by British forces : “ There is no evidence of hoses being cut or of forces of the Crown being responsible for these outrages at all.
” His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not personally believe that forces of the Crown did it ” – would be heavily opposed .
One member asked the obvious : why would “ Sinn Féiners ” burn their own property ?
But while Greenwood attempted to cast doubt on damning reports from Cork amid calls for a full inquiry , the people of the city faced the destruction .
“ Matters in Cork are quiet today and the Citizens are contemplating with some concern the loss and damage that have been occasioned by the terrible events of Saturday night , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , dated December 15th , headlined : The position in Cork – Unemployment caused by fires .
“ The citizens today commenced to realise more fully the misfortune that had befallen them and on all sides there were strong expressions of opinion as to the seriousness of the present situation , ” reads the report , which estimated that some 2,000 people had been left unemployed : “ These people fortunately did not live over the shops where they were employed .
Their condition is a serious one .
They are now without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were able to set up shop temporarily and carry on trading , but space was scarce , and as a consequence “ hundreds of employees [ were ] walking about the city ” .
By the time the report was published , a large clean-up operation resumed , and was making progress : “ Today ( Tuesday , December 14th ) large crowds again inspected the scenes of Saturday night ’ s havoc .
The work of clearing the debris was continued and marked progress was made with the result that it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throughout the city and suburbs .
“ The footways along the thoroughfares surrounding the ruined buildings were cleared of falling brickwork , masonry and such material , and pedestrianism and the traffic was resumed in those thoroughfares .
A large number of people were engaged in salving books and documents from safes that had remained intact within the ruins.
” Fire brigades from other counties had arrived to fight the blaze , but at the time of the reporter ’ s despatch , the flames were quelled and their contribution was no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fireman from Dublin and Limerick were able to return to their respective cities ” .
Cork residents gave the Dublin Brigade – under Captain Myers – what was described as a “ hearty send-off ” .
“ The crowd at the Victoria Hotel was an exceedingly large one composed mostly of young men and women who are now unemployed and as the brigade drove off to the station hearty cheers were giving a testimony in itself of what the people felt regarding what the firefighters had accomplished.
” The firefighters had hardly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ en route to the station , when this part of the story intersected with another - the funeral of Jeremiah Delaney , who had been killed by British forces in the early hours of Sunday at his home at Dublin Hill , on the city ’ s north side .
Jeremiah and his brother , Cornelius - both members of the IRA - were shot .
Jeremiah died instantly , and his brother died six days later .
“ The remains , which were conveyed for internment in the Republican plot at St @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by an exceedingly large number of sympathisers .
There was no limitation imposed by the authorities as in previous cases to the number of mourners and no military accompanied the funeral .
The coffin was enshrouded with the Sinn Féin colours and the crowd marched in two deep.
” While the mourners attending the funeral of Jeremiah Delaney were not accompanied by soldiers , a heavy military presence elsewhere in the city was noted in Irish Times reports .
A warning , issued by Brigadier General H W Higginson on the same evening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ occurrences in the city , notice and warning is hereby given that any person seen committing or aiding or abetting the commission of any of the following crimes – arson , destruction of property of any kind whatsoever , and looting – will be fired on .
Orders to the above effect have been issued to the troops and forces of the Crown under my command.
” The report noted an increased police presence on the streets , and the horror among residents at the weekend ’ s events .
“ There was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ today , ” said the report .
“ Stories as to the events of Saturday and Sunday morning vary much , but , however much they differ , they all agree in the respect that the scenes were of a most terrifying character .
The looting that went on was on a colossal scale , but that particular element has been subdued , and matters may now be described as normal.
” To read more from the original reports following the Burning of Cork , 1920 , click here .

When the fires stopped, the people of Cork were left sifting through debris, with many left homeless, thousands jobless and all counting the cost of blazes started by British forces.
That was the state of affairs described by the correspondent for The Irish Times in the days following the Burning of Cork on the night of December 11th-12th 1920.
That night, 100 years ago, British forces looted and burned buildings, leaving large portions of Cork city centre – including much of Patrick Street – destroyed. The mayhem followed an IRA ambush on a party of Auxilaries at Dillon’s Cross earlier in the day, which left one dead and others injured.
Something very special is beginning at City Hall as we mark the devastation that beset this city on this night 100 years ago #BurningofCork #Cork1920 pic.twitter.com/rVA8Zcl8tQ — Cork City Council (@corkcitycouncil) December 11, 2020
However, in the immediate aftermath of the fires, there was no official blame placed on any British forces personnel. In some quarters, the opposite was the case.
READ MORE
Hamar Greenwood, Chief Secretary of Ireland, laid the blame far from the feet of Crown forces when he spoke in parliament: “There is some evidence that they were started by incendiary bombs,” he said, according to an Irish Times report on the 14th. “There are incendiary bombs in the possession of the Sinn Féiners, and we are seizing them every week.” The fires, he said, were not connected to the Dillon’s Cross ambush.
Greenwood said the work of the fire brigade was helped by police and soldiers, who managed the crowds – denying allegations that firefighters’ efforts were sabotaged by British forces: “There is no evidence of hoses being cut or of forces of the Crown being responsible for these outrages at all.” His take on events – “he did not personally believe that forces of the Crown did it” – would be heavily opposed. One member asked the obvious: why would “Sinn Féiners” burn their own property?
The front page of The Weekly Irish Times, December 18th, 1920
But while Greenwood attempted to cast doubt on damning reports from Cork amid calls for a full inquiry, the people of the city faced the destruction. “Matters in Cork are quiet today and the Citizens are contemplating with some concern the loss and damage that have been occasioned by the terrible events of Saturday night,” began a report from the city, dated December 15th, headlined: The position in Cork – Unemployment caused by fires.
“The citizens today commenced to realise more fully the misfortune that had befallen them and on all sides there were strong expressions of opinion as to the seriousness of the present situation,” reads the report, which estimated that some 2,000 people had been left unemployed: “These people fortunately did not live over the shops where they were employed. Their condition is a serious one. They are now without a means of living.”
‘Walking about the city’
Some businesses were able to set up shop temporarily and carry on trading, but space was scarce, and as a consequence “hundreds of employees [were] walking about the city”.
By the time the report was published, a large clean-up operation resumed, and was making progress: “Today (Tuesday, December 14th) large crowds again inspected the scenes of Saturday night’s havoc. The work of clearing the debris was continued and marked progress was made with the result that it was possible to run a full tram service throughout the city and suburbs.
“The footways along the thoroughfares surrounding the ruined buildings were cleared of falling brickwork, masonry and such material, and pedestrianism and the traffic was resumed in those thoroughfares. A large number of people were engaged in salving books and documents from safes that had remained intact within the ruins.”
The burning of Cork on December 11th, 1920. Photograph courtesy of the National Library of Ireland
Fire brigades from other counties had arrived to fight the blaze, but at the time of the reporter’s despatch, the flames were quelled and their contribution was no longer needed, and “during the afternoon the fireman from Dublin and Limerick were able to return to their respective cities”. Cork residents gave the Dublin Brigade – under Captain Myers – what was described as a “hearty send-off”.
“The crowd at the Victoria Hotel was an exceedingly large one composed mostly of young men and women who are now unemployed and as the brigade drove off to the station hearty cheers were giving a testimony in itself of what the people felt regarding what the firefighters had accomplished.”
The firefighters had hardly reached St Patrick’s Bridge, en route to the station, when this part of the story intersected with another - the funeral of Jeremiah Delaney, who had been killed by British forces in the early hours of Sunday at his home at Dublin Hill, on the city’s north side. Jeremiah and his brother, Cornelius - both members of the IRA - were shot. Jeremiah died instantly, and his brother died six days later.
“The remains, which were conveyed for internment in the Republican plot at St Finbar’s cemetery, were followed by an exceedingly large number of sympathisers. There was no limitation imposed by the authorities as in previous cases to the number of mourners and no military accompanied the funeral. The coffin was enshrouded with the Sinn Féin colours and the crowd marched in two deep.”
Military presence
While the mourners attending the funeral of Jeremiah Delaney were not accompanied by soldiers, a heavy military presence elsewhere in the city was noted in Irish Times reports.
A warning, issued by Brigadier General H W Higginson on the same evening, said “in view of the occurrences in the city, notice and warning is hereby given that any person seen committing or aiding or abetting the commission of any of the following crimes – arson, destruction of property of any kind whatsoever, and looting – will be fired on. Orders to the above effect have been issued to the troops and forces of the Crown under my command.”
The report noted an increased police presence on the streets, and the horror among residents at the weekend’s events. “There was much more military and police activity evidenced today,” said the report.
“Stories as to the events of Saturday and Sunday morning vary much, but, however much they differ, they all agree in the respect that the scenes were of a most terrifying character. The looting that went on was on a colossal scale, but that particular element has been subdued, and matters may now be described as normal.”
To read more from the original reports following the Burning of Cork, 1920, click here.


theirishtimes--2020-12-13--Man charged in relation to murder of boy (17)

A man has been charged in relation to the murder of a 17-year-old boy earlier this year .
The man @ @ @ @ @ had been detained at Drogheda Garda Station and has now been charged in relation to @ @ @ @ @ on Sunday .
He is due to appear before a special sitting of Dundalk court @ @ @ @ @ court ruling prevents the media from reporting any further information in the case .

A man has appeared in court charged with the murder of a male earlier this year.
Gerard Cruise, Rathmullan Park, Drogheda, Co Louth, appeared before a special sitting of Dundalk District Court on Sunday afternoon.
The court was told the 47-year-old accused man was arrested at 12.18am on Sunday and charged at 12.50am. When the charge was put to him by Det Sgt Peter Cooney the accused made no reply, Judge Éirinn McKiernan was told.
Mr Cruise is charged with the murder which happened in January. The accused man, who appeared in court wearing a black jacket, grey trainers and blue jeans, was represented by solicitor Eleanor Kelly.
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She made an application for legal aid to the court on the basis Mr Cruise was on disability allowance. Legal aid was granted.
Mr Cruise was remanded in custody to appear before Cloverhill District Court, Dublin, next Friday, December 18th.
The court was asked by Ms Kelly that Mr Cruise receive any medical attention required while remanded in custody.
Reporting restrictions mean the victim whose death gave rise to the murder charge cannot be named at this time and no further details about his death can be disclosed at present.


theirishtimes--2020-12-12--Dublin pub told by gardaí it must serve food after suspension of €9 meal

A Dublin pub that told its customers they could donate the price of a €9 meal to charity instead of having food served to them , has been told by gardaí it must serve a substantial meal .
Oscars Café Bar in Smithfield had earlier this week posted on its Facebook page that in a bid to reduce food waste , it would offer customers “ the facility to purchase a meal that will effectively be suspended .
We will in turn donate the cost of production to local homeless charities .
A receipt will be provided as proof of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the bar posted on its social media page that following “ advice ” from An Garda Síochána , “ we will no longer be offering the facility of our Suspended Meal for the Homeless and will require a substantial meal to be consumed ( or not consumed as the case may be ) with the purchase of an alcoholic drink .
“ We have nothing but the utmost respect for the Gardai who are just enforcing the current legislation .
It was never our intention to circumvent the law .
It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what we thought was a common sense approach to dealing with unecessary food waste.
” ( Sic ) The bar said it would be donating the money raised , along with its own €1,000 donation , to the Capuchin Day Centre for homeless people .
Covid-19 restrictions introduced earlier this year state that people may not drink in a bar unless they purchase a meal with a minimum value of €9 .
The relevant legislation is Standard Instrument ( SI ) 352/2020 which temporarily amends the Health Act 1947 .
Earlier this month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where food is cooked on the premises can reopen .
Prior to being advised by gardaí that they could not operate their €9 meal suspension plan , Oscars Bar owner Ronan Flood said they had 380 covers on Friday night and just eight guests chose to purchase a suspended meal .
He explained : “ What we experienced last weekend was guests arriving mainly later in the evening after having dinner in another premises .
“ It ’ s mainly a problem where people have come on to us and they had eaten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to us just for drinks .
.
.
As some guests had eaten already , perfectly good food was left untouched and went into the bin.
” Mr Flood said they were not trying to circumvent the law or to find a loop hole to get around it .
Another Dublin gastropub had also posted on its social media page that it was giving its customers the option of donating €9 to charity in lieu of being served a meal .
On their Instagram page The Camden management said they had been “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ending up in waste ” since the bar reopened last Friday .
“ Just so our customers can enjoy a few drinks in line with the current guidelines , quite a lot of good food remains untouched and ends up in our bin on a daily basis , ” they stated .
They promised to donate the purchase of a €9 meal to Temple Street Foundation Children ’ s Charity Ireland .
All funds raised will be donated on January 4th 2021 .
The Camden could not be reached on Sunday morning for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response from the Department of Health .

The Oscars Café Bar said it is now offering regulars the chance to suspend the meal in lieu of receiving unwanted food.
A Dublin pub that told its customers they could donate the price of a €9 meal to charity instead of having food served to them, has been told by gardaí it must serve a substantial meal.
Oscars Café Bar in Smithfield had earlier this week posted on its Facebook page that in a bid to reduce food waste, it would offer customers "the facility to purchase a meal that will effectively be suspended. We will in turn donate the cost of production to local homeless charities. A receipt will be provided as proof of purchase."
However, on Saturday evening, the bar posted on its social media page that following “advice” from An Garda Síochána, “ we will no longer be offering the facility of our Suspended Meal for the Homeless and will require a substantial meal to be consumed (or not consumed as the case may be) with the purchase of an alcoholic drink.
“We have nothing but the utmost respect for the Gardai who are just enforcing the current legislation. It was never our intention to circumvent the law. It was done with the best of intentions with what we thought was a common sense approach to dealing with unecessary food waste.”(Sic)
READ MORE
The bar said it would be donating the money raised, along with its own €1,000 donation, to the Capuchin Day Centre for homeless people.
Covid-19 restrictions introduced earlier this year state that people may not drink in a bar unless they purchase a meal with a minimum value of €9.
The relevant legislation is Standard Instrument (SI) 352/2020 which temporarily amends the Health Act 1947.
Earlier this month, the Government announced that only pubs where food is cooked on the premises can reopen.
Prior to being advised by gardaí that they could not operate their €9 meal suspension plan, Oscars Bar owner Ronan Flood said they had 380 covers on Friday night and just eight guests chose to purchase a suspended meal. He explained: "What we experienced last weekend was guests arriving mainly later in the evening after having dinner in another premises.
“It’s mainly a problem where people have come on to us and they had eaten in another restaurant and they were coming to us just for drinks. . . As some guests had eaten already, perfectly good food was left untouched and went into the bin.” Mr Flood said they were not trying to circumvent the law or to find a loop hole to get around it.
Another Dublin gastropub had also posted on its social media page that it was giving its customers the option of donating €9 to charity in lieu of being served a meal.
On their Instagram page The Camden management said they had been "shocked by the amount of good food ending up in waste" since the bar reopened last Friday.
“Just so our customers can enjoy a few drinks in line with the current guidelines, quite a lot of good food remains untouched and ends up in our bin on a daily basis,” they stated.
They promised to donate the purchase of a €9 meal to Temple Street Foundation Children's Charity Ireland. All funds raised will be donated on January 4th 2021.
The Camden could not be reached on Sunday morning for comment.The Irish Times is waiting for a response from the Department of Health.


theirishtimes--2020-12-14--Gardaí are warned receiving discounts in takeaways is seen as corruption

Gardaí availing of free admittance to nightclubs and events or who receive discounts in fast-food takeaways and restaurants are engaging in corruption , all members of An Garda Síochána have been warned .
The new definition of Garda corruption has been set down at a time when suspensions from An Garda Síochána are at a record high .
Some 67 members of the Garda force were suspended from duty at the end of last month pending the outcomes of various investigations .
This was more than double the 32 personnel suspended when Garda Commissioner Drew Harris was appointed in September @ @ @ @ @ @ @ force as a disciplinarian and was appointed to steer a major Garda reform programme .
A document circulated within the force by Garda headquarters , Phoenix Park , Dublin , has now set down a very broad definition of corruption as the new Garda anti-corruption unit begins operations .
The unit , which has been introduced by Mr Harris , is a new departure for An Garda Síochána , though the briefing document to gardaí says such units are “ standard in other police services ” .
The unit will investigate reports of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proactive in seeking to identify corruption , including plans to test Garda members for drug use .
It is headed by Chief Supt Johanna O ’ Leary , under the remit of Assistant Commissioner Pat Clavin , who is in charge of governance and accountability in the Garda .
The new briefing document sent to Garda members defines corruption as “ the abuse of a position of trust in order to gain an undue advantage ” .
Not all of the “ gain ” is financial or even material in nature as “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corruption .
Garda members have been told that the “ intentional omission or embellishment of evidence in a court case or investigation file ” also amounts to corruption .
Other acts of corruption , as defined by Garda headquarters , include accepting payment or other reward for “ turning a blind eye ” or claiming payment for “ time not worked or expenses not accrued ” .
The document says corruption includes : “ Abuse of authority by Garda personnel , including receiving material gain without breaking the law eg .
free entry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ takeaways/restaurants.
” Cancelling fines or not issuing summonses is also listed as an example of corruption , as is stealing from people under arrest or from victims .
Using illegal drugs is also listed as a corrupt practice , as is the abuse of power for sexual gain .
Other forms of corruption listed by Garda headquarters include : receiving gifts from the public or victims without declaring them ; obtaining personal gain by “ referring business to particular persons or companies ” ; sharing confidential information with colleagues , friends , criminals @ @ @

The new definition of Garda corruption has been set down at a time when suspensions from An Garda Síochána are at a record high
Gardaí availing of free admittance to nightclubs and events or who receive discounts in fast-food takeaways and restaurants are engaging in corruption, all members of An Garda Síochána have been warned.
The new definition of Garda corruption has been set down at a time when suspensions from An Garda Síochána are at a record high.
Some 67 members of the Garda force were suspended from duty at the end of last month pending the outcomes of various investigations. This was more than double the 32 personnel suspended when Garda Commissioner Drew Harris was appointed in September 2018. He is regarded within the force as a disciplinarian and was appointed to steer a major Garda reform programme.
A document circulated within the force by Garda headquarters, Phoenix Park, Dublin, has now set down a very broad definition of corruption as the new Garda anti-corruption unit begins operations.
READ MORE
The unit, which has been introduced by Mr Harris, is a new departure for An Garda Síochána, though the briefing document to gardaí says such units are "standard in other police services".
The unit will investigate reports of alleged Garda corruption but will also be proactive in seeking to identify corruption, including plans to test Garda members for drug use.
It is headed by Chief Supt Johanna O'Leary, under the remit of Assistant Commissioner Pat Clavin, who is in charge of governance and accountability in the Garda.
The new briefing document sent to Garda members defines corruption as “the abuse of a position of trust in order to gain an undue advantage”.
Not all of the “gain” is financial or even material in nature as “abuse of authority” is regarded as corruption. Garda members have been told that the “intentional omission or embellishment of evidence in a court case or investigation file” also amounts to corruption.
Turning a blind eye
Other acts of corruption, as defined by Garda headquarters, include accepting payment or other reward for “turning a blind eye” or claiming payment for “time not worked or expenses not accrued”.
The document says corruption includes: “Abuse of authority by Garda personnel, including receiving material gain without breaking the law eg. free entry into events and nightclubs, discounts from takeaways/restaurants.”
Cancelling fines or not issuing summonses is also listed as an example of corruption, as is stealing from people under arrest or from victims.
Using illegal drugs is also listed as a corrupt practice, as is the abuse of power for sexual gain.
Other forms of corruption listed by Garda headquarters include: receiving gifts from the public or victims without declaring them; obtaining personal gain by “referring business to particular persons or companies”; sharing confidential information with colleagues, friends, criminals and others.


theirishtimes--2020-12-14--Car restrictions proposed for Sandymount to accommodate new cycle way

Car restrictions , including traffic barriers , reduced parking , and one-way systems , are proposed for Dublin ’ s Sandymount village as mitigation measures for the new Strand Road cycle path which is due to come into operation in February .
Dublin City Council has devised plans for the Dublin 4 village to guard against its streets becoming rat runs for motorists once the two-way Strand Road cycle route , which limits traffic on the coastal road to one lane , opens .
The council ’ s proposals will also introduce two-way cycle lanes in the village , following @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infrastructure , particularly for school-going children .
The council last August announced plans to trial the two-way Strand Road cycle path , which involved a one-way traffic system with cars allowed to travel outbound only to the Merrion Gates .
Almost 3,000 people responded to a public consultation process on the cycle track proposal , with 56 per cent “ strongly in favour of proceeding with trial ” , the council said .
Just over a quarter ( 27 per cent ) objected to the trial , while 17 per cent stated they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerns was the fear traffic would be displaced from Strand Road to the residential roads in Sandymount , causing congestion and making the streets unsafe for children cycling to school .
“ One of the items that we have received a lot of correspondence about is the complete lack of cycling infrastructure within the village area and the concerns that it raises both in the current situation and during the trial , ” Brendan O ’ Brien of the council ’ s transportation division said .
The council is proposing to introduce a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ east side of Tritonville Road and heading to the village on Sandymount Road .
Heading south from Sandymount Green , two “ quiet way ” streets would be created by closing the link for cars between Newgrove Avenue and Durham road with traffic barriers .
These roads would effectively become cul de sacs , allowing cyclists and walkers to pass through , and maintaining access for residents , but banning through-traffic .
The two-way cycle path would continue west on Gilford Road and south on Park Avenue .
A one-way northbound traffic system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to accommodate the width of the two-way cycle lane .
A one-way westbound traffic system and two-way cycleway would also be introduced on Seafort Avenue to link to Strand Road .
On-street parking would be limited along the route with a small number of parking and loading bays retained .
The proposals will be presented to local city councillors on Monday and subsequently circulated to a community consultation forum chaired by Lord Mayor Hazel Chu .
A meeting of the forum will be held in January .
The council is also installing pedestrian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traffic monitoring throughout the village area and on Strand Road .
The six-month Strand Road cycle path trial had been due to begin next month , but has been deferred until February to prevent construction in the village during the Christmas period .

Car restrictions, including traffic barriers, reduced parking, and one-way systems, are proposed for Dublin's Sandymount village as mitigation measures for the new Strand Road cycle path which is due to come into operation in February.
Dublin City Council has devised plans for the Dublin 4 village to guard against its streets becoming rat runs for motorists once the two-way Strand Road cycle route, which limits traffic on the coastal road to one lane, opens.
The council’s proposals will also introduce two-way cycle lanes in the village, following concerns about the lack of safe cycling infrastructure, particularly for school-going children.
The council last August announced plans to trial the two-way Strand Road cycle path, which involved a one-way traffic system with cars allowed to travel outbound only to the Merrion Gates.
READ MORE
Almost 3,000 people responded to a public consultation process on the cycle track proposal, with 56 per cent “strongly in favour of proceeding with trial”, the council said. Just over a quarter (27 per cent) objected to the trial, while 17 per cent stated they had some concerns.
Chief among these concerns was the fear traffic would be displaced from Strand Road to the residential roads in Sandymount, causing congestion and making the streets unsafe for children cycling to school.
“One of the items that we have received a lot of correspondence about is the complete lack of cycling infrastructure within the village area and the concerns that it raises both in the current situation and during the trial,” Brendan O’Brien of the council’s transportation division said.
The council is proposing to introduce a two-way protected cycle route starting on the east side of Tritonville Road and heading to the village on Sandymount Road.
Pedestrian crossings
Heading south from Sandymount Green, two “quiet way” streets would be created by closing the link for cars between Newgrove Avenue and Durham road with traffic barriers. These roads would effectively become cul de sacs, allowing cyclists and walkers to pass through, and maintaining access for residents, but banning through-traffic.
The two-way cycle path would continue west on Gilford Road and south on Park Avenue. A one-way northbound traffic system would be introduced on these two roads to accommodate the width of the two-way cycle lane. A one-way westbound traffic system and two-way cycleway would also be introduced on Seafort Avenue to link to Strand Road.
On-street parking would be limited along the route with a small number of parking and loading bays retained.
The proposals will be presented to local city councillors on Monday and subsequently circulated to a community consultation forum chaired by Lord Mayor Hazel Chu. A meeting of the forum will be held in January.
The council is also installing pedestrian crossings at Sandymount Green and is conducting traffic monitoring throughout the village area and on Strand Road. The six-month Strand Road cycle path trial had been due to begin next month, but has been deferred until February to prevent construction in the village during the Christmas period.


theirishtimes--2020-12-14--Pay rises of over 3% for senior nurses proposed by expert group

Hundreds of nurses in more senior grades would receive special pay increases of just over 3 per cent under new proposals put forward by an independent expert group established by the Government .
The increases would form part of a process to deal , in part , with the fallout from the settlement of a strike in 2019 .
This saw the establishment of new enhanced nurse contracts with higher salaries for thousands of staff nurses and midwives .
On foot of this settlement , nurses in more senior positions sought higher pay to restore the difference between their salaries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that existed prior to the strike in 2019 .
An expert review body on nursing which was established by the Government last summer considered this issue as part of its first module of work .
It is understood that in recent days the review group has proposed that the salaries of nurses in these higher grades would need to increase by just over 3 per cent to restore the pay differential .
The proposed increases would be separate to the 1 per cent rise scheduled for October 2021 and a further 1 per @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a new agreement for most public service staff which was reached between the Government and trade unions last Friday .
The proposed increases are expected to be considered as part of a new sectoral bargaining process for different parts of the public service which is envisaged under the new public service agreement .
The Government has earmarked about €237million overall under this proposed sectoral bargaining process to deal with awards and claims involving personnel within the various parts of the public service , including health , local authorities , justice , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is already under pressure over demands by trade unions and the Opposition to pay student nurses in hospitals during the Covid-19 pandemic .
Meanwhile , trade unions see the proposed new €900 million deal on public service pay reached with the Government on Friday as “ a holding agreement ” and believe negotiations on a successor accord could get under way in 18 months .
The proposed deal will see most of the country ’ s 340,000 State employees receive a 1 per cent pay rise in October 2021 and a further 1 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said there were no side deals – or “ chairman ’ s notes ” as they have been known – on issues of concern to particular groups accompanying the new accord .
However , it is understood that there are a number of understandings , for example that the annual retention fee for health and social care professionals with their regulator , Coru , will remain capped at €100 .
The deal , if agreed , would run for two years and unions believe they would be back in negotiations on a successor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Public Service Committee of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions is to meet on Tuesday to consider the proposed new agreement and the timetable for ballots of members of affiliated organisations and , if passed , for its formal ratification .
The chairman of the Public Service Committee Kevin Callinan of the Fórsa trade union said on Sunday that a significant focus of the new agreement was on the lower paid in the public service .
He said the structure of the proposed deal would see a person on €25,000 per @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cent while someone on more than €50,000 would receive a 1 per cent rise next year .
However , not all groups are happy with the proposed agreement and the way it was negotiated .
Ahead of a meeting of its executive on Monday the Representative Association for Commissioned Officers in the Defence Forces ( RACO ) said on Sunday : “ The document , presented as a fait accompli on Friday morning , contains measures specific to certain sectors that were not aired in any of the early talks .
One wonders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What is clear to RACO is that we have not been afforded the opportunity to shape negotiations on behalf of our members , and the notion of parity of esteem is unfortunately a myth.
” The executive of the primary teachers ’ trade union , the INTO , is also to meet on Monday to consider the proposed deal .
The national executive of the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors ( AGSI ) , which maintained that promises it had received of parity of esteem with trade unions in the negotiation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , will convene on Tuesday to consider the content of the document .

The Government is under pressure over demands by trade unions and the Opposition to pay student nurses in hospitals during the Covid-19 pandemic. Photograph: iStock
Hundreds of nurses in more senior grades would receive special pay increases of just over 3 per cent under new proposals put forward by an independent expert group established by the Government.
The increases would form part of a process to deal, in part, with the fallout from the settlement of a strike in 2019. This saw the establishment of new enhanced nurse contracts with higher salaries for thousands of staff nurses and midwives.
On foot of this settlement, nurses in more senior positions sought higher pay to restore the difference between their salaries and those applying to lower level posts that existed prior to the strike in 2019.
An expert review body on nursing which was established by the Government last summer considered this issue as part of its first module of work.
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It is understood that in recent days the review group has proposed that the salaries of nurses in these higher grades would need to increase by just over 3 per cent to restore the pay differential.
The proposed increases would be separate to the 1 per cent rise scheduled for October 2021 and a further 1 per cent rise in October 2022 set out in a new agreement for most public service staff which was reached between the Government and trade unions last Friday.
The proposed increases are expected to be considered as part of a new sectoral bargaining process for different parts of the public service which is envisaged under the new public service agreement.
The Government has earmarked about €237million overall under this proposed sectoral bargaining process to deal with awards and claims involving personnel within the various parts of the public service, including health, local authorities, justice, the Civil Service and defence.
The Government is already under pressure over demands by trade unions and the Opposition to pay student nurses in hospitals during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Meanwhile, trade unions see the proposed new €900 million deal on public service pay reached with the Government on Friday as “a holding agreement” and believe negotiations on a successor accord could get under way in 18 months.
The proposed deal will see most of the country’s 340,000 State employees receive a 1 per cent pay rise in October 2021 and a further 1 per cent in October 2022.
Unions said there were no side deals – or “chairman’s notes” as they have been known – on issues of concern to particular groups accompanying the new accord. However, it is understood that there are a number of understandings, for example that the annual retention fee for health and social care professionals with their regulator, Coru, will remain capped at €100.
The deal, if agreed, would run for two years and unions believe they would be back in negotiations on a successor arrangement by May or June of 2022.
Timetable
The Public Service Committee of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions is to meet on Tuesday to consider the proposed new agreement and the timetable for ballots of members of affiliated organisations and, if passed, for its formal ratification.
The chairman of the Public Service Committee Kevin Callinan of the Fórsa trade union said on Sunday that a significant focus of the new agreement was on the lower paid in the public service.
He said the structure of the proposed deal would see a person on €25,000 per year receive an increase of 2 per cent while someone on more than €50,000 would receive a 1 per cent rise next year.
However, not all groups are happy with the proposed agreement and the way it was negotiated.
Ahead of a meeting of its executive on Monday the Representative Association for Commissioned Officers in the Defence Forces (RACO) said on Sunday: “The document, presented as a fait accompli on Friday morning, contains measures specific to certain sectors that were not aired in any of the early talks. One wonders what other deals have been done. What is clear to RACO is that we have not been afforded the opportunity to shape negotiations on behalf of our members, and the notion of parity of esteem is unfortunately a myth.”
The executive of the primary teachers’ trade union, the INTO, is also to meet on Monday to consider the proposed deal.
The national executive of the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors (AGSI), which maintained that promises it had received of parity of esteem with trade unions in the negotiation of the proposed agreement had not been upheld, will convene on Tuesday to consider the content of the document.


theirishtimes--2020-12-14--Call for serving gardaí to receive commemorative medal on force’s centenary

A call has been made for An Garda Síochána to issue a commemorative medal to every serving officer during the force ’ s centenary year in 2022 .
Independent TD Cathal Berry highlighted the suggestion from the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors that a medal should be struck and presented to every garda .
The Kildare TD and former Army officer said “ a very similar suggestion was made in 2016 for members of the Defence Forces .
Every serving member received a commemorative medal marking the Defence Forces ’ centenary.
” As part of preparations to commemorate the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Government is considering issuing a commemorative ribbon and coin for personnel working during the centenary year .
Minister of State for Justice James Browne said he would “ take note of and account of ” the suggestion for a commemorative medal , and bring it to the attention of An Garda Síochána .
Two events have so far been planned , co-ordinated by a centenary committee led by senior gardaí .
The force will on February 7th , 2022 , mark a meeting in the Gresham Hotel in Dublin of a committee which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This would later be renamed An Garda Síochána under section 22 of the 1923 Garda Síochána ( Temporary Provisions ) Act .
The second event , which is due to take place on August 21st , 2022 , will commemorate the “ storming of Dublin Castle ” by the then Garda commissioner on August 17th , 1922 , when the Civic Guard took control of Dublin Castle .
The committee is considering the publication of a commemorative book , localised exhibitions and events to mark the centenary throughout 2022 .
When the issue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days Mr Browne said the committee was also looking at digitising historic Garda materials to make them publicly available online , including a photographic exhibition as well as additional exhibitions in the Garda Museum .
Dr Berry also said the Garda Síochána Retired Members Association suggested an oral history project similar to one taking place for Defence Forces personnel in the military archives in Cathal Brugha barracks .
“ There is a large volume of testimony and eyewitness accounts from Garda Síochána operations over past decades , so again we should probably consider @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regional Independent TD said .
Mr Browne described the suggestion as a “ very worthy idea ” which he would bring to the organising committee .
The Minister added : “ We know that oral histories can be extremely important , especially for generations to come.
” He said the Defence Forces oral history project was carried out in the late 1940s and early 1950s .
“ It is through those records that I know about the actions of my great-grandfather in 1916 , ” he said .

Newly-qualified gardaí at the Garda College, Templemore. The force will on February 7th, 2022, mark a 1922 meeting in the Gresham Hotel, Dublin, of a committee which decided to form the Civic Guard
A call has been made for An Garda Síochána to issue a commemorative medal to every serving officer during the force’s centenary year in 2022.
Independent TD Cathal Berry highlighted the suggestion from the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors that a medal should be struck and presented to every garda.
The Kildare TD and former Army officer said “a very similar suggestion was made in 2016 for members of the Defence Forces. Every serving member received a commemorative medal marking the Defence Forces’ centenary.”
As part of preparations to commemorate the centenary since the force was founded the Government is considering issuing a commemorative ribbon and coin for personnel working during the centenary year.
READ MORE
Minister of State for Justice James Browne said he would "take note of and account of" the suggestion for a commemorative medal, and bring it to the attention of An Garda Síochána.
Two events have so far been planned, co-ordinated by a centenary committee led by senior gardaí.
The force will on February 7th, 2022, mark a meeting in the Gresham Hotel in Dublin of a committee which decided to form the Civic Guard. This would later be renamed An Garda Síochána under section 22 of the 1923 Garda Síochána (Temporary Provisions) Act.
The second event, which is due to take place on August 21st, 2022, will commemorate the “storming of Dublin Castle” by the then Garda commissioner on August 17th, 1922, when the Civic Guard took control of Dublin Castle.
The committee is considering the publication of a commemorative book, localised exhibitions and events to mark the centenary throughout 2022.
When the issue came up in the Dáil in recent days Mr Browne said the committee was also looking at digitising historic Garda materials to make them publicly available online, including a photographic exhibition as well as additional exhibitions in the Garda Museum.
Oral history project
Dr Berry also said the Garda Síochána Retired Members Association suggested an oral history project similar to one taking place for Defence Forces personnel in the military archives in Cathal Brugha barracks.
“There is a large volume of testimony and eyewitness accounts from Garda Síochána operations over past decades, so again we should probably consider an oral history-type project,” the regional Independent TD said.
Mr Browne described the suggestion as a “very worthy idea” which he would bring to the organising committee.
The Minister added: “We know that oral histories can be extremely important, especially for generations to come.”
He said the Defence Forces oral history project was carried out in the late 1940s and early 1950s. “It is through those records that I know about the actions of my great-grandfather in 1916,” he said.


theirishtimes--2020-12-14--Who killed the children of Belturbet?

Who killed the children of Belturbet?

December 28th was the Catholic feast day of The Holy Innocents , Joseph Stanley often recalled in the years that followed 1972 , the day that everything changed .
On that day in 1972 , at 10.01 pm , his son Paddy – a sports-obsessed teenager – had been trying to telephone his family in Clara , Co Offaly .
His son ( 16 ) , who worked as a delivery assistant on a lorry supplying gas cylinders to businesses around Ireland , was in Belturbet , Co Cavan .
He needed to call home .
There was one more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Co Cavan border town of Belturbet was closed .
They would have to spend the night in Cavan .
As he was standing in the public phone box on the town ’ s main street , a bomb in a nearby parked car exploded .
Lifted by the explosion , the box was thrown a number of yards .
Local mechanic Paddy O ’ Reilly rushed to help , finding Paddy Stanley by the phone box : “ I … carried him up the street towards the garage .
His hair was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blown away , ” he said .
Fifteen-year-old Geraldine O ’ Reilly had been about to leave a takeaway when the bomb exploded .
Her brother , Anthony , had been waiting for her in his car .
Seriously hurt and requiring hospital care , he was , nonetheless , taken to identify his sister ’ s body by torchlight .
He did so by recognising one of her tan , knee-length boots , her blue skirt and other fragments of clothing .
Both Geraldine O ’ Reilly and Paddy Stanley suffered catastrophic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others were treated in hospital for serious burns and lacerations .
Today , their trauma endures .
Anthony O ’ Reilly remains profoundly affected by that flickering vision of his sister ’ s body on the takeaway floor : “ Last thing at night and first thing in the morning , that image still comes back to me .
It ’ s not something you get over.
” Almost 50 years after the Belturbet bombing nobody has been charged with the murders of the two children and the injuries to so many others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court judge Mr Justice Henry Barron named one lead suspect , Robert Bridge , an Enniskillen loyalist who was later convicted of a sectarian murder .
Bridge was the most likely leader of a loyalist cell in Fermanagh that planted bombs in the southern Border towns of Belturbet , Clones and Pettigo on the night of December 28th .
Fortunately , nobody died in Clones and Pettigo .
Barron ’ s conclusions drew heavily on Garda reports , which were largely based on intelligence received from the Royal Ulster Constabulary .
Barron singled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ information about anyone else .
However , documents held at the UK National Archives in London now prove that intelligence on another lead suspect was available , but that this was not passed on to Irish investigators .
Barely three months after the murders in Belturbet , the commander of the British army ’ s 3rd Infantry Brigade , Brig Peter Bush , met Tyrone and Fermanagh police commanders in Omagh to discuss Border security .
There , they discussed the arrest of two men after a robbery in Derrygonnelly , Co Fermanagh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ involved in “ a commando-type gang from Belfast ” blamed for explosions “ in Eire ” .
On March 14th William McMurray , Newtownabbey , Co Antrim , and James Campbell , a former customs officer with addresses in Fermanagh and Newtownabbey , were arrested and charged with stealing £312 from a man in Derrygonnelly and the illegal possession of a Walther pistol and ammunition .
British military intelligence identified McMurray as the “ OC [ officer commanding ] of a UDA special commando team ” in the border region .
A few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noted that , in the case of Fermanagh , “ there has been no militant Protestant activity during the period under review .
This can be accounted for by the recent arrest of McMurray and Campbell on 14 March .
It is assumed that the Co Fermanagh militant Protestants are undergoing some form of reorganisation ” .
British army intelligence reports also indicated that McMurray was an associate of Robert Bridge , who was described as a “ lieutenant-colonel ” and possible one-time commander of the Fermanagh/Tyrone UDA .
In court in May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ liaison officer ” between the Belfast UDA leadership and loyalists in Fermanagh and Tyrone .
Three successive juries failed to agree on whether to convict both men and charges were ultimately dropped – although McMurray was convicted of another , separate firearms related charge .
The UDA was a new , legal organisation in 1972 ; it received support from some prominent unionist politicians .
In November 1972 the Enniskillen-based Impartial Reporter newspaper reported on a speech made by John Taylor , a former Northern Ireland cabinet minister with responsibility for security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1970-1972 ) , in which Taylor “ thanked God for the imagination of the people who had the wisdom to form organisations like the LAW [ Loyalist Association of Workers ] and the UDA ” , although he believed that , “ these forces must be co-ordinated and led ” .
The unionist-leaning Impartial Reporter reported Taylor claiming that security had improved on the southern side of the Border after loyalist bombings in October 1972 in Clones , Co Monaghan and Carrigans , Co Donegal .
“ To that extent one must not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been an advantage to Northern Ireland security , ” the newspaper recorded Taylor as saying .
In late 1972 and early 1973 there was a spike in loyalist activity along the Fermanagh Border , including cross-Border bombings and robberies .
Whereas Barron believed that Robert Bridge was the driving force behind the group that carried out this loyalist border campaign , including the murder of Geraldine O ’ Reilly and Paddy Stanley , the British Army and the RUC had come to a different conclusion – McMurray was their primary suspect – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Garda counterparts .
According to Barron , in 1973 Garda intelligence identified a former customs officer who they believed was the leader of a group of loyalist paramilitaries operating on the Fermanagh/Donegal Border .
However , gardaí were unable to interview the suspect as “ he was resident in Northern Ireland ” ( the suspect , unlike Bridge , is not named by Barron and no more comment was offered by Barron on this intelligence ) .
Some locals were in no doubt that the Belturbet bombing was in retaliation for the order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bombed road linking Enniskillen to Dublin , against the wishes of the British government and local unionists .
The road was hated by local Protestants because it was frequently used by IRA units based in the Republic who crossed to kill part-time Ulster Defence Regiment ( UDR ) soldiers and blow up Protestant-owned shops and pubs .
On September 21st , 1972 , 53-year-old Tom Bullock , a popular part-time UDR soldier and his wife , Emily , were shot dead in their home near the Border by an IRA unit which had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Aghalane Bridge .
Outraged unionists demanded the closure of the bridge .
The British could shut minor roads but shutting a main “ approved ” road required Dublin ’ s consent and that would not be forthcoming .
However , records now held by the Imperial War Museum show that Capt Vernon Rees , the army officer in charge of security in southwest Fermanagh , believed he could help solve the problem of Aghalane Bridge .
In an interview for the museum ’ s oral history archive , Rees recalled that , after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local RUC chief inspector introduced him to Jack Leahy , a 46-year-old publican in Lisnaskea and long-standing Ulster Unionist Party councillor .
Rees claimed that Leahy was a leading representative of the UDA in south Fermanagh .
In Capt Rees ’ s view , “ … anybody who would help me defeat the IRA would be a friend of mine .
And that in those days included the UDA ” .
By Rees ’ s account , Leahy asked him to keep his soldiers away from the Aghalane area on the night of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of nervous reflection , “ Am I about to cooperate with a terrorist in the Ulster Defence Association in the destruction of a main road in the United Kingdom ?
And I thought , ‘ All those little farmers around there .
They have never used that road .
It ’ s just far too dangerous .
It would be wonderful if that bridge was down.
’ So I leaked it through the Special Branch again that there would be no soldiers in that area between eight and midnight that Thursday night.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1972 , a Garda patrol car found a string of bales blocking their approach to Aghalane .
On top of the bales was a sign marked “ BOM ” [ sic ] .
Seconds later an explosion ripped through the 19th century , 40ft long bridge .
However , the structure was only partially damaged .
Rees later described what happened when he arrived on the scene the following day , where he introduced himself to an army explosives expert .
“ I said … ‘ I ’ m Capt Rees .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come out to look at this .
There ’ s some very unstable explosives up there and I don ’ t want it moved really .
I want you to destroy it on the bridge.
’ He went up and he came down and he said , ‘ It ’ s mud.
’ And I said , ‘ No , no , it ’ s not mud .
It ’ s unstable , homemade explosives.
’ And he said , ‘ If I blow that up there , sir , it will blow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , ‘ If that ’ s what happens , that ’ s what happens.
’ And he said , ‘ Are you telling me … ?
’ And I said , ‘ Go up there and clear that thing.
’ Anyway , he blew it up with about a quarter of a pound of PE [ plastic explosives ] .
Both the arches flew out and the central arch collapsed .
Ten minutes later I go up and there is this inspector from the Gardaí who says , ‘ What have you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tuzo , the most senior officer in Northern Ireland , made it clear to the Northern Ireland Office that he was “ delighted ” that the bridge was now closed , and he wanted it kept that way .
On the other side of the Border , engineers from Cavan County Council believed that they could erect a temporary bailey bridge .
Despite the two explosions , much of the bridge remained intact .
In Dublin , Frank Steele , an MI6 officer , passed a message to the Irish government through the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ road ’ s reopening would go against “ courtesy and perhaps of law ” .
Such remonstrations were ignored ; the temporary bridge was installed , and the road was reopened on December 24th , 1972 .
Barriers erected by Fermanagh County Council on the northern side were removed by local nationalists .
Reflecting the feelings of many local Protestants , councillor John Brooke , however , was outraged , describing the bailey bridge as “ an invasion of United Kingdom territory by a foreign power ” .
On the night of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a red Ford Escort , crossed over the bailey bridge .
A garda noted the licence number , but quickly waved the male driver and female passenger on .
The crossing by the temporary bailey bridge was not accidental .
Other , safer routes were available .
But this was likely a warning to the Irish government , as some in the British army were quick to recognise .
Writing to an official in the Northern Ireland Office three days after the Belturbet , Clones and Pettigo attacks , Lieut Col Anthony Millen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should encourage the Republic ’ s authorities to support our wish to leave the road physically ( opposed from legally ) closed ” .
Extending his sympathies to the Belturbet victims , Cllr Brooke noted that the unilateral reopening of the Aghalane Bridge meant that loyalists could use it just as easily to inflict terror on the people in Cavan as the IRA did when attacking targets in Fermanagh .
Brooke hoped that Irish government policy would now change .
Early on January 11th , 1973 , Aghalane Bridge was again bombed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Dublin not to be bullied .
Repair it , he said , and dare the bombers to try again .
The government ignored Carron ’ s request .
Aghalane was closed for more than two decades .
In the weeks after Belturbet , politicians and businessmen demanded extra security on the southern side of the Border .
Belturbet ’ s town commissioners insisted on 24-hour security on the remaining Leggykelly Border crossing , while locals demanded systematic checks on vehicles , “ the same as they were doing in Northern Ireland ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s government stepped up security in Cavan and Monaghan , an outcome welcomed by the British army and mainstream unionist representatives , who noted increasing numbers of arrests of IRA suspects .
The loyalist Border campaign of the early 1970s was a brutal attempt to force the Irish government to do more to secure the Border and counter IRA activity .
From that perspective , it can be argued that it worked .
Increased Defence Forces and Garda action frustrated possible future loyalist attacks , but it also served to restrict the IRA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Border region .
But the bombing of Belturbet , like other loyalist attacks South of the Border , did irreparable damage to the British government ’ s reputation along that same Border .
An editorial in the Fermanagh Herald observed that : “ People are not fools .
They see Unionist terrorists doing pretty well what they please.
” On Aghalane , Lord Kilbracken , the Leitrim peer and decorated Royal Navy pilot , told the House of Lords that it was , “ remarkable that the destruction of a bridge by terrorist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is indispensable for security purposes ” .
In addition , the belief among nationalists that loyalist terrorism was ignored , tolerated or even helped by the British army and the RUC severely undermined any attempts they could have made to win trust .
Dr Edward Burke is an assistant professor at the University of Nottingham RTÉ Investigates will present Belturbet : A Bomb That Time Forgot , RTÉ One , 9.35pm on Monday , which will reveal new evidence about the bombing

December 28th was the Catholic feast day of The Holy Innocents, Joseph Stanley often recalled in the years that followed 1972, the day that everything changed.
On that day in 1972, at 10.01 pm, his son Paddy – a sports-obsessed teenager – had been trying to telephone his family in Clara, Co Offaly.
His son (16), who worked as a delivery assistant on a lorry supplying gas cylinders to businesses around Ireland, was in Belturbet, Co Cavan. He needed to call home. There was one more delivery to make and the shop in the Co Cavan border town of Belturbet was closed. They would have to spend the night in Cavan.
Patrick Stanley (16) from Clara, Co Offaly, was killed by the bomb in Belturbet, Co Cavan, in 1972.
As he was standing in the public phone box on the town’s main street, a bomb in a nearby parked car exploded. Lifted by the explosion, the box was thrown a number of yards.
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Local mechanic Paddy O'Reilly rushed to help, finding Paddy Stanley by the phone box: "I … carried him up the street towards the garage. His hair was burning, and half his face was blown away," he said.
RTÉ Investigates' "Belturbet: A Bomb That Time Forgot" will reveal new evidence about the 1972 bombing in Cavan.
Fifteen-year-old Geraldine O’Reilly had been about to leave a takeaway when the bomb exploded. Her brother, Anthony, had been waiting for her in his car. Seriously hurt and requiring hospital care, he was, nonetheless, taken to identify his sister’s body by torchlight. He did so by recognising one of her tan, knee-length boots, her blue skirt and other fragments of clothing.
Both Geraldine O’Reilly and Paddy Stanley suffered catastrophic head injuries, dying instantly. Several others were treated in hospital for serious burns and lacerations. Today, their trauma endures.
Anthony O’Reilly remains profoundly affected by that flickering vision of his sister’s body on the takeaway floor: “Last thing at night and first thing in the morning, that image still comes back to me. It’s not something you get over.”
No charges
Almost 50 years after the Belturbet bombing nobody has been charged with the murders of the two children and the injuries to so many others.
A 2004 report by former High Court judge Mr Justice Henry Barron named one lead suspect, Robert Bridge, an Enniskillen loyalist who was later convicted of a sectarian murder.
A doctor walks through soldiers at the scene in Belturbet, Co Cavan, following the bombing in December 1972. Photograph: Paddy Ronaghan
Bridge was the most likely leader of a loyalist cell in Fermanagh that planted bombs in the southern Border towns of Belturbet, Clones and Pettigo on the night of December 28th. Fortunately, nobody died in Clones and Pettigo.
Barron's conclusions drew heavily on Garda reports, which were largely based on intelligence received from the Royal Ulster Constabulary. Barron singled out Bridges because there was so little information about anyone else.
However, documents held at the UK National Archives in London now prove that intelligence on another lead suspect was available, but that this was not passed on to Irish investigators.
Barely three months after the murders in Belturbet, the commander of the British army's 3rd Infantry Brigade, Brig Peter Bush, met Tyrone and Fermanagh police commanders in Omagh to discuss Border security.
There, they discussed the arrest of two men after a robbery in Derrygonnelly, Co Fermanagh, including an Ulster Defence Association member involved in "a commando-type gang from Belfast" blamed for explosions "in Eire".
On March 14th William McMurray, Newtownabbey, Co Antrim, and James Campbell, a former customs officer with addresses in Fermanagh and Newtownabbey, were arrested and charged with stealing £312 from a man in Derrygonnelly and the illegal possession of a Walther pistol and ammunition. British military intelligence identified McMurray as the "OC [officer commanding] of a UDA special commando team" in the border region.
A few weeks later a 3rd Brigade intelligence summary noted that, in the case of Fermanagh, “there has been no militant Protestant activity during the period under review. This can be accounted for by the recent arrest of McMurray and Campbell on 14 March. It is assumed that the Co Fermanagh militant Protestants are undergoing some form of reorganisation”.
‘An advantage’
British army intelligence reports also indicated that McMurray was an associate of Robert Bridge, who was described as a “lieutenant-colonel” and possible one-time commander of the Fermanagh/Tyrone UDA.
In court in May 1973, McMurray described himself as a "liaison officer" between the Belfast UDA leadership and loyalists in Fermanagh and Tyrone. Three successive juries failed to agree on whether to convict both men and charges were ultimately dropped – although McMurray was convicted of another, separate firearms related charge.
The UDA was a new, legal organisation in 1972; it received support from some prominent unionist politicians. In November 1972 the Enniskillen-based Impartial Reporter newspaper reported on a speech made by John Taylor, a former Northern Ireland cabinet minister with responsibility for security at the Ministry of Home Affairs (1970-1972), in which Taylor " thanked God for the imagination of the people who had the wisdom to form organisations like the LAW [Loyalist Association of Workers] and the UDA", although he believed that, "these forces must be co-ordinated and led".
Geraldine O’Reilly (15) had been about to leave a takeaway when the bomb exploded in Belturbet, Co Cavan.
The unionist-leaning Impartial Reporter reported Taylor claiming that security had improved on the southern side of the Border after loyalist bombings in October 1972 in Clones, Co Monaghan and Carrigans, Co Donegal.
“To that extent one must not hesitate to say that these two explosions have been an advantage to Northern Ireland security,” the newspaper recorded Taylor as saying.
In late 1972 and early 1973 there was a spike in loyalist activity along the Fermanagh Border, including cross-Border bombings and robberies. Whereas Barron believed that Robert Bridge was the driving force behind the group that carried out this loyalist border campaign, including the murder of Geraldine O'Reilly and Paddy Stanley, the British Army and the RUC had come to a different conclusion – McMurray was their primary suspect – one they did not share with their Garda counterparts.
According to Barron, in 1973 Garda intelligence identified a former customs officer who they believed was the leader of a group of loyalist paramilitaries operating on the Fermanagh/Donegal Border.
However, gardaí were unable to interview the suspect as “he was resident in Northern Ireland” (the suspect, unlike Bridge, is not named by Barron and no more comment was offered by Barron on this intelligence).
Retaliation
Some locals were in no doubt that the Belturbet bombing was in retaliation for the order by Cavan County Council to reopen a bombed road linking Enniskillen to Dublin, against the wishes of the British government and local unionists.
The road was hated by local Protestants because it was frequently used by IRA units based in the Republic who crossed to kill part-time Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) soldiers and blow up Protestant-owned shops and pubs.
On September 21st, 1972, 53-year-old Tom Bullock, a popular part-time UDR soldier and his wife, Emily, were shot dead in their home near the Border by an IRA unit which had crossed over, and returned by, Aghalane Bridge.
Outraged unionists demanded the closure of the bridge. The British could shut minor roads but shutting a main “approved” road required Dublin’s consent and that would not be forthcoming.
However, records now held by the Imperial War Museum show that Capt Vernon Rees, the army officer in charge of security in southwest Fermanagh, believed he could help solve the problem of Aghalane Bridge.
In an interview for the museum's oral history archive, Rees recalled that, after the killing of the Bullocks, a local RUC chief inspector introduced him to Jack Leahy, a 46-year-old publican in Lisnaskea and long-standing Ulster Unionist Party councillor.
Rees claimed that Leahy was a leading representative of the UDA in south Fermanagh. In Capt Rees’s view, “… anybody who would help me defeat the IRA would be a friend of mine. And that in those days included the UDA”. By Rees’s account, Leahy asked him to keep his soldiers away from the Aghalane area on the night of November 20th/21st. Rees had a moment of nervous reflection,
“Am I about to cooperate with a terrorist in the Ulster Defence Association in the destruction of a main road in the United Kingdom? And I thought, ‘All those little farmers around there. They have never used that road. It’s just far too dangerous. It would be wonderful if that bridge was down.’ So I leaked it through the Special Branch again that there would be no soldiers in that area between eight and midnight that Thursday night.”
At 1 am on November 21st, 1972, a Garda patrol car found a string of bales blocking their approach to Aghalane. On top of the bales was a sign marked “BOM” [sic]. Seconds later an explosion ripped through the 19th century, 40ft long bridge. However, the structure was only partially damaged.
Rees later described what happened when he arrived on the scene the following day, where he introduced himself to an army explosives expert.
“I said … ‘I’m Capt Rees. I’m very glad you’ve come out to look at this. There’s some very unstable explosives up there and I don’t want it moved really. I want you to destroy it on the bridge.’ He went up and he came down and he said, ‘It’s mud.’ And I said, ‘No, no, it’s not mud. It’s unstable, homemade explosives.’ And he said, ‘If I blow that up there, sir, it will blow the central arch down.’ And I said, ‘If that’s what happens, that’s what happens.’ And he said, ‘Are you telling me …?’ And I said, ‘Go up there and clear that thing.’ Anyway, he blew it up with about a quarter of a pound of PE [plastic explosives]. Both the arches flew out and the central arch collapsed. Ten minutes later I go up and there is this inspector from the Gardaí who says, ‘What have you done?’”
Temporary bridge
Lieut Gen Harry Tuzo, the most senior officer in Northern Ireland, made it clear to the Northern Ireland Office that he was “delighted” that the bridge was now closed, and he wanted it kept that way.
On the other side of the Border, engineers from Cavan County Council believed that they could erect a temporary bailey bridge. Despite the two explosions, much of the bridge remained intact.
In Dublin, Frank Steele, an MI6 officer, passed a message to the Irish government through the embassy in Dublin – warning that the road's reopening would go against "courtesy and perhaps of law".
Such remonstrations were ignored; the temporary bridge was installed, and the road was reopened on December 24th, 1972. Barriers erected by Fermanagh County Council on the northern side were removed by local nationalists.
Reflecting the feelings of many local Protestants, councillor John Brooke, however, was outraged, describing the bailey bridge as "an invasion of United Kingdom territory by a foreign power".
On the night of the Belturbet bombing, the bomb car, a red Ford Escort, crossed over the bailey bridge. A garda noted the licence number, but quickly waved the male driver and female passenger on.
The crossing by the temporary bailey bridge was not accidental. Other, safer routes were available. But this was likely a warning to the Irish government, as some in the British army were quick to recognise.
Writing to an official in the Northern Ireland Office three days after the Belturbet, Clones and Pettigo attacks, Lieut Col Anthony Millen observed that, “… these incidents should encourage the Republic’s authorities to support our wish to leave the road physically (opposed from legally) closed”.
Extending his sympathies to the Belturbet victims, Cllr Brooke noted that the unilateral reopening of the Aghalane Bridge meant that loyalists could use it just as easily to inflict terror on the people in Cavan as the IRA did when attacking targets in Fermanagh. Brooke hoped that Irish government policy would now change.
Early on January 11th, 1973, Aghalane Bridge was again bombed. A Fermanagh nationalist politician John Carron appealed to Dublin not to be bullied. Repair it, he said, and dare the bombers to try again.
Anthony O’Reilly’s car following the bombing in Belturbet, Co Cavan. Photograph: Paddy Ronaghan
The government ignored Carron’s request. Aghalane was closed for more than two decades. In the weeks after Belturbet, politicians and businessmen demanded extra security on the southern side of the Border.
Belturbet’s town commissioners insisted on 24-hour security on the remaining Leggykelly Border crossing, while locals demanded systematic checks on vehicles, “the same as they were doing in Northern Ireland”.
Under pressure, Jack Lynch’s government stepped up security in Cavan and Monaghan, an outcome welcomed by the British army and mainstream unionist representatives, who noted increasing numbers of arrests of IRA suspects.
The loyalist Border campaign of the early 1970s was a brutal attempt to force the Irish government to do more to secure the Border and counter IRA activity. From that perspective, it can be argued that it worked.
Increased Defence Forces and Garda action frustrated possible future loyalist attacks, but it also served to restrict the IRA's ability to operate in the Border region.
But the bombing of Belturbet, like other loyalist attacks South of the Border, did irreparable damage to the British government’s reputation along that same Border.
An editorial in the Fermanagh Herald observed that: "People are not fools. They see Unionist terrorists doing pretty well what they please." On Aghalane, Lord Kilbracken, the Leitrim peer and decorated Royal Navy pilot, told the House of Lords that it was, "remarkable that the destruction of a bridge by terrorist forces should be considered an act which is indispensable for security purposes".
In addition, the belief among nationalists that loyalist terrorism was ignored, tolerated or even helped by the British army and the RUC severely undermined any attempts they could have made to win trust.
Dr Edward Burke is an assistant professor at the University of Nottingham
RTÉ Investigates will present Belturbet: A Bomb That Time Forgot, RTÉ One, 9.35pm on Monday, which will reveal new evidence about the bombing


theirishtimes--2020-12-14--Charitable Irish tighten their belts across 30 years

In 1985 , the generosity of Irish people was praised when Bob Geldof announced the nation had handed over more money per capita to Live Aid than anywhere else .
But since then , something has changed .
A new report examining the charity of the Irish has found that in the 30 years to 2015 donations as a proportion of household expenditure has been steadily declining .
In 1987 , two years after Geldof ’ s famous television appeal for cash – “ Don ’ t go to the pub tonight , stay in and give us the money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were found to have made charitable donations .
By 2015 , that figure had dwindled to just 38 per cent .
The data , presented in one of two reports published on Monday by the Government funded non-profit Benefacts , is mined from annual Household Budget Surveys , produced by the Central Statistics Office .
Examining three decades of trends , it found the average amount donated grew between 1987 and 2004 but declined sharply since .
The average value of weekly household donations rose from €4.25 in 1987 to a high of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high economic growth – but fell to about €3.75 by 2015 .
The poorest are found to be significantly more generous than the richest when donations are considered relative to disposable income .
Older people and those with higher levels of education and disposable income are also more likely to put a hand in their pockets .
So too are those living in rural locations , married people and women ; all more likely to give , and give considerably more .
Another social shift from the 1980s is that the level of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a share of total donations .
“ While this data is only available up until 2004 , a declining trend is evident , with church donations representing 81 per cent of total donations in 1987 and 61 per cent in 2004 , ” noted the report .
Benefacts has also published a first listing of philanthropies in Ireland “ to help inform the public about a sector that for too long has been served by little hard data ” .
It gives detail of 164 philanthropic entities providing combined annual grants of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entity per 30,108 Irish citizens .
According to Benefacts however , that ratio pales in comparison to other countries of a similar size .
It offers Finland as an example , which has 537 registered foundations , or one per 10,316 citizens Most Irish philanthropic institutions are small , with only 12 distributing funds in excess of €1 million per year .

The poorest people are found to be significantly more generous than the richest when donations are considered relative to disposable income.
In 1985, the generosity of Irish people was praised when Bob Geldof announced the nation had handed over more money per capita to Live Aid than anywhere else.
But since then, something has changed. A new report examining the charity of the Irish has found that in the 30 years to 2015 donations as a proportion of household expenditure has been steadily declining.
In 1987, two years after Geldof’s famous television appeal for cash – “Don’t go to the pub tonight, stay in and give us the money” – 79 per cent of households were found to have made charitable donations. By 2015, that figure had dwindled to just 38 per cent.
The data, presented in one of two reports published on Monday by the Government funded non-profit Benefacts, is mined from annual Household Budget Surveys, produced by the Central Statistics Office.
READ MORE
Examining three decades of trends, it found the average amount donated grew between 1987 and 2004 but declined sharply since.
The average value of weekly household donations rose from €4.25 in 1987 to a high of €7.50 in 2004 – in line with high economic growth – but fell to about €3.75 by 2015.
The poorest are found to be significantly more generous than the richest when donations are considered relative to disposable income.
Older people and those with higher levels of education and disposable income are also more likely to put a hand in their pockets.
So too are those living in rural locations, married people and women; all more likely to give, and give considerably more.
Religious causes
Another social shift from the 1980s is that the level of giving to religious causes has also declined as a share of total donations.
“While this data is only available up until 2004, a declining trend is evident, with church donations representing 81 per cent of total donations in 1987 and 61 per cent in 2004,” noted the report.
Benefacts has also published a first listing of philanthropies in Ireland "to help inform the public about a sector that for too long has been served by little hard data".
It gives detail of 164 philanthropic entities providing combined annual grants of €65 million. That number represents one entity per 30,108 Irish citizens.
According to Benefacts however, that ratio pales in comparison to other countries of a similar size. It offers Finland as an example, which has 537 registered foundations, or one per 10,316 citizens
Most Irish philanthropic institutions are small, with only 12 distributing funds in excess of €1 million per year.


theirishtimes--2020-12-14--Northern Secretary to outline plans to mark centenary of North

The secretary of state for Northern Ireland , Brandon Lewis , is on Monday outlining plans to mark the North ’ s centenary .
The Government of Ireland Act on December 23rd , 1920 , created the conditions for the partition of Ireland , with Northern Ireland coming into being on May 3rd , 1921 .
In a virtually transmitted event on Monday with the British centre-right think tank Policy Exchange Mr Lewis is announcing a £3 million ( €3.3 million ) funding commitment for the anniversary .
Mr Lewis also is unveiling centenary branding called “ Our Story in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as outlining further details about the centenary programme .
Earlier this year the British prime minister , Boris Johnson , announced that a special centenary forum had been formed to plan for the anniversary .
The first session of the forum which was chaired by senior Stormont civil servants took place by video conference in September .
It included a range of community representatives , with the Orange Order also involved .
The North ’ s five main parties were invited to participate but only the DUP , the Ulster Unionist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ line taken by Sinn Féin and the SDLP was that there was “ nothing to celebrate about partition ” .
Last month , the British government also launched the Shared History Fund , providing £1 million to support the engagement of a wide range of arts , heritage , voluntary , community and other non-profit organisations with the history of the centenary of Northern Ireland .
An historical advisory panel , according to the Northern Ireland Office , also is advising the forum and the British government “ on the historical facts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encourage and support a deeper public awareness of the history of the centenary ” .
Some of the ideas mooted for the centenary include the striking of a special commemorative coin and the holding of seminars where the focus would be on reflection and reconciliation .
Speaking ahead of Monday ’ s launch of the programme , Mr Lewis said : “ We will use this opportunity to hear untold stories , to promote Northern Ireland on the world stage and to celebrate its people , culture , traditions and enterprise ; and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ This past year has not been easy but I believe we are seeing light at the end of the tunnel .
As we look forward to 2021 , the government is planning an exciting programme to promote Northern Ireland ’ s potential across the UK , and also internationally , ” he added .
“ Next year is the time to shine a light on what makes Northern Ireland so special , and to look forward to a bright future , ” said Mr Lewis .

Northern Ireland secretary of state Brandon Lewis said the British government was planning “an exciting programme to promote Northern Ireland’s potential across the UK, and also internationally”. Photograph: Tolga Akmen/AFP via Getty Images
The secretary of state for Northern Ireland, Brandon Lewis, is on Monday outlining plans to mark the North's centenary.
The Government of Ireland Act on December 23rd, 1920, created the conditions for the partition of Ireland, with Northern Ireland coming into being on May 3rd, 1921.
In a virtually transmitted event on Monday with the British centre-right think tank Policy Exchange Mr Lewis is announcing a £3 million (€3.3 million) funding commitment for the anniversary.
Mr Lewis also is unveiling centenary branding called “Our Story in the Making: NI Beyond 100” as well as outlining further details about the centenary programme.
READ MORE
Earlier this year the British prime minister, Boris Johnson, announced that a special centenary forum had been formed to plan for the anniversary.
The first session of the forum which was chaired by senior Stormont civil servants took place by video conference in September.
It included a range of community representatives, with the Orange Order also involved.
The North's five main parties were invited to participate but only the DUP, the Ulster Unionist Party and Alliance did so.
The line taken by Sinn Féin and the SDLP was that there was “nothing to celebrate about partition”.
Last month, the British government also launched the Shared History Fund, providing £1 million to support the engagement of a wide range of arts, heritage, voluntary, community and other non-profit organisations with the history of the centenary of Northern Ireland.
Advisory panel
An historical advisory panel, according to the Northern Ireland Office, also is advising the forum and the British government “on the historical facts of the period as well as seeking to encourage and support a deeper public awareness of the history of the centenary”.
Some of the ideas mooted for the centenary include the striking of a special commemorative coin and the holding of seminars where the focus would be on reflection and reconciliation.
Speaking ahead of Monday's launch of the programme, Mr Lewis said: "We will use this opportunity to hear untold stories, to promote Northern Ireland on the world stage and to celebrate its people, culture, traditions and enterprise; and its vital contribution to the United Kingdom.
“This past year has not been easy but I believe we are seeing light at the end of the tunnel. As we look forward to 2021, the government is planning an exciting programme to promote Northern Ireland’s potential across the UK, and also internationally,” he added.
“Next year is the time to shine a light on what makes Northern Ireland so special, and to look forward to a bright future,” said Mr Lewis.


theirishtimes--2020-12-14--Review to examine availability of grants for part-time third-level students

A review of the student grant scheme for third-level students has been approved by the Cabinet , the Minister for Further and Higher Education , Research , Innovation and Science , Simon Harris , has said .
The terms of reference for the review include examining the value of the maintenance grants and the income thresholds , the availability of grants for part-time students , supports for postgraduates and how Ireland compares against other jurisdictions .
“ The student grant scheme opens the door for many people to access further and higher education , Mr Harris said .
“ However @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significant changes in Irish society in recent years .
We are likely to see an increase in grant holders next year as a result of the pandemic .
“ The review is to consider the current challenges facing students and find out what can be done better , ” he said .
It is to report back to him in the summer of 2021 to help inform decisions in the context of Budget 2022 .
Student Universal Support Ireland ( Susi ) is the grant-awarding authority for student grants .
Susi entered its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year 2020-2021 .
To date it has received more than 100,000 student grant applications for the 2020-2021 academic year , with more than 77,500 students assessed as eligible for support .
In the context of the increased demands on the scheme as a consequence of Covid-19 , additional funding of €20 million was secured in Budget 2021 .
The grant scheme provides for fee and maintenance grants to students who meet the qualifying criteria such as means , residency , nationality and progression .

Minister for Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Simon Harris said the review would consider the current challenges facing students and find out what could be done better. Photograph: Crispin Rodwell
A review of the student grant scheme for third-level students has been approved by the Cabinet, the Minister for Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science, Simon Harris, has said.
The terms of reference for the review include examining the value of the maintenance grants and the income thresholds, the availability of grants for part-time students, supports for postgraduates and how Ireland compares against other jurisdictions.
“The student grant scheme opens the door for many people to access further and higher education, Mr Harris said.
“However, the scheme has remained static despite significant changes in Irish society in recent years. We are likely to see an increase in grant holders next year as a result of the pandemic.
READ MORE
“The review is to consider the current challenges facing students and find out what can be done better,” he said.
It is to report back to him in the summer of 2021 to help inform decisions in the context of Budget 2022.
Student Universal Support Ireland (Susi) is the grant-awarding authority for student grants. Susi entered its ninth year of operations in the academic year 2020-2021.
To date it has received more than 100,000 student grant applications for the 2020-2021 academic year, with more than 77,500 students assessed as eligible for support.
In the context of the increased demands on the scheme as a consequence of Covid-19, additional funding of €20 million was secured in Budget 2021.
The grant scheme provides for fee and maintenance grants to students who meet the qualifying criteria such as means, residency, nationality and progression.


theirishtimes--2020-12-14--Ferry firms have not agreed to stagger arrivals to ease port traffic post-Brexit

Dublin Port has expressed disappointment that shipping firms have not agreed to stagger ferry arrivals from Wales to ease lorry traffic for post-Brexit border controls on goods from Britain .
The State ’ s busiest port has completed internal road works and published a new traffic-management plan designed to keep traffic flowing after new border checks on goods from Britain are introduced when the UK leaves the European Union single market and customs union on January 1st .
Publishing a booklet , Six Key Messages for Hauliers , to help drivers to navigate a new traffic system just two weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raised concerns that Stena Line and Irish Ferries ships arriving from Holyhead in four daily waves risk delays and traffic congestion .
The port wants eight staggered arrivals with an objective of a three-hour gap to reduce the number of lorries going through border checks at any one time to avoid delays and congestion .
“ In making this request we guaranteed to the ferry lines that they could return to their current slot times at any time during the first 90 days after the new border controls come into place , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive of Dublin Port Company , as it released the new traffic plan .
“ Disappointingly , one has refused our request and the other has yet to respond.
” The ferry operators have said their arrival times are set by customer choice and the port has already said that it would end up “ in the courts ” if it changed ferry arrival times unilaterally .
In the port ’ s booklet , hauliers have been told to tell ferry companies what their requirements are if “ peaked arrivals and inevitable delays @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There will be a six-fold increase in the volume of goods arriving off ferries from Britain that will become subject to border controls for the first time in more than a quarter of a century .
Businesses , hauliers and logistics companies have been warned that if they do not have the correct customs paperwork they will not be permitted to board ferries , raising the potential for traffic congestion inside the port and possibly spilling outside onto the road network .
The port is especially concerned about the first 90 days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ extreme contingency plans ” are not needed in response to congestion .
Eight inspection facilities have been built for Customs and Department of Agriculture inspectors at six different locations covering 14.6 hectares at the port at a cost of €30 million .
There are now 16,000s sq m of warehouse space with 25 loading bays giving an annual capacity for well over 100,000 physical inspections of containers and trailers at the port .
The port said supply chain operators will have to change after Brexit and “ need to know what they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for border inspections by State agencies ” to have “ some sense of the delays that they will face and are able to plan their operations accordingly.
” “ Delays because of Brexit border checks are inevitable , but congestion is not , ” said Mr O ’ Reilly .
Dublin Port said that November was the fourth busiest month in its history for freight traffic volume as transport companies stockpile goods to avoid disruption in early January .
Under the new traffic plan , from January 1st , lorries will no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alexandra Road onto East Wall Road , the port road closest to the 3 Arena on the north quays .
HGVs needing to access Alexandra Road will have to enter the port through East Wall Road .
All other HGV traffic will enter the port through Promenade Road , closer to the port tunnel .
For lorries driving off ferries arriving from Holyhead , “ green-routed ” HGVs and tourist traffic will take a 1.8 km route to the Promenade Road exit .
“ Red-routed ” HGVs must follow two specific routes as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Terminal 7 , or “ T7 ” – a route of 1.4 km – where customs , documentary and seal checks take place , or to Terminal 11 , or “ T11 ” , a 1.5 km route to a holding yard of 3.5 hectares for lorries .

Dublin Port has released plans for processing increased border control checks on goods from Britain after Brexit. File photograph: Stephen Collins/Collins Photos
Dublin Port has expressed disappointment that shipping firms have not agreed to stagger ferry arrivals from Wales to ease lorry traffic for post-Brexit border controls on goods from Britain.
The State’s busiest port has completed internal road works and published a new traffic-management plan designed to keep traffic flowing after new border checks on goods from Britain are introduced when the UK leaves the European Union single market and customs union on January 1st.
Publishing a booklet, Six Key Messages for Hauliers, to help drivers to navigate a new traffic system just two weeks before checks begin, the port has raised concerns that Stena Line and Irish Ferries ships arriving from Holyhead in four daily waves risk delays and traffic congestion.
The port wants eight staggered arrivals with an objective of a three-hour gap to reduce the number of lorries going through border checks at any one time to avoid delays and congestion.
READ MORE
“In making this request we guaranteed to the ferry lines that they could return to their current slot times at any time during the first 90 days after the new border controls come into place,” said Eamonn O’Reilly, chief executive of Dublin Port Company, as it released the new traffic plan.
“Disappointingly, one has refused our request and the other has yet to respond.”
The ferry operators have said their arrival times are set by customer choice and the port has already said that it would end up “in the courts” if it changed ferry arrival times unilaterally.
In the port’s booklet, hauliers have been told to tell ferry companies what their requirements are if “peaked arrivals and inevitable delays from border checks” change their requirements.
There will be a six-fold increase in the volume of goods arriving off ferries from Britain that will become subject to border controls for the first time in more than a quarter of a century.
Businesses, hauliers and logistics companies have been warned that if they do not have the correct customs paperwork they will not be permitted to board ferries, raising the potential for traffic congestion inside the port and possibly spilling outside onto the road network.
The port is especially concerned about the first 90 days after Brexit and wants to ensure that “extreme contingency plans” are not needed in response to congestion.
Eight inspection facilities have been built for Customs and Department of Agriculture inspectors at six different locations covering 14.6 hectares at the port at a cost of €30 million.
There are now 16,000s sq m of warehouse space with 25 loading bays giving an annual capacity for well over 100,000 physical inspections of containers and trailers at the port.
The port said supply chain operators will have to change after Brexit and “need to know what they can expect in terms of waiting times for border inspections by State agencies” to have “some sense of the delays that they will face and are able to plan their operations accordingly.”
“Delays because of Brexit border checks are inevitable, but congestion is not,” said Mr O’Reilly.
Dublin Port said that November was the fourth busiest month in its history for freight traffic volume as transport companies stockpile goods to avoid disruption in early January.
Under the new traffic plan, from January 1st, lorries will no longer be permitted to exit the port from Alexandra Road onto East Wall Road, the port road closest to the 3 Arena on the north quays.
HGVs needing to access Alexandra Road will have to enter the port through East Wall Road. All other HGV traffic will enter the port through Promenade Road, closer to the port tunnel.
For lorries driving off ferries arriving from Holyhead, “green-routed” HGVs and tourist traffic will take a 1.8 km route to the Promenade Road exit.
“Red-routed” HGVs must follow two specific routes as instructed by customs officers, either to Terminal 7, or “T7” – a route of 1.4 km – where customs, documentary and seal checks take place, or to Terminal 11, or “T11”, a 1.5 km route to a holding yard of 3.5 hectares for lorries.