talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-18--Intel Committee’s 1,000 Page Russia Report Ends With Dueling GOP And Dem Appendices

After the nearly 1,000 pages of the Senate Intelligence Committee ’ s report on Russian interference in the 2016 election came to an end , the committee ’ s Republicans and Democrats offered their views on the evidence surfaced in the years-long investigation .
The report itself was bipartisan — and in many ways exceeded the Mueller report for comprehensiveness and clarity , providing new documentation of contacts between the Trump campaign and Russian intelligence — but the senators ’ reactions at the end were , notably , not .
“ Volume 5 exhaustively reviews the counterintelligence threats and vulnerabilities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explicitly states the critical fact : the Committee found no evidence that then-candidate Donald Trump or his campaign colluded with the Russian government in its efforts to meddle in the election , ” read the response from six Republican senators — Risch ( ID ) , Rubio ( FL ) , Blunt ( MO ) , Cotton ( AR ) , Cornyn ( TX ) and Sasse ( NE ) .
The Trump administration ’ s foreign policy actions with regard to Russia , the Republicans asserted , “ were the result of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ influence.
” And , echoing what would later become the foundation of impeachment charges against the President , the Republican senators charged that the Democratic Party , “ using a series of arm ’ s length transactions , hired a foreign citizen to seek out dirt on a political opponent , provided by foreign sources.
” They were referring to Christopher Steele , whose opposition research dossier was first published by BuzzFeed News in January 2017 .
Volume 5 of the committee ’ s report , the Republicans concluded , was an “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But , of course , we know how this one ends : “ After more than three years of investigation by this Committee , we can now say with no doubt , there was no collusion , ” the senators wrote .
Dems Say ‘ This Is What Collusion Looks Like ’ The Democrats ’ “ additional views ” on the report were quite a bit longer and signed by five senators — Heinrich ( NM ) , Feinstein ( CA ) , Wyden ( OR ) , Harris ( CA ) and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , on the contrary , that the report ’ s findings were “ what collusion looks like.
” Specifically , they wrote , Trump campaign officials — including the one-time campaign chairman himself , Paul Manafort — “ cooperated ” with Russian efforts to aid Trump .
Manafort ’ s offer of internal campaign information to Konstantin Kilimnik — who the report describes as Russian intelligence officer that “ may have been connected to the GRU ’ s hack and leak operation ” — constituted concerning evidence that Manafort was “ directly connected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senators asserted .
“ These are stubborn facts that can not be ignored , ” they said .
The senators further pointed to the report ’ s finding that it was “ implausible ” that George Papadopoulos , having likely learned about the Russian meddling efforts in April 2016 , didn ’ t inform others in the Trump campaign .
And yet “ no authorities were notified , ” they wrote , and the Trump campaign crafted a strategy around the release of hacked Democratic emails even after the U.S. government determined it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dems took a page of their response to cover differences between their probe and former special counsel Robert Mueller ’ s — namely , that the former was counterintelligence while the later was criminal .
They also lacked the authority to issue search warrants and use wiretaps , they pointed out .
“ The result is that the American people still do not , and may never , have all the facts necessary to determine the full extent of cooperation between Russia and the Trump campaign in 2016 , ” they wrote .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ their response , was labeled “ significant ongoing concerns.
” Except for an introductory paragraph — noting that “ Russia is actively interfering again in the 2020 U.S. election to assist Donald Trump ” — it was redacted .
In a subsequent “ additional view ” statement of his own , Wyden criticized “ needless ” redactions , including of information related to the 2020 election .
“ The American people are not served by aggressive redactions to a narrative describing the continuity of Russian interference before and after the 2016 election , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people also deserve better than a double standard in which information related to Russian interference in U.S. elections remains heavily redacted while information that might cast doubt on investigations into that interference is released wholesale.
” Wyden also criticized the committee ’ s failure to investigate Trump ’ s financial interests as they related to counterintelligence .
“ In short , the Committee did not follow the money , ” he wrote .

After the nearly 1,000 pages of the Senate Intelligence Committee’s report on Russian interference in the 2016 election came to an end, the committee’s Republicans and Democrats offered their views on the evidence surfaced in the years-long investigation.
The report itself was bipartisan — and in many ways exceeded the Mueller report for comprehensiveness and clarity, providing new documentation of contacts between the Trump campaign and Russian intelligence — but the senators’ reactions at the end were, notably, not.
GOP Sounds Victory Cry: ‘No Doubt’ Of ‘No Collusion’
“Volume 5 exhaustively reviews the counterintelligence threats and vulnerabilities to the 2016 election, but never explicitly states the critical fact: the Committee found no evidence that then-candidate Donald Trump or his campaign colluded with the Russian government in its efforts to meddle in the election,” read the response from six Republican senators — Risch (ID), Rubio (FL), Blunt (MO), Cotton (AR), Cornyn (TX) and Sasse (NE).
(The committee’s chair and vice chair did not join the “additional views” section at the end.)
The Trump administration’s foreign policy actions with regard to Russia, the Republicans asserted, “were the result of a foreign policy viewpoint, not Russian influence.”
And, echoing what would later become the foundation of impeachment charges against the President, the Republican senators charged that the Democratic Party, “using a series of arm’s length transactions, hired a foreign citizen to seek out dirt on a political opponent, provided by foreign sources.” They were referring to Christopher Steele, whose opposition research dossier was first published by BuzzFeed News in January 2017.
Volume 5 of the committee’s report, the Republicans concluded, was an “important contribution to the historical record.”
But, of course, we know how this one ends: “After more than three years of investigation by this Committee, we can now say with no doubt, there was no collusion,” the senators wrote.
Dems Say ‘This Is What Collusion Looks Like’
The Democrats’ “additional views” on the report were quite a bit longer and signed by five senators — Heinrich (NM), Feinstein (CA), Wyden (OR), Harris (CA) and Bennet (CO) — who said, on the contrary, that the report’s findings were “what collusion looks like.”
Specifically, they wrote, Trump campaign officials — including the one-time campaign chairman himself, Paul Manafort — “cooperated” with Russian efforts to aid Trump.
Manafort’s offer of internal campaign information to Konstantin Kilimnik — who the report describes as Russian intelligence officer that “may have been connected to the GRU’s hack and leak operation” — constituted concerning evidence that Manafort was “directly connected to the Russian meddling,” the senators asserted.
“These are stubborn facts that cannot be ignored,” they said.
The senators further pointed to the report’s finding that it was “implausible” that George Papadopoulos, having likely learned about the Russian meddling efforts in April 2016, didn’t inform others in the Trump campaign.
And yet “no authorities were notified,” they wrote, and the Trump campaign crafted a strategy around the release of hacked Democratic emails even after the U.S. government determined it to be a Russian effort.
The Dems took a page of their response to cover differences between their probe and former special counsel Robert Mueller’s — namely, that the former was counterintelligence while the later was criminal. They also lacked the authority to issue search warrants and use wiretaps, they pointed out.
“The result is that the American people still do not, and may never, have all the facts necessary to determine the full extent of cooperation between Russia and the Trump campaign in 2016,” they wrote.
What followed, the last section of their response, was labeled “significant ongoing concerns.” Except for an introductory paragraph — noting that “Russia is
actively interfering again in the 2020 U.S. election to assist Donald Trump” — it was redacted.
Wyden Blasts Redactions, Scope
In a subsequent “additional view” statement of his own, Wyden criticized “needless” redactions, including of information related to the 2020 election.
“The American people are not served by aggressive redactions to a narrative describing the continuity of Russian interference before and after the 2016 election,” he wrote. “The American people also deserve better than a double standard in which information related to Russian interference in U.S. elections remains heavily redacted while information that might cast doubt on investigations into that interference is released wholesale.”
Wyden also criticized the committee’s failure to investigate Trump’s financial interests as they related to counterintelligence.
“In short, the Committee did not follow the money,” he wrote.


talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-18--MyPillow CEO Goes Off On CNN As He’s Grilled On Hawking Unproven COVID-19 Treatment

MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell on Tuesday went off on CNN ’ s Anderson Cooper as he vehemently defended pushing the use of oleandrin , an unproven COVID-19 therapeutic .
On Monday , Lindell confirmed to CNN that he and President Trump participated in a July meeting at the White House regarding the use of oleandrin as a potential treatment for COVID-19 .
Lindell claimed that Trump was “ enthusiastic ” about oleandrin — which has not been proven to effectively treat the coronavirus — and that the President wants the Food and Drug Administration to “ do its course.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on CNN the next day , finding himself in a heated exchange with Cooper as he was grilled about pushing the product amid surging cases of the coronavirus nationwide .
Lindell grew increasingly irate as Cooper took him to task on the matter , which included pointing out how the MyPillow CEO is set to make a profit off of oleandrin due to being on the board of the Phoenix Biotechnology , a producer of the unproven treatment .
After an absurd exchange that prompted Cooper to dispute Lindell ’ s assertion that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ MyPillow , Lindell doubled down on his defense of oleandrin .
“ This is the answer .
Wouldn ’ t you want to save lives ?
This is what my heart is , ” Lindell said .
“ I gave it to my friends and family .
This saved their lives.
” Cooper hit back , telling Lindell “ you really are like a snake oil salesman , ” before Lindell replied that he gives “ the glory to God.
” “ I do what Jesus has me do .
I give the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help people , that ’ s my passion , ” Lindell said .
“ I ’ m not driven , I ’ m not money-driven.
” After Cooper asked whether “ Jesus wants you promoting remedies that have never been tested , ” Lindell implored him to ask himself why he ’ d ruin his reputation if he didn ’ t believe in the product .
Cooper refuted the notion that Lindell has a great reputation by pointing out that he received an “ F ” from the Better Business Bureau .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , because they destroyed me when I went all in for this great President , ” Lindell said .
Watch the exchange on CNN below :

MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell on Tuesday went off on CNN’s Anderson Cooper as he vehemently defended pushing the use of oleandrin, an unproven COVID-19 therapeutic.
On Monday, Lindell confirmed to CNN that he and President Trump participated in a July meeting at the White House regarding the use of oleandrin as a potential treatment for COVID-19. Lindell claimed that Trump was “enthusiastic” about oleandrin — which has not been proven to effectively treat the coronavirus — and that the President wants the Food and Drug Administration to “do its course.”
Lindell continued promoting the unproven COVID-19 treatment on CNN the next day, finding himself in a heated exchange with Cooper as he was grilled about pushing the product amid surging cases of the coronavirus nationwide.
Lindell grew increasingly irate as Cooper took him to task on the matter, which included pointing out how the MyPillow CEO is set to make a profit off of oleandrin due to being on the board of the Phoenix Biotechnology, a producer of the unproven treatment.
After an absurd exchange that prompted Cooper to dispute Lindell’s assertion that he “probably” sleeps on a MyPillow, Lindell doubled down on his defense of oleandrin.
“This is the answer. Wouldn’t you want to save lives? This is what my heart is,” Lindell said. “I gave it to my friends and family. This saved their lives.”
Cooper hit back, telling Lindell “you really are like a snake oil salesman,” before Lindell replied that he gives “the glory to God.”
“I do what Jesus has me do. I give the glory to God and I want to help people, that’s my passion,” Lindell said. “I’m not driven, I’m not money-driven.”
After Cooper asked whether “Jesus wants you promoting remedies that have never been tested,” Lindell implored him to ask himself why he’d ruin his reputation if he didn’t believe in the product.
Cooper refuted the notion that Lindell has a great reputation by pointing out that he received an “F” from the Better Business Bureau.
“You are in my prayers, Anderson, because they destroyed me when I went all in for this great President,” Lindell said.
Watch the exchange on CNN below:


talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-18--GOP-led Report Reveals Just How Close Manafort Was To Russian Military Intel

“ Fragmentary ” evidence suggests that Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort and a close associate of his may have had ties to Russia ’ s hacking of the 2016 Clinton campaign and the subsequent campaign to leak the stolen documents , a Republican-led Senate committee said on Tuesday .
The report , released by the Senate Intelligence Committee , identifies Manafort associate Konstantin Kilimnik as a “ Russian intelligence officer ” who “ may have been connected to the GRU ’ s hack and leak operation.
” Manafort , by the same token , had a “ potential connection ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearly 1,000 page bipartisan investigation documents in detail how Kilimnik went from exiting the Russian military as a lieutenant in 1995 to suggesting U.S. government appointments after the wake of the 2016 election , with Manafort at his side the whole way .
The report portrays Manafort as , at best , willfully ignorant of what was going on around him .
But , as time goes on , Manafort is depicted by the report as becoming more and more reliant on cash flow from pro-Russian oligarchs in Ukraine and from Russian oligarch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a factotum of the Russian government .
By early 2016 , saddled with debts to some of those same oligarchs and with ample incentive to induce others to pay more , Manafort purportedly told his associate Rick Gates that “ working for the Trump Campaign would be ‘ good for business ’ ” and a way to “ be paid for work done in Ukraine for which they were owed.
” Bipartisan Senate investigators said in the report that “ fragmentary ” evidence supports the conclusion that Kilimnik served as “ a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operation.
” The GRU is the Russian military intelligence agency responsible for hacking the Clinton campaign and releasing a trove of internal documents through Wikileaks in 2016 .
But bipartisan Senate investigators come close to suggesting that the highest levels of the Trump campaign had a ready way to coordinate with the GRU in Kilimnik .
The section discussing supporting evidence is heavily redacted , though it comes with a few telling clues placing Kilimnik near at least one high-level leak of internal U.S. government communications .
The report devotes significant space to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offered to Deripaska and his Ukrainian oligarch clients during the summer of 2016 .
Kilimnik , the report notes , expressed great interest in what the data suggested .
The GOP-led probe concluded that the Russian intelligence officer “ understood that some of the polling data showed that Clinton ’ s negatives were particularly high ; that Manafort ’ s plan for victory called for focusing on Clinton ’ s negatives as much as possible ; and that given Clinton ’ s high negatives , there was a chance that Trump could win.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Kilimnik told an associate that he understood Trump ’ s victory chances to rely on a crucial factor : casting Clinton in as negative a light as possible .
It ’ s not clear what Kilimnik did with the data itself .
The investigation was able to find one instance , but the section is entirely redacted : As to Manafort , investigators concluded only that the extent of his “ involvement with the GRU hack-and-leak operation is largely unknown.
” “ Kilimnik was in sustained contact with Manafort before , during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ influence operations , but the Committee did not obtain reliable , direct evidence that Kilimnik and Manafort discussed the GRU hack-and-leak operation , ” investigators wrote .
The report leaves open key questions around what exactly may have transpired between Manafort , Kilimnik , and the GRU .
It notes that Manafort ’ s and Kilimnik ’ s efforts to cover their tracks via encrypted communications were largely successful , allowing much of their written correspondence to disappear .
Specifically , the report says , those efforts obscured the answer to a key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Manafort during the Trump campaign .
Manafort , investigators note , was also willing to risk further jail time by lying to the Mueller investigation about his interactions with Kilimnik even after taking a plea agreement .
Manafort ’ s “ true motive ” in lying to Mueller is unknown , Senate investigators conclude , but “ the result is that many interactions between Manafort and Kilimnik remain hidden.
” According to the report , the Russian active measures campaign never stopped .
Rather , it was confronted with its next step : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then 2016 election , and propagating narratives to offer alternative explanations that differed from what really happened .
Investigators concluded that Manafort participated in the effort , which was spearheaded by “ numerous Russian-government actors , ” and that the campaign was “ coordinated to some degree.
” Senate investigators concluded that the efforts “ took place in the larger context of existing Russian information operations targeting Ukraine and the United States.
” For Manafort , the aim was characteristically alloyed with an extremely personal goal : to discredit the allegations that brought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 , emanating from an alleged bribe ledger in Ukraine showing his signature next to millions of dollars in allotments .
In Manafort ’ s telling , the leak of the bribe ledger marked an attack on him from the Ukrainian government — one instigated by the Obama administration and the Clinton campaign .
TPM reported in December 2019 that much of the resulting narrative grew into the Ukraine-related allegations that led to President Trump ’ s impeachment last year .
The report describes how one of Manafort ’ s Ukrainian clients told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ukrainian law enforcement to investigate him , and how Kilimnik quickly began to spread the information to journalists .
But in 2017 , the report says , Manafort continued at a higher level .
In February of that year , he emailed Donald Trump Jr. a copy of a Politico article that served as the basis for much of the counternarratives around Ukrainian interference in the election .
Throughout that year , the bipartisan report says , some of the same GRU actors responsible for interfering in 2016 began to say that Ukraine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2017 , a GRU account called Cyber Berkut claimed to have hacked emails showing support for the Clinton campaign from a Ukrainian oligarch .
During that year , Kilimnik also began reaching out to Yuriy Lutsenko , the report says , a Ukrainian politician who would later peddle false , damaging information about the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv and Joe Biden to the Trump administration .
Much of the section is redacted , but the public section cites a series of articles published by John Solomon in The Hill , which served as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to blackmail Ukraine into investigating , withholding military aid until the probes commenced .
The other character that appears opaquely amid the extensive redactions is another Ukrainian who has been pushing allegations that his country interfered in the 2016 election : Andrii Telizhenko , the sole foreigner who Sen. Ron Johnson ( R-WI ) admits to have taken information from as part of his ongoing investigation into Joe Biden .
Telizhenko , the committee notes , has claimed that the bribe ledger that led to Manafort ’ s resignation was a “ forgery.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ which he is mentioned is redacted .

“Fragmentary” evidence suggests that Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort and a close associate of his may have had ties to Russia’s hacking of the 2016 Clinton campaign and the subsequent campaign to leak the stolen documents, a Republican-led Senate committee said on Tuesday.
The report, released by the Senate Intelligence Committee, identifies Manafort associate Konstantin Kilimnik as a “Russian intelligence officer” who “may have been connected to the GRU’s hack and leak operation.” Manafort, by the same token, had a “potential connection” to the same operation.
But the nearly 1,000 page bipartisan investigation documents in detail how Kilimnik went from exiting the Russian military as a lieutenant in 1995 to suggesting U.S. government appointments after the wake of the 2016 election, with Manafort at his side the whole way.
The report portrays Manafort as, at best, willfully ignorant of what was going on around him. But, as time goes on, Manafort is depicted by the report as becoming more and more reliant on cash flow from pro-Russian oligarchs in Ukraine and from Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska, who the report describes as a factotum of the Russian government.
By early 2016, saddled with debts to some of those same oligarchs and with ample incentive to induce others to pay more, Manafort purportedly told his associate Rick Gates that “working for the Trump Campaign would be ‘good for business’” and a way to “be paid for work done in Ukraine for which they were owed.”
‘Fragmentary’
Bipartisan Senate investigators said in the report that “fragmentary” evidence supports the conclusion that Kilimnik served as “a channel for coordination on the GRU hack-and-leak operation.”
The GRU is the Russian military intelligence agency responsible for hacking the Clinton campaign and releasing a trove of internal documents through Wikileaks in 2016.
But bipartisan Senate investigators come close to suggesting that the highest levels of the Trump campaign had a ready way to coordinate with the GRU in Kilimnik.
The section discussing supporting evidence is heavily redacted, though it comes with a few telling clues placing Kilimnik near at least one high-level leak of internal U.S. government communications.
The report devotes significant space to discussing internal Trump polling data that Manafort offered to Deripaska and his Ukrainian oligarch clients during the summer of 2016.
Kilimnik, the report notes, expressed great interest in what the data suggested. The GOP-led probe concluded that the Russian intelligence officer “understood that some of the polling data showed that Clinton’s negatives were particularly high; that Manafort’s plan for victory called for focusing on Clinton’s negatives as much as possible; and that given Clinton’s high negatives, there was a chance that Trump could win.”
Later on, the report says, Kilimnik told an associate that he understood Trump’s victory chances to rely on a crucial factor: casting Clinton in as negative a light as possible.
It’s not clear what Kilimnik did with the data itself. The investigation was able to find one instance, but the section is entirely redacted:
As to Manafort, investigators concluded only that the extent of his “involvement with the GRU hack-and-leak operation is largely unknown.”
“Kilimnik was in sustained contact with Manafort before, during, and after the GRU cyber and influence operations, but the Committee did not obtain reliable, direct evidence that Kilimnik and Manafort discussed the GRU hack-and-leak operation,” investigators wrote.
The report leaves open key questions around what exactly may have transpired between Manafort, Kilimnik, and the GRU. It notes that Manafort’s and Kilimnik’s efforts to cover their tracks via encrypted communications were largely successful, allowing much of their written correspondence to disappear.
Specifically, the report says, those efforts obscured the answer to a key question: Kilimnik’s communications with Manafort during the Trump campaign.
Manafort, investigators note, was also willing to risk further jail time by lying to the Mueller investigation about his interactions with Kilimnik even after taking a plea agreement.
Manafort’s “true motive” in lying to Mueller is unknown, Senate investigators conclude, but “the result is that many interactions between Manafort and Kilimnik remain hidden.”
Onwards to impeachment
According to the report, the Russian active measures campaign never stopped.
Rather, it was confronted with its next step: countering investigations into its own role in then 2016 election, and propagating narratives to offer alternative explanations that differed from what really happened.
Investigators concluded that Manafort participated in the effort, which was spearheaded by “numerous Russian-government actors,” and that the campaign was “coordinated to some degree.”
Senate investigators concluded that the efforts “took place in the larger context of existing Russian information operations targeting Ukraine and the United States.”
For Manafort, the aim was characteristically alloyed with an extremely personal goal: to discredit the allegations that brought him down as campaign chairman in August 2016, emanating from an alleged bribe ledger in Ukraine showing his signature next to millions of dollars in allotments.
In Manafort’s telling, the leak of the bribe ledger marked an attack on him from the Ukrainian government — one instigated by the Obama administration and the Clinton campaign. TPM reported in December 2019 that much of the resulting narrative grew into the Ukraine-related allegations that led to President Trump’s impeachment last year.
The report describes how one of Manafort’s Ukrainian clients told him that the U.S. Embassy had pressured Ukrainian law enforcement to investigate him, and how Kilimnik quickly began to spread the information to journalists.
But in 2017, the report says, Manafort continued at a higher level. In February of that year, he emailed Donald Trump Jr. a copy of a Politico article that served as the basis for much of the counternarratives around Ukrainian interference in the election.
Throughout that year, the bipartisan report says, some of the same GRU actors responsible for interfering in 2016 began to say that Ukraine was the real culprit. In July 2017, a GRU account called Cyber Berkut claimed to have hacked emails showing support for the Clinton campaign from a Ukrainian oligarch.
During that year, Kilimnik also began reaching out to Yuriy Lutsenko, the report says, a Ukrainian politician who would later peddle false, damaging information about the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv and Joe Biden to the Trump administration.
Much of the section is redacted, but the public section cites a series of articles published by John Solomon in The Hill, which served as the basis for allegations that Trump attempted to blackmail Ukraine into investigating, withholding military aid until the probes commenced.
The other character that appears opaquely amid the extensive redactions is another Ukrainian who has been pushing allegations that his country interfered in the 2016 election: Andrii Telizhenko, the sole foreigner who Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI) admits to have taken information from as part of his ongoing investigation into Joe Biden.
Telizhenko, the committee notes, has claimed that the bribe ledger that led to Manafort’s resignation was a “forgery.”
The rest of the section in which he is mentioned is redacted.


talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-18--20 States To Sue DeJoy And USPS Over Controversial Agency Restructuring

At least 20 states are reportedly poised to sue the U.S .
Postal Service and Postmaster General Louis DeJoy over his wide-reaching restructuring of the agency ’ s operations that threatens to hamper mail-in voting ahead of the elections in November .
The Washington Post reported on Tuesday that there will be two lawsuits on the issue filed by different states , all led by Democratic attorneys general .
They will reportedly argue that DeJoy ’ s new policies will keep states from holding “ free and fair elections ” and that USPS had implemented the changes in violation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ receive permission from the Postal Regulatory Commission beforehand .
Maryland Attorney General Brian Frosh told the Post that he and his colleagues are trying to curb President Donald Trump ’ s “ attacks ” on the postal service “ which we believe to be an attack on the integrity of election.
” “ This conduct is illegal , it ’ s unconstitutional , it ’ s harmful to the country , it ’ s harmful to individuals , ” said Frosh .
“ Recent post office changes have been implemented recklessly , before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use our authority to stop them and help ensure that every eligible ballot is counted , ” Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro told the Post .
DeJoy announced on Tuesday afternoon that he would be suspending the new policies until after the elections on November 3 .

At least 20 states are reportedly poised to sue the U.S. Postal Service and Postmaster General Louis DeJoy over his wide-reaching restructuring of the agency’s operations that threatens to hamper mail-in voting ahead of the elections in November.
The Washington Post reported on Tuesday that there will be two lawsuits on the issue filed by different states, all led by Democratic attorneys general.
They will reportedly argue that DeJoy’s new policies will keep states from holding “free and fair elections” and that USPS had implemented the changes in violation of a law that required the agency to receive permission from the Postal Regulatory Commission beforehand.
Maryland Attorney General Brian Frosh told the Post that he and his colleagues are trying to curb President Donald Trump’s “attacks” on the postal service “which we believe to be an attack on the integrity of election.”
“This conduct is illegal, it’s unconstitutional, it’s harmful to the country, it’s harmful to individuals,” said Frosh.
“Recent post office changes have been implemented recklessly, before checking the law, and we will use our authority to stop them and help ensure that every eligible ballot is counted,” Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro told the Post.
DeJoy announced on Tuesday afternoon that he would be suspending the new policies until after the elections on November 3.


talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-18--DeJoy Announces He Will Pause USPS Overhaul Until After Election

Postmaster General Louis DeJoy announced Tuesday , days before a slate of congressional hearings , that he will postpone the USPS overhaul until after the November election “ to avoid even the appearance of any impact on election mail.
” He said that , for now , approval of overtime hours for postal workers will continue “ as needed , ” and that mail processing equipment will be untouched and centers left open .
“ In addition , effective Oct. 1 , we will engage standby resources in all areas of our operations , including transportation , to satisfy any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The announcement comes as DeJoy was staring down the barrel of back-to-back hearings before outraged Democrats , Friday in the Senate and Monday in the House .
It also comes on the heels of reporting that multiple states were poised to sue DeJoy for the restructuring , arguing that it would threaten their ability to hold “ free and fair elections.
” DeJoy , a Republican mega-donor and ally of the President ’ s who started the job in June , laid out a comprehensive plan that would cut employees ’ hours and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Then at the end of July and reported late last week , the USPS sent letters to 46 states and Washington D.C. warning them that it may be unable to turn ballots around fast enough for them to be counted .
The warning came as the USPS was already facing critical financial shortages , and months before a national election dependent on voting by mail given the COVID-19 pandemic .
Democrats , and some Republicans , quickly raised the alarm , and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ( D-CA ) recalled her members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the USPS on Saturday .
DeJoy was called to testify before Congress , and a slew of Democrats requested documents from him related to the agency changes .
On Tuesday , Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer ( D-NY ) and Sen. Gary Peters ( D-MI ) , ranking member on a key Senate committee , called the overhaul a malicious attempt to cast doubt on the election .
“ I called DeJoy three times and he didn ’ t even answer , ” Schumer said on a press call .
“ Only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gon na keep negotiating with Mnuchin and Meadows did DeJoy come before us .
It was clear to us in the room that DeJoy was intent on dismantling the postal service brick by brick.
” “ So far , he has not been forthcoming , ” added Peters .
“ It has been difficult to get him to answer questions .
”

Postmaster General Louis DeJoy announced Tuesday, days before a slate of congressional hearings, that he will postpone the USPS overhaul until after the November election “to avoid even the appearance of any impact on election mail.”
He said that, for now, approval of overtime hours for postal workers will continue “as needed,” and that mail processing equipment will be untouched and centers left open.
“In addition, effective Oct. 1, we will engage standby resources in all areas of our operations, including transportation, to satisfy any unforeseen demand,” he said.
The announcement comes as DeJoy was staring down the barrel of back-to-back hearings before outraged Democrats, Friday in the Senate and Monday in the House. It also comes on the heels of reporting that multiple states were poised to sue DeJoy for the restructuring, arguing that it would threaten their ability to hold “free and fair elections.”
DeJoy, a Republican mega-donor and ally of the President’s who started the job in June, laid out a comprehensive plan that would cut employees’ hours and remove processing machines, among other changes. Then at the end of July and reported late last week, the USPS sent letters to 46 states and Washington D.C. warning them that it may be unable to turn ballots around fast enough for them to be counted.
The warning came as the USPS was already facing critical financial shortages, and months before a national election dependent on voting by mail given the COVID-19 pandemic.
Democrats, and some Republicans, quickly raised the alarm, and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) recalled her members back to Washington to vote on funding for the USPS on Saturday. DeJoy was called to testify before Congress, and a slew of Democrats requested documents from him related to the agency changes.
On Tuesday, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Sen. Gary Peters (D-MI), ranking member on a key Senate committee, called the overhaul a malicious attempt to cast doubt on the election.
“I called DeJoy three times and he didn’t even answer,” Schumer said on a press call. “Only when I said we’re not gonna keep negotiating with Mnuchin and Meadows did DeJoy come before us. It was clear to us in the room that DeJoy was intent on dismantling the postal service brick by brick.”
“So far, he has not been forthcoming,” added Peters. “It has been difficult to get him to answer questions.”
Read DeJoy’s full statement here.


talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-18--Jim Jordan Mocks Protests As He Backs Trump’s War On Mail-In Voting

Rep. Jim Jordan ( R-OH ) took to “ Fox and Friends ” on Tuesday morning to slam Democrats for criticizing President Trump ’ s explicit efforts to hamper mail-in voting .
When asked about his reaction to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ’ s ( D-CA ) remarks on MSNBC saying that Republicans want to “ frighten people from voting ” — which came on the heels of her calling lawmakers back to Washington early to address the USPS crisis — Jordan ripped into Democrats .
After throwing Democrats under the bus over the Russia probe and their uproar over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ removed in four states , Jordan said that Democrats are being “ ridiculous ” and echoed his tweet the day before that appears to mock ongoing protests nationwide .
“ Look , if you can protest in person you can probably vote in person , ” Jordan said .
“ The Democrats are the ones who want to create the chaos , the confusion .
They want this mail-in ballot.
” Jordan then took aim at Rep. Carolyn Maloney ( D-NY ) , the chair of the House Oversight Committee , over her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On Sunday , Maloney wrote in a letter to Postmaster General Louis DeJoy — who ’ s come under fire for implementing controversial cost-cutting changes to the postal service — demanding that he testify at an “ urgent ” congressional hearing on Aug. 24 in light of growing concerns that mail-in voting is in danger ahead of the November election .
Jordan went on to accuse Democrats again of wanting “ confusion and chaos ” in the election .
“ Now imagine , when we are talking about the presidential election , state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Imagine that ’ s the confusion and chaos the Democrats want in this election , ” Jordan said .
“ We actually want people to vote in person .
We want a real count .
We want President Trump to win on election night.
” Jordan ’ s latest remarks come a day after the President raised brows for tweeting “ SAVE THE POST OFFICE ” as he faces backlash over his explicit efforts to block emergency funding to the cash-strapped USPS .

Rep. Jim Jordan (R-OH) took to “Fox and Friends” on Tuesday morning to slam Democrats for criticizing President Trump’s explicit efforts to hamper mail-in voting.
When asked about his reaction to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s (D-CA) remarks on MSNBC saying that Republicans want to “frighten people from voting” — which came on the heels of her calling lawmakers back to Washington early to address the USPS crisis — Jordan ripped into Democrats.
After throwing Democrats under the bus over the Russia probe and their uproar over recent reports of postal collection boxes being removed in four states, Jordan said that Democrats are being “ridiculous” and echoed his tweet the day before that appears to mock ongoing protests nationwide.
“Look, if you can protest in person you can probably vote in person,” Jordan said. “The Democrats are the ones who want to create the chaos, the confusion. They want this mail-in ballot.”
Jordan then took aim at Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D-NY), the chair of the House Oversight Committee, over her disputed Democratic primary race in June. On Sunday, Maloney wrote in a letter to Postmaster General Louis DeJoy — who’s come under fire for implementing controversial cost-cutting changes to the postal service — demanding that he testify at an “urgent” congressional hearing on Aug. 24 in light of growing concerns that mail-in voting is in danger ahead of the November election.
Jordan went on to accuse Democrats again of wanting “confusion and chaos” in the election.
“Now imagine, when we are talking about the presidential election, state after state. All 50 states. Imagine that’s the confusion and chaos the Democrats want in this election,” Jordan said. “We actually want people to vote in person. We want a real count. We want President Trump to win on election night.”
Jordan’s latest remarks come a day after the President raised brows for tweeting “SAVE THE POST OFFICE” as he faces backlash over his explicit efforts to block emergency funding to the cash-strapped USPS.
Watch Jordan’s remarks below:


talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-18--Cellphone Data Shows How Las Vegas Is ‘Gambling With Lives’ Across the Country

This post first appeared at ProPublica .
ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom .
Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox .
When it comes to COVID-19 , what happens in Vegas doesn ’ t stay in Vegas .
Las Vegas casinos reopened June 4 , and they have become a likely hotbed for the spread of the novel coronavirus , public health experts said .
But if tourists return home and then test positive for COVID-19 , the limitations of contact tracing in the midst of a pandemic make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ identified .
Contact tracing , one of the pillars of stopping the pandemic , is a labor-intensive process where a health official tracks down anyone who ’ s been in contact with an infected person and takes steps to prevent the disease ’ s spread .
But there is no national system in place for contact tracing , said Joshua Michaud , an epidemiologist and associate director of global health policy for the Kaiser Family Foundation .
It ’ s decentralized and performed by local health agencies that may not communicate with one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So , if a casino had a “ cluster outbreak ” or “ superspreading event ” among visitors , it ’ s unlikely contact tracing would catch it , Michaud said .
“ The way it ’ s set up right now , contact tracers are not looking for clusters that might identify outbreaks tied to traveling to a casino or other specific locations , ” Michaud said .
“ You ’ re not actively looking for it , so you might miss that event .
Contact tracing is not set up to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ll still be in the dark.
” A new analysis of smartphone data , conducted at ProPublica ’ s request , shows how interconnected the country is with visitors to Las Vegas — which heightens concerns about the limitations of interstate contact tracing .
The companies X-Mode and Tectonix analyzed travel to and from Las Vegas during four days , a Friday to Monday , in mid-July .
In compliance with privacy laws , X-Mode collects data from smartphone users , mainly those using fitness and weather apps that track their location .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the smartphone users in the United States .
Tectonix analyzed the data and visualized it on a map .
During the four-day period , about 26,000 devices were identified on the Las Vegas Strip .
Some of those same smartphones also showed up in every state on the mainland except Maine in those same four days .
About 3,700 of the devices were spotted in Southern California in the same four days ; about 2,700 in Arizona , with 740 in Phoenix ; around 1,000 in Texas ; more than 800 in Milwaukee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and more than 100 in the New York area .
The cellphone analysis highlights a reason the virus keeps spreading , said Oscar Alleyne , an epidemiologist and chief program officer with the National Association of County and City Health Officials .
“ People have been highly mobile , and as a result , it makes sense why we see the continuation of the surge.
” Typically public health agencies talk to one another at the state level , said Kimberly Hertin , disease surveillance supervisor in the Office of Epidemiology and Disease @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which includes Las Vegas in its territory .
During the pandemic , local agencies have reached out directly to one another , she said , but the data isn ’ t tracked in a way that can show how often that happens with visitors to the Las Vegas resorts .
COVID-19 has made it impossible to get a complete picture in real time , she said .
In the five weeks after Las Vegas reopened , the number of daily COVID-19 cases rose tenfold .
Clark County has now had more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases per day has declined since then , but the tally in Clark County , where Las Vegas is located , remains high enough that the Harvard Global Health Institute recommends stay-at-home orders .
( There are no such orders in place . )
Hertin said the virus presents an overwhelming contact tracing challenge .
Its incubation period is up to two weeks , so by the time it ’ s discovered in a tourist who came to Las Vegas , the person would probably be home .
It ’ s “ pretty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the cases , Hertin said .
Contact tracing efforts are focused on the person with a confirmed case to make sure they don ’ t spread it to others , not identifying the source of that person ’ s infection , Hertin said .
“ Once you ’ ve reached the point of community spread with this virus , it ’ s hard to jump to that conclusion of any clusters or outbreaks , ” she said .
Beyond that , with the numbers as high as they are , local health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of people who live in their jurisdiction .
“ Our systems are in place for doing this when diseases are not highly prevalent , ” like an E. coli or salmonella outbreak traced to lettuce or onions , Alleyne said .
But COVID-19 is affecting hundreds of thousands of people , he said .
“ That magnifies and overwhelms the system.
” Public health experts say there are several keys to containing COVID-19 : social distancing and wearing masks around others , having abundant and timely testing to see who has the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had contact with infected people to isolate , and isolation for those infected .
Reducing unnecessary travel and outings also helps stifle the virus .
In some cases , casinos say they are doing their part to identify situations in which their guests may have been infected during their stays .
MGM Resorts International , which owns the Bellagio , Aria , Mandalay Bay and other properties , says in its safety plan that guests should email the company if they test positive .
MGM provided ProPublica with a statement about its safety @ @ @ @ @ @ @ share how many times it has received emails .
MGM also declined to say how many times it had notified the Southern Nevada Health District about possible transmission of COVID-19 on one of its properties .
MGM ’ s policy of having guests email the company and then referring them to the health district is “ a lot of steps in a chain where you could miss a connection , ” Michaud said .
“ If someone gets tested when they get back home and don ’ t email them back , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would never get.
” Hertin said the Southern Nevada Health District has received reports from the casinos about cases .
But the available data doesn ’ t allow for an easy way to show which resorts or how many cases , she said .
That may be possible to say in retrospect after the virus has subsided , she said .
The number of visitors to Las Vegas has steadily increased since it reopened .
Many drive from neighboring states , and more than a million passengers came through the airport in June @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many as the same month in 2019 .
Air travel nationwide is down more , 80 % in June compared with the previous year .
The cellphone data analysis shows how travel to Las Vegas could be fueling the pandemic , Alleyne said .
“ In this rush to reopen and reposition the economic activities , all we ’ ve been doing is spreading and amplifying the reach of this disease.
” ProPublica spoke to six public health experts who called casinos a high-risk environment for COVID-19 .
They are indoors , potentially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taking risks .
It ’ s almost certain , the experts said , that casinos are a feeding ground for COVID-19 .
“ There is a serious opportunity for spreading the virus , especially for people who are mildly sick or don ’ t know they ’ re sick , ” said Crystal Watson , senior scholar at The Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security .
Up to 40 % of those infected with COVID-19 show no symptoms .
“ We ’ ve seen big outbreaks kicked off by these types of situations.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the spread of the virus , too .
Ralph McIver calls the kitchen at Binion ’ s Café , where he works , a “ melting pot ” of employees .
The café is located in Binion ’ s Gambling Hall on Fremont Street in downtown Las Vegas .
During his shifts , McIver works “ almost elbow-to-elbow ” with two colleagues on the cook ’ s line , grilling up ham and eggs , Hangover Burgers and Cowboy Cheesesteak sandwiches .
“ It ’ s difficult to stay socially distanced , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which puts him at higher risk of a severe case of COVID-19 .
He also lives near his elderly mother , who is also at high risk .
Binion ’ s didn ’ t require employees to be tested for COVID-19 before returning to work , which made McIver uneasy .
He would feel better if he and his colleagues had initial and follow-up tests , he said .
The longer the pandemic goes on , the more worried he feels .
“ My concern has only gotten worse.
” Binion ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Nevada regulators set minimum standards for COVID-19 protections but allowed the casinos to choose many of their own safety measures — to the dismay of many workers .
That ’ s not a surprise , because gaming companies have significant sway over policymakers in Nevada .
Las Vegas could almost be called a company town , and its economy depends on tourism — even in the pandemic .
In a rambling and contentious interview with CNN ’ s Anderson Cooper during the shutdown , Las Vegas Mayor Carolyn Goodman advocated for reopening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the city as a sort of “ control group ” in an experiment .
“ How do you know until we have a control group ?
” she asked .
“ We offered to be a control group.
” When it comes to regulation in Nevada , Michael Green , a historian at the University of Nevada , Las Vegas , put it this way : “ The casino industry is the tail that wags the dog .
It may also just be the dog.
” The casinos do operate in a much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Capacity is limited .
Workers are checked for symptoms every day .
Slot machines and seats at gaming tables are spread apart .
Plexiglas barriers separate dealers and players , and hand-washing and sanitizing stations are located throughout the properties .
But in other ways , the regulators allowed the casinos to take the same varied response to the coronavirus as has taken place from state to state .
At first , guests were not required to wear masks , even when indoors , which is one of the main protections recommended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases started rising , Gov .
Steve Sisolak , a Democrat , ordered face coverings for everyone in public spaces , particularly indoors .
He also ordered the closure of bars in certain counties , including Clark .
The companies ’ reopening plans varied in significant ways .
Wynn Resorts required every employee to be tested , for instance , but MGM did not .
And the standards that have been set have been unevenly enforced , workers told ProPublica .
They said that even now visitors can go without masks by saying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The biggest push for improved safety has come from the workforce .
Officials from Culinary Union , the largest union representing the hospitality employees in Las Vegas , said in the initial weeks after reopening , they documented scores of cases where guests did not wear masks or failed to stay distanced , or casinos ran out of hand sanitizer or protective equipment for workers .
The union filed a lawsuit in late June against several properties , accusing them of failing to protect workers .
It ’ s now been resolved , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pass legislation that was signed by the governor that establishes protections for workers , including standards for cleaning , social distancing and hand-washing ; notification within 24 hours if they may have been exposed to the virus ; and inspections to ensure compliance .
Workers have also questioned the casinos ’ efforts at contact tracing .
Jessica Bremer ’ s experience became part of Culinary Union ’ s now-resolved lawsuit .
In mid-June , Bremer said she heard from colleagues — not her employer — that one of her co-workers at Guy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tested positive for COVID-19 .
Bremer , a specialty cook , said her employer , The LINQ , which is owned by Harrah ’ s , part of casino giant Caesars Entertainment , did not handle the situation in a way that she believed protected her and other workers .
Bremer showed up for her shift after hearing her colleague had tested positive .
But she told her supervisors she didn ’ t feel comfortable working .
Bremer , 35 , suffers from multiple sclerosis , an autoimmune disease that makes her more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
According to the lawsuit , one supervisor told her she would “ have to deal with it ” and another told her she should continue working .
The company ’ s security team was determining which employees could be at risk because of contact with the infected worker , she was told .
That didn ’ t sit well with Bremer .
“ Security officers don ’ t have a medical degree , ” Bremer said .
“ If someone is going to deem what ’ s safe and what ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ medical professional or someone with COVID training.
” Even after finding out Bremer had been on a recent shift with the infected employee , the company told her and other colleagues to work that day , she said .
The employees pushed back , and so many refused to come to work the next day they closed the restaurant for 10 days , she said .
Employees were paid during the closure , she said .
Employees at other casinos made similar allegations in the lawsuit .
ProPublica asked officials from Caesars about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closing .
They declined to talk about what she said , but they provided a statement saying their properties , “ have deployed an extensive contact tracing program that leverages our sophisticated surveillance , security , and Human Resources tools.
” The properties have also put “ extensive ” safety precautions in place , the statement said , and employees who are at high risk or do not want to come back to work are allowed to defer their return .
A spokesperson from the Nevada Department of Health and Human Services said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the state in June and most of July .
The state agency could identify 10 out-of-state residents who were believed to be infectious while visiting Nevada and who tested positive for COVID-19 when they returned home .
Public health experts said those numbers fall far short of quantifying the problem .
The state numbers are certainly a “ significant undercount , ” said Alleyne , the epidemiologist with the association of county and city health officials .
Reopening Las Vegas is “ gambling with lives , ” said Michelle Follette Turk , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The government gambled by letting the casino owners create their own health and safety plans and failing to require masks until after the COVID-19 numbers were rising , she said .
“ The employers are gambling with employee life because they want to make a profit , ” Turk added .
“ But employees are gambling with their lives — they need a paycheck.
” Pinar Keskinocak , a Georgia Institute of Technology professor who specializes in infectious disease modeling , compared the COVID-19 cases coming out of Las Vegas to a forest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trees was on fire and then some of the flames jumped to another area , where they ignited other trees , she said .
That ’ s the kind of spread that can occur nationwide because of people gathering in Las Vegas , she said .
The risk is much more significant than the risk posed by schools reopening , Keskinocak said .
At schools , the same group of students and teachers interact with one another every day , and they ’ re likely to live in the same geographic area .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ within the group and perhaps their families .
But in a casino , people from all over the country gather , and they get together in new groups every day .
Then they return to places all over the country .
In this way , she said , Las Vegas “ could significantly fuel the disease spread.
” Discrepancies in how policymakers protect the public magnify the problem , Keskinocak said .
One county or state might have strict interventions , like sheltering in place , or mask wearing , but a neighboring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ s important to have a concerted effort nationwide , ” Keskinocak said .
“ If you are doing these interventions in a haphazard way and not coordinating , then we make progress and we regress again.
” Michaud , the Kaiser Family Foundation epidemiologist , said there are countries that were able to suppress the virus early on , and now they are returning to almost normal .
But that ’ s not what happened in the United States .
So now policymakers are trying to strike a balance between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resuming normal activity .
And in many locations , like Las Vegas , decision-makers have sided with opening the economy .
“ I don ’ t expect a major lockdown occurring anytime in the near future , ” he said .
“ That means there ’ s likely to be continued transmission .
It ’ s horrifying , but it ’ s true.
” Loyal visitors to Vegas say they will keep coming .
Michele Heil and her husband take three trips a year to Las Vegas , where they are regulars at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Street .
The couple lives in central Illinois , where Heil said she is a social worker who does health care administration .
Their June trip was planned before the pandemic hit , and they had no concerns about going .
Things went smoothly .
She said she was more worried about COVID-19 on the plane than in the casinos .
Their temperature was taken when they entered each property , people stayed socially distanced and the cleaning crews were active .
“ Before we left we already had our next trip planned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re going back in September .
”

This post first appeared at ProPublica. ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.
When it comes to COVID-19, what happens in Vegas doesn’t stay in Vegas.
Las Vegas casinos reopened June 4, and they have become a likely hotbed for the spread of the novel coronavirus, public health experts said. But if tourists return home and then test positive for COVID-19, the limitations of contact tracing in the midst of a pandemic make it unlikely such an outbreak would be identified.
Contact tracing, one of the pillars of stopping the pandemic, is a labor-intensive process where a health official tracks down anyone who’s been in contact with an infected person and takes steps to prevent the disease’s spread. But there is no national system in place for contact tracing, said Joshua Michaud, an epidemiologist and associate director of global health policy for the Kaiser Family Foundation. It’s decentralized and performed by local health agencies that may not communicate with one another, especially given their caseloads. So, if a casino had a “cluster outbreak” or “superspreading event” among visitors, it’s unlikely contact tracing would catch it, Michaud said.
“The way it’s set up right now, contact tracers are not looking for clusters that might identify outbreaks tied to traveling to a casino or other specific locations,” Michaud said. “You’re not actively looking for it, so you might miss that event. Contact tracing is not set up to answer those questions, so you’ll still be in the dark.”
A new analysis of smartphone data, conducted at ProPublica’s request, shows how interconnected the country is with visitors to Las Vegas — which heightens concerns about the limitations of interstate contact tracing. The companies X-Mode and Tectonix analyzed travel to and from Las Vegas during four days, a Friday to Monday, in mid-July. In compliance with privacy laws, X-Mode collects data from smartphone users, mainly those using fitness and weather apps that track their location. The data represents about 5% of the smartphone users in the United States. Tectonix analyzed the data and visualized it on a map.
During the four-day period, about 26,000 devices were identified on the Las Vegas Strip. Some of those same smartphones also showed up in every state on the mainland except Maine in those same four days. About 3,700 of the devices were spotted in Southern California in the same four days; about 2,700 in Arizona, with 740 in Phoenix; around 1,000 in Texas; more than 800 in Milwaukee, Detroit, Chicago and Cleveland; and more than 100 in the New York area.
The cellphone analysis highlights a reason the virus keeps spreading, said Oscar Alleyne, an epidemiologist and chief program officer with the National Association of County and City Health Officials. “People have been highly mobile, and as a result, it makes sense why we see the continuation of the surge.”
Typically public health agencies talk to one another at the state level, said Kimberly Hertin, disease surveillance supervisor in the Office of Epidemiology and Disease Surveillance for the Southern Nevada Health District, which includes Las Vegas in its territory. During the pandemic, local agencies have reached out directly to one another, she said, but the data isn’t tracked in a way that can show how often that happens with visitors to the Las Vegas resorts.
COVID-19 has made it impossible to get a complete picture in real time, she said. In the five weeks after Las Vegas reopened, the number of daily COVID-19 cases rose tenfold. Clark County has now had more than 50,000 cases. The number of new cases per day has declined since then, but the tally in Clark County, where Las Vegas is located, remains high enough that the Harvard Global Health Institute recommends stay-at-home orders. (There are no such orders in place.)
Hertin said the virus presents an overwhelming contact tracing challenge. Its incubation period is up to two weeks, so by the time it’s discovered in a tourist who came to Las Vegas, the person would probably be home. It’s “pretty much impossible” to identify the source of the cases, Hertin said.
Contact tracing efforts are focused on the person with a confirmed case to make sure they don’t spread it to others, not identifying the source of that person’s infection, Hertin said. “Once you’ve reached the point of community spread with this virus, it’s hard to jump to that conclusion of any clusters or outbreaks,” she said.
Beyond that, with the numbers as high as they are, local health departments can barely keep up with cases of people who live in their jurisdiction. “Our systems are in place for doing this when diseases are not highly prevalent,” like an E. coli or salmonella outbreak traced to lettuce or onions, Alleyne said. But COVID-19 is affecting hundreds of thousands of people, he said. “That magnifies and overwhelms the system.”
Public health experts say there are several keys to containing COVID-19: social distancing and wearing masks around others, having abundant and timely testing to see who has the virus, contract tracing to encourage those who had contact with infected people to isolate, and isolation for those infected. Reducing unnecessary travel and outings also helps stifle the virus.
In some cases, casinos say they are doing their part to identify situations in which their guests may have been infected during their stays. MGM Resorts International, which owns the Bellagio, Aria, Mandalay Bay and other properties, says in its safety plan that guests should email the company if they test positive.
MGM provided ProPublica with a statement about its safety efforts. But the company would not share how many times it has received emails. MGM also declined to say how many times it had notified the Southern Nevada Health District about possible transmission of COVID-19 on one of its properties.
MGM’s policy of having guests email the company and then referring them to the health district is “a lot of steps in a chain where you could miss a connection,” Michaud said. “If someone gets tested when they get back home and don’t email them back, it’s a piece of information they would never get.”
Hertin said the Southern Nevada Health District has received reports from the casinos about cases. But the available data doesn’t allow for an easy way to show which resorts or how many cases, she said. That may be possible to say in retrospect after the virus has subsided, she said.
The number of visitors to Las Vegas has steadily increased since it reopened. Many drive from neighboring states, and more than a million passengers came through the airport in June, which is about a quarter as many as the same month in 2019. Air travel nationwide is down more, 80% in June compared with the previous year.
The cellphone data analysis shows how travel to Las Vegas could be fueling the pandemic, Alleyne said. “In this rush to reopen and reposition the economic activities, all we’ve been doing is spreading and amplifying the reach of this disease.”
“Gambling With Lives”
ProPublica spoke to six public health experts who called casinos a high-risk environment for COVID-19. They are indoors, potentially crowded and filled with people prone to taking risks. It’s almost certain, the experts said, that casinos are a feeding ground for COVID-19.
“There is a serious opportunity for spreading the virus, especially for people who are mildly sick or don’t know they’re sick,” said Crystal Watson, senior scholar at The Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security. Up to 40% of those infected with COVID-19 show no symptoms. “We’ve seen big outbreaks kicked off by these types of situations.”
Workers in Las Vegas worry about the spread of the virus, too. Ralph McIver calls the kitchen at Binion’s Café, where he works, a “melting pot” of employees. The café is located in Binion’s Gambling Hall on Fremont Street in downtown Las Vegas. During his shifts, McIver works “almost elbow-to-elbow” with two colleagues on the cook’s line, grilling up ham and eggs, Hangover Burgers and Cowboy Cheesesteak sandwiches. “It’s difficult to stay socially distanced,” he said.
McIver is diabetic, which puts him at higher risk of a severe case of COVID-19. He also lives near his elderly mother, who is also at high risk. Binion’s didn’t require employees to be tested for COVID-19 before returning to work, which made McIver uneasy. He would feel better if he and his colleagues had initial and follow-up tests, he said. The longer the pandemic goes on, the more worried he feels. “My concern has only gotten worse.”
Binion’s officials did not return requests for comment.
Nevada regulators set minimum standards for COVID-19 protections but allowed the casinos to choose many of their own safety measures — to the dismay of many workers. That’s not a surprise, because gaming companies have significant sway over policymakers in Nevada.
Las Vegas could almost be called a company town, and its economy depends on tourism — even in the pandemic. In a rambling and contentious interview with CNN’s Anderson Cooper during the shutdown, Las Vegas Mayor Carolyn Goodman advocated for reopening despite the virus and appeared to offer the city as a sort of “control group” in an experiment. “How do you know until we have a control group?” she asked. “We offered to be a control group.”
When it comes to regulation in Nevada, Michael Green, a historian at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, put it this way: “The casino industry is the tail that wags the dog. It may also just be the dog.”
The casinos do operate in a much different way since the start of COVID-19. Capacity is limited. Workers are checked for symptoms every day. Slot machines and seats at gaming tables are spread apart. Plexiglas barriers separate dealers and players, and hand-washing and sanitizing stations are located throughout the properties.
But in other ways, the regulators allowed the casinos to take the same varied response to the coronavirus as has taken place from state to state. At first, guests were not required to wear masks, even when indoors, which is one of the main protections recommended by public health experts. After COVID-19 cases started rising, Gov. Steve Sisolak, a Democrat, ordered face coverings for everyone in public spaces, particularly indoors. He also ordered the closure of bars in certain counties, including Clark.
The companies’ reopening plans varied in significant ways. Wynn Resorts required every employee to be tested, for instance, but MGM did not. And the standards that have been set have been unevenly enforced, workers told ProPublica. They said that even now visitors can go without masks by saying they’re smoking or drinking.
The biggest push for improved safety has come from the workforce. Officials from Culinary Union, the largest union representing the hospitality employees in Las Vegas, said in the initial weeks after reopening, they documented scores of cases where guests did not wear masks or failed to stay distanced, or casinos ran out of hand sanitizer or protective equipment for workers. The union filed a lawsuit in late June against several properties, accusing them of failing to protect workers. It’s now been resolved, with the union and companies working together to pass legislation that was signed by the governor that establishes protections for workers, including standards for cleaning, social distancing and hand-washing; notification within 24 hours if they may have been exposed to the virus; and inspections to ensure compliance.
Workers have also questioned the casinos’ efforts at contact tracing. Jessica Bremer’s experience became part of Culinary Union’s now-resolved lawsuit. In mid-June, Bremer said she heard from colleagues — not her employer — that one of her co-workers at Guy Fieri’s Vegas Kitchen & Bar tested positive for COVID-19. Bremer, a specialty cook, said her employer, The LINQ, which is owned by Harrah’s, part of casino giant Caesars Entertainment, did not handle the situation in a way that she believed protected her and other workers.
Bremer showed up for her shift after hearing her colleague had tested positive. But she told her supervisors she didn’t feel comfortable working. Bremer, 35, suffers from multiple sclerosis, an autoimmune disease that makes her more susceptible to a severe case of COVID-19. According to the lawsuit, one supervisor told her she would “have to deal with it” and another told her she should continue working. The company’s security team was determining which employees could be at risk because of contact with the infected worker, she was told. That didn’t sit well with Bremer. “Security officers don’t have a medical degree,” Bremer said. “If someone is going to deem what’s safe and what’s not safe, it should be a medical professional or someone with COVID training.”
Even after finding out Bremer had been on a recent shift with the infected employee, the company told her and other colleagues to work that day, she said. The employees pushed back, and so many refused to come to work the next day they closed the restaurant for 10 days, she said. Employees were paid during the closure, she said.
Employees at other casinos made similar allegations in the lawsuit. ProPublica asked officials from Caesars about Bremer’s account of the restaurant closing. They declined to talk about what she said, but they provided a statement saying their properties, “have deployed an extensive contact tracing program that leverages our sophisticated surveillance, security, and Human Resources tools.” The properties have also put “extensive” safety precautions in place, the statement said, and employees who are at high risk or do not want to come back to work are allowed to defer their return.
A spokesperson from the Nevada Department of Health and Human Services said 337 non-Nevada residents tested positive for COVID-19 in the state in June and most of July. The state agency could identify 10 out-of-state residents who were believed to be infectious while visiting Nevada and who tested positive for COVID-19 when they returned home. Public health experts said those numbers fall far short of quantifying the problem. The state numbers are certainly a “significant undercount,” said Alleyne, the epidemiologist with the association of county and city health officials.
Reopening Las Vegas is “gambling with lives,” said Michelle Follette Turk, an occupational health historian at UNLV. The government gambled by letting the casino owners create their own health and safety plans and failing to require masks until after the COVID-19 numbers were rising, she said. “The employers are gambling with employee life because they want to make a profit,” Turk added. “But employees are gambling with their lives — they need a paycheck.”
A Forest Fire
Pinar Keskinocak, a Georgia Institute of Technology professor who specializes in infectious disease modeling, compared the COVID-19 cases coming out of Las Vegas to a forest fire. Imagine if a group of trees was on fire and then some of the flames jumped to another area, where they ignited other trees, she said. That’s the kind of spread that can occur nationwide because of people gathering in Las Vegas, she said.
The risk is much more significant than the risk posed by schools reopening, Keskinocak said. At schools, the same group of students and teachers interact with one another every day, and they’re likely to live in the same geographic area. So any infection transmission will be contained within the group and perhaps their families. But in a casino, people from all over the country gather, and they get together in new groups every day. Then they return to places all over the country. In this way, she said, Las Vegas “could significantly fuel the disease spread.”
Discrepancies in how policymakers protect the public magnify the problem, Keskinocak said. One county or state might have strict interventions, like sheltering in place, or mask wearing, but a neighboring area might not, she said. “It’s important to have a concerted effort nationwide,” Keskinocak said. “If you are doing these interventions in a haphazard way and not coordinating, then we make progress and we regress again.”
Michaud, the Kaiser Family Foundation epidemiologist, said there are countries that were able to suppress the virus early on, and now they are returning to almost normal. But that’s not what happened in the United States. So now policymakers are trying to strike a balance between preventing the spread of the virus and resuming normal activity. And in many locations, like Las Vegas, decision-makers have sided with opening the economy. “I don’t expect a major lockdown occurring anytime in the near future,” he said. “That means there’s likely to be continued transmission. It’s horrifying, but it’s true.”
Loyal visitors to Vegas say they will keep coming.
Michele Heil and her husband take three trips a year to Las Vegas, where they are regulars at El Cortez Hotel and Casino on Fremont Street. The couple lives in central Illinois, where Heil said she is a social worker who does health care administration. Their June trip was planned before the pandemic hit, and they had no concerns about going.
Things went smoothly. She said she was more worried about COVID-19 on the plane than in the casinos. Their temperature was taken when they entered each property, people stayed socially distanced and the cleaning crews were active. “Before we left we already had our next trip planned,” Heil said. “We’re going back in September.”


talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-19--Trump Campaign Sues To Block New Jersey’s Mail-In Ballot Plan

The Trump campaign on Tuesday sued to block the state of New Jersey from rolling out the governor ’ s plan for mail-in ballots in the upcoming November election .
The lawsuit follows an executive order signed by Gov .
Phil Murphy ( D-NJ ) on Friday that would mail a ballot to every registered voter in the state ahead of the general election .
The Trump campaign expands on a months-long baseless argument by President Donald Trump that mail voting promotes fraud .
“ In his haste the Governor created a system that will violate eligible citizens ’ right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the complaint .
“ By ordering universal vote-by-mail , he has created a recipe for disaster .
Fraudulent and invalid votes dilute the votes of honest citizens and deprive them of their right to vote in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment.
” The campaign argues that Murphy ’ s executive order is unconstitutional , saying that his move to sign the executive order resembled a “ brazen power grab ” and a decision reserved for state legislature .
The suit also mentioned a case of voter fraud during a special election in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ council member and a council-elect as well as two other men are now facing charges for voter fraud and other charges , Murphy previously acknowledged the case , saying it was a specific and isolated incident , and added that Paterson showed how law enforcement was closely watching for any issues .
“ If you screw around with voting you ’ re going to be caught , ” Murphy said .
“ I ’ m pretty sure we have a higher probability of being hit by lighting than uncovering voter fraud.
” President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claiming the incident was indicative of a wider trend , but election law experts have said that Trump ’ s focus on this singular case shows both how rare they are as well as the safeguards in place to protect the integrity of ballots .
“ I had been predicting that the Paterson scandal was going to get to the President ’ s attention , because he ’ s been making so many unsupported claims about voter fraud that when there is an actual case involving election crime and absentee ballots , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s making some hay out of it , ” said Rick Hasen , an election law professor at the University of California Irvine School of Law told NPR .
Trump has made repeated false claims that mail voting will lead to widespread fraud in what appear to be attempts to discourage eligible voter participation , especially in Democratic-led states .
Recently he pivoted his mailed ballots attack away from Florida suggesting that it had been “ cleaned up ” and encouraging his base to use mail voting there .
The Trump campaign ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states , announced they would be suing to block cost-cutting measures and other changes to the US Postal Service ’ s mail delivery system amid reports of mail delay .
Trump-allied postmaster general Louis DeJoy , who is scheduled to testify Friday before the Senate , announced Tuesday he would “ suspend ” his initiatives until after the election “ to avoid even the appearance of impact on election mail.
” The governor ’ s office has yet to respond to the lawsuit .

The Trump campaign on Tuesday sued to block the state of New Jersey from rolling out the governor’s executive order to mail a ballot to every registered voter in the state ahead of the November elections.
The lawsuit follows an executive order signed by Gov. Phil Murphy (D-NJ) on Friday that would expand mail voting due to health concerns amid the coronavirus pandemic.
The Trump campaign lawsuit expands on a months-long baseless argument by President Donald Trump that mail voting promotes fraud.
“In his haste the Governor created a system that will violate eligible citizens’ right to vote,” the plaintiffs’ counsel wrote in the complaint. “By ordering universal vote-by-mail, he has created a recipe for disaster. Fraudulent and invalid votes dilute the votes of honest citizens and deprive them of their right to vote in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment.”
The lawsuit argues that Murphy’s executive order is unconstitutional, saying that his move to sign the executive order resembled a “brazen power grab” to make a decision that the Constitution entrusts to the state legislature.
The suit also mentioned a case of voter fraud during a special election in Paterson, New Jersey, where a council member and a council-elect as well as two other men are now facing charges for voter fraud and other charges.
Murphy previously acknowledged the case as an isolated incident, adding that any potential foul play would be closely watched.
“If you screw around with voting you’re going to be caught,” Murphy said. “I’m pretty sure we have a higher probability of being hit by lighting than uncovering voter fraud.”
President Trump seized on the case in tweets claiming the incident was indicative of a wider trend, but election law experts have said that Trump’s focus on this singular case shows both how rare they are as well as the safeguards in place to protect the integrity of ballots.
“I had been predicting that the Paterson scandal was going to get to the President’s attention, because he’s been making so many unsupported claims about voter fraud that when there is an actual case involving election crime and absentee ballots, it’s not surprising that he’s making some hay out of it,” said Rick Hasen, an election law professor at the University of California Irvine School of Law told NPR.
Trump has made repeated false claims that mail voting will lead to widespread fraud in what appear to be attempts to discourage eligible voter participation, especially in Democratic-led states. Recently he pivoted his mailed ballots attack away from Florida suggesting that it had been “cleaned up” and encouraging his base to use mail voting there.
The Trump campaign’s lawsuit comes as more than 20 states, announced they would be suing to block cost-cutting measures and other changes to the US Postal Service’s mail delivery system amid reports of mail delay.
Trump-allied postmaster general Louis DeJoy, who is scheduled to testify Friday before the Senate, announced Tuesday he would “suspend” his initiatives until after the election “to avoid even the appearance of impact on election mail.”
The governor’s office has yet to respond to the lawsuit.


talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-19--USPS Quietly Added Rule Prohibiting Workers From Signing Mail-In Ballots As Witnesses

The U.S .
Postal Service enacted a rule this summer banning its clerks from signing mail-in ballots as witnesses while on duty , a restriction that can prevent the ballots from being counted .
The Anchorage Daily News reported on Tuesday that Alaska Division of Elections Director Gail Fenumiai had sent the USPS a letter last Thursday seeking an explanation for complaints that postal workers in her state had been telling voters they were not allowed to sign the ballots .
“ This came as surprise to the state because we know in past elections postal officials have served as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rural Alaska relies heavily on postal officials as they are often sometimes the only option for a witness.
” In fact , Alaska ’ s instructions on sending in ballots state that a postal worker counts as an “ authorized official ” who can sign on as a voter ’ s witnesses .
Per the Anchorage Daily News , USPS Principal Product Management Specialist Daniel Bentley sent the Alaska official a reply confirming the new restriction .
“ Postal Employees are prohibited from serving as witnesses in their official capacity while on duty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operational impacts , ” Bentley wrote .
“ The Postal Service does not prohibit an employee from serving as a witness in their personal capacity off-duty , if they so choose.
” Alaska is one of several states that require people who vote by mail to have their ballots signed by a witness , otherwise the ballot will not be considered valid .
Virginia , a key swing state , has the same requirement , though a judge ruled in May that the policy may be waived for Virginians concerned for their safety @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respond to TPM ’ s request for comment at the time of writing .
The revelation comes as the USPS suffers a crisis of delays caused by General Postmaster Louis DeJoy ’ s controversial changes to the agency ’ s procedural policies .
Under fire from lawmakers who accuse him of deliberately sabotaging the USPS on behalf of President Donald Trump , DeJoy announced on Tuesday that he was suspending his proposed changes until after the November elections .

The U.S. Postal Service enacted a rule this summer banning its clerks from signing mail-in ballots as witnesses while on duty, a restriction that can prevent the ballots from being counted.
The Anchorage Daily News reported on Tuesday that Alaska Division of Elections Director Gail Fenumiai had sent the USPS a letter last Thursday seeking an explanation for complaints that postal workers in her state had been telling voters they were not allowed to sign the ballots.
“This came as surprise to the state because we know in past elections postal officials have served as witnesses,” Fenumiai wrote. “Rural Alaska relies heavily on postal officials as they are often sometimes the only option for a witness.”
In fact, Alaska’s instructions on sending in ballots state that a postal worker counts as an “authorized official” who can sign on as a voter’s witnesses.
Per the Anchorage Daily News, USPS Principal Product Management Specialist Daniel Bentley sent the Alaska official a reply confirming the new restriction.
“Postal Employees are prohibited from serving as witnesses in their official capacity while on duty, due in part to the potential operational impacts,” Bentley wrote. “The Postal Service does not prohibit an employee from serving as a witness in their personal capacity off-duty, if they so choose.”
Alaska is one of several states that require people who vote by mail to have their ballots signed by a witness, otherwise the ballot will not be considered valid. Virginia, a key swing state, has the same requirement, though a judge allowed in May Virginia to waive the policy for voters concerned for their safety in the state’s primary elections.
The USPS did not respond to TPM’s request for comment at the time of writing.
The revelation comes as the USPS suffers a crisis of delays caused by General Postmaster Louis DeJoy’s controversial changes to the agency’s procedural policies. Under fire from lawmakers who accuse him of deliberately sabotaging the USPS on behalf of President Donald Trump, DeJoy announced on Tuesday that he was suspending his proposed changes until after the November elections.


talkingpointsmemo--2020-08-19--From Sea To Shining Sea: A Roll Call Road Trip

As Americans watched from their well-worn couches , where many of us have spent almost all of our time for five months , the Democratic National Convention took its viewers on a coast-to-coast road trip .
Delegates from the states and territories announced their vote tallies before backdrops meant to be representative of their homes : wind turbines in Ohio , the neon Las Vegas sign in Nevada , a verdant forest in South Dakota , Joe Biden ’ s old home in Scranton , Pennsylvania .
Some , like New York , tossed a schtick in with the boilerplate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ !
” Some , like Utah , spent its seconds making a political statement .
The delegate spoke about the state ’ s longtime use of universal vote-by-mail , highlighting its reliability — a clear counterpoint to the voter fraud fear mongering spread daily by President Donald Trump .
Biden ’ s home state of Delaware gave its presentation at an Amtrak station , a nod to his famous origin story .
The delegates passed the first time around , preserving for themselves the honor of putting “ Delaware ’ s favorite son @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the official nominee of the Democratic party .
The montage had an energy completely different than the absolute chaos that usually marks the convention ’ s roll calls .
In a normal , non-pandemic year , dozens of delegates crowd behind a handheld microphone to shout their vote tallies above the din of a jam-packed conference hall .
They wear silly hats and shill for their states ’ exports and brag about the greats they ’ ve produced .
This time , it just felt different .
Almost like the Parade of Nations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each state sought to showcase its natural beauty and to excitedly – but calmly — announce its nominations .
Of course , some states found that old habits die hard : looking at you , Rhode Island , with a platter of fried fish to mark you out as the “ calamari comeback state.
” It was also a moment of unity , even levity , amid a night that featured some very heavy moments , including a health care package showcasing Ady Barkan , an activist who was diagnosed with ALS in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ roll call that only would ’ ve happened during the pandemic , and it was moving because of it .
For many of us , as our lives ground to a standstill these past few months , our views have been reduced to the streets outside our windows and the faces over our computer cameras .
There was something very powerful about seeing Americans of all kinds , from every corner of the country , with different accents , many masked and standing feet from each other , coming together to nominate the @ @ @

As Americans watched from their well-worn couches, where many of us have spent almost all of our time for five months, the Democratic National Convention took its viewers on a coast-to-coast road trip.
Delegates from the states and territories announced their vote tallies before backdrops meant to be representative of their homes: wind turbines in Ohio, the neon Las Vegas sign in Nevada, a verdant forest in South Dakota, Joe Biden’s old home in Scranton, Pennsylvania.
Some, like New York, tossed a schtick in with the boilerplate: “It’s Joe time!”
Some, like Utah, spent its seconds making a political statement. The delegate spoke about the state’s longtime use of universal vote-by-mail, highlighting its reliability — a clear counterpoint to the voter fraud fear mongering spread daily by President Donald Trump.
Biden’s home state of Delaware gave its presentation at an Amtrak station, a nod to his famous origin story. The delegates passed the first time around, preserving for themselves the honor of putting “Delaware’s favorite son” over the top, making him the official nominee of the Democratic party.
The montage had an energy completely different than the absolute chaos that usually marks the convention’s roll calls. In a normal, non-pandemic year, dozens of delegates crowd behind a handheld microphone to shout their vote tallies above the din of a jam-packed conference hall. They wear silly hats and shill for their states’ exports and brag about the greats they’ve produced.
This time, it just felt different. Almost like the Parade of Nations at the Olympics’ opening ceremony, each state sought to showcase its natural beauty and to excitedly – but calmly — announce its nominations. Of course, some states found that old habits die hard: looking at you, Rhode Island, with a platter of fried fish to mark you out as the “calamari comeback state.”
It was also a moment of unity, even levity, amid a night that featured some very heavy moments, including a health care package showcasing Ady Barkan, an activist who was diagnosed with ALS in 2016.
Ultimately, it was a roll call that only would’ve happened during the pandemic, and it was moving because of it. For many of us, as our lives ground to a standstill these past few months, our views have been reduced to the streets outside our windows and the faces over our computer cameras.
There was something very powerful about seeing Americans of all kinds, from every corner of the country, with different accents, many masked and standing feet from each other, coming together to nominate the Democratic candidate.