theirishtimes--2020-01-24--Seamus Mallon: Tributes paid from across political spectrum

Tributes have been paid from across the political spectrum to Seamus Mallon , the former deputy first minister of Northern Ireland and deputy leader of the SDLP , who has died age 83 .
Mr Mallon served as deputy to John Hume for two decades , and was a trenchant critic of both republican violence and discrimination against nationalists .
In a statement , Pat and John Hume said that “ history will remember Seamus as one of the great Irish patriots and peacemakers .
“ He was a man of huge strength and courage , who stood with John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice , peace and reconciliation on this island.
” They said Mr Mallon was “ fearless ” in condemning violence , and that “ his clarity , insight and political nous sustained the SDLP.
” President Michael D Higgins said Mr Mallon ’ s reputation as a “ politician and community activist of unsurpassed courage , civility and fairness is held by all those who had the privilege of knowing him .
“ Few people have influenced the peace process in Northern Ireland more than Seamus Mallon , a formidable opponent and , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but always honest and honourable.
” Colum Eastwood , the current SDLP leader , said Mr Mallon was an Irish patriot .
“ He lived for our country and has left an indelible mark on the lives of everyone who enjoys the peace he helped to forge.
” In a joint statement , First Minister Arlene Foster and deputy First Minister Michelle O ’ Neill paid tribute to Mr Mallon .
Ms Foster said he was “ instrumental in bringing about peace for our people and that contribution should not go unrecognised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ described him as “ a significant political figure ” whose “ mark on our history is indelible ” .
Taoiseach Leo Varadkar tweeted : “ History will remember Seamus as an architect of the Good Friday Agreement , a committed peace builder and a tireless champion of an inclusive Ireland.
” Micheál Martin , the Fianna Fáil leader , said Mr Mallon “ gave all his working life to achieve the peace we enjoy today ” .
Sinn Féin president Mary Lou McDonald said she was “ saddened ” to learn of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his contribution to Irish politics over many decades as the SDLP deputy leader and the key role he played in achieving the Good Friday Agreement.
” Labour Party leader Brendan Howlin expressed “ deep sadness ” at the death of Mallon .
“ Seamus made an immeasurable contribution to the cause of peace and reconciliation on the island of Ireland , ” he said .
British government Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Julian Smith said Mr Mallon “ dedicated his political career to making Northern Ireland a better place ” .
Mr @ @ @ @ @ @ @ David Trimble in the first Northern Ireland Executive in 1999 .
Lord Trimble said his role in brokering the Belfast Agreement was a “ huge ” achievement .
“ Even though from then to now there have been huge ups and downs in the political system , there has been no move away from peace.
” Former taoiseach Bertie Ahern said Mr Mallon was a key negotiator for the SDLP in the talks leading to the agreement .
“ Seamus was strong with courage and he had commitment to peace and making progress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” A statement from former US president Bill Clinton said : “ Hillary and I are saddened by the passing of Seamus Mallon , a hero of the peace process in Northern Ireland and a profoundly good man .
“ A teacher in practice and in heart , the lessons of his life and power of his example are as important today as ever.
” Former British prime minister Tony Blair said Mr Mallon was “ one of the most important architects of peace in Northern Ireland .
Brave , blunt , often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he felt it right , he was someone deeply respected and admired across the troubled landscape of Irish politics.
” Archbishop Eamon Martin , the Archbiship of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland , said the people of Armagh had “ lost one of our most respected sons and bravest leaders ” .
He called for a renewed effort by political leaders to build a shared home place on the island of Ireland as a “ fitting tribute to his legacy ” .
Tom Kelly , a close political ally and former vice-chair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mallon ’ s Westminster assistant in the late 1980s and then on most of his elections , said the former deputy first minister had a “ transformative ” effect on Northern Ireland , complimenting SDLP leader John Hume .
“ John Hume painted with broad strokes , Seamus Mallon did detail , ” Mr Kelly told The Irish Times .
He said Mr Mallon ’ s relationship with David Trimble was “ an odd one , but it worked ” .
Mr Mallon could be “ Thran ” – a Northern word meaning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likable stubborness ” .
“ But his strength was that his instincts chimed with those of the nationalist community , specifically in rural areas ; when he said something , it was how people felt , they just couldn ’ t articulate it .
”

Seamus Mallon and John Hume at the SDLP 33rd annual conference at the Wellington Park Hotel, Belfast in 2004. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill
Tributes have been paid from across the political spectrum to Seamus Mallon, the former deputy first minister of Northern Ireland and deputy leader of the SDLP, who has died age 83.
Mr Mallon served as deputy to John Hume for two decades, and was a trenchant critic of both republican violence and discrimination against nationalists.
In a statement, Pat and John Hume said that “history will remember Seamus as one of the great Irish patriots and peacemakers.
Seamus Mallon pictured during a break from preceedings during the SDLP conference in 1998. Photograph: Bryan O'Brien/The Irish Times
“He was a man of huge strength and courage, who stood with John for many years in the fight for justice, peace and reconciliation on this island.”
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They said Mr Mallon was “fearless” in condemning violence, and that “his clarity, insight and political nous sustained the SDLP.”
President Michael D Higgins said Mr Mallon's reputation as a "politician and community activist of unsurpassed courage, civility and fairness is held by all those who had the privilege of knowing him.
"Few people have influenced the peace process in Northern Ireland more than Seamus Mallon, a formidable opponent and, a tough negotiator in speech and act, but always honest and honourable."
Colum Eastwood, the current SDLP leader, said Mr Mallon was an Irish patriot. "He lived for our country and has left an indelible mark on the lives of everyone who enjoys the peace he helped to forge."
In a joint statement, First Minister Arlene Foster and deputy First Minister Michelle O'Neill paid tribute to Mr Mallon.
Ms Foster said he was “instrumental in bringing about peace for our people and that contribution should not go unrecognised”. And Ms O’Neill described him as “a significant political figure” whose “mark on our history is indelible”.
‘Extraordinary contribution’
Taoiseach Leo Varadkar tweeted: “History will remember Seamus as an architect of the Good Friday Agreement, a committed peace builder and a tireless champion of an inclusive Ireland.”
Micheál Martin, the Fianna Fáil leader, said Mr Mallon "gave all his working life to achieve the peace we enjoy today".
Sinn Féin president Mary Lou McDonald said she was “saddened” to learn of his death and he would be remembered for his contribution to Irish politics over many decades as the SDLP deputy leader and the key role he played in achieving the Good Friday Agreement.”
Labour Party leader Brendan Howlin expressed " deep sadness" at the death of Mallon. "Seamus made an immeasurable contribution to the cause of peace and reconciliation on the island of Ireland," he said.
British government Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Julian Smith said Mr Mallon "dedicated his political career to making Northern Ireland a better place".
Mr Mallon served as deputy to first minister David Trimble in the first Northern Ireland Executive in 1999.
Lord Trimble said his role in brokering the Belfast Agreement was a "huge" achievement.
“Even though from then to now there have been huge ups and downs in the political system, there has been no move away from peace.”
Former taoiseach Bertie Ahern said Mr Mallon was a key negotiator for the SDLP in the talks leading to the agreement. "Seamus was strong with courage and he had commitment to peace and making progress for Northern Ireland and this whole island."
A statement from former US president Bill Clinton said: “Hillary and I are saddened by the passing of Seamus Mallon, a hero of the peace process in Northern Ireland and a profoundly good man.
“A teacher in practice and in heart, the lessons of his life and power of his example are as important today as ever.”
Former British prime minister Tony Blair said Mr Mallon was "one of the most important architects of peace in Northern Ireland. Brave, blunt, often prepared to swim against the tide if he felt it right, he was someone deeply respected and admired across the troubled landscape of Irish politics."
‘Likable stubborness’
Archbishop Eamon Martin, the Archbiship of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland, said the people of Armagh had "lost one of our most respected sons and bravest leaders".
He called for a renewed effort by political leaders to build a shared home place on the island of Ireland as a “fitting tribute to his legacy”.
Tom Kelly, a close political ally and former vice-chair of the SDLP who worked as Mr Mallon's Westminster assistant in the late 1980s and then on most of his elections, said the former deputy first minister had a "transformative" effect on Northern Ireland, complimenting SDLP leader John Hume.
“John Hume painted with broad strokes, Seamus Mallon did detail,” Mr Kelly told The Irish Times.
He said Mr Mallon’s relationship with David Trimble was “an odd one, but it worked”. Mr Mallon could be “Thran” – a Northern word meaning stubborn, but it was “ a likable stubborness”.
“But his strength was that his instincts chimed with those of the nationalist community, specifically in rural areas; when he said something, it was how people felt, they just couldn’t articulate it.”


theirishtimes--2020-01-24--Luas passenger awarded €80,000 over tram crash with taxi

A woman who was injured when a taxi collided with a Luas tram in which she was travelling at a junction in Dublin city has been awarded €80,000 by the High Court .
The award to 63-year-old Margaret Keating includes €10,000 for aggravated damages .
Mr Justice Kevin Cross said he believed Ms Keating to be a truthful witness who did not in any way exaggerate her complaints .
Ms Keating had sued the driver of the car , a taxi driver .
She claimed he ran a red light and caused an emergency on the Red line Luas tram @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accident happened at the junction of Stevens Hill , approaching Heuston Station , on June 15th 2016 .
She said she was sitting at the back of the tram , hit a support bar in the accident and suffered injuries to her neck and shoulder .
In his judgment , Mr Justice Cross said , while Ms Keating ’ s physical injuries are soft tissue in nature , he found , based on medical evidence , she will be left with some ongoing symptoms into the future and indefinitely .
He accepted she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has had a significant change in her lifestyle.
” Ms Keating , Bluebell Road , Bluebell , Dublin had sued taxi driver Martin Mulligan , Leixlip , Co Kildare over the accident .
She claimed the taxi driven by Mr Mulligan went through a red traffic light and collided with the Luas which was going through the junction on a green light .
She alleged , as a result of the accident , she developed a travel anxiety and now has a fear of travelling on trams and trains .
Mr Mulligan denied @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the accident .
In his judgement , Mr Justice Cross said the taxi driver ’ s legal team had applied to have the case dismissed on grounds including that Ms Keating had not referred to a 2017 accident in replies to particulars and had allegedly withheld the GPs report from the defendants until June 2019 .
Mr Justice Cross said the 2017 accident was irrelevant to the injuries the subject matter of this case .
He said there was no intention to deceive .
He found there was no basis to suggest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suppressed to disguise the 2017 accident .
He said professional misconduct was alleged and it was quite improper to allege professional misconduct against a solicitor without any possible basis for that allegation .
In finding Ms Keating was entitled to aggravated damages , he held she did not swear any false or misleading evidence concerning her injuries .

A woman who was injured when a taxi collided with a Luas tram in which she was travelling at a junction in Dublin city has been awarded €80,000 by the High Court.
The award to 63-year-old Margaret Keating includes €10,000 for aggravated damages. Mr Justice Kevin Cross said he believed Ms Keating to be a truthful witness who did not in any way exaggerate her complaints.
Ms Keating had sued the driver of the car, a taxi driver. She claimed he ran a red light and caused an emergency on the Red line Luas tram in which she was travelling. The accident happened at the junction of Stevens Hill, approaching Heuston Station, on June 15th 2016.
She said she was sitting at the back of the tram, hit a support bar in the accident and suffered injuries to her neck and shoulder.
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In his judgment, Mr Justice Cross said, while Ms Keating’s physical injuries are soft tissue in nature, he found, based on medical evidence, she will be left with some ongoing symptoms into the future and indefinitely. He accepted she “has had a nasty time and has had a significant change in her lifestyle.”
Ms Keating, Bluebell Road, Bluebell, Dublin had sued taxi driver Martin Mulligan, Leixlip, Co Kildare over the accident. She claimed the taxi driven by Mr Mulligan went through a red traffic light and collided with the Luas which was going through the junction on a green light.
She alleged, as a result of the accident, she developed a travel anxiety and now has a fear of travelling on trams and trains.
Mr Mulligan denied Ms Keating suffered injury as a result of the accident.
In his judgement, Mr Justice Cross said the taxi driver’s legal team had applied to have the case dismissed on grounds including that Ms Keating had not referred to a 2017 accident in replies to particulars and had allegedly withheld the GPs report from the defendants until June 2019. Mr Justice Cross said the 2017 accident was irrelevant to the injuries the subject matter of this case. He said there was no intention to deceive.
He found there was no basis to suggest the medical report from the GP was suppressed to disguise the 2017 accident. He said professional misconduct was alleged and it was quite improper to allege professional misconduct against a solicitor without any possible basis for that allegation.
In finding Ms Keating was entitled to aggravated damages, he held she did not swear any false or misleading evidence concerning her injuries.


theirishtimes--2020-01-24--Seamus Mallon: A man of principle and deep personal courage

I first met Seamus Mallon in the late ’ 70s in London , where he had come to lobby the Labour Party , at that time dependent for its House of Commons majority on Northern Ireland ’ s Ulster Unionist Party .
Though he knew his efforts were unlikely to change British government thinking on Northern Ireland , it was typical of his determination to pursue what he thought was the right thing he still believed he had to try .
Since that first encounter , I have known and worked with Seamus for more than 40 years and I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; the thoroughness and determination which he brought to his work ; his humanity , which underlay his total opposition to the use of violence and his respect for unionist rights ; as well as his strong , personal courage in opposing wrongdoing , no matter the perpetrator .
As he made clear in the many interventions which he made in the New Ireland Forum in 1983-84 , he was a traditional Irish nationalist and he insisted a unitary state be included as one of the proposed solutions of the forum for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without this commitment on the part of nationalist representatives , those in Northern Ireland who wanted unity would have no one to support other than the Provisionals .
But , in direct contrast , he always accepted unionist rights and was a staunch opponent of those who sought to force them into a united Ireland against their will .
And , in the politics of the period , his nationalist views brought him closer to Charles Haughey than to Garret FitzGerald .
During the negotiations on the Anglo-Irish Agreement , John Hume initially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were briefed on a confidential basis by the Irish government on developments in the discussions .
A central aim of the agreement was to deal with and resolve problems faced by the nationalist community in Northern Ireland – the issues which sustained division – whether it be discrimination in employment and services or abuses by the security forces .
Clearly , such a policy could work only if it had the support of Northern nationalists and their representatives , thus making Mallon – often seen as the conscience of nationalist Ireland – a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complicated by the tension between the government in Dublin and the opposition leader , Charles Haughey , whose own efforts to strike any deal with Britain had faltered under pressure of the hunger strikes and the Falklands conflict .
Moreover , after the famous Out-Out-Out press conference by Margaret Thatcher , in which she dismissed the three main recommendations of the New Ireland Forum , Charles Haughey made clear to the government in Dublin that all prospects of bipartisanship on Northern Ireland were dead .
Seamus , on the other hand , took @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approach .
He carefully studied the draft agreement documents , asking himself whether the emerging proposals would make a difference in resolving the many difficulties faced by Northern nationalists .
He concluded that they would and explained over a dinner between the government and the SDLP leadership , not long before the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in November 1985 , that he would support the accord .
As he says in his autobiography , A Shared Home Place , he saw the agreement as a horse rather than a camel – a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than the confused outcome of multiple compromises – and asserted that it would , therefore , do the job .
He adds there was a sigh of relief around the table .
That is to put it mildly , given the sense in Dublin that , without his support , the agreement would fail to garner the level of nationalist support in Northern Ireland needed to sustain it .
This decision shows both his attention to detail , his independence of mind and his deep personal courage .
He gave his support only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forces and bias in the courts , as well as many other problems faced by his constituents , would be challenged through the intergovernmental structures established under the agreement .
He knew his friend , Charles Haughey , for whom he had high regard , would be unhappy .
But , having made a commitment , he worked hard over the following years to make the agreement work despite the attacks on it from both unionists and the Provisional IRA .
It took courage to do what he did , though he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never spoke to him again .
Seamus won a seat in the House of Commons shortly afterwards and bought his strong work ethic , his principles and his attention to detail to his work there over a period of more than 20 years .
This was particularly true during the passage of the legislation to reform policing in Northern Ireland .
He worked tirelessly in committee as indeed did his colleague , Eddie McGrady , on equality legislation .
Seamus was equally central to the Belfast Good Friday agreement and played an important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Executive where he served as Deputy First Minister , working closely with David Trimble .
He ensured , despite great opposition from the then secretary of state for Northern Ireland , Peter Mandelson , that the British legislation faithfully implemented the recommendations of the Patten Commission in full .
He followed the legislation in great detail , as he had the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985 , and deliberated for a long time before committing the SDLP to support the PSNI , the first time a nationalist party in Northern Ireland had ever given @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And again , at a dinner with the Irish government delegation in Weston Park , he used that old phrase , “ the proposal was a horse and not a camel ” .
Seamus lived in the largely unionist village of Markethill , Co Armagh , and was often advised to move because of his isolation and vulnerability .
It became particularly unpleasant during the marching season or on the not insignificant number of occasions when as he was abused by unionist opponents .
But he courageously refused to move .
He lived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nursed her there in her long-lasting illness until her death a few years ago .
But attitudes to Seamus in Markethill have changed .
I was advised recently by a friend travelling north to visit Seamus that he , the friend , had difficulty locating Seamus ’ s house in Markethill and sought directions in a high-street business .
He covered up Seamus ’ s name but showed the address .
“ You ’ re looking for our Shamie ?
” he was asked and then , with the smiling merchant ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ onto the street and directed to the house .
On being told of the experience , an amused Seamus , acknowledging the obvious evidence of the transition of his perception from villain to paragon , mentioned that the guide had been a senior member of the Orange Order .
Dáithí Ó Ceallaigh was Ireland ’ s ambassador to the United Kingdom from 2001 to 2007 , and worked directly on Northern Ireland for many years as a Department of Foreign Affairs official

Former US president Bill Clinton stands next to Seamus Mallon along with former Northern Ireland first minister David Trimble and one time British prime minister Tony Blair in September 1998. Photograph: Paul/Faith/Pacemaker Press
I first met Seamus Mallon in the late '70s in London, where he had come to lobby the Labour Party, at that time dependent for its House of Commons majority on Northern Ireland's Ulster Unionist Party.
Though he knew his efforts were unlikely to change British government thinking on Northern Ireland, it was typical of his determination to pursue what he thought was the right thing he still believed he had to try.
Since that first encounter, I have known and worked with Seamus for more than 40 years and I learned to respect his commitment to principle; the thoroughness and determination which he brought to his work; his humanity, which underlay his total opposition to the use of violence and his respect for unionist rights; as well as his strong, personal courage in opposing wrongdoing, no matter the perpetrator.
Seamus Mallon pictured during a break from preceedings during the SDLP conference in 1998. Photograph: Bryan O'Brien/The Irish Times
As he made clear in the many interventions which he made in the New Ireland Forum in 1983-84, he was a traditional Irish nationalist and he insisted a unitary state be included as one of the proposed solutions of the forum for the divided island.
READ MORE
Seamus took a very cautious, almost contemplative, approach
He believed that, without this commitment on the part of nationalist representatives, those in Northern Ireland who wanted unity would have no one to support other than the Provisionals. But, in direct contrast, he always accepted unionist rights and was a staunch opponent of those who sought to force them into a united Ireland against their will. And, in the politics of the period, his nationalist views brought him closer to Charles Haughey than to Garret FitzGerald.
During the negotiations on the Anglo-Irish Agreement, John Hume initially, and later the SDLP leadership, were briefed on a confidential basis by the Irish government on developments in the discussions.
A central aim of the agreement was to deal with and resolve problems faced by the nationalist community in Northern Ireland – the issues which sustained division – whether it be discrimination in employment and services or abuses by the security forces. Clearly, such a policy could work only if it had the support of Northern nationalists and their representatives, thus making Mallon – often seen as the conscience of nationalist Ireland – a key figure.
The issue was further complicated by the tension between the government in Dublin and the opposition leader, Charles Haughey, whose own efforts to strike any deal with Britain had faltered under pressure of the hunger strikes and the Falklands conflict. Moreover, after the famous Out-Out-Out press conference by Margaret Thatcher, in which she dismissed the three main recommendations of the New Ireland Forum, Charles Haughey made clear to the government in Dublin that all prospects of bipartisanship on Northern Ireland were dead.
Cautious approach
Seamus, on the other hand, took a very cautious, almost contemplative, approach. He carefully studied the draft agreement documents, asking himself whether the emerging proposals would make a difference in resolving the many difficulties faced by Northern nationalists. He concluded that they would and explained over a dinner between the government and the SDLP leadership, not long before the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in November 1985, that he would support the accord.
As he says in his autobiography, A Shared Home Place, he saw the agreement as a horse rather than a camel – a reference to its clarity of purpose rather than the confused outcome of multiple compromises – and asserted that it would, therefore, do the job. He adds there was a sigh of relief around the table. That is to put it mildly, given the sense in Dublin that, without his support, the agreement would fail to garner the level of nationalist support in Northern Ireland needed to sustain it.
Attitudes to Seamus in Markethill have changed
This decision shows both his attention to detail, his independence of mind and his deep personal courage. He gave his support only when satisfied the abuses of the security forces and bias in the courts, as well as many other problems faced by his constituents, would be challenged through the intergovernmental structures established under the agreement.
He knew his friend, Charles Haughey, for whom he had high regard, would be unhappy. But, having made a commitment, he worked hard over the following years to make the agreement work despite the attacks on it from both unionists and the Provisional IRA. It took courage to do what he did, though he was wounded by the fact that Charles Haughey never spoke to him again.
Seamus won a seat in the House of Commons shortly afterwards and brought his strong work ethic, his principles and his attention to detail to his work there over a period of more than 20 years. This was particularly true during the passage of the legislation to reform policing in Northern Ireland. He worked tirelessly in committee as indeed did his colleague, Eddie McGrady, on equality legislation.
Good Friday agreement
Seamus was equally central to the Belfast Good Friday agreement and played an important role in the establishment of the devolved Executive where he served as Deputy First Minister, working closely with David Trimble.
He ensured, despite great opposition from the then secretary of state for Northern Ireland, Peter Mandelson, that the British legislation faithfully implemented the recommendations of the Patten Commission in full.
He followed the legislation in great detail, as he had the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, and deliberated for a long time before committing the SDLP to support the PSNI, the first time a nationalist party in Northern Ireland had ever given its full support to the police. And again, at a dinner with the Irish government delegation in Weston Park, he used that old phrase, "the proposal was a horse and not a camel".
Seamus lived in the largely unionist village of Markethill, Co Armagh, and was often advised to move because of his isolation and vulnerability. It became particularly unpleasant during the marching season or on the not insignificant number of occasions when as he was abused by unionist opponents. But he courageously refused to move. He lived there with his beloved wife Gertrude and nursed her there in her long-lasting illness until her death a few years ago.
But attitudes to Seamus in Markethill have changed. I was advised recently by a friend travelling north to visit Seamus that he, the friend, had difficulty locating Seamus’s house in Markethill and sought directions in a high-street business. He covered up Seamus’s name but showed the address.
"You're looking for our Shamie?" he was asked and then, with the smiling merchant's arm around his shoulder, was brought onto the street and directed to the house. On being told of the experience, an amused Seamus, acknowledging the obvious evidence of the transition of his perception from villain to paragon, mentioned that the guide had been a senior member of the Orange Order.
Dáithí Ó Ceallaigh was Ireland's ambassador to the United Kingdom from 2001 to 2007, and worked directly on Northern Ireland for many years as a Department of Foreign Affairs official


theirishtimes--2020-01-24--‘I ask the Unionists in the north of Ireland to say for the first time, Come and build with us. Say

‘I ask the Unionists in the north of Ireland to say for the first time, Come and build with us. Say yes’

Extract from from Mallon ’ s maiden speech in the House of Commons in February 1986 , just months after the Anglo-Irish Agreement : “ We need something new .
For one thing , we need strong nerves .
The storm clouds are gathering .
Those who should be sitting in their places in the chamber and leading are threatening instead .
They are threatening the community in my constituency and they are threatening British institutions .
They are threatening the very forces within Ireland which are working towards peace .
“ That is not leadership .
Courage is needed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Government .
The accord will only be as good as what it achieves , nothing more and nothing less .
It must narrow the gap between the decisions and deliberations at inter-governmental level that have an effect on people ’ s lives and deaths ... “ I make no apologies , and never do , for saying that my aim is to create Irish unity by peaceful , democratic , constitutional and political means .
I shall create it , if I can , on the Floor of the House , or on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ available to me .
“ I wish to create that unity in such a way that will not cost one drop of blood and will not remove anyone ’ s self-respect from him .
I ask the unionists in the North of Ireland to say for the first time , ‘ Come and build with us .
Say yes ’ .
”

Former Northern Ireland Deputy First Minister Seamus Mallon after he was forced out of office following David Trimble’s resignation, in Stormont, Belfast July 2nd, 2001. Northern Ireland disarmament authorities say the IRA have failed to disarm, which led to First Minister Trimble’s resignation. Photograph: Reuters/Paul McErlane
Extract from from Mallon’s maiden speech in the House of Commons in February 1986, just months after the Anglo-Irish Agreement:
"We need something new. For one thing, we need strong nerves. The storm clouds are gathering. Those who should be sitting in their places in the chamber and leading are threatening instead. They are threatening the community in my constituency and they are threatening British institutions. They are threatening the very forces within Ireland which are working towards peace.
"That is not leadership. Courage is needed from the Government and from the Irish Government. The accord will only be as good as what it achieves, nothing more and nothing less. It must narrow the gap between the decisions and deliberations at inter-governmental level that have an effect on people's lives and deaths...
Seamus Mallon pictured during a break from preceedings during the SDLP conference in 1998. Photograph: Bryan O'Brien/The Irish Times
“I make no apologies, and never do, for saying that my aim is to create Irish unity by peaceful, democratic, constitutional and political means. I shall create it, if I can, on the Floor of the House, or on the floor of whatever other forum is available to me.
READ MORE
“I wish to create that unity in such a way that will not cost one drop of blood and will not remove anyone’s self-respect from him. I ask the unionists in the North of Ireland to say for the first time, ‘Come and build with us. Say yes’.”


theirishtimes--2020-01-24--Seamus Mallon: An honest, straight-talking Ulsterman

On the bitterly cold evening of February 20th , 1986 , Seamus Mallon made his maiden speech in the House of Commons as newly-elected MP for Newry and Armagh .
In the course of it he cited Spinoza : “ Peace is not an absence of war .
It is .
.
.
a state of mind , a disposition for benevolence , confidence , justice.
” Behind him he heard Enoch Powell , Unionist MP for South Down , muttering and banging the desk .
“ What ’ s wrong with you ?
” asked the Armagh man , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adjourned to the Commons library where the raw young Christian Brothers-educated lad from Newry proved to the great classical scholar from Cambridge that his citation from the Dutch philosopher was correct and that Powell was wrong .
Thus began one of many unlikely relationships , based on respect , which Mallon was to enjoy during his 19 years as an MP , part of which time I was London editor of The Irish Times and a frequent companion of his in Annie ’ s Bar , where MPs and journalists could meet deep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corridors .
I personally came to respect him for many reasons , not the least of which was his ability to pick winners on the horse-track , and to enjoy , or occasionally endure , his mischievous sense of fun .
Three weeks after his maiden speech I drove Mallon to Cheltenham for the Annual Festival .
On the outskirts of the town I was stopped for speeding .
The policeman decided to let me off with a lecture .
I was desperately anxious to drive on before he could change his mind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the passenger seat .
“ Hey boy , come here.
” The officer walked round the car .
“ Yes , sir , ” he asked Mallon , icily .
“ How can I help you ?
” “ Actually I do , ” said the policeman .
“ Drive more slowly !
” The Armagh MP himself could have given the policeman a good tip that day .
He told everyone to back Dawn Run in the Cheltenham Gold Cup .
It obliged at 15/8 .
Indeed , it was horse-racing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment in his quest to bring together British , Irish , unionists and nationalists in a common cause .
During inter-party negotiations at Lancaster House in 1992 , he shared a hot tip for a horse running in the south of England .
It won at 8-1 , enriching everyone , including Sir Patrick Mayhew , who congratulated him on his “ marvellous ” prediction .
Quite clearly , people of all political persuasions should have listened to Seamus Mallon more often .
Unfortunately , the powerful appeal he made in his maiden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland was not heard by the 14 Unionist MPs , other than Enoch Powell .
They boycotted their fellow member ’ s big moment .
At Westminster , Mallon would often encounter a condescending attitude by ministers who would not take responsibility for the historical problem Britain had created over the centuries .
And when they did , in the 1990s , he experienced the hurt of being told by Tony Blair , “ The trouble with you fellows , Seamus , is that you have no guns.
” It is typical of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he befriended many British politicians and unionist figures , including David Trimble , with whom he developed a mutual liking for a glass of good red wine .
He was on good terms too with Ken Maginnis , with whom he once worked as a part-time barman in Warrenpoint .
In his book , A Shared Home Place , Mallon related how Ken once threw out some unruly customers who came back and gave Mallon a kicking .
He told Maginnis forever after , “ You owe me one ” .
In time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to appreciate him as an honest , stubborn , conscientious Ulsterman , who dealt in straight talking , rather than in the concepts and ambiguities that unnerved unionists who preferred , as he put it , black and white language .
No one could deny his courage in attending the funerals of members of the RUC at a time when his unionist neighbours bitterly resented his criticism of police actions , and in going to the funerals of members of the IRA which he condemned for its violence , at which he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retirement ceremony in Newry to which I was invited many years later , and at which he was presented with a framed copy of his House of Commons maiden speech , he spoke of his deep hurt at such occasions .
The most moving moment of the evening came when he related going to the wake of a policeman friend , only to hear his widow say , “ Mr Mallon is not welcome in this house.
” Those of us who knew him saw another side of Seamus Mallon in those dark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good night out in London , or a wet afternoon ’ s highly-competitive golf in Warrenpoint , where he would take out his political frustrations by smashing the ball miles down the fairway .
In public , he could appear severe , even dour , but in private he had a great sense of humour .
He enjoyed relating how Dougie Hutchinson , a DUP stalwart from Armagh , famously declared , during a heated council debate on the Irish language , “ There will be no Irish place names about Drumnahunshin as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DUP man would nevertheless support Mallon in preserving Navan Fort outside Armagh City , one of the great forts of pre-Christian Gaelic Ireland .
I went back to read Mallon ’ s Commons speech recently .
It includes the essential elements of his political outreach , unchanging from the day he entered politics .
He talked about the obscenity of violence and the need for a benevolent approach to understand the other fellow ’ s point of view .
Because , whatever happened , unionists and nationalists would still be living in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two stark and clear choices .
We can live together in generosity and compassion , or we can continue to die in bitter disharmony.
” He concluded : “ I ask the unionists in the north of Ireland to say for the first time , “ Come and build with us .
Say yes.
” It took some time but eventually they did .
As a former teacher , Mallon frequently used literary allusions to make his case , and the aphorism he chose for the last paragraph of his book sums up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ society grows great , when old men plant trees in whose shade they know they will never sit.
” Conor O ’ Clery served as London Editor of The Irish Times , amongst other roles

Seamus Mallon: His political opponents came to appreciate him as an honest, stubborn, conscientious Ulsterman, who dealt in straight talking. Photograph: Paula Beats/ Reuters
On the bitterly cold evening of February 20th, 1986, Seamus Mallon made his maiden speech in the House of Commons as newly-elected MP for Newry and Armagh. In the course of it he cited Spinoza: "Peace is not an absence of war. It is . . . a state of mind, a disposition for benevolence, confidence, justice."
Behind him he heard Enoch Powell, Unionist MP for South Down, muttering and banging the desk. "What's wrong with you?" asked the Armagh man, after he sat down.
“You quoted Spinoza wrongly,” hissed Powell.
Seamus Mallon pictured during a break from preceedings during the SDLP conference in 1998. Photograph: Bryan O'Brien/The Irish Times
“I did not,” retorted Mallon.
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The two adjourned to the Commons library where the raw young Christian Brothers-educated lad from Newry proved to the great classical scholar from Cambridge that his citation from the Dutch philosopher was correct and that Powell was wrong.
Thus began one of many unlikely relationships, based on respect, which Mallon was to enjoy during his 19 years as an MP, part of which time I was London editor of The Irish Times and a frequent companion of his in Annie’s Bar, where MPs and journalists could meet deep in the labyrinth of Westminster’s corridors.
I personally came to respect him for many reasons, not the least of which was his ability to pick winners on the horse-track, and to enjoy, or occasionally endure, his mischievous sense of fun.
Three weeks after his maiden speech I drove Mallon to Cheltenham for the Annual Festival. On the outskirts of the town I was stopped for speeding. The policeman decided to let me off with a lecture. I was desperately anxious to drive on before he could change his mind when I heard a 'gunder' from the passenger seat. "Hey boy, come here."
The officer walked round the car. “Yes, sir,” he asked Mallon, icily. “How can I help you?”
“Have you any tips?”
“Actually I do,” said the policeman. “Drive more slowly!”
The Armagh MP himself could have given the policeman a good tip that day. He told everyone to back Dawn Run in the Cheltenham Gold Cup. It obliged at 15/8.
Finest moment
Indeed, it was horse-racing that arguably produced Mallon's finest moment in his quest to bring together British, Irish, unionists and nationalists in a common cause. During inter-party negotiations at Lancaster House in 1992, he shared a hot tip for a horse running in the south of England. It won at 8-1, enriching everyone, including Sir Patrick Mayhew, who congratulated him on his "marvellous" prediction.
Quite clearly, people of all political persuasions should have listened to Seamus Mallon more often.
Unfortunately, the powerful appeal he made in his maiden speech for peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland was not heard by the 14 Unionist MPs, other than Enoch Powell. They boycotted their fellow member's big moment.
At Westminster, Mallon would often encounter a condescending attitude by ministers who would not take responsibility for the historical problem Britain had created over the centuries.
And when they did, in the 1990s, he experienced the hurt of being told by Tony Blair, "The trouble with you fellows, Seamus, is that you have no guns."
It is typical of Mallon, however, that over time he befriended many British politicians and unionist figures, including David Trimble, with whom he developed a mutual liking for a glass of good red wine.
He was on good terms too with Ken Maginnis, with whom he once worked as a part-time barman in Warrenpoint. In his book, A Shared Home Place, Mallon related how Ken once threw out some unruly customers who came back and gave Mallon a kicking. He told Maginnis forever after, "You owe me one".
In time, Mallon’s political opponents came to appreciate him as an honest, stubborn, conscientious Ulsterman, who dealt in straight talking, rather than in the concepts and ambiguities that unnerved unionists who preferred, as he put it, black and white language.
No one could deny his courage in attending the funerals of members of the RUC at a time when his unionist neighbours bitterly resented his criticism of police actions, and in going to the funerals of members of the IRA which he condemned for its violence, at which he was insulted and spat at.
Deep hurt
At a retirement ceremony in Newry to which I was invited many years later, and at which he was presented with a framed copy of his House of Commons maiden speech, he spoke of his deep hurt at such occasions. The most moving moment of the evening came when he related going to the wake of a policeman friend, only to hear his widow say, “Mr Mallon is not welcome in this house.”
Those of us who knew him saw another side of Seamus Mallon in those dark days. He was game for a good night out in London, or a wet afternoon’s highly-competitive golf in Warrenpoint, where he would take out his political frustrations by smashing the ball miles down the fairway.
In public, he could appear severe, even dour, but in private he had a great sense of humour. He enjoyed relating how Dougie Hutchinson, a DUP stalwart from Armagh, famously declared, during a heated council debate on the Irish language, “There will be no Irish place names about Drumnahunshin as long as I am here.”
The DUP man would nevertheless support Mallon in preserving Navan Fort outside Armagh City, one of the great forts of pre-Christian Gaelic Ireland.
I went back to read Mallon’s Commons speech recently. It includes the essential elements of his political outreach, unchanging from the day he entered politics.
He talked about the obscenity of violence and the need for a benevolent approach to understand the other fellow’s point of view. Because, whatever happened, unionists and nationalists would still be living in the north of Ireland. “We have two stark and clear choices. We can live together in generosity and compassion, or we can continue to die in bitter disharmony.”
He concluded: “I ask the unionists in the north of Ireland to say for the first time, “Come and build with us. Say yes.” It took some time but eventually they did.
As a former teacher, Mallon frequently used literary allusions to make his case, and the aphorism he chose for the last paragraph of his book sums up his long political struggle. “A society grows great, when old men plant trees in whose shade they know they will never sit.”
Conor O’Clery served as London Editor of The Irish Times, amongst other roles


theirishtimes--2020-01-24--Man found guilty of sexually assaulting girl (4) his wife was minding

A man has been found guilty of sexually assaulting a young girl his wife was minding in their family home .
The 59-year-old man had pleaded not guilty at Dublin Circuit Criminal Court to two charges of sexually assaulting the then four-year-old child on dates between July 27th , 2016 and July 11th , 2017 .
On the ninth day of the trial on Friday , the jury returned unanimous verdicts of guilty on both counts after deliberating for over five hours .
Judge Elma Sheahan thanked the jury for their care and attention .
She remanded the man in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on February 28th next .
During the trial , the jury heard that the child ’ s mother and the accused ’ s family had been very friendly for a number of years and her daughter had been minded by both the man ’ s daughter and wife from the time the child was one year old .
The child said the accused put his hand under her shorts in the living room of the house where he lived .
She said he rubbed her “ bum ” and this made her feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court heard that the child later indicated to her mother that when she said her “ bum ” she meant her vagina .
Dr Charlotte Murphy , a forensic scientist with Forensic Science Ireland , said that she determined that DNA found on a saliva stained section of the child ’ s underwear matched the DNA profile of the accused man .
Dr Murphy said the chance of finding this DNA profile if the saliva came from someone other than the accused was 1 in 6,700 .
She said her conclusion was that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case provided “ strong support ” for the proposition that the accused man had sexual contact with the child .
When interviewed by gardaí , the accused man said that none of the allegations had ever happened and that he was never alone with the child .
The accused man said the child got annoyed when he would not allow her to climb up a ladder and put her hand in his mouth .
He said that was the only explanation he could give for his DNA being found on her because from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In her closing speech to the jury , Pauline Walley SC , prosecuting , said that a forensic scientist who was asked to consider the accused man ’ s explanation said she would have a very low expectation of finding saliva on the inside gusset of the child ’ s underwear in that scenario .
In his closing speech to the jury , John Fitzgerald SC , defending , said that when the child first made the allegation , her mother told the child if she was lying , the gardaí would take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what child in their right mind was going to withdraw an allegation in those circumstances .

A man has been found guilty of sexually assaulting a young girl his wife was minding in their family home.
The 59-year-old man had pleaded not guilty at Dublin Circuit Criminal Court to two charges of sexually assaulting the then four-year-old child on dates between July 27th, 2016 and July 11th, 2017.
On the ninth day of the trial on Friday , the jury returned unanimous verdicts of guilty on both counts after deliberating for over five hours.
Judge Elma Sheahan thanked the jury for their care and attention. She remanded the man in custody and adjourned the matter for sentencing on February 28th next.
READ MORE
During the trial, the jury heard that the child’s mother and the accused’s family had been very friendly for a number of years and her daughter had been minded by both the man’s daughter and wife from the time the child was one year old.
The child said the accused put his hand under her shorts in the living room of the house where he lived. She said he rubbed her “bum” and this made her feel bad and it hurt her.
The court heard that the child later indicated to her mother that when she said her “bum” she meant her vagina.
Dr Charlotte Murphy, a forensic scientist with Forensic Science Ireland, said that she determined that DNA found on a saliva stained section of the child’s underwear matched the DNA profile of the accused man.
Dr Murphy said the chance of finding this DNA profile if the saliva came from someone other than the accused was 1 in 6,700. She said her conclusion was that in her opinion the results in the case provided “strong support” for the proposition that the accused man had sexual contact with the child.
When interviewed by gardaí, the accused man said that none of the allegations had ever happened and that he was never alone with the child.
The accused man said the child got annoyed when he would not allow her to climb up a ladder and put her hand in his mouth. He said that was the only explanation he could give for his DNA being found on her because from there she went to the toilet.
In her closing speech to the jury, Pauline Walley SC, prosecuting, said that a forensic scientist who was asked to consider the accused man’s explanation said she would have a very low expectation of finding saliva on the inside gusset of the child’s underwear in that scenario.
In his closing speech to the jury, John Fitzgerald SC, defending, said that when the child first made the allegation, her mother told the child if she was lying, the gardaí would take her away. He asked the jury what child in their right mind was going to withdraw an allegation in those circumstances.


theirishtimes--2020-01-24--Seamus Mallon and John Hume were the two big beasts of the SDLP

Seamus Mallon and John Hume were the two big beasts of the SDLP .
While both men represented the heart and soul of the party , Mallon also was its guts and backbone .
He was a righteous , occasionally cantankerous and crusty warrior who fought the good fight to the last .
Formidable , intelligent and wise , both men were at the centre of the civil rights movement and at the creation and development of the peace process , from the sabotaged Sunningdale powersharing Executive of 1974 to “ Sunningdale for slow learners ” – to use Mallon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the Belfast Agreement of 1998 .
But they were different characters and they had their differences .
Mallon liked to tell a story , and he recounted it too in his autobiography written with Andy Pollak , A Shared Home Place , that captured that dissimilarity .
It came from the late Paddy Duffy , another stalwart of the SDLP , who once said that Hume was becoming like Jesus Christ – “ he will be walking on water soon ” .
Then Duffy looked at Mallon , who enjoyed the quip @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mallon , you ’ ve become like John the Baptist , wandering about in the desert and living on locusts and wild honey.
” There was figurative and also almost literal truth in that description that played into the sometimes difficult nature of the relationship between Hume and Mallon .
In 1979 respectively they became the leader and deputy leader of the SDLP .
At that time Hume was an MP and MEP “ swanning about ” , as some have described it , Washington , New York and Brussels drumming up support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powerful , from the likes of the so-called Four Horsemen , Senators Edward Kennedy and Daniel Moynihan , US House of Representatives speaker Tip O ’ Neill and New York governor Hugh Carey , and making friends with successive US presidents , Jimmy Carter , Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton .
While Hume was feted internationally , back home Mallon , who had given up his teaching job , was doing the difficult donkey work of trying to hold a party together and give it a sense of purpose while there was no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time no Stormont administration and therefore no money .
Mallon for much of that period had to depend on the salary of his late wife , Gertrude , a nurse .
Hume ’ s work was vital in building up that influential international support that was so important in the 1990s for the three-stranded peace process that he had largely devised , and that finally came to fruition on Good Friday 1998 .
Hume too , of course , attended his sad share of funerals but Mallon had to take the lead in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , campaigning for political progress , sticking it into the IRA and the loyalist paramilitaries , complaining about British state collusion and the alleged shoot-to-kill policy of the RUC in the early 1980s .
Hardly surprising then that wearily as he drove home through the dark Murder Triangle roads of Mid-Ulster that he might have nursed occasional bouts of resentment against globetrotting Hume .
Political and personal life improved when in 1986 Mallon finally won a House of Commons seat for Newry and Armagh .
But here too the distinctions between the SDLP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the place , viewing Westminster as a waste of space as regards his greater and longer ambition of fashioning a deal to bring an end to the violence .
Mallon , the ex-teacher , the amateur actor , the writer of a play that won an All-Ireland amateur drama one-act play award , on the other hand was in his element .
As the SDLP ’ s most eloquent politician he loved the theatre of the British parliament , the cut and thrust of debate , the interventions , the points of order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Westminster and the respite for a few days each week from the continuing Troubles horror back in Northern Ireland .
Mallon , whose portfolio was justice , security and policing , also acknowledged that he could be “ harsher-toned ” than Hume , but that was because back in the 1980s he was more in the frontline – on the “ battleground ” , as he called it – of brutal daily life .
“ My voice had to be hard when describing the killing of my neighbours .
If I had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would not have been heard , ” he wrote .
Mallon also was greener than Hume who once spoke about a “ post-nationalist Ireland ” .
There was nothing post-nationalist about the Markethill man ; he wanted a united Ireland but one only achieved by peaceful means .
He despised the IRA and their “ murderous methods ” and that was a key issue between himself and Hume , particularly during the early 1990s , the time of the secret Hume-Adams talks and the lead-up to the first IRA ceasefire of August 1994 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hume was that the SDLP leader did not keep him in the loop .
In his autobiography Mallon acknowledged that Hume “ was a remarkable genius ” but that he was “ very much a loner in his political life , reluctant to keep the party informed about matters important in the development of its strategy and policies ” .
With the SDLP ’ s tendency to leak stories that was understandable but still it created tensions .
The chief division in this instance was that while both Hume and Mallon wanted the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want it at the expense of the SDLP .
Mallon believed that Gerry Adams and Sinn Féin were exploiting “ Hume ’ s standing in Ireland and internationally ” and that the SDLP was suffering – as indeed it was , the peace finally helping Sinn Féin overtake the SDLP as the main representative of nationalism .
Hume , who worked to a long view , believed an end to the killing was worth treating with Sinn Féin and the IRA even if ultimately it meant the relegation of the SDLP .
Mallon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peace and the salvation of the SLDP could have been achieved .
Was there any other way ?
Ultimately that question is for historians and others to decide .
But Mallon always insisted that they had regard for each other even if it was sometimes grudging , and that some of the stories of their arguments were exaggerated .
“ We had rows , but we never had a decent row , ” he told The Irish Times four years ago .
Behind all the spats and the edginess theirs was a long-standing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men of modern non-violent nationalism .
In the same interview the big-hearted nature of Mallon came across .
Asked what he thought of Hume ’ s place in Irish history , Mallon could have equivocated but he was too honest and generous a man for such pettiness .
“ He will be looked upon as in the O ’ Connell , Parnell league , ” he said .
And would he give him that ?
“ I would because I know him probably better than most , and his capacity was something remarkable.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ there was affection and respect between them , like testy old soldiers who together had come through the hardest of battles .

Seamus Mallon and John Hume were the two big beasts of the SDLP. While both men represented the heart and soul of the party, Mallon also was its guts and backbone. He was a righteous, occasionally cantankerous and crusty warrior who fought the good fight to the last.
Formidable, intelligent and wise, both men were at the centre of the civil rights movement and at the creation and development of the peace process, from the sabotaged Sunningdale powersharing Executive of 1974 to "Sunningdale for slow learners" – to use Mallon's famous phrase – also known as the Belfast Agreement of 1998.
But they were different characters and they had their differences.
Seamus Mallon pictured during a break from preceedings during the SDLP conference in 1998. Photograph: Bryan O'Brien/The Irish Times
Mallon liked to tell a story, and he recounted it too in his autobiography written with Andy Pollak, A Shared Home Place, that captured that dissimilarity.
READ MORE
It came from the late Paddy Duffy, another stalwart of the SDLP, who once said that Hume was becoming like Jesus Christ – "he will be walking on water soon".
As the SDLP's most eloquent politician Hume loved the theatre of the British parliament
Then Duffy looked at Mallon, who enjoyed the quip, and added, “And you Mallon, you’ve become like John the Baptist, wandering about in the desert and living on locusts and wild honey.”
There was figurative and also almost literal truth in that description that played into the sometimes difficult nature of the relationship between Hume and Mallon. In 1979 respectively they became the leader and deputy leader of the SDLP.
At that time Hume was an MP and MEP "swanning about", as some have described it, Washington, New York and Brussels drumming up support for powersharing from the great and the powerful, from the likes of the so-called Four Horsemen, Senators Edward Kennedy and Daniel Moynihan, US House of Representatives speaker Tip O'Neill and New York governor Hugh Carey, and making friends with successive US presidents, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton.
Donkey work
While Hume was feted internationally, back home Mallon, who had given up his teaching job, was doing the difficult donkey work of trying to hold a party together and give it a sense of purpose while there was no real politics and for most of the time no Stormont administration and therefore no money. Mallon for much of that period had to depend on the salary of his late wife, Gertrude, a nurse.
Hume’s work was vital in building up that influential international support that was so important in the 1990s for the three-stranded peace process that he had largely devised, and that finally came to fruition on Good Friday 1998.
Hume too, of course, attended his sad share of funerals but Mallon had to take the lead in Northern Ireland, walking behind the coffins, campaigning for political progress, sticking it into the IRA and the loyalist paramilitaries, complaining about British state collusion and the alleged shoot-to-kill policy of the RUC in the early 1980s.
Hardly surprising then that wearily as he drove home through the dark Murder Triangle roads of Mid-Ulster that he might have nursed occasional bouts of resentment against globetrotting Hume.
Political and personal life improved when in 1986 Mallon finally won a House of Commons seat for Newry and Armagh. But here too the distinctions between the SDLP leaders were apparent.
Hume generally hated the place, viewing Westminster as a waste of space as regards his greater and longer ambition of fashioning a deal to bring an end to the violence. Mallon, the ex-teacher, the amateur actor, the writer of a play that won an All-Ireland amateur drama one-act play award, on the other hand was in his element.
As the SDLP's most eloquent politician he loved the theatre of the British parliament, the cut and thrust of debate, the interventions, the points of order, the social aspect of the Palace of Westminster and the respite for a few days each week from the continuing Troubles horror back in Northern Ireland.
He will be looked upon as in the O'Connell, Parnell league
Mallon, whose portfolio was justice, security and policing, also acknowledged that he could be “harsher-toned” than Hume, but that was because back in the 1980s he was more in the frontline – on the “battleground”, as he called it – of brutal daily life. “My voice had to be hard when describing the killing of my neighbours. If I had started to whisper that ugly truth it would not have been heard,” he wrote.
Mallon also was greener than Hume who once spoke about a "post-nationalist Ireland". There was nothing post-nationalist about the Markethill man; he wanted a united Ireland but one only achieved by peaceful means.
He despised the IRA and their “murderous methods” and that was a key issue between himself and Hume, particularly during the early 1990s, the time of the secret Hume-Adams talks and the lead-up to the first IRA ceasefire of August 1994.
One of his biggest issues with Hume was that the SDLP leader did not keep him in the loop. In his autobiography Mallon acknowledged that Hume “was a remarkable genius” but that he was “very much a loner in his political life, reluctant to keep the party informed about matters important in the development of its strategy and policies”. With the SDLP’s tendency to leak stories that was understandable but still it created tensions.
The chief division in this instance was that while both Hume and Mallon wanted the peace, the deputy leader did not want it at the expense of the SDLP. Mallon believed that Gerry Adams and Sinn Féin were exploiting "Hume's standing in Ireland and internationally" and that the SDLP was suffering – as indeed it was, the peace finally helping Sinn Féin overtake the SDLP as the main representative of nationalism.
Grudging regard
Hume, who worked to a long view, believed an end to the killing was worth treating with Sinn Féin and the IRA even if ultimately it meant the relegation of the SDLP. Mallon believed that with other tactics both the peace and the salvation of the SLDP could have been achieved. Was there any other way? Ultimately that question is for historians and others to decide.
But Mallon always insisted that they had regard for each other even if it was sometimes grudging, and that some of the stories of their arguments were exaggerated. “We had rows, but we never had a decent row,” he told The Irish Times four years ago.
Behind all the spats and the edginess theirs was a long-standing vital alliance of two of the biggest men of modern non-violent nationalism.
In the same interview the big-hearted nature of Mallon came across. Asked what he thought of Hume’s place in Irish history, Mallon could have equivocated but he was too honest and generous a man for such pettiness.
“He will be looked upon as in the O’Connell, Parnell league,” he said.
And would he give him that?
“I would because I know him probably better than most, and his capacity was something remarkable.”
At the end of the day there was affection and respect between them, like testy old soldiers who together had come through the hardest of battles.


theirishtimes--2020-01-24--Seamus Mallon: Forceful Northern politician who denounced IRA violence

A proud and forceful man , Seamus Mallon came into politics despite thinking it a hopeless pursuit for the Northern nationalist minority .
Like so many others , the prime of his life was overcast by the violence of the IRA and loyalist paramilitaries , and the conviction that the security forces behaved in ways that fed support for the IRA and undermined respect for law and order .
He became a household name , a striking media performer , enjoyed a brief spell in the Seanad as a Charles Haughey appointee and held a Westminster seat for 19 years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for two decades , Mallon was by far the more eloquent speaker , though outshone as a thinker and networker .
The party ’ s spokesman on justice and security , he was an outspoken and lifelong opponent of armed republicanism .
But because he criticised the Royal Ulster Constabulary and Ulster Defence Regiment , some Protestants accused him of excusing IRA violence , even while republicans denounced his anti-IRA rhetoric .
He became a unionist hate figure .
The compensation was the respect and admiration he won throughout Ireland .
A scholar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drink with him in a Dublin bar , I think near RTÉ , and we were interrupted at least half a dozen times by punters wanting to shake his hand and buy him a drink ” .
From early days in BBC Northern Ireland discussions , dominated until that point by unionist voices , Mallon won recognition as someone who could take on confident figures such as Stormont minister John Taylor and “ get nationalist viewers whooping ” .
Possessed of an impressive voice and actorly timing , he also had a gift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slow learners ” became the most frequently quoted putdown of republicans and unionists alike , in derision at their eventual presence in a restored Stormont .
Like Hume ( though Hume was comparatively cocooned in largely Catholic Derry ) , Mallon refused police protection .
“ I know those protecting me would be killed , ” he told a London interviewer .
Given his complaints about security force misdeeds , he also knew how awkward any such relationship would be .
Driving to and from his home in Co Armagh through years when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he faced tense encounters with late-night security force patrols .
The tension was increased by awareness of his wife Gertrude and daughter Órla waiting for his return in mainly Protestant , loyalist Markethill .
At least notionally , the apex of his political career was the job-share that fronted up the Stormont structures born of the Belfast Agreement , but being deputy first minister with first minister David Trimble was a gruelling affair .
The true high point had been his part in the negotiation which delivered the 1998 agreement .
Unionists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tenacity .
Hume had strained party loyalty and exhausted himself in helping to end IRA violence by bringing republicans into politics .
Compared to the robust Mallon , his contribution in negotiations was sporadically effective at best .
With the much younger Mark Durkan , who would later succeed Hume as party leader , Mallon held a nationalist line against British officials , and at times Dublin ministers disposed to take the SDLP for granted , while showing a magnanimity to unionists that was later criticised by republicans .
Mallon and Durkan knew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explicit verbal equality in the form of two first ministers , and had not stipulated the posts should have equal pay .
But agreeing the terms first and deputy first ministers , for example , allowed Ulster Unionist leader Trimble and his successor in the role , DUP leader the Revd Ian Paisley , to posture as though they were premiers while the equal status Deputy was a lower case , subordinate , “ deputy ” .
The SDLP negotiation team noted early that both British and Irish governments had begun to regard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crucial to a stable peace , therefore more central to negotiation than the SDLP , for so long the respected voice of constitutional , anti-violence nationalism .
The process bore out the concerns for the party Mallon and others had voiced during the earlier Hume/Adams talks , that Sinn Féin was deriving such advantage it would supplant the SDLP as the main nationalist party , as duly happened .
When Hume nominated him to share the top Stormont post with Trimble , the party saw it as Mallon ’ s due , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men with short fuses , was equally inevitable .
Trimble volatility was deemed allowable in a leader with Paisley at his heels and a party split 50/50 on the agreement , while Mallon snappishness supposedly indicated a flawed personality .
More than a decade later , he told RTÉ interviewer John Bowman , in what by then had become a characteristically morose tone , that his three years in the post “ had me wondering what the fates had against me ” .
The son of a nurse and a primary school headmaster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his birthplace of Markethill , with holidays in Donegal , and for 13 years followed his father ’ s profession as a rural school principal .
As well as teaching , he played Gaelic football as a young man and became heavily involved in amateur dramatics with a cross-community element in Armagh city , producing , acting and at one point writing an award-winning play .
Among those who remembered his days on the football field , some always thought he regarded politics as a robust GAA match , with little quarter asked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ involved in the War of Independence and on the anti-Treaty side in the Civil War .
Their refusal to talk about their experience influenced their son to oppose violence .
Their history also delayed his political involvement .
“ The first time I voted in a district council election was when I stood myself in May 1973 , ” he recalled much later .
“ It was very much a unionist area , no nationalist organisation , no way of dealing with , to use a phrase unionists use nowadays , the democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Anti-Discrimination Committee , the Civil Rights Movement , and two years into its existence in 1972 , the SDLP .
In 2001 , he told the Westminster profile writer Andrew Roth that he was agnostic in religion , and came to politics only “ when the family of one of my pupils was trying to get out of a horribly dilapidated home and into a council house .
At that time councillors had the power of allocation .
That family was turned down by a [ unionist ] councillor who said : ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ever get a home in Markethill while I am here !
’ .
” By 1973 , he had taken that councillor ’ s seat , Roth noted , and within five years was the SDLP ’ s deputy leader .
“ He was also the first politician to be elected to both the Irish senate ( in 1981 ) and the old Northern Ireland assembly ( in 1982 ) .
” Media performances and speech-making replaced the amateur drama , though for decades some admiring SDLP colleagues hoped he would return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ principal-ship for politics , within four years Mallon had no salary following the collapse first of the assembly , then the constitutional convention .
For the next five years , the family relied on Gertrude ’ s wage as a nurse , with Mallon taking substitute teaching posts .
He lost Haughey ’ s gift of the Seanad when a legal judgment launched by a unionist found he could not hold seats simultaneously North and South .
Proffered by the Fianna Fáil leader to counter Hume ’ s affinity with Garret FitzGerald , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the family friends in Dublin with whom he stayed , which Mallon denounced as an anti-Fianna Fáil manoeuvre , the Seanad seat ( and Haughey relationship ) cost him support in the SDLP .
The party , at Hume ’ s insistence , maintained relationships with all sides in the Dáil .
In the despairing late 1970s , for a time Mallon flirted with the idea of negotiated independence and later a confederal state .
In the New Ireland Forum nationalist think-in which preceded the Anglo- Irish Agreement , he favoured Haughey ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreement plumped for a formalised Irish dimension , Mallon backed it against Haughey ’ s rejection .
A year later , in the byelection forced by unionist resignations to protest against the agreement and on his fourth attempt , he won the Newry and Armagh Westminster seat , and aged 50 became a full-time , salaried politician .
He enjoyed London , where a sister lived , and was much more comfortable in the House of Commons than the Europhile Hume .
Never confidants , nor co-ordinated , their relationship was tested to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the IRA ’ s first “ total cessation ” in August 1994 .
On August 18th , Mallon said it was clear there would be no cessation .
Republicans should “ be removed from .
.
.
the process of creating peace ” .
At a hastily-arranged meeting of constituency representatives , ( according to an insider ’ s account in The Fight for Peace , by Eamonn Mallie and David McKittrick ) after others had voiced similar scepticism , Mallon said Hume ’ s MP colleagues were not being kept informed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
we were being taken for a ride , mocked and laughed at.
” Hume insisted he had consulted them , had called into Mallon ’ s home to ask “ Do you want to keep the party alive or people alive ?
” and said he was “ going to the end of the road .
You can get rid of me if I am wrong.
” On August 31st , the IRA announced their cessation .
Mallon praised Hume ’ s achievement and paid him generous tribute in later years .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ peace-processed republicanism to the end .
But there was one last throw in him .
A Shared Home Place , ( Lilliput Press , 2019 ) , which he wrote with journalist Andy Pollak , said a simple 50 per cent plus one majority in Border polls North and South could not deliver a stable , peaceful united Ireland .
Irish unity must wait until a majority – or at least a substantial minority – in the Protestant and unionist community supported it .
This brought scornful and hostile responses from the then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ /Think 32 lobby , regarded by traditional SDLP circles as a Sinn Féin front , which said this was moving the goalposts , a call for a “ supermajority ” .
Mallon voiced it again in broadcasts , and wrote in The Irish Times that the SDLP had put a variation into the 1998 agreement , calling it parallel consent , requiring that key Stormont Assembly decisions must be supported by parties representing both traditions .
Seamus Mallon ’ s wife Gertrude Mallon predeceased him in October 2016 .
Their daughter Órla , @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Seamus Mallon in 1984, holding up one of the pictures taken of the bugging equipment found in the house in Kilbarrack, Dublin, where he stayed occasionally. Photograph: Kevin McMahon
A proud and forceful man, Seamus Mallon came into politics despite thinking it a hopeless pursuit for the Northern nationalist minority.
Like so many others, the prime of his life was overcast by the violence of the IRA and loyalist paramilitaries, and the conviction that the security forces behaved in ways that fed support for the IRA and undermined respect for law and order. He became a household name, a striking media performer, enjoyed a brief spell in the Seanad as a Charles Haughey appointee and held a Westminster seat for 19 years.
Deputy to SDLP leader John Hume for two decades, Mallon was by far the more eloquent speaker, though outshone as a thinker and networker. The party’s spokesman on justice and security, he was an outspoken and lifelong opponent of armed republicanism.
Seamus Mallon pictured during a break from preceedings during the SDLP conference in 1998. Photograph: Bryan O'Brien/The Irish Times
But because he criticised the Royal Ulster Constabulary and Ulster Defence Regiment, some Protestants accused him of excusing IRA violence, even while republicans denounced his anti-IRA rhetoric. He became a unionist hate figure. The compensation was the respect and admiration he won throughout Ireland.
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Seamus Mallon at the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation in Dublin Castle in July 1995. Photograph: Frank Miller
A scholar of nationalist politics remembered “having a drink with him in a Dublin bar, I think near RTÉ, and we were interrupted at least half a dozen times by punters wanting to shake his hand and buy him a drink”. From early days in BBC Northern Ireland discussions, dominated until that point by unionist voices, Mallon won recognition as someone who could take on confident figures such as Stormont minister John Taylor and “get nationalist viewers whooping”.
Possessed of an impressive voice and actorly timing, he also had a gift of phrase. His “Sunningdale for slow learners” became the most frequently quoted putdown of republicans and unionists alike, in derision at their eventual presence in a restored Stormont.
Like Hume (though Hume was comparatively cocooned in largely Catholic Derry), Mallon refused police protection. “I know those protecting me would be killed,” he told a London interviewer. Given his complaints about security force misdeeds, he also knew how awkward any such relationship would be.
Driving to and from his home in Co Armagh through years when both loyalists and republicans mounted bogus road-checks, he faced tense encounters with late-night security force patrols. The tension was increased by awareness of his wife Gertrude and daughter Órla waiting for his return in mainly Protestant, loyalist Markethill.
At least notionally, the apex of his political career was the job-share that fronted up the Stormont structures born of the Belfast Agreement, but being deputy first minister with first minister David Trimble was a gruelling affair. The true high point had been his part in the negotiation which delivered the 1998 agreement.
Seamus Mallon with his wife Gertrude and daughter Órla after retaining his Westminster seat for Newry and Armagh in June 1987. Photograph: Pacemaker Belfast
Unionists, officials and observers all acknowledged his tenacity. Hume had strained party loyalty and exhausted himself in helping to end IRA violence by bringing republicans into politics. Compared to the robust Mallon, his contribution in negotiations was sporadically effective at best.
With the much younger Mark Durkan, who would later succeed Hume as party leader, Mallon held a nationalist line against British officials, and at times Dublin ministers disposed to take the SDLP for granted, while showing a magnanimity to unionists that was later criticised by republicans.
Mallon and Durkan knew Trimble would not be able to accept explicit verbal equality in the form of two first ministers, and had not stipulated the posts should have equal pay. But agreeing the terms first and deputy first ministers, for example, allowed Ulster Unionist leader Trimble and his successor in the role, DUP leader the Revd Ian Paisley, to posture as though they were premiers while the equal status Deputy was a lower case, subordinate, “deputy”.
The SDLP negotiation team noted early that both British and Irish governments had begun to regard the still only slightly- constitutional republicans as crucial to a stable peace, therefore more central to negotiation than the SDLP, for so long the respected voice of constitutional, anti-violence nationalism.
The process bore out the concerns for the party Mallon and others had voiced during the earlier Hume/Adams talks, that Sinn Féin was deriving such advantage it would supplant the SDLP as the main nationalist party, as duly happened.
When Hume nominated him to share the top Stormont post with Trimble, the party saw it as Mallon’s due, but friction between Trimble and Mallon, two men with short fuses, was equally inevitable.
Trimble volatility was deemed allowable in a leader with Paisley at his heels and a party split 50/50 on the agreement, while Mallon snappishness supposedly indicated a flawed personality. More than a decade later, he told RTÉ interviewer John Bowman, in what by then had become a characteristically morose tone, that his three years in the post “had me wondering what the fates had against me”.
Northern Ireland’s First Minister David Trimble and Deputy First Minister Seamus Mallon speaking to the press at the inaugural meeting of the North South Ministerial Council in Armagh in December 1999. Photograph: Alan Betson
The son of a nurse and a primary school headmaster, Mallon never lived other than in his birthplace of Markethill, with holidays in Donegal, and for 13 years followed his father’s profession as a rural school principal.
As well as teaching, he played Gaelic football as a young man and became heavily involved in amateur dramatics with a cross-community element in Armagh city, producing, acting and at one point writing an award-winning play. Among those who remembered his days on the football field, some always thought he regarded politics as a robust GAA match, with little quarter asked or given.
Both parents had been involved in the War of Independence and on the anti-Treaty side in the Civil War. Their refusal to talk about their experience influenced their son to oppose violence. Their history also delayed his political involvement.
“The first time I voted in a district council election was when I stood myself in May 1973,” he recalled much later. “It was very much a unionist area, no nationalist organisation, no way of dealing with, to use a phrase unionists use nowadays, the democratic deficit.” But he joined the Mid-Armagh Anti-Discrimination Committee, the Civil Rights Movement, and two years into its existence in 1972, the SDLP.
In 2001, he told the Westminster profile writer Andrew Roth that he was agnostic in religion, and came to politics only “when the family of one of my pupils was trying to get out of a horribly dilapidated home and into a council house. At that time councillors had the power of allocation. That family was turned down by a [unionist] councillor who said: ‘No Catholic pig and his litter will ever get a home in Markethill while I am here!’.”
Seamus Mallon at the SDLP annual conference in Newcastle, Co Down, in November 2000. Photograph: Matt Kavanagh
By 1973, he had taken that councillor’s seat, Roth noted, and within five years was the SDLP’s deputy leader. “He was also the first politician to be elected to both the Irish senate (in 1981) and the old Northern Ireland assembly (in 1982).”
Media performances and speech-making replaced the amateur drama, though for decades some admiring SDLP colleagues hoped he would return to writing. But having given up his principal-ship for politics, within four years Mallon had no salary following the collapse first of the assembly, then the constitutional convention. For the next five years, the family relied on Gertrude’s wage as a nurse, with Mallon taking substitute teaching posts.
He lost Haughey’s gift of the Seanad when a legal judgment launched by a unionist found he could not hold seats simultaneously North and South. Proffered by the Fianna Fáil leader to counter Hume’s affinity with Garret FitzGerald, and marred by the mysterious bugging of the family friends in Dublin with whom he stayed, which Mallon denounced as an anti-Fianna Fáil manoeuvre, the Seanad seat (and Haughey relationship) cost him support in the SDLP. The party, at Hume’s insistence, maintained relationships with all sides in the Dáil.
In the despairing late 1970s, for a time Mallon flirted with the idea of negotiated independence and later a confederal state. In the New Ireland Forum nationalist think-in which preceded the Anglo- Irish Agreement, he favoured Haughey’s unitary state option but when the agreement plumped for a formalised Irish dimension, Mallon backed it against Haughey’s rejection.
A year later, in the byelection forced by unionist resignations to protest against the agreement and on his fourth attempt, he won the Newry and Armagh Westminster seat, and aged 50 became a full-time, salaried politician.
He enjoyed London, where a sister lived, and was much more comfortable in the House of Commons than the Europhile Hume. Never confidants, nor co-ordinated, their relationship was tested to destruction in the weeks leading up to the IRA’s first “total cessation” in August 1994. On August 18th, Mallon said it was clear there would be no cessation. Republicans should “be removed from . . . the process of creating peace”.
At a hastily-arranged meeting of constituency representatives, (according to an insider’s account in The Fight for Peace, by Eamonn Mallie and David McKittrick) after others had voiced similar scepticism, Mallon said Hume’s MP colleagues were not being kept informed. “The thing was dead . . . we were being taken for a ride, mocked and laughed at.”
Hume insisted he had consulted them, had called into Mallon’s home to ask “Do you want to keep the party alive or people alive?” and said he was “going to the end of the road. You can get rid of me if I am wrong.” On August 31st, the IRA announced their cessation.
Mallon praised Hume’s achievement and paid him generous tribute in later years. He held his own dark view of peace-processed republicanism to the end.
Irish unity
But there was one last throw in him. A Shared Home Place, (Lilliput Press, 2019), which he wrote with journalist Andy Pollak, said a simple 50 per cent plus one majority in Border polls North and South could not deliver a stable, peaceful united Ireland.
Irish unity must wait until a majority – or at least a substantial minority – in the Protestant and unionist community supported it. This brought scornful and hostile responses from the then developing “Ireland’s Future”/Think 32 lobby, regarded by traditional SDLP circles as a Sinn Féin front, which said this was moving the goalposts, a call for a “supermajority”.
Mallon voiced it again in broadcasts, and wrote in The Irish Times that the SDLP had put a variation into the 1998 agreement, calling it parallel consent, requiring that key Stormont Assembly decisions must be supported by parties representing both traditions.
Seamus Mallon’s wife Gertrude Mallon predeceased him in October 2016. Their daughter Órla, grand-daughter Lara and son-in-law Mark survive them


theirishtimes--2020-01-25--Boy (15) stabbed during row between gangs of youths in Dublin

A 15-year-old boy is in hospital after being stabbed during a row between two gangs of youths at a beach in north county Dublin .
The attack happened during what gardai are describing as an altercation at the entrance to Portmarnock Beach at around 9.30pm on Friday evening .
The spot is known for youngsters gathering on weekend evenings , and a number had traveled to the area by public transport , gardaí believe .
A member of the public who was alerted to the stabbing rushed the boy to Malahide Garda station , where members of the Armed Support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was then taken by ambulance to Temple Street Children ’ s Hospital , where his condition is described as “ stable ” .
No arrests have been made to date and Garda forensic officers are examining the scene .
Superintendent Gerry Donnelly said gardaí are looking for witnesses who were in and around the entrance to Portmarnock Beach , Velvet Strand , Coast Road and Wendell Avenue between 9pm and 10pm .
Anyone with camera footage that could help the investigation is also being asked to get in touch .
“ Gardaí are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been using public transport in that vicinity and came across large groups of youths availing of transport services , ” said Supt Donnelly .

Portmarnock Beach in Co Dublin where a 15-year-old boy was stabbed on Friday night. Photograph: The Irish Times
A 15-year-old boy is in hospital after being stabbed during a row between two gangs of youths at a beach in north county Dublin.
The attack happened during what gardai are describing as an altercation at the entrance to Portmarnock Beach at around 9.30pm on Friday evening.
The spot is known for youngsters gathering on weekend evenings, and a number had traveled to the area by public transport, gardaí believe.
A member of the public who was alerted to the stabbing rushed the boy to Malahide Garda station, where members of the Armed Support Unit initially treated him.
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The teenager was then taken by ambulance to Temple Street Children’s Hospital, where his condition is described as “stable”.
No arrests have been made to date and Garda forensic officers are examining the scene.
Superintendent Gerry Donnelly said gardaí are looking for witnesses who were in and around the entrance to Portmarnock Beach, Velvet Strand, Coast Road and Wendell Avenue between 9pm and 10pm.
Anyone with camera footage that could help the investigation is also being asked to get in touch.
“Gardaí are also appealing to any persons who may have been using public transport in that vicinity and came across large groups of youths availing of transport services,” said Supt Donnelly.


theirishtimes--2020-01-25--Sable kept as pet in Co Cork found to have rabies-like virus

A sable that was being kept as a pet in Co Cork was found to be carrying a virus associated with rabies , the Department of Agriculture has said .
The small carnivorous mammal showed evidence of being exposed to lyssavirus following a series of tests this month .
The lyssavirus family of viruses includes rabies .
The department says it became aware of a sable displaying erratic behaviour at a private premises in Co Cork , where it had been imported and kept as a pet , on January 7th .
The animal was euthanised as the investigation could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as per the department ’ s procedures .
Initial screening tests on the sable were negative .
On January 23rd , a further test by the European Reference Laboratory ( EURL ) reported evidence of lyssavirus genetic material in brain samples from the animal .
“ Based on these EURL results , rabies can not be ruled out in the sable , ” the department said in a statement .
Rabies is a serious viral disease affecting the nervous system of humans and animals .
It mainly affects carnivores but can affect any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who had potential risk exposure to the animal have been identified and the Health Service Executive is following up .
There is no evidence the sable had contact with animals outside the household , and the likelihood of the virus spreading to other animals in the area is low .
However , the following precautions are being put in place within an 8km surveillance area in Co Cork : gatherings of dogs , cats or ferrets – including hunting , sales , fairs , etc , will be prohibited – and any found-dead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the department .
The measures will remain in place for one month , subject to review .
Owners of cats , dogs and ferrets in the area have been asked to keep an eye on their pets ’ behaviour .
Members of the public in the surveillance zone can contact the department ’ s regional office in Cork on 021 4851400 .
Further information on rabies is available on the department ’ s website .

A sable that was being kept as a pet in Co Cork was found to be carrying a virus associated with rabies, the Department of Agriculture has said.
The small carnivorous mammal showed evidence of being exposed to lyssavirus following a series of tests this month. The lyssavirus family of viruses includes rabies.
The department says it became aware of a sable displaying erratic behaviour at a private premises in Co Cork, where it had been imported and kept as a pet, on January 7th. The animal was euthanised as the investigation could not rule out a rabies infection, as per the department’s procedures.
Initial screening tests on the sable were negative. On January 23rd, a further test by the European Reference Laboratory (EURL) reported evidence of lyssavirus genetic material in brain samples from the animal.
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“Based on these EURL results, rabies cannot be ruled out in the sable,” the department said in a statement.
The 8km surveillance zone in Co Cork
Rabies is a serious viral disease affecting the nervous system of humans and animals. It mainly affects carnivores but can affect any mammal.
A small number of people who had potential risk exposure to the animal have been identified and the Health Service Executive is following up.
There is no evidence the sable had contact with animals outside the household, and the likelihood of the virus spreading to other animals in the area is low.
However, the following precautions are being put in place within an 8km surveillance area in Co Cork: gatherings of dogs, cats or ferrets – including hunting, sales, fairs, etc, will be prohibited – and any found-dead animals in the area should be reported to the department.
The measures will remain in place for one month, subject to review.
Owners of cats, dogs and ferrets in the area have been asked to keep an eye on their pets’ behaviour.
Members of the public in the surveillance zone can contact the department's regional office in Cork on 021 4851400. Further information on rabies is available on the department's website.


theirishtimes--2020-01-25--Boy (17) dies and three others injured in Dublin car crash

A 17-year-old male has died following a car crash in Dublin in the early hours of Saturday .
The incident @ @ @ @ @ of the N7 Naas Road , Clondalkin , at about 12.30am .
The crash involved @ @ @ @ @ , according to gardaí .
The driver and sole occupant of the car was pronounced @ @ @ @ @ his body was removed to the mortuary at Tallaght hospital .
The van ’ s @ @ @ @ @ aged 45 and 46 ) and a boy ( 9 ) – were taken by @ @ @ @ @ .
Their injuries are not thought to be life threatening .
The scene and vehicles @ @ @ @ @ has since reopened to traffic .
The coroner has been notified of the death .
@ @ @ @ @ to An Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission ( GSOC ) .
Gardaí have asked witnesses , @ @ @ @ @ dashcam footage , to contact them .
Those with information can contact Clondalkin Garda station @ @ @ @ @ the Garda confidential line ( 1800 666 111 ) .

In a statement this morning, GSoc said the blue Peugeot had come to the attention of gardaí in Tallaght soon after midnight. File photograph: Frank Miller
The Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission (GSoc) is investigating a collision in Dublin on Saturday morning in which a teenage boy died.
The incident occurred on the westbound lanes of the N7 Naas Road, Clondalkin, at about 12.30am. The crash involved a blue Peugeot 307 and a white Mercedes van.
The 17-year-old was the driver and only occupant of the car with a 03 LH registration. He was pronounced dead at the scene and his body was removed to the mortuary at Tallaght hospital.
The occupants of the van – two men (aged 45 and 46) and a boy (9) – were taken by ambulance to the same hospital. Their injuries are not thought to be life-threatening.
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The vehicles were examined at the scene and the road has since reopened to traffic. The coroner has been notified of the death.
In a statement this morning, GSoc said the blue Peugeot had come to the attention of gardaí in Tallaght soon after midnight.
The car travelled along the Belgard Road before driving onto the N7, colliding with the Mercedes van shortly afterwards, GSoc said.
“The collision happened on the outbound side of the carriageway and the car was on the wrong side of the road.”
Gsoc is legally obliged to begin inquiries into any incident that results in a member of the public being injured or killed around the time they were in contact with a garda.
Gardaí have asked witnesses, particularly those who may have relevant dashcam footage, to contact them. Those with information can contact Clondalkin Garda station (01 6667600) or the Garda confidential line (1800 666 111).
GSoc is also asking for witnesses to contact them on 1890 600 800.