theirishtimes--2020-09-05--Shared Island: Northern Ireland is still a society on a sectarian edge

Wouldn ’ t it be a rich irony – those in favour of a Border poll surely must feel – if in next year ’ s Northern Ireland census coming on the centenary of the founding of the Northern state , the result illustrated that Catholics for the first time outnumbered Protestants ?
It ’ s an ugly “ count the Taigs , count the Prods ” way of examining constitutional affairs , but that is what censuses bring out .
And be under no illusion , as Northern Ireland ’ s 100th birthday approaches , so will calls for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The coronavirus pandemic has slowed down that movement but , if and when that crisis recedes , the drive for a united Ireland will advance .
Names perhaps not so well known now in the South will gain greater prominence .
One of those names is that of solicitor Niall Murphy , who recently survived a close-to-deadly brush with Covid-19 .
He spearheads the Ireland ’ s Future group , which is pushing for a Border poll on a united Ireland .
He wants that to happen by 2023 , the 25th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Agreement .
And Ireland ’ s Future does not just comprise fervent Sinn Féiners .
It has attracted a broad swathe of support , appealing as well to the middle classes – doctors , lawyers , accountants and academics – some of whom were hitherto wary of campaigns that chimed with Sinn Féin ’ s ambitions .
The Government is resisting their demand , seeing great sectarian dangers .
Taoiseach Micheál Martin has several times asserted there will be no poll on a united Ireland during the lifetime of this Government , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ divisive ” .
“ Nothing at all divisive about it , ” is Murphy ’ s response .
The Government has set up a “ shared island ” unit to try to control this tussle .
This is its blueprint for managing the complicated matter , but in close to 1,900 words in the relevant chapter , not once is the phrase “ united Ireland ” mentioned .
Murphy laments this absence , but likes the alternative phrase that is used .
“ A ‘ shared island ’ is a noble nomenclature for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We consider it reckless not to plan , ” adds Murphy , who is confident that a united Ireland is coming far sooner than most people think .
He would appear to have a strong argument because , based purely on demographics , the advantage is running with the united Irelanders .
Under the Belfast Agreement , the Northern Secretary may call a poll if he or she believes it would be carried .
But even were the first poll lost , polls could be held every seven years thereafter – a form @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could overload a still-troubled society .
In the 2011 census , 864,000 people ( 48 per cent ) of the North ’ s population came from Protestant households .
Those from Catholic households accounted for 810,000 people ( 45 per cent ) – a gap of just 54,000 .
It will take the 2021 census to determine if , for the first time , Catholics form the largest bloc of the population in Northern Ireland .
It seems likely that will be the case .
Certainly , the school and university figures indicate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to second level , there are 176,400 students ( 50.6 per cent ) from a Catholic background compared with 112,600 ( 32.3 per cent ) from a Protestant background .
Those in neither category who come under the grouping of “ other ” make up 17.2 per cent of the school population , 59,900 students .
Ultimately , such people may determine the constitutional question .
The situation is similar at university level .
There are 20,900 Catholics ( 49.49 per cent ) in the North ’ s two universities , compared with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There are 8,150 students ( 19.3 per cent ) in the “ other ” category .
Some , such as Murphy , argue that the graph is going only in one direction , towards a united Ireland .
They also point to Brexit and to Scotland , where the quest for independence could have a domino effect on this side of the Irish Sea .
But there are other views .
Dr Paul Nolan – an expert on the peace process , social trends and demography – says nationalists are being “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imminent or even a longer-delayed plebiscite would result in a united Ireland .
“ Civic nationalists believe it is happening because they get into rooms together , and those rooms become echo chambers , ” Nolan says .
“ They become very convinced that the mass of the population wants this .
But once you step out of that room the mass of the population aren ’ t quite so excited by the idea.
” But is it not clear from demographic trends , as Murphy contends , that in the years to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as opposed to Orange ) surge ?
Here Nolan believes the united Irelanders are not paying enough attention to political voting patterns .
The census , he allows , probably will show that Catholics outnumber Protestants , but not all Catholics vote , and those who do don ’ t all vote for nationalists .
He does not believe the Catholic figure will be 50 per cent or above .
Probably more significantly , he points out that in the past five elections in Northern Ireland the unionist vote may have shrunk , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the unionist parties outpolled Sinn Féin , the SDLP , and the smaller nationalist parties by a margin of about 4-8 percentage points .
It could be argued reasonably that , in very bald terms , Northern Ireland is heading towards a 40-40-20 split , with unionists and nationalists at 40 per cent each and the less constitutionally motivated parties , such as Alliance and the Greens , at 20 per cent .
The contest , therefore , will be for unionists and nationalists to persuade a sufficient number of that 20 per @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a united Ireland in any Border poll .
Much of that vote belongs to centre-ground Alliance , many of whose members are wary of the nationalist discussions .
But equally there are some Alliance voters who could be described as “ soft ” unionists , and who lament Northern Ireland ’ s exit from the European Union .
If Brexit is a disaster , or close to one , this is an unpredictable group that could be persuaded to prefer , say , a “ federal ” Ireland , with the Northern Executive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ North , with the Republic , back in the EU .
So , as ever , Brexit remains in the volatile mix .
A path back to the EU via a united Ireland also might appeal to some younger voters .
Nolan says he can ’ t predict how that battle will ultimately unfold but is convinced that , for the moment and into the future , the wind is with those who want to maintain the union .
He asks : if the breakdown is 40-40-20 , where will nationalists get that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to carry the day ?
“ There is no possibility in the near or foreseeable future of the vote for a united Ireland reaching 50 per cent , ” he says .
Those pressing for the referendum also argue that not only is the demographic jet stream with them , but that opinion polls also indicate the increasing inevitability of an imminent united Ireland .
Here it ’ s a case of some polls do , some polls don ’ t .
For instance , in February two separate polls provided two different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neck and neck ” situation , having 46.8 per cent for the union with Britain and 45.4 per cent for Irish unity when don ’ t-knows were excluded , and the other having 49 per cent for the union and just 29 per cent for unity .
There also have been polls saying a majority would support unity .
You can almost pick your poll to support your point of view .
But while the polls often point to more confusion than clarity , they do at least appear to confirm that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many minds .
The Irish Government is very conscious of this , as partly illustrated by the decision to create the shared island unit within the Department of the Taoiseach .
The unit could perhaps be used to temper the debate , slow it down , and allow for a focus on the three-stranded relationships on these islands : internal North , North-South , and British-Irish .
But there are lots of combustible elements here that could thwart any attempt to shape this debate in a coherent manner .
For instance , just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mix .
Could the Government , considering say the more avid united Irelanders in Fianna Fáil , be somehow pressured into arguing precipitately for a Border poll ?
If the EU-UK negotiations collapse , would a subsequent hard Brexit be a galvanising moment for nationalists , North and South , and also for some of those aforementioned “ soft ” unionists ?
If Scotland departs the UK , must Northern Ireland be next ?
Will the UK government ’ s handling of Covid-19 be a factor in people ’ s constitutional thinking ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ or not the Irish Government will survive .
Everything seems shaky at present .
And if , somehow , it struggles through to the end of its term , Sinn Féin could be well-placed to finally make it into Government Buildings .
What then ?
In the North , DUP leader and First Minister Arlene Foster and Deputy First Minister Michelle O ’ Neill of Sinn Féin are still at odds over allegations that Sinn Féin representatives breached Covid-19 social distancing rules at the funeral of senior republican Bobby Storey in June .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ restored , there is little sense of a generous or reconciliatory collective spirit at work in Stormont .
There will be a lot of pressure too on the shoulders of SDLP leader Colum Eastwood , who right now could do with the wisdom of the late John Hume and Seamus Mallon .
He personally is quite “ Green ” , constitutionally speaking , but equally he must also avoid being suckered into too hard a nationalist position that would render the SDLP a sort of “ Sinn Féin lite ” .
But the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Not long before he died , Mallon last year warned that a premature Border poll could lead to violence and , in the event of the narrowest of majorities , a “ completely unworkable majority for unity ” .
Reflecting on the discriminatory hostile unionist state he grew up in , he feared a sort of role reversal , with unionists being the “ sullen , alienated and potentially violent minority ” .
That did not wash well with many nationalists , and prompted a riposte from Prof Colin Harvey of Queen ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ threat of violence is not an argument and it ’ s not an argument that I will entertain or listen to ” .
He said the focus should be on ensuring that whatever concerns unionists and other people have are addressed , but that in a Border poll a simple majority must apply .
“ That ’ s the rules , ” he said .
But asserting that the threat of violence is not an argument does not address the real possibility of such violence .
In terms of the united Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue that dare not speak its name , yet it must be faced .
Assurances , as Harvey said , can be offered to unionists , but how far can that go , considering unionism ’ s obduracy and frequent state of paranoia when matters of unity are mentioned ?
You can ’ t help but wonder , too , is there a dangerous naivety abroad among some nationalists about how loyalism might respond if the push comes too early ?
This is still a society on a sectarian edge .
Think of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ British union flag should fly over Belfast City Hall sent sections of loyalism into a frenzy of protest .
Think of why Northern Ireland still needs 100 peace walls to safeguard loyalists and nationalists from each other .
It ’ s a difficult area .
There were some very telling insights into loyalist thinking about a united Ireland offered in a report published two years ago by Fianna Fáil Senator Mark Daly , called Unionist Concerns and Fears of a United Ireland : The Need to Protect the Peace Process and Build a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United People .
As part of the report , Daly commissioned James Wilson , a freelance consultant , researcher and historian and former member of the British army from Coleraine , Co Derry , to sound out loyalist views on a united Ireland .
Among those he interviewed were 14 members of a loyalist flute band he spoke to in an Orange Order hall in Moneymore , Co Derry ; nine former members of the Ulster Defence Regiment ( UDR ) in Coleraine ; and eight members of the Independent Orange Order in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups predicted different levels of loyalist violence if there were to be a narrow vote for unity , and some of the individual comments were coldly revealing .
One of the UDR veterans was sure unity would not happen peacefully .
“ I don ’ t see where the Garda and the Irish Army have the resources to contain major riots in over 70 towns , plus getting their units wiped out in well-staged killing grounds .
They would have to raise a Catholic gendarmerie , like the B Specials , and then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beyond the Troubles II and more like Bosnia , ” he said .
Coming out of the Moneymore Orange hall , Wilson was approached by an older man who had witnessed the flute band focus group .
Wilson asked him if he believed their pledge to armed resistance was serious .
“ God , aye !
” the man replied .
“ Folk laughed at Carson ’ s Volunteers in 1912 .
The Germans they met in the trenches on July 1st , 1916 , they weren ’ t laughing .
These young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their values – it ’ s in their DNA.
” In Ballymoney , one of the Orangemen in a questionnaire said those of his co-religionists who chose to stay south of the Border after partition had to live “ in fear and silence , their culture , history and faith almost a guilty secret ” .
He wrote that the “ nationalist/republican minority left in Northern Ireland provided the perfect template for a minority response ” .
He explained : “ They have grown , thrived , united , mobilised and eventually resorted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thwart the democratic wish of the majority in that jurisdiction .
That would be my response to a united Ireland.
” Some nationalists dismiss these views as bluff and posturing ; yet it would be foolish to ignore what appears to be a flinty authenticity to those voices .
There is no doubt that within significant sections of nationalism a torch has been lit , but it is important to ensure it is not a fuse leading to a sectarian powder keg .
To make this debate work means learning from history , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it out of some sort of wishful thinking .
Which is where Dublin and the shared island unit come in .
For the next few years , the chief responsibility would appear with the Government .
There are British Foreign Office officials who have a good grip on what they might call the Irish question , but who knows what Boris Johnson might provoke .
Moreover , most northern secretaries of the past decade have been far from impressive .
So the buck stops with Micheál Martin and Leo Varadkar , who lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” .
It seems only a little hyperbolic to say that , in directing the debate , they must take care not to precipitate another one .
They appear determined to hold firm in resisting , during the lifetime of this administration at least , what will be considerable pressure to endorse the calling of a Border poll .
Both Sinn Féin and Ireland ’ s Future are well-organised and determined , and plan to be relentless in their demands for a plebiscite .
That pressure will be taxing .
Constitutional unionism also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The tendency might be to see the shared island unit as a Trojan horse .
Best therefore to leave it outside the gate by refusing to participate in the debate .
But that will just lead to further claims of typical “ not-an-inch ” intransigence , which will further embolden nationalism .
If political unionism has learned anything from the convulsions of recent years , it will realise that some judicious engagement with the shared island unit is necessary .
The unit offers the opportunity for a gradualist and sensible approach for whatever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ won ’ t all be about a united Ireland .
At some stage joint authority will be shunted back on to the agenda , as well as mention of a federal or confederal Ireland , with Stormont remaining in place .
There will be the question of cost : could the Republic afford the current estimated £10 billion subvention Westminster pays to keep Northern Ireland running ?
There is likely too to be reactivated loyalist or unionist talk of an independent Northern Ireland , or repartitioning Northern Ireland , or even , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” .
Whatever the constitutional destination , the big challenge will be to have the debate but to have it on the margins and over a considerable period of time , and in the meantime allow normal society to continue on ; to provide people , particularly unionists , with the space to consider and not to be too distracted , or terrified , by the deliberations .
Mallon ’ s advice to those impatient for a united Ireland was : “ While never giving up our legitimate aspiration for unity , nationalists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland , working with unionists to build what I have called our shared home place .
”

Wouldn’t it be a rich irony – those in favour of a Border poll surely must feel – if in next year’s Northern Ireland census coming on the centenary of the founding of the Northern state, the result illustrated that Catholics for the first time outnumbered Protestants?
It’s an ugly “count the Taigs, count the Prods” way of examining constitutional affairs, but that is what censuses bring out. And be under no illusion, as Northern Ireland’s 100th birthday approaches, so will calls for a plebiscite on unity rise in volume.
The coronavirus pandemic has slowed down that movement but, if and when that crisis recedes, the drive for a united Ireland will advance. Names perhaps not so well known now in the South will gain greater prominence.
One of those names is that of solicitor Niall Murphy, who recently survived a close-to-deadly brush with Covid-19. He spearheads the Ireland’s Future group, which is pushing for a Border poll on a united Ireland. He wants that to happen by 2023, the 25th anniversary of the passing of the Belfast Agreement.
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And Ireland’s Future does not just comprise fervent Sinn Féiners. It has attracted a broad swathe of support, appealing as well to the middle classes – doctors, lawyers, accountants and academics – some of whom were hitherto wary of campaigns that chimed with Sinn Féin’s ambitions.
The Government is resisting their demand, seeing great sectarian dangers. Taoiseach Micheál Martin has several times asserted there will be no poll on a united Ireland during the lifetime of this Government, because it would be “very, very divisive”.
“Nothing at all divisive about it,” is Murphy’s response.
The Government has set up a “shared island” unit to try to control this tussle. This is its blueprint for managing the complicated matter, but in close to 1,900 words in the relevant chapter, not once is the phrase “united Ireland” mentioned.
Murphy laments this absence, but likes the alternative phrase that is used. “A ‘shared island’ is a noble nomenclature for it,” he says.
“We consider it reckless not to plan,” adds Murphy, who is confident that a united Ireland is coming far sooner than most people think.
Polls could be held every seven years – a form of constant constitutional tension and argument that could overload a still-troubled society
He would appear to have a strong argument because, based purely on demographics, the advantage is running with the united Irelanders.
Under the Belfast Agreement, the Northern Secretary may call a poll if he or she believes it would be carried. But even were the first poll lost, polls could be held every seven years thereafter – a form of constant constitutional tension and argument that could overload a still-troubled society.
In the 2011 census, 864,000 people (48 per cent) of the North’s population came from Protestant households. Those from Catholic households accounted for 810,000 people (45 per cent) – a gap of just 54,000.
It will take the 2021 census to determine if, for the first time, Catholics form the largest bloc of the population in Northern Ireland. It seems likely that will be the case.
Certainly, the school and university figures indicate a particular trend. From nursery up to second level, there are 176,400 students (50.6 per cent) from a Catholic background compared with 112,600 (32.3 per cent) from a Protestant background.
Those in neither category who come under the grouping of “other” make up 17.2 per cent of the school population, 59,900 students. Ultimately, such people may determine the constitutional question.
The situation is similar at university level. There are 20,900 Catholics (49.49 per cent) in the North’s two universities, compared with 13,150 Protestants (31.2 per cent). There are 8,150 students (19.3 per cent) in the “other” category.
Domino effect
Some, such as Murphy, argue that the graph is going only in one direction, towards a united Ireland. They also point to Brexit and to Scotland, where the quest for independence could have a domino effect on this side of the Irish Sea.
But there are other views. Dr Paul Nolan – an expert on the peace process, social trends and demography – says nationalists are being “wildly optimistic” if they believe an imminent or even a longer-delayed plebiscite would result in a united Ireland.
“Civic nationalists believe it is happening because they get into rooms together, and those rooms become echo chambers,” Nolan says. “They become very convinced that the mass of the population wants this. But once you step out of that room the mass of the population aren’t quite so excited by the idea.”
But is it not clear from demographic trends, as Murphy contends, that in the years to come there could be a Green (as opposed to Orange) surge?
Here Nolan believes the united Irelanders are not paying enough attention to political voting patterns. The census, he allows, probably will show that Catholics outnumber Protestants, but not all Catholics vote, and those who do don’t all vote for nationalists. He does not believe the Catholic figure will be 50 per cent or above.
Probably more significantly, he points out that in the past five elections in Northern Ireland the unionist vote may have shrunk, but in each of those five elections the unionist parties outpolled Sinn Féin, the SDLP, and the smaller nationalist parties by a margin of about 4-8 percentage points.
It could be argued reasonably that, in very bald terms, Northern Ireland is heading towards a 40-40-20 split, with unionists and nationalists at 40 per cent each and the less constitutionally motivated parties, such as Alliance and the Greens, at 20 per cent.
Nolan is convinced that, for the moment and into the future, the wind is with those who want to maintain the union
The contest, therefore, will be for unionists and nationalists to persuade a sufficient number of that 20 per cent to vote for the union or a united Ireland in any Border poll. Much of that vote belongs to centre-ground Alliance, many of whose members are wary of the nationalist discussions.
But equally there are some Alliance voters who could be described as “soft” unionists, and who lament Northern Ireland’s exit from the European Union. If Brexit is a disaster, or close to one, this is an unpredictable group that could be persuaded to prefer, say, a “federal” Ireland, with the Northern Executive and Assembly still in existence and the North, with the Republic, back in the EU.
So, as ever, Brexit remains in the volatile mix. A path back to the EU via a united Ireland also might appeal to some younger voters.
Nolan says he can’t predict how that battle will ultimately unfold but is convinced that, for the moment and into the future, the wind is with those who want to maintain the union.
He asks: if the breakdown is 40-40-20, where will nationalists get that extra 10 per cent plus one vote to carry the day? “There is no possibility in the near or foreseeable future of the vote for a united Ireland reaching 50 per cent,” he says.
Opinion polls
Those pressing for the referendum also argue that not only is the demographic jet stream with them, but that opinion polls also indicate the increasing inevitability of an imminent united Ireland.
Here it’s a case of some polls do, some polls don’t. For instance, in February two separate polls provided two different results: one close to a “neck and neck” situation, having 46.8 per cent for the union with Britain and 45.4 per cent for Irish unity when don’t-knows were excluded, and the other having 49 per cent for the union and just 29 per cent for unity. There also have been polls saying a majority would support unity.
You can almost pick your poll to support your point of view. But while the polls often point to more confusion than clarity, they do at least appear to confirm that the constitutional question is to the forefront of many minds.
The Irish Government is very conscious of this, as partly illustrated by the decision to create the shared island unit within the Department of the Taoiseach. The unit could perhaps be used to temper the debate, slow it down, and allow for a focus on the three-stranded relationships on these islands: internal North, North-South, and British-Irish.
But there are lots of combustible elements here that could thwart any attempt to shape this debate in a coherent manner.
For instance, just to throw a few elements into the mix. Could the Government, considering say the more avid united Irelanders in Fianna Fáil, be somehow pressured into arguing precipitately for a Border poll?
There is even the question of whether or not the Irish Government will survive. Everything seems shaky at present
If the EU-UK negotiations collapse, would a subsequent hard Brexit be a galvanising moment for nationalists, North and South, and also for some of those aforementioned “soft” unionists? If Scotland departs the UK, must Northern Ireland be next? Will the UK government’s handling of Covid-19 be a factor in people’s constitutional thinking?
There is even the question of whether or not the Irish Government will survive. Everything seems shaky at present. And if, somehow, it struggles through to the end of its term, Sinn Féin could be well-placed to finally make it into Government Buildings. What then?
In the North, DUP leader and First Minister Arlene Foster and Deputy First Minister Michelle O’Neill of Sinn Féin are still at odds over allegations that Sinn Féin representatives breached Covid-19 social distancing rules at the funeral of senior republican Bobby Storey in June.
And while the Executive and Assembly are restored, there is little sense of a generous or reconciliatory collective spirit at work in Stormont.
There will be a lot of pressure too on the shoulders of SDLP leader Colum Eastwood, who right now could do with the wisdom of the late John Hume and Seamus Mallon. He personally is quite “Green”, constitutionally speaking, but equally he must also avoid being suckered into too hard a nationalist position that would render the SDLP a sort of “Sinn Féin lite”.
Combustible loyalism
But the biggest combustible of all is loyalism. Not long before he died, Mallon last year warned that a premature Border poll could lead to violence and, in the event of the narrowest of majorities, a “completely unworkable majority for unity”. Reflecting on the discriminatory hostile unionist state he grew up in, he feared a sort of role reversal, with unionists being the “sullen, alienated and potentially violent minority”.
That did not wash well with many nationalists, and prompted a riposte from Prof Colin Harvey of Queen’s University, who asserted that the “threat of violence is not an argument and it’s not an argument that I will entertain or listen to”.
He said the focus should be on ensuring that whatever concerns unionists and other people have are addressed, but that in a Border poll a simple majority must apply. “That’s the rules,” he said.
But asserting that the threat of violence is not an argument does not address the real possibility of such violence.
In terms of the united Ireland debate, it’s the ultra-sensitive issue that dare not speak its name, yet it must be faced.
Assurances, as Harvey said, can be offered to unionists, but how far can that go, considering unionism’s obduracy and frequent state of paranoia when matters of unity are mentioned?
You can’t help but wonder, too, is there a dangerous naivety abroad among some nationalists about how loyalism might respond if the push comes too early? This is still a society on a sectarian edge. Think of how reducing the number of days the British union flag should fly over Belfast City Hall sent sections of loyalism into a frenzy of protest.
Think of why Northern Ireland still needs 100 peace walls to safeguard loyalists and nationalists from each other.
It's a difficult area. There were some very telling insights into loyalist thinking about a united Ireland offered in a report published two years ago by Fianna Fáil Senator Mark Daly, called Unionist Concerns and Fears of a United Ireland: The Need to Protect the Peace Process and Build a Vision for a Shared Island and a United People.
As part of the report, Daly commissioned James Wilson, a freelance consultant, researcher and historian and former member of the British army from Coleraine, Co Derry, to sound out loyalist views on a united Ireland.
Among those he interviewed were 14 members of a loyalist flute band he spoke to in an Orange Order hall in Moneymore, Co Derry; nine former members of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) in Coleraine; and eight members of the Independent Orange Order in Ballymoney, Co Antrim.
The three groups predicted different levels of loyalist violence if there were to be a narrow vote for unity, and some of the individual comments were coldly revealing.
"Folk laughed at Carson's Volunteers in 1912. The Germans they met in the trenches on July 1st, 1916, they weren't laughing"
One of the UDR veterans was sure unity would not happen peacefully. “I don’t see where the Garda and the Irish Army have the resources to contain major riots in over 70 towns, plus getting their units wiped out in well-staged killing grounds. They would have to raise a Catholic gendarmerie, like the B Specials, and then you will have civil war, way beyond the Troubles II and more like Bosnia,” he said.
Coming out of the Moneymore Orange hall, Wilson was approached by an older man who had witnessed the flute band focus group. Wilson asked him if he believed their pledge to armed resistance was serious.
“God, aye!” the man replied. “Folk laughed at Carson’s Volunteers in 1912. The Germans they met in the trenches on July 1st, 1916, they weren’t laughing. These young boys will fight for their land and their values – it’s in their DNA.”
In Ballymoney, one of the Orangemen in a questionnaire said those of his co-religionists who chose to stay south of the Border after partition had to live “in fear and silence, their culture, history and faith almost a guilty secret”.
He wrote that the “nationalist/republican minority left in Northern Ireland provided the perfect template for a minority response”.
He explained: “They have grown, thrived, united, mobilised and eventually resorted to disruption and an armed struggle to thwart the democratic wish of the majority in that jurisdiction. That would be my response to a united Ireland.”
Powder keg
Some nationalists dismiss these views as bluff and posturing; yet it would be foolish to ignore what appears to be a flinty authenticity to those voices.
There is no doubt that within significant sections of nationalism a torch has been lit, but it is important to ensure it is not a fuse leading to a sectarian powder keg. To make this debate work means learning from history, including very recent history, not ignoring it out of some sort of wishful thinking.
Which is where Dublin and the shared island unit come in. For the next few years, the chief responsibility would appear with the Government. There are British Foreign Office officials who have a good grip on what they might call the Irish question, but who knows what Boris Johnson might provoke. Moreover, most northern secretaries of the past decade have been far from impressive.
So the buck stops with Micheál Martin and Leo Varadkar, who lead the two so-called “Civil War parties”. It seems only a little hyperbolic to say that, in directing the debate, they must take care not to precipitate another one.
They appear determined to hold firm in resisting, during the lifetime of this administration at least, what will be considerable pressure to endorse the calling of a Border poll. Both Sinn Féin and Ireland’s Future are well-organised and determined, and plan to be relentless in their demands for a plebiscite. That pressure will be taxing.
Constitutional unionism also has a big part to play. The tendency might be to see the shared island unit as a Trojan horse. Best therefore to leave it outside the gate by refusing to participate in the debate. But that will just lead to further claims of typical “not-an-inch” intransigence, which will further embolden nationalism. If political unionism has learned anything from the convulsions of recent years, it will realise that some judicious engagement with the shared island unit is necessary.
There will be the question of cost: could the Republic afford the current estimated £10 billion subvention Westminster pays to keep Northern Ireland running?
The unit offers the opportunity for a gradualist and sensible approach for whatever constitutional change may come. And it won’t all be about a united Ireland. At some stage joint authority will be shunted back on to the agenda, as well as mention of a federal or confederal Ireland, with Stormont remaining in place.
There will be the question of cost: could the Republic afford the current estimated £10 billion subvention Westminster pays to keep Northern Ireland running?
There is likely too to be reactivated loyalist or unionist talk of an independent Northern Ireland, or repartitioning Northern Ireland, or even, for some, “repatriation to the mainland”.
Whatever the constitutional destination, the big challenge will be to have the debate but to have it on the margins and over a considerable period of time, and in the meantime allow normal society to continue on; to provide people, particularly unionists, with the space to consider and not to be too distracted, or terrified, by the deliberations.
Mallon’s advice to those impatient for a united Ireland was: “While never giving up our legitimate aspiration for unity, nationalists must first aim for reconciliation within Northern Ireland, working with unionists to build what I have called our shared home place.”


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Thinking Anew – A dimension beyond our understanding

As soldiers of the US army advanced through Germany in the last days of the second World War , they took possession of Schloss Rheydt , a renaissance palace near Mönchengladbach .
The earliest written record of a building on the site is found in a letter dated 1180 .
What intrigued the Americans , however , was not its antiquity but the fact that this was the holiday home of Joseph Goebbels , the Nazi propaganda minister , whose coat of arms adorned each room .
The army units involved included many Jewish soldiers , so one can only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decided to hold Jewish religious services in the Great Hall of the palace , and in March 1945 , 300 Jewish soldiers kept the Passover there .
The irony of observing a festival commemorating the liberation of the Jewish people , led by Moses , from Egypt in a palace once given as a tribute to Goebbels , Nazi persecutor of the Jews , was lost on no one , and news soon reached America and was widely reported .
This caused problems for one named soldier who had told his mother that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stop her worrying about him .
The publicity gave the game away , as he recalled years later : “ My mother discovered that I had lied to her .
I wasn ’ t having a great time in Paris after all .
However , as mothers will , she forgave me.
” Tomorrow a reading from the Book of Exodus tells the story of the Passover leading to deliverance from Egypt which St Paul links to the Christian Eucharist and the death and resurrection of Jesus : “ For indeed Christ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us.
” In his book Hope and Suffering , Desmond Tutu explains how these events expand our understanding of God ’ s role in human affairs : “ This act of saving a rabble of slaves , this highly political act called the Exodus in the Bible , came to be seen as the founding event of the people of God , what constituted them his people , and other divine events were described in the light of this event , as the Christians later were to describe everything in their salvation history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resurrection event of Jesus Christ .
God showed himself there as a saving God , as a doing , an active kind of God .
.
.
who took the side of the oppressed , the exploited ones , the downtrodden , the marginalised ones .
.
.
He took sides against the powerful on behalf of the widow , the orphan and the alien , classes of people who were often at the back of the queue , at the bottom of the pile.
” Both events represent God to be a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But it happens in God-time not human time and that is a dimension beyond our understanding and experience .
How often in the Bible and in the lives of the saints do we come across people crying out to God in times of distress and feeling they are not being heard .
Jesus on the cross for example : “ My God , my God why hast thou forsaken me ?
” We find it hard to accept that faith is a waiting game and that we will question it at times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anxiety or loss .
Elie Wiesel , a Romanian Jew , survived the Holocaust , just .
As a teenager he and his family were sent to Auschwitz , where his mother and sister were murdered .
His father died in Buchenwald .
In his book Night , he wrote about the horrors he witnessed in those camps and his loss of faith : “ Never shall I forget these things which murdered my God and my soul and turned my dreams to dust.
” Years later he would reclaim his faith and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I rarely speak about God .
To God , yes .
I protest against Him .
I shout at Him .
But open discourse about the qualities of God , about the problems that God imposes , theodicy , no .
And yet He is there , in silence .
.
.
”

“We find it hard to accept that faith is a waiting game and that we will question it at times, especially when we struggle with personal anxiety or loss.” Photograph: Getty Images
As soldiers of the US army advanced through Germany in the last days of the second World War, they took possession of Schloss Rheydt, a renaissance palace near Mönchengladbach. The earliest written record of a building on the site is found in a letter dated 1180. What intrigued the Americans, however, was not its antiquity but the fact that this was the holiday home of Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi propaganda minister, whose coat of arms adorned each room.
The army units involved included many Jewish soldiers, so one can only imagine how they responded when it was decided to hold Jewish religious services in the Great Hall of the palace, and in March 1945, 300 Jewish soldiers kept the Passover there.
The irony of observing a festival commemorating the liberation of the Jewish people, led by Moses, from Egypt in a palace once given as a tribute to Goebbels, Nazi persecutor of the Jews, was lost on no one, and news soon reached America and was widely reported.
This caused problems for one named soldier who had told his mother that he was far away from the war to stop her worrying about him. The publicity gave the game away, as he recalled years later: “My mother discovered that I had lied to her. I wasn’t having a great time in Paris after all. However, as mothers will, she forgave me.”
READ MORE
Tomorrow a reading from the Book of Exodus tells the story of the Passover leading to deliverance from Egypt which St Paul links to the Christian Eucharist and the death and resurrection of Jesus: “For indeed Christ, our Passover, was sacrificed for us.”
In his book Hope and Suffering, Desmond Tutu explains how these events expand our understanding of God’s role in human affairs: “This act of saving a rabble of slaves, this highly political act called the Exodus in the Bible, came to be seen as the founding event of the people of God, what constituted them his people, and other divine events were described in the light of this event, as the Christians later were to describe everything in their salvation history in the light of the death and resurrection event of Jesus Christ. God showed himself there as a saving God, as a doing, an active kind of God . . . who took the side of the oppressed, the exploited ones, the downtrodden, the marginalised ones . . . He took sides against the powerful on behalf of the widow, the orphan and the alien, classes of people who were often at the back of the queue, at the bottom of the pile.”
Both events represent God to be a God of action who delivers his people. But it happens in God-time not human time and that is a dimension beyond our understanding and experience. How often in the Bible and in the lives of the saints do we come across people crying out to God in times of distress and feeling they are not being heard. Jesus on the cross for example: “My God, my God why hast thou forsaken me?”
We find it hard to accept that faith is a waiting game and that we will question it at times, especially when we struggle with personal anxiety or loss.
Elie Wiesel, a Romanian Jew, survived the Holocaust, just. As a teenager he and his family were sent to Auschwitz, where his mother and sister were murdered. His father died in Buchenwald. In his book Night, he wrote about the horrors he witnessed in those camps and his loss of faith: “Never shall I forget these things which murdered my God and my soul and turned my dreams to dust.” Years later he would reclaim his faith and when asked about it said: “I rarely speak about God. To God, yes. I protest against Him. I shout at Him. But open discourse about the qualities of God, about the problems that God imposes, theodicy, no. And yet He is there, in silence . . .”


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Leaving Cert results: All you need to know about calculated grades

How do I get my calculated grade results ?
Students will be able to access their grades online using the student portal from 9am on Monday , September 7th .
The grades are also being made available to schools at the same time .
How did students fare under the new system this year ?
A large majority ( 79 per cent ) of students ’ estimated grades given by their teachers and schools will remain the same .
The remainder will be either reduced ( 17 per cent ) or increased ( 4 per cent ) .
Overall , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than results for previous Leaving Cert years .
What does this mean for CAO points ?
The fact that calculated grades are higher is likely to result in higher CAO points for many courses .
However , the Government announced last week an additional 1,250 higher and further education places .
These include hundreds of additional places for high-demand courses such as nursing , pharmacy , medicine and post-primary teaching .
Colleges also have the option of adding hundreds of other places to in-demand courses .
This may take some of the heat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is largely based on supply and demand , but it remains to be seen by how much .
Students will find out on Friday afternoon , when CAO round-one offers are issued .
I applied for college this year on the basis of my results in 2019 ?
Will I lose out ?
It ’ s not a level playing field for all this year .
That ’ s because this year ’ s cohort of Leaving Cert students has been awarded higher grades than in previous years .
This is likely to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ results achieved before this year at a disadvantage in the points race because their results were not quite as generously marked .
It ’ s difficult to say by how much at the time of writing .
Department of Education officials say they had to achieve a balance between adjusting this year ’ s results to ensure they were in line with results in previous years and ensuring “ fairness and acceptability ” for this year ’ s cohort of students .
They say , however , that a “ cascade ” effect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ further education places should ensure that more students than ever will be able to get their first-place preference , which should ease some of the points pressure .
What information was used to determine my predicted grades ?
First , the school issued an estimated grade for each subject based on what it thought you would achieve in the exam .
It also supplied an estimated class ranking for you in each subject .
This information , according to the Department of Education , is at the core of the process .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – in which grades are adjusted up or down for consistency – it also took into account the likely performance of your class based on how students fared in the Junior Cert , along with the historic pattern of Leaving Cert results nationally .
Why are students ’ results being standardised anyway ?
Even in normal years , Leaving Cert results are adjusted – or standardised – to ensure results are broadly consistent from year to year and to help avoid grade inflation .
This year , it was used to ensure all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students ’ being given unrealistically high grades .
For example , this year officials found that the proportion of top grades awarded by some teachers had doubled or even tripled in some schools compared to previous years .
As a result , some grades were adjusted to bring them into line with what was considered more realistic .
I ’ m in a school with a poor track record .
Have I been penalised on the basis of this ?
There were plans to include “ school profiling ” in the calculated grades @ @ @ @ @ @ @ account of an individual school ’ s track record in the last three years in determining whether teachers ’ estimated grades were accurate .
However , this has been removed from the calculated grades process , in light of controversy in the UK which saw disadvantaged students disproportionately downgraded .
Department officials say the final calculated grades in Ireland do not impact unfairly on students in disadvantaged schools , A breakdown of the new grades , for example , shows the proportion of downgrades for students in disadvantaged or Deis schools is smaller @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other schools ( 16.8 per cent ) .
I ’ m in a new school which has never had a Leaving Cert class .
Could this have impacted on my calculated grade ?
It shouldn ’ t have .
Teachers were asked to use their professional judgement in estimating your grade and class ranking .
The Department of Education says these were the most important pieces of information in the calculated grades process .
As part of the “ standardisation ” process – in which grades are adjusted up or down – it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Leaving Cert performance of your class based on how students fared in the Junior Cert .
Historical data relating to Leaving Cert performance was drawn on national trends , rather than school-by-school trends .
I moved school in sixth year to a grind school .
Did this affect my calculated grade ?
Officials say moving school shouldn ’ t have impacted on a student or school ’ s grades .
Again , teachers ’ estimated grades carry the most weight .
While the standardisation process includes the likely performance of a Leaving Cert @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Junior Cert , the department says it was able to get around this for students who weren ’ t in a Junior Cert class together .
It did this by constructing virtual classes and pulling together data from individual students who sat the Junior Cert at different schools , but were in the same Leaving Cert class this year .
How does the Irish system of calculated grades differ from the UK system ?
Officials say there are three crucial differences : The Irish system , they say , gives “ primacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There is more precise information collected about student achievement , such as per centage marks rather than estimated grades .
There are in-built systems to identify exceptional students , irrespective of the school they attended .
What happens now ?
Results are being issued to students and schools at 9am on September 7th and CAO offers are due to be released on September 11th .
An appeals process opens on September 14th , while all students will be able to access their schools ’ estimated mark .
Candidates can appeal any grade which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the online portal from September 14th .
Unlike Leaving Cert appeals in previous years , however , it is largely limited to a data-checking exercise to ensure the intended information was recorded correctly by the school and that the national standardisation process conducted by the department was applied correctly .
It will not involve reassessing a student ’ s past work or performance in projects , assignments and tests .
If students are not happy with the appeal , they can go on to seek a review by independent appeal scrutineers .
Finally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opportunity to sit the 2020 Leaving Certificate examination in the subject ( s ) of their choice in November .
Will I get to see my school ’ s estimated grade ?
Yes , but you ’ ll have to wait until the appeal process opens on September 14th .
Students should be able to access it on the student portal .
This will be the grade your school estimated for you prior to any adjustments under the standardisation process .
Can I combine my calculated grades with subjects that I sit in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mix and match these grades .
So , for example , a student unhappy with their calculated grade for English can sit the written exam .
If the outcome is higher than their calculated grade , the student can add this result to their existing calculated grades .
When is the postponed Leaving Cert due to take place ?
The postponed 2020 Leaving Cert exams are due to take place during the evening and at weekends from Monday , November 16th onwards – subject to public health advice .
Minister for Education Norma @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take the form of written papers only .
Students are being advised that the written exams will be based on the normal question paper format , content and structure as in previous years .
The State Examinations Commission is currently working with the department .
If I sit the exam , will I need to do a language oral exam ?
Marks will not be available for oral language or music performance tests on the basis that it would “ not be feasible or practical ” to conduct exams in these components , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ However , in the case of five subjects , examiners will mark coursework which was completed prior to school closure .
These marks will be included in the grading of these subjects .
These subjects include home economics ; design and communication graphics ; physical education ; engineering ; and the LCVP ( Leaving Cert vocational ) programme ) portfolio .

Minister for Education Norma Foley has acknowledged that grades for the class of 2020 will be “stronger” compared to previous yeares .Photograph: Julien Behal
How do I get my calculated grade results?
Students will be able to access their grades online using the student portal from 9am. The grades are also being made available to schools at the same time.
To receive your grades, you should again login to the Calculated Grades Student Portal (lc2020.education.gov.ie). A "before you begin guide" will be available on the student portal home page to guide you on how to access your results and print a statement of them.
What information will there be?
You'll be able to view your results online and download or print a "statement of provisional results of Calculated Grades for Leaving Certificate 2020". This is the only way to receive a hard copy of your grades; schools will only be provided with details of results electronically. Formal statements of provisional results will not be issued to schools this year.
The student portal will reopen on September 14th at 9am and will provide you with the subject percentage marks you were awarded by the calculated grades process. You may also access the estimated percentage marks provided by your schools. You can appeak any results online to get a re-check.
READ MORE
How did students fare under the new system this year?
Overall, the calculated grade results are more generous than results for previous Leaving Cert years. There has been a dramatic increase in top grades awarded to thousands of Leaving Cert students under the calculated grades process.
A breakdown of the results today shows teachers overestimated their students' marks at all points in the achievement spectrum.
A large majority (79 per cent) of students’ estimated grades given by their teachers and schools will remain the same. The remainder will be either reduced (17 per cent) or increased (4 per cent).
What does this mean for CAO points?
The fact that calculated grades are higher is likely to result in higher CAO points for many courses.
However, the Government announced last week an additional 1,250 higher and further education places. These include hundreds of additional places for high-demand courses such as nursing, pharmacy, medicine and post-primary teaching. Colleges also have the option of adding hundreds of other places to in-demand courses.
This may take some of the heat out of CAO points race, which is largely based on supply and demand, but it remains to be seen by how much. Students will find out on Friday afternoon, when CAO round-one offers are issued.
I applied for college this year on the basis of my results in 2019? Will I lose out?
It's not a level playing field for all this year. That's because this year's cohort of Leaving Cert students has been awarded higher grades than in previous years.
This is likely to place those applying on the basis of results achieved before this year at a disadvantage in the points race because their results were not quite as generously marked. It’s difficult to say by how much at the time of writing.
Department of Education officials say they had to achieve a balance between adjusting this year’s results to ensure they were in line with results in previous years and ensuring “fairness and acceptability” for this year’s cohort of students.
They say, however, that a “cascade” effect from the creation of additional higher and further education places should ensure that more students than ever will be able to get their first-place preference, which should ease some of the points pressure.
What information was used to determine my predicted grades?
First, the school issued an estimated grade for each subject based on what it thought you would achieve in the exam. It also supplied an estimated class ranking for you in each subject.
This information, according to the Department of Education, is at the core of the process.
As part of the "standardisation" process – in which grades are adjusted up or down for consistency – it also took into account the likely performance of your class based on how students fared in the Junior Cert, along with the historic pattern of Leaving Cert results nationally.
Why are students' results being standardised anyway?
Even in normal years, Leaving Cert results are adjusted – or standardised – to ensure results are broadly consistent from year to year and to help avoid grade inflation. This year, it was used to ensure all students were treated fairly and to prevent students' being given unrealistically high grades.
For example, this year officials found that the proportion of top grades awarded by some teachers had doubled or even tripled in some schools compared to previous years. As a result, some grades were adjusted to bring them into line with what was considered more realistic.
I'm in a school with a poor track record. Have I been penalised on the basis of this?
There were plans to include "school profiling" in the calculated grades process. This was due to take account of an individual school's track record in the last three years in determining whether teachers' estimated grades were accurate. However, this has been removed from the calculated grades process, in light of controversy in the UK which saw disadvantaged students disproportionately downgraded.
Department officials say the final calculated grades in Ireland do not impact unfairly on students in disadvantaged schools,
A breakdown of the new grades, for example, shows the proportion of downgrades for students in disadvantaged or Deis schools is smaller (13.6 per cent) compared to other schools (16.8 per cent).
I'm in a new school which has never had a Leaving Cert class. Could this have impacted on my calculated grade?
It shouldn't have. Teachers were asked to use their professional judgement in estimating your grade and class ranking. The Department of Education says these were the most important pieces of information in the calculated grades process. As part of the "standardisation" process – in which grades are adjusted up or down – it says this took into account the likely Leaving Cert performance of your class based on how students fared in the Junior Cert. Historical data relating to Leaving Cert performance was drawn on national trends, rather than school-by-school trends.
I moved school in sixth year to a grind school. Did this affect my calculated grade?
Officials say moving school shouldn't have impacted on a student or school's grades. Again, teachers' estimated grades carry the most weight.
While the standardisation process includes the likely performance of a Leaving Cert class based on how they performed in the Junior Cert, the department says it was able to get around this for students who weren’t in a Junior Cert class together. It did this by constructing virtual classes and pulling together data from individual students who sat the Junior Cert at different schools, but were in the same Leaving Cert class this year.
How does the Irish system of calculated grades differ from the UK system?
Officials say there are three crucial differences: The Irish system, they say, gives "primacy" to teachers' estimated marks. There is more precise information collected about student achievement, such as per centage marks rather than estimated grades. There are in-built systems to identify exceptional students, irrespective of the school they attended.
What happens now?
Results are being issued to students and schools at 9am on September 7th and CAO offers are due to be released on September 11th.
An appeals process opens on September 14th, while all students will be able to access their schools’ estimated mark.
How do I appeal?
Candidates can appeal any grade which they feel has been unfairly awarded using the online portal from September 14th. Unlike Leaving Cert appeals in previous years, however, it is largely limited to a data-checking exercise to ensure the intended information was recorded correctly by the school and that the national standardisation process conducted by the department was applied correctly. It will not involve reassessing a student's past work or performance in projects, assignments and tests. If students are not happy with the appeal, they can go on to seek a review by independent appeal scrutineers.
Finally, candidates who remain unhappy have the opportunity to sit the 2020 Leaving Certificate examination in the subject(s) of their choice in November.
Will I get to see my school's estimated grade?
Yes, but you'll have to wait until the appeal process opens on September 14th. Students should be able to access it on the student portal. This will be the grade your school estimated for you prior to any adjustments under the standardisation process.
Can I combine my calculated grades with subjects that I sit in the Leaving?
Yes. Students can mix and match these grades. So, for example, a student unhappy with their calculated grade for English can sit the written exam. If the outcome is higher than their calculated grade, the student can add this result to their existing calculated grades.
When is the postponed Leaving Cert due to take place?
The postponed 2020 Leaving Cert exams are due to take place during the evening and at weekends from Monday, November 16th onwards – subject to public health advice.
Minister for Education Norma Foley has confirmed that the exams will take the form of written papers only. Students are being advised that the written exams will be based on the normal question paper format, content and structure as in previous years.
The State Examinations Commission is currently working with the department.
If I sit the exam, will I need to do a language oral exam?
Marks will not be available for oral language or music performance tests on the basis that it would "not be feasible or practical" to conduct exams in these components, according to the Department of Education.
However, in the case of five subjects, examiners will mark coursework which was completed prior to school closure. These marks will be included in the grading of these subjects. These subjects include home economics; design and communication graphics; physical education; engineering; and the LCVP (Leaving Cert vocational) programme) portfolio.


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Galway paddleboarders: ‘We found them but they saved themselves,’ says fisherman

The fisherman and father-of-seven who rescued two cousins adrift in the Atlantic on paddle boards said his paternal instinct had driven him to rush out and begin searching .
Last month Sara Feeney ( 23 ) and her 17-year old cousin Ellen Glynn captivated the country after disappearing from Furbo beach in Galway .
Quickly swept out to sea , they spent the night enduring horrendous weather conditions before being plucked to safety by local fisherman Patrick Oliver and his 18-year old son Morgan .
Mr Oliver admitted that his paternal instinct had played a large part in his decision @ @ @ @ @ @ @ join in the search as the country desperately awaited news in a situation that looked ominous .
“ When I heard first thing [ the next ] morning ... [ Sarah ’ s ] mother on the beach , just watching them disappear into the distance…as soon as we heard we just left , ” he said on Friday ’ s Late Late Show where all four were once again reunited .
In all , the cousins spent 15 hours in the water .
Their discovery and rescue the following morning captivated the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the middle of seemingly endless pandemic developments .
The father and son rescue team were widely praised for using their local knowledge to estimate their location .
“ When we got out on the water we read the conditions the two of us .
We took turns from when we left the docks , driving the boat and looking around , ” Mr Oliver said .
“ The night before northerly wind was coming off the north shore .
It was an offshore breeze .
Literally the girls are sitting on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the water and the wind just carried them straight.
” They plotted a line from Furbo Beach with the wind toward Inis Oirr , heading for the south sound between the island and the Cliffs of Moher , eventually sighting their oars waving in the air .
The cousins admitted that before realising how serious their predicament was they had been slightly embarrassed at the prospect of needing to be rescued .
However , Mr Oliver paid tribute to their stoicism given the challenging weather conditions during the night .
The women had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pot which prevented them drifting out into the Atlantic and their life jackets played a major part in the survival story .
“ We found them but they saved themselves , ” he said .
Describing their moment of salvation , Ellen said it was a bit of a blur .
“ When they were coming towards us it was just like I can ’ t believe this is real , they are actually coming for us , ” she said .

The fisherman and father-of-seven who rescued two cousins adrift in the Atlantic on paddle boards said his paternal instinct had driven him to rush out and begin searching.
Last month Sara Feeney (23) and her 17-year old cousin Ellen Glynn captivated the country after disappearing from Furbo beach in Galway.
Quickly swept out to sea, they spent the night enduring horrendous weather conditions before being plucked to safety by local fisherman Patrick Oliver and his 18-year old son Morgan.
Mr Oliver admitted that his paternal instinct had played a large part in his decision to take out his fishing boat and join in the search as the country desperately awaited news in a situation that looked ominous.
READ MORE
“When I heard first thing [the next] morning...[Sarah’s] mother on the beach, just watching them disappear into the distance…as soon as we heard we just left,” he said on Friday’s Late Late Show where all four were once again reunited.
In all, the cousins spent 15 hours in the water. Their discovery and rescue the following morning captivated the nation, a conspicuous good news story in the middle of seemingly endless pandemic developments.
The father and son rescue team were widely praised for using their local knowledge to estimate their location.
“When we got out on the water we read the conditions the two of us. We took turns from when we left the docks, driving the boat and looking around,” Mr Oliver said.
“The night before northerly wind was coming off the north shore. It was an offshore breeze. Literally the girls are sitting on the boards; they are two corks on the water and the wind just carried them straight.”
They plotted a line from Furbo Beach with the wind toward Inis Oirr, heading for the south sound between the island and the Cliffs of Moher, eventually sighting their oars waving in the air.
The cousins admitted that before realising how serious their predicament was they had been slightly embarrassed at the prospect of needing to be rescued.
However, Mr Oliver paid tribute to their stoicism given the challenging weather conditions during the night. The women had lashed their paddle boards to a lobster pot which prevented them drifting out into the Atlantic and their life jackets played a major part in the survival story.
“We found them but they saved themselves,” he said.
Describing their moment of salvation, Ellen said it was a bit of a blur.
“When they were coming towards us it was just like I can’t believe this is real, they are actually coming for us,” she said.


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Coronavirus: Two additional pop-up testing facilities to open in Dublin

Two additional pop-up testing facilities will open in Dublin this weekend , increasing testing capacity by between 180 and 200 tests per day , the HSE has said .
The two centres – located at Handball Alley , Croke Park , and in Castleknock – will offer free testing for anyone with coronavirus symptoms who has been referred for a test by a GP .
Appointments at Handball Alley will be offered from 11.30am until 6.30pm from September 5th until September 11th , while appointments at the Castleknock centre will also be offered from 11.30am to 6.30pm from September 5th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be required to follow public health measures during the process , including social distancing , not travelling there by taxi or public transport , practising good personal hygiene and wearing a face covering throughout , including while travelling to and from the centre .
The pop-up centres will run in conjunction with the community testing centre based at the National Show Centre in Swords .
They are part of an expansion of testing facilities provided by the HSE to meet increasing demand for Covid-19 testing .
In addition to these extra pop-up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have recently been set up to manage local demand , including two new community testing centres in Dublin , one in Kildare and one in Portlaoise .
Across the country there are now 30 community testing centres , as well as mobile units for outbreak management and home testing , which is available through the national ambulance centre .
Anyone who tests positive for the virus will be contacted by HSE contact tracers to help them track their contacts .
This will help people to identify who they may have been in close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transmission .
Close contacts of those who have tested positive will also hear from HSE contact tracers , advising them to restrict their movements by staying at home for 14 days and to organise coronavirus testing to prevent them from unknowingly spreading the virus .
Mellany McLoone , chief officer of the HSE community health organisation for Dublin north city and county , said getting a coronavirus test is “ now faster and easier than ever ” .
“ These two pop-up centres mean that anyone who has symptoms can call their GP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find out whether they have the virus and need to stay at home , or if they can safely return to their normal routine , ” she said .
“ I would like to convey our sincere thanks to Croke Park and the local residents for facilitating us to provide this very valuable service to our population .
”

Two additional pop-up testing facilities will open in Dublin this weekend, increasing testing capacity by between 180 and 200 tests per day, the HSE has said.
The two centres – located at Handball Alley, Croke Park, and in Castleknock – will offer free testing for anyone with coronavirus symptoms who has been referred for a test by a GP.
Appointments at Handball Alley will be offered from 11.30am until 6.30pm from September 5th until September 11th, while appointments at the Castleknock centre will also be offered from 11.30am to 6.30pm from September 5th until September 11th.
Those being tested will be required to follow public health measures during the process, including social distancing, not travelling there by taxi or public transport, practising good personal hygiene and wearing a face covering throughout, including while travelling to and from the centre.
READ MORE
The pop-up centres will run in conjunction with the community testing centre based at the National Show Centre in Swords. They are part of an expansion of testing facilities provided by the HSE to meet increasing demand for Covid-19 testing.
In addition to these extra pop-up centres, four new community testing centres have recently been set up to manage local demand, including two new community testing centres in Dublin, one in Kildare and one in Portlaoise.
Mobile units
Across the country there are now 30 community testing centres, as well as mobile units for outbreak management and home testing, which is available through the national ambulance centre.
Anyone who tests positive for the virus will be contacted by HSE contact tracers to help them track their contacts. This will help people to identify who they may have been in close contact with, protecting others from further transmission.
Close contacts of those who have tested positive will also hear from HSE contact tracers, advising them to restrict their movements by staying at home for 14 days and to organise coronavirus testing to prevent them from unknowingly spreading the virus.
Mellany McLoone, chief officer of the HSE community health organisation for Dublin north city and county, said getting a coronavirus test is “now faster and easier than ever”.
“These two pop-up centres mean that anyone who has symptoms can call their GP to get a free test and quickly find out whether they have the virus and need to stay at home, or if they can safely return to their normal routine,” she said.
“I would like to convey our sincere thanks to Croke Park and the local residents for facilitating us to provide this very valuable service to our population.”


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Traumatised woman (18) a ‘serious risk’ to her mother and others, court told

The President of the High Court is to decide if there is any medical basis to permit continuation of wardship proceedings concerning a young woman with a traumatic history who is regarded as a “ very serious ” risk to her mother and certain others .
Psychiatrists say the 18-year-old woman needs to be placed in a medium secure care unit but all such units approached to date , including in the UK , are unwilling to take her .
She is currently on bail from the District Court in relation to charges of assault and a condition of her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ particular special care unit .
She was questioned by gardaí this week in relation to a separate alleged spitting incident .
High Court president Ms Justice Mary Irvine had listed the matter on Friday for directions arising from a number of developments , including that a report this week by a senior consultant psychiatrist , who had previously assessed the woman as lacking capacity , expressed the view she has regained capacity .
That report also referred to matters such as criminal intent , Barry O ’ Donnell SC , for the Child @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consultant psychiatrist had in a report last March concluded the woman has capacity and a third psychiatrist , whose report focussed on a care plan for the woman , considered she lacked capacity .
Ms Justice Irvine directed a hearing next week to consider whether the wardship proceedings , initiated by the Child and Family Agency , can proceed .
The wardship inquiry was adjourned last May and orders for the woman ’ s continued detention in the special care unit were also made .
Reporting restrictions apply to the case , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ certain condition the woman has .
The woman is separately represented in the proceedings because she and her court appointed guardian are in dispute as to what is in her best interests .
The HSE and her mother are also represented .
The woman objects to her mother being involved but the CFA considers the mother ’ s involvement is useful .
The court was previously told there is a prior history of assault and sexual violence in the case and an incident earlier in 2019 lead to the woman ’ s admission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her intentions and a large knife was found , the court heard .
She had set out in a manuscript a plan to kill and mutilate someone which , the CFA said , was treated as a “ definite ” threat .
She also talked about wanting to go to college , reflecting a form of “ deep seated disordered thinking.
” It was considered she would need to be placed in a UK specialist unit as the level of complexity presented exceeds anything the services here have come across , the CFA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ Donnell , for the CFA , said there was still a “ slim evidential ” basis related to capacity , that issue was not fully resolved and they were facing “ a changing situation ” .
There are implications if the woman is not taken into wardship and the CFA needs a few days to consider whether to proceed with seeking wardship , he said .
None of the parties objected to the matter being adjourned to Wednesday .
Michael Lynn SC , for the mother , said she appeared to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and further liaison with the gardai concerning that risk was warranted as a matter of urgency .
A solicitor representing the woman stressed certain medical information concerning her can not , in light of the separate criminal proceedings , be shared with gardai .
Ms Justice Irvine , who described the case as very complex , said her role is limited to the wardship matter .
The woman should not be taken into wardship if that is not warranted , she said .

Psychiatrists say the 18-year-old woman needs to be placed in a medium secure care unit but all such units approached to date, including in the UK, are unwilling to take her.
The President of the High Court is to decide if there is any medical basis to permit continuation of wardship proceedings concerning a young woman with a traumatic history who is regarded as a “very serious” risk to her mother and certain others.
Psychiatrists say the 18-year-old woman needs to be placed in a medium secure care unit but all such units approached to date, including in the UK, are unwilling to take her.
She is currently on bail from the District Court in relation to charges of assault and a condition of her bail is that she remains in a particular special care unit.
She was questioned by gardaí this week in relation to a separate alleged spitting incident.
READ MORE
High Court president Ms Justice Mary Irvine had listed the matter on Friday for directions arising from a number of developments, including that a report this week by a senior consultant psychiatrist, who had previously assessed the woman as lacking capacity, expressed the view she has regained capacity.
That report also referred to matters such as criminal intent, Barry O’Donnell SC, for the Child and Family Agency, said.
Another consultant psychiatrist had in a report last March concluded the woman has capacity and a third psychiatrist, whose report focussed on a care plan for the woman, considered she lacked capacity.
Ms Justice Irvine directed a hearing next week to consider whether the wardship proceedings, initiated by the Child and Family Agency, can proceed.
The wardship inquiry was adjourned last May and orders for the woman’s continued detention in the special care unit were also made.
Reporting restrictions apply to the case, including preventing any reports of details of a certain condition the woman has.
The woman is separately represented in the proceedings because she and her court appointed guardian are in dispute as to what is in her best interests. The HSE and her mother are also represented.
The woman objects to her mother being involved but the CFA considers the mother’s involvement is useful.
The court was previously told there is a prior history of assault and sexual violence in the case and an incident earlier in 2019 lead to the woman’s admission to special care. She had described her intentions and a large knife was found, the court heard.
She had set out in a manuscript a plan to kill and mutilate someone which, the CFA said, was treated as a “definite” threat. She also talked about wanting to go to college, reflecting a form of “deep seated disordered thinking.”
It was considered she would need to be placed in a UK specialist unit as the level of complexity presented exceeds anything the services here have come across, the CFA said.
On Friday, Mr O ‘Donnell, for the CFA, said there was still a “slim evidential” basis related to capacity, that issue was not fully resolved and they were facing “a changing situation”. There are implications if the woman is not taken into wardship and the CFA needs a few days to consider whether to proceed with seeking wardship, he said.
None of the parties objected to the matter being adjourned to Wednesday.
Michael Lynn SC, for the mother, said she appeared to be at very substantial risk from her daughter and further liaison with the gardai concerning that risk was warranted as a matter of urgency.
A solicitor representing the woman stressed certain medical information concerning her cannot, in light of the separate criminal proceedings, be shared with gardai.
Ms Justice Irvine, who described the case as very complex, said her role is limited to the wardship matter. The woman should not be taken into wardship if that is not warranted, she said.


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Q&A: How does the Stay and Spend scheme work?

Is the Government going to pay people to go on holidays ?
No , it is not .
However , it is offering to give people a tax credit of more than €100 if they spend money in restaurants , hotels and cafes in the months ahead as long as certain criteria are met .
It is called it the Stay and Spend Scheme .
Stay and spend ?
What does that mean ?
Well , the Government wants to encourage people to stay at home and spend money across the hospitality sector in the autumn , winter and spring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 per cent of what people spend in restaurants , pubs , hotels and other businesses between October and April .
No , only food and non-alcoholic drinks are to be covered by the scheme .
Is there a limit on how much I can claim back ?
The amount a person will get back in the form of income tax credits has been capped at €125 , meaning that the scheme stops having a benefit to the consumer once €625 has been spend .
You will also have to spend at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ towards the total .
Will that tax relief double for a couple ?
It will .
A qualifying couple who pay tax will be able to get tax credits worth €250 as long as they spend €1,250 .
When does the scheme start ?
It will come into effect on October 1st , but accommodation and food businesses can register now with Revenue to insure they are included .
Why do they need to register ?
For a business to qualify for the scheme , the tax man will have to know they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to be registered for Vat , have a current tax clearance certificate and be registered with Fáilte Ireland or another relevant tourism body as well as the HSE Environmental Health Service .
They will also have to display a sign stating that they are taking part in the scheme .
Would it not have made more sense to start this during the summer whenpeople are travelling within Ireland ?
It probably would have , at least from a tourist ’ s perspective .
But the scheme is intended to support tourism businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help .
The thinking was that bookings were okay in July and August as Irish people confined to the island because of travel restrictions had little choice but to spend their holiday money at home The tourism sector will really struggle in the winter months when Irish people are - typically - less inclined to book trips away .
That is why the focus is on the months between October and April .
How was the summer for the sector ?
It is probably too early to say how August went but according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on accommodation and restaurants was strong .
The bank ’ s latest credit and debit card statistics show total card spending , including ATM transactions , was some €5.8 billion in July , up 6 per cent on the previous month , but 5 per cent down on last year .
Within this , the accommodation sub-sector recorded month-on-month growth rates of 160 per cent .
As the third phase of restrictions were eased in late June , with the reopening of restaurants and some bars , spending in the social sector increased @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compared to the previous month .
How do consumer go about getting their money from the tax man ?
Taxpayers seeking to avail of the scheme can register by downloading an app - Revenue Receipts Tracker - and providing their name and PPS number .
They must also have an income tax or USC liability against which the tax credit can be set .
Qualifying people who don ’ t have a smart phone will also be able to make claim online or by post .
What happens if I don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t pay income tax because you are on social welfare or a pension or earn less than the income tax threshold then you can not take advantage of the scheme .
Do I have to be on holidays or can I claim the tax credit by eating out in a local restaurant ?
You don ’ t have to be on holidays and once the restaurant is participating in the scheme and you spend more than €25 it qualifies .
How will Revenue know how much I have spent ?
All applications @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be verified with receipts ?
Do I have to keep receipts ?
No , as we said , there ’ s an app for that .
While you may already be familiar with taking pictures of your food in restaurants , you will now have to get used to taking some of your receipts .
If you want to get the tax credit you download the app and register your name and PPS number .
Then when you are out eating or in hotels sleeping make sure to get your receipts and to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the amount you have spent and the place where you did so .
When you reach you cap of €625 the app will alert show that you are done .
Do I get the money back right away ?
You will have to wait a while for that The tax credit will not apply until the tax year after you have spent your money .
If you hit the €625 threshold between October and December , you will get the tax credit next year .
If you leave spending until next year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relief on it until 2022 .
It is certainly better than nothing , but whether or not it will be sufficient to pull the many Irish businesses who say they are close to the precipice back is very much open to question .

While you may already be familiar with taking pictures of your food in restaurants, you will now have to get used to taking some of your receipts to claim back tax under the Government’s Stay and Spend Scheme. Photograph: iStock.
Is the Government going to pay people to go on holidays?
No, it is not. However, it is offering to give people a tax credit of more than €100 if they spend money in restaurants, hotels and cafes in the months ahead as long as certain criteria are met. It is called it the Stay and Spend Scheme.
Stay and spend? What does that mean?
Well, the Government wants to encourage people to stay at home and spend money across the hospitality sector in the autumn, winter and spring, and it is promising to return 20 per cent of what people spend in restaurants, pubs, hotels and other businesses between October and April.
Are pubs included?
No, only food and non-alcoholic drinks are to be covered by the scheme.
Is there a limit on how much I can claim back?
The amount a person will get back in the form of income tax credits has been capped at €125, meaning that the scheme stops having a benefit to the consumer once €625 has been spend. You will also have to spend at least €25 for a transaction to be counted towards the total.
READ MORE
Will that tax relief double for a couple?
It will. A qualifying couple who pay tax will be able to get tax credits worth €250 as long as they spend €1,250.
When does the scheme start?
It will come into effect on October 1st, but accommodation and food businesses can register now with Revenue to insure they are included.
Why do they need to register?
For a business to qualify for the scheme, the tax man will have to know they are part of it. They will have to be registered for Vat, have a current tax clearance certificate and be registered with Fáilte Ireland or another relevant tourism body as well as the HSE Environmental Health Service. They will also have to display a sign stating that they are taking part in the scheme.
Would it not have made more sense to start this during the summer whenpeople are travelling within Ireland?
It probably would have, at least from a tourist’s perspective. But the scheme is intended to support tourism businesses rather than tourists as they do need help. The thinking was that bookings were okay in July and August as Irish people confined to the island because of travel restrictions had little choice but to spend their holiday money at home The tourism sector will really struggle in the winter months when Irish people are - typically - less inclined to book trips away. That is why the focus is on the months between October and April.
How was the summer for the sector?
It is probably too early to say how August went but according to Central Bank figures for July spending on accommodation and restaurants was strong. The bank's latest credit and debit card statistics show total card spending, including ATM transactions, was some €5.8 billion in July, up 6 per cent on the previous month, but 5 per cent down on last year.
Within this, the accommodation sub-sector recorded month-on-month growth rates of 160 per cent. As the third phase of restrictions were eased in late June, with the reopening of restaurants and some bars, spending in the social sector increased by 35 per cent in July, compared to the previous month.
How do consumer go about getting their money from the tax man?
Taxpayers seeking to avail of the scheme can register by downloading an app - Revenue Receipts Tracker - and providing their name and PPS number. They must also have an income tax or USC liability against which the tax credit can be set. Qualifying people who don’t have a smart phone will also be able to make claim online or by post.
What happens if I don’t pay income tax?
If you don’t pay income tax because you are on social welfare or a pension or earn less than the income tax threshold then you cannot take advantage of the scheme.
Do I have to be on holidays or can I claim the tax credit by eating out in a local restaurant?
You don’t have to be on holidays and once the restaurant is participating in the scheme and you spend more than €25 it qualifies.
How will Revenue know how much I have spent?
All applications for a tax credit will have to be verified with receipts?
Do I have to keep receipts?
No, as we said, there’s an app for that. While you may already be familiar with taking pictures of your food in restaurants, you will now have to get used to taking some of your receipts. If you want to get the tax credit you download the app and register your name and PPS number. Then when you are out eating or in hotels sleeping make sure to get your receipts and to take a picture of them that shows the amount you have spent and the place where you did so. When you reach you cap of €625 the app will alert show that you are done.
Do I get the money back right away?
You will have to wait a while for that The tax credit will not apply until the tax year after you have spent your money. If you hit the €625 threshold between October and December, you will get the tax credit next year. If you leave spending until next year, then you will not get the tax relief on it until 2022.
Will the scheme work?
It is certainly better than nothing, but whether or not it will be sufficient to pull the many Irish businesses who say they are close to the precipice back is very much open to question.


theirishtimes--2020-09-04--Man arrested after €225,000 drug seizure in Dún Laoghaire

A man has been arrested following the seizure of €225,450 worth of suspected cocaine and heroin in Dún Laoghaire .
@ @ @ @ @ a search at an apartment in a residential development at around 9pm on Thursday .
@ @ @ @ @ of the Dublin Metropolitan Region East Divisional Drugs Unit found cocaine with an estimated value @ @ @ @ @ an estimated €2,400 along with some drug paraphernalia .
A man in his late 40s @ @ @ @ @ and taken to Dún Laoghaire Garda station , where he was detained for questioning under @ @ @ @ @ Criminal Justice ( Drug Trafficking ) Act .
Investigations into the matter are ongoing and @ @ @ @ @ for analysis .

A man has been arrested following the seizure of €225,450 worth of suspected cocaine and heroin in Dún Laoghaire. File photograph: Collins.
A man has been arrested following the seizure of €225,450 worth of suspected cocaine and heroin in Dún Laoghaire.
Gardaí discovered the drugs during a search at an apartment in a residential development at around 9pm on Thursday.
A Garda spokesman said members of the Dublin Metropolitan Region East Divisional Drugs Unit found cocaine with an estimated value of €253,050 and heroin worth an estimated €2,400 along with some drug paraphernalia.
A man in his late 40s was arrested during the search and taken to Dún Laoghaire Garda station, where he was detained for questioning under Section 2 of the 1996 Criminal Justice (Drug Trafficking) Act.
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Investigations into the matter are ongoing and the drugs have been sent for analysis.